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From    458    a.d.    to    1909  l\'l\] 

BASED  UPON  THE  PLAN  OF  ,'      ^       '"" 

BENSON   JOHN   LOSSINQ,  LL.p.-     --; 

SOMETIME    EDITOR    OF      'THE    AMERICAN    HISTORICAL    RECORD"     AND    AUl^I^OR    OF    '  '  '  ' 


BOOK     OF    THE    WAR     OF     l8l2"     ETC.,     ETC.,      ETC.  '/ "/        >>j)3 

DEVELOPMENT    BY   EMINENT    AUTHORITIES,    INCLUDING      \'  '  ",         '    , 



WM.  R.  HARPER,  Ph.D.,  LL.D.,  D.D.  GOLDWIN  SMITH,  D.C.L.,  LL.D. 






JOHN  FRYER,  A.M.,  LL.D.  R.  J.  H.  GOTTHEIL,  Ph.D. 




ETC..    ETC.,    ETC..    ETC. 

WITH     A     PREFACE     ON     THE     STUDY     OF      AMERICAN      HISTORY      BY 




■'A     HISTORY     OF     THE     AMERICAN     PEOPLE,"      ETC.,     ETC. 


VOL.    V 

NEW     YORK         .  =  o         LONDON 

Copvriffht,  1905,  by  Harper  &  Brothers. 

Copyright,  1901,  by  Harper  &  Brothrrs. 

W^/  f'iffhts  reserved. 


President  Abraham  Lincoln Frontispiece 

President  Andrew  Jackson Facing  page   96 

The  Burning  of  Jamestown "        "120 

President  Thomas  Jefferson "        "     130 

President  Andrew  Johnson "        "     160 

Lincoln  Making  His  Famous  Speech  at  Gettys- 
burg      ,    ,    .    .  **        **    430 






Iberville,  Pierre  le  Moyne,  Sieur  d', 
founder  of  Louisiana;  born  in  Montreal, 
Canada,  July  16,  1661;  was  one  of  eleven 
brothers  who  figure  in  some  degree  in 
French  colonial  history.  Entering  the 
French  navy  at  fourteen,  he  became  dis- 
tinguished in  the  annals  of  Canada  for 
his  operations  against  the  English  in  the 
north  and  east  of  that  province.  In  1698 
he  was  sent  from  France  to  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico  with  two  frigates  (Oct.  22),  to 
occupy  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi  and 
the  region  neglected  after  the  death  of  La 
Salle.  On  finding  that  stream,  he  re- 
ceived from  the  Indians  a  letter  left 
by  De  Tonty,  in  1686,  for  La  Salle.  There 
he  built  Fort  Biloxi,  garrisoned  it,  and 
made  his  brother  Bienville  the  King's  lieu- 
tenant. In  May,  1699,  he  returned  to 
France,  but  reappeared  at  Fort  Biloxi  in 
January,  1700.  On  visiting  France  and 
returning  in  1701,  he  found  the  colony 
reduced  by  disease,  and  transferred  the 
settlement  to  Mobile,  and  began  the  coloni- 
zation of  Alabama.  Disease  had  im- 
paired his  health,  and  the  government 
called  him  away  from  his  work  as  the 
founder  of  Louisiana.  He  was  engaged  in 
the  naval  service  in  the  West  Indies, 
where  he  was  fatally  stricken  by  yellow 
fever,  dying  in  Havana,  Cuba,  July  9, 

Idaho,  the  thirtieth  State  admitted  to 
the  American  Union,  was  first  explored  by 
the  whites  of  the  Lewis  and  Clark  ex- 
pedition. Within  its  present  limit  the 
Coeur  d'Alene  mission  was  established  in 
1842.  The  region  was  visited  almost  ex- 
V. — A 

clusively  by  hunters  and  trappers  till 
1852,  when  gold  was  discovered  on  its 
present  northern  boundary.  By  act  of 
Congress  of  March  3,  1863,  the  Territory 
of  Idaho  was  created  from  a  portion  of 
Oregon  Territory,  with  an  area  which  in- 
cluded the  whole  of  the  present  State  oi 


Montana  and  nearly  ail  of  that  of  Wyo- 
ming. In  1864  the  Territory  lost  a  part  ol 
its  area  to  form  the  Territory  of  Montana, 
and  in  1868  another  large  portion  was  cut 
from  it  to  form  the  Territory  of  Wyo- 
ming. On  July  3,  1890,  the  Territory  was 
admitted  into  the  Union  as  a  State,  hav- 
ing then  a  gross  area  of  84,800  square 
miles.  Between  the  dates  of  its  creation 
as  a  Territory  and  a  State  it  became  wide- 
ly noted  as  a  most  promising  field  for  gold 


and  silver  mining,  and  for  several  years 
later,  Idaho  was  classed  politically  as  a 
silver  State.  Prospecting,  however,  de- 
veloped a  large  number  of-  rich  paying 
gold  properties,  and  during  the  copper 
excitement  of  1898-1901  many  veins  of 
that  mineral  were  found.  During  the 
calendar  year  !899  the  gold  mines  of  Idaho 
yielded  a  combined  product  valued  at 
$1,889,000;  and  the  silver  mines  a  pro- 
duct having  a  commercial  value  of  $2,311,- 
080.  The  development  of  the  various  min- 
ing interests  was  seriously  retarded  for 
many  years  by  the  lack  of  transporta- 
tion facilities,  but  by  1900  railroads 
had  been  extended  to  a  number  of  im- 
portant centres,  and  wagon-roads  had  been 
constructed  connecting  direct  with  the 
chief  mining  properties.  Tlie  State  also 
had  a  natural  resource  of  inestimable 
value  in  its  forests,  with  great  variety  of 
timber.  The  chief  agricultural  productions 
are  wheat,  oats,  barley,  potatoes,  and  hay, 
and  the  combined  values  of  these  ci-ops  in 
the  calendar  year  1903  was  $13,921,8.55, 
the  hay  crop  alone  exceeding  in  value 
$6,800,000.  For  1903  the  equalized  valu- 
ation of  all  taxable  property  was  $65,- 
964.785,  and  the  total  bonded  debt  was 
$692,500,  largely  incurred  for  the  construc- 
tion of  wagon-roads.  The  population  in 
1890  was  84,385;  in  1900,  161,772.  See 
United  States,  Idaho,  vol.  ix. 



George  L.  Shoup.... 

Fred.  T   Dubo.s 

Hfury  HeilfeUi 

Welden  B.  Heybiirn. 
Fred.  T.  Dubois 

No.  of  Congress. 

51st   to  

51st   "  51th 
.iStli    "  57th 

58th  "  

59th    "  


1890    to  1897 

1897    '•    lyU3 

1903    "    

1905    "    




Wm.  H.  Wallace , 

1863  to  1864 

18G4  "  1866 

David  W.  B.iUard 

1866  "  1867 

Samuel  Bard 

1870  to  1871 

Alexander  Connor         


Thomas  M.  Bowen 


Thomas  W.  Bennett 

1871  to  1876 

Miison  Bravman 

1876  "  1880 

.lohn  B.Neil 

1880  "  1883 


Wm.  N.  Burn      

1884  to  1885 

Edwin  A.  Steyens 

1885  "  1889 




George  I,.  Shoup 

N.  B.  Willev 

1890  to  1893 

Wm.  J.  McConnell 

1893  "  1897 

Frank  Stenaenberg 

1897  "  1901 

Frank  W.  Hunt 

1901  «<  1903 

John  T.  .M  orrison 

1903  "  1905 

Frank  R  Gooding 

1905  " 

Ide,  George  Barton,  clergyman;  born 
in  Coventry,  Vt.,  in  1804;  graduated  at 
Middlebury  College  in  1830;  ordained  in 
the  Baptist  Church;  pastor  of  the  First 
Baptist  Church  of  Philadelphia,  Pa.,  in 
1838-52,  and  afterwards  had  a  charge  in 
Springfield,  Mass.,  for  twenty  years.  He 
published  ■  Green  Hollow ;  Battle  Echoes, 
or  Lessons  from  the  War;  etc.  He  died 
in  Springfield,  Mass.,  April  16,  1872. 

Ide,  Henry  Clay,  jurist;  born  in  Bar- 
net,  Vt.,  Sept.  18,  1844;  graduated  at 
Dartmouth  College  in  1866.  He  was  a 
member  of  the  Vermont  State  Senate  in 
1882-85;  president  of  the  Republican 
State  Convention  in  1884;  and  a  delegate 
to  the  National  Republican  Convention  in 
1888.  In  1891  he  was  appointed  United 
States  commissioner  to  Samoa;  in  1893- 
97  was  chief-justice  of  the  islands  under 
the  appointment  of  England,  Germany, 
and  the  United  States;  in  1900  became  a 
member  of  the  Philippine  Commission; 
and  in  1901  Secretary  of  Finance  and 
Justice  of  the  Philippines.     See  Samoa. 

Ik  Marvel.  See  Mitchell,  Donald 

Illiers,  Count  Henry  Louis,  military 
officer;  born  in  Luxembourg  in  1750;  was 
one  of  the  French  officers  who  served  in 
the  Revolutionary  War;  took  part  in  the 
battle  of  the  Brandywine,  where  he  saved 
Pulaski.  He  was  the  author  of  De  la 
guerre  d'Amerique,  etc.  He  died  in  Paris 
in  1794. 

Illinoia,  name  proposed  by  Jefferson 
for  a  State  of  part  of  the  Northwest  Ter- 

Illinois  and  Michigan  Canal.  In 
1822  Congress  granted  a  right  of  way, 
and  in  1827  a  grant  of  land.  Work 
was  begun  in  1836  as  a  lock  canal,  and 
Avas  opened  for  navigation  in  1848.  In 
1865  the  canal  was  improved  so  as  to 
drain  Chicago,  and  in  1871  the  canal  re- 
verted to  the  State.  The  canal  was  com- 
pleted during  1892-1900,  at  a  cost  of 
$45,000,000,  and  will  eventually  be  made 
into  ship-canal. 


Illinois  is  in  the  upper  Mississippi  Val- 
ley, lying  between  the  parallels  42°  30' 
and  36°  59'  N.,  and  lon<;itude  87°  35'  and 
91°  40'  W.  Its  territory  extends  on  the 
Ohio  and  ]\lississippi  rivers  and  Lake 
Michigan.  Area  50.000  square  miles,  or 
about  35,500,000  acres,  divided  into  102 

Physical  Characteristics. — The  surface  is 
comparatively  level,  nowhere  over  1,000 
feet  above  the  ocean -level,  gradually 
sloping  from  the  north  to  the  south.  The 
lowest  level  is  at  the  junction  of  the  Ohio 
and  Mississippi  rivers,  about  300  feet. 
There  are  few  forests,  most  of  the  surface 
being  open  prairie.  The  soil  is  rich  and 
well  watered.  The  chief  river  is  the 
Illinois,  formed  by  the  junction  of  the  Des 
Plaines,  from  Wisconsin,  and  the  Kanka- 
kee, from  Indiana,  and  emptying  into  the 
Mississippi  near  Alton.  Of  its  500  miles 
about  one-half  are  navigable.  The  Kas- 
kaskia,  250  miles,  the  Rock  River,  and  the 
Big  Muddy  are  also  affluents  of  the  Missis- 
sippi. The  Big  Vermilion,  Enibarras,  and 
Little  Wabash  empty  into  the  Wabash, 
which  forms  a  part  of  the  eastern  boun- 
dary of  the  State. 

ing,  freestone,  and  marble  are  among  the 
many  other  mineral  treasures. 

Population. — By  the  United  States 
Census,  1870,  2,539,891;  1880,  3,077,871; 
1890,  3,82G,.351;  1900,  4.821,550.  Twenty- 
four  cities  have  (United  States  Census, 
1900)  from  10,000  to  50.000  inhabitants, 
and  Chicago  had  1,098,575. 

^Manufactures.  —  Tlie  reports  of  the 
twelfth  United  States  Census,  for  1900, 
show  a  total  of  38,300  establishments  in 
Illinois,  -with  395,110  wage-earners,  and 
products  valued  at  $1,259,730,108.  In  the 
following  comparative  reports,  23,980 
establishments,  with  02,239  wage-earners, 
producing  $138,801,800  (being  an  average 
product  of  $5,790  per  establishment),  have 
been  omitted  for  the  reason  that  these 
represent  "  neighborhood  industries  and 
hand  trades,"  whereas  the  comparative 
figures  are  for  establishments  under  what 
is  known  as  the  "  factory  "  system. 

The  Director  of  the  United  States 
Census,  under  date  of  October  18,  1906, 
issued  the  following  comparative  sum- 
mary between  1900  and  1905  omitting 
the  "  neighborhood  industries  and  hand 
trades " : 

Number  of  establishments 


Salaried  officials,  clerks,  etc.,  number 


Wage-earners,  average  number 

Total  wages 

Men  16  years  and  over 


Women  16  years  and  over 


Children  mider  10  j-ears 


Miscellaneous  expenses 

Cost  of  materials  used . 

Value  of  products,  including  custom-work  and 




Per  cent,  of 





























Geology. — The  greater  part  of  tiie  State  Railroads  and  Commerce. — Lake  Michi- 
belongs  to  the  Carboniferous  era.  The  gan  gives  an  outlet  to  the  other  States  on 
coal-field  is  nearly  400  miles  long  and  200  the  Great  Lakes,  and  by  way  of  the  St. 
miles  wide.  The  product  is  almost  wholly  Lawrence  River  with  the  Atlantic  Ocean, 
bituminous.  In  the  northern  part  of  the  The  Ohio  and  Mississippi  ri%-ers,  with 
State  lead,  zinc,  copper,  and  iron  are  various  tributary  streams  in  Illinois,  fur- 
found.     Limestone,  for  burning  and  build-  nish    an    outlet    to    the    Gulf    of    Mexico. 



The  two  systems  are  connected  by  the  Il- 
linois AND  Michigan  Canal  (q.  v.). 


Owing  to  the  level  surface  of  the  land 
and  the  two  grand  focal  points  of  trade, 
Chicago  (q.  v.)  and  St.  Louis  (q.  v.), 
most  of  the  grand  trunk-lines  run  through 
the  State.  In  1906  there  were  over  11,- 
000  miles  of  railroad  in  the  State,  being 
about  twenty  miles  for  every  10,000  in- 
habitants.     (See  Chicago.) 

Banks. — In  1906  there  were  nearly  300 
National  banks,  with  a  capital  of  about 
$50,000,000,  and  deposits  of  over  $2,50,- 
000,000.  The  private  banks,  nearly  200  in 
number,  had  deposits  of  about  $90,000,000. 
The  savings-banks  had  deposits  of  over 

Education. — In  1900  there  were  1,588,- 
000  persons  in  the  State  between  the  ages 
of  six  and  twenty-one,  of  whom  960,000 
were  enrolled  in  the  public  schools.  There 
are  five  Normal  schools  and  over  thirty 
colleges  and  universities.      (See  Chicago.) 

Agriculture. — Practically  all  the  soil  of 
Illinois  is  exceedingly  fertile,  and  91.5 
per  cent,  was  in  farms,  of  which  85  per- 
cent, were  improved.  The  relative  impor- 
tance of  the  different  crops  is  shown  by 
the  following  figures  for  1900:  Corn,  10,- 
266,335  acres;  oats,  4,570,034;  wheat, 
1,826,144;  hay,  3,343,910;  rye,  78,869;  bar- 
ley, 21,375;  potatoes,  136,464.  The  com- 
bined value  of  these  crops  in  1904  was 
nearly  $15,000,000.  The  farm  animals 
in  the  same  census  were:  Dairy  cows, 
1.007,664;   other  cattle,  2,096,346;   horses. 

1,350,219;  swine,  5,915,468;  sheep,  629,- 
150;  mules,  127,173. 

History. — The  site  of  the  present  State 
was  first  explored  by  Louis  Joliet  and 
Father  Marquette  in  1673.  They  were  fol- 
lowed by  La  Salle,  who  made  his  way 
down  the  Illinois  and  the  Mississippi  to 
the  Gulf  of  Mexico  by  1682.  In  1680  he 
built  Fort  Crevecceur,  near  Peoria,  but  this 
was  abandoned  in  1683  for  Fort  St.  Louis, 
built  up  the  river  near  Ottawa.  Within 
twenty  years  missions  or  settlements  were 
made  at  Kaskaskia,  Cahokia,  and  Peoria. 
In  1717  these  settlements  were  definitely 
included  in  the  province  of  Louisiana,  but 
the  entire  white  population,  even  in  1750, 
was  only  1,100.  By  the  treaty  of  1763 
the  "  Illinois  "  passed  under  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  the  English.  During  the  Revolu- 
tion, George  Eogers  Clark  (q.  v.)  was 
commissioned  by  Governor  Patrick  Henry, 
of  Virginia,  to  conquer  the  territory. 
Clark  captured  Kaskaskia  in  1778,  and 
in  1779  he  made  the  famous  winter  march 
across  Illinois  and  captured  Vincennes. 
By  the  treaty  of  1783  it  was  ceded  to  the 
United  States,  and  in  1787  formed  a  part 
of  the  Northwest  Territory. 

In  1800  Ohio  was  made  a  separate  terri- 
tory; and  in  1805  Michigan  Territory,  and 
in  1809  Indiana  Territory,  were  set  off. 
This  left  the  present  States  of  Illinois, 
Wisconsin,  and  a  part  of  Minnesota  in  the 
Illinois  Territory.  In  1818  Illinois,  with 
its  present  limits,  was  admitted  into  the 
Union,  with  some  35,000  inhabitants. 

On  Oct.  14,  1812.  Gen.  Samuel  Hopkins, 
with  2,000  mounted  Kentucky  riflemen, 
crossed  the  Wabash  on  an  expedition 
against  the  Kickapoo  and  Peoria  Indian 
villages,  in  the  Illinois  country,  the  former 
80  miles  from  his  starting-place,  the  lat- 
ter 120  miles.  The  army  was  a  free-and- 
easy,  undisciplined  mob,  that  chafed  un- 
der restraint.  Discontent,  seen  at  the 
beginning,  soon  assumed  the  forms  of 
complaint  and  murmuring.  The  army 
was  scarcely  saved  from  perishing  in  the 
burning  grass  of  a  prairie,  supposed  to 
have  been  set  on  fire  by  the  Indians.  The 
troops  would  march  no  farther.  Hopkins 
called  for  500  volunteers  to  follow  him 
into  Illinois.  Not  one  responded.  They 
would  not  submit  to  his  leadership,  and 
he  followed  his  army  back  to  Fort  Har- 
rison, where  they  arrived  Oct.  25.     This 


march  of  80  or  90  miles  into  the  Indian 
country  had  greatly  alarmed  the  Indians, 
and  so  did  some  good.  Another  expedi- 
tion, under  Colonel  Russell,  composed  of 
two  small  companies  of  United  States 
regulars,  with  a  small  body  of  mounted 
militia  under  Gov.  Ninian  Edwards  (who 
assumed  the  chief  command ) ,  in  all  400 
men,  penetrated  deeply  into  the  Indian 
country,  but,  hearing  nothing  of  Hopkins, 
did  not  venture  to  attempt  much.  They 
fell  suddenly  upon  the  principal  Kicka- 
poo  towns,  20  miles  from  Lake  Peoria, 
drove  the  Indians  into  a  swamp,  and  made 
them  fly  in  terror  across  the  Illinois 
River.  Probably  fifty  Indians  had  per- 
ished. The  expedition  returned  after  an 
absence  of  eighteen   days. 

General  Hopkins  discharged  the  muti- 
neers and  organized  another  expedition  of 
1,250  men.  Its  object  was  the  destruction 
of  Prophetstown.  The  troops  were  com- 
posed of  Kentucky  militia,  some  regulars 
under  Capt.  Zachary  Taylor,  and  two 
companies  of  Rangers,  scouts,  and  spies. 
They  reached  Prophetstown  Nov.  19th. 
Then  a  detachment  fell  upon  and  burned 
a  Winnebago  town  of  forty  houses,  4 
miles  below  Prophetstown.  The  latter  and 
a  large  Kickapoo  village  near  it  were  also 
laid  in  ashes.  The  village  contained  160 
huts,  with  all  the  winter  provisions,  which 
were  destroyed.  On  the  21st  a  part  of 
the  expedition  fell  into  an  Indian  am- 
bush and  lost  eighteen  men,  killed, 
wounded,  and  missing.  The  troops,  espe- 
cially the  Kentuckians,  clad  in  the  rem- 
nants of  their  summer  clothing,  returned 
without  attempting  anything  more.  They 
suffered  dreadfully  on  their  return  march. 

Among  the  prominent  events  of  the  War 
of  1812-15  in  that  region  was  the  massacre 
at  Chicago  (q.  v.).  After  that  war  the 
population  rapidly  increased.  The  cen- 
sus of  1829  showed  a  population  of  more 
than  55,000.  The  Black  Hawk  War 
(7.  V.)  occurred  in  Illinois  in  1832.  There 
the  Mormons  established  themselves  in 
1840,  at  Nauvoo  (see  Mot?mons)  ;  and 
their  founder  was  slain  by  a  mob  at 
Carthage  in  1844.  A  new  State  con- 
stitution was  framed  in  1847,  and  in 
July,  1870,  the  present  constitution  was 
adopted.  The  Illinois  Central  Railroad, 
completed  in  1856,  has  been  a  source  of 
great  material   prosperity  for   the   State. 

During  the  Civil  War  Illinois  furnished 
to  the  national  government  (to  Dec.  1, 
1864)    197,304  troops. 

In  1903  the  equalized  valuations  of 
taxable  property  aggregated  $1,083,672,- 
183,  with  practically  no  debt.  See 
United  States,  Illinois,  vol.  ix. 


Ninian  Edwards commissioned.  ...April  24, 


Shadrach  Bond .assumes  office 

Edward  Coles "  "     

Ninian  Edwards "  "     

.lohn  Reynolds "  "     

Willi,\m  L.  D.  Ewing. .  .acting  

Joseph  Duncan assumes  office 

Thomas  Carlin "  "     

Thomas  Ford "  "     

Augustus  C.  French....      "  "     

Joel  A.  Matteson "  "     

William  H.  Bissell "  "     

John  Wood noting March  18, 

Richard  Yates  assumes  office January, 

Richard  J.  Oglesby " 

John  M.  Palmer " 

Richard  J.  Oglesby " 

.John   L.  Beveridge. .   .  .acting March  4, 

.Shelby  M.  Cullnm assumes  office.  ...  January, 

John  M.  Hamilton acting Feb.  7. 

Rii^hard  J.  Oglesby January, 

Jo.seph  W.    Fifer " 

John  P.  Altgeld " 

John  R.  Tanner " 

Richard  Yates  " 

C.  S.  Deneen 






Ninian  Edwards 

Jesse  B.  Thomas 

John  McLean 

Elias  Kent  Kane 

David  J.  Raker 

John  M.  Robinson 

William  L.  D.  Ewing 

Richard  M.  Young 

Samuel  McRoberts 

Sidney  Breese 

James  Semple 

Stephen  A.  Douglas 

Jauies  Shields 

Lyman  Trumbull 

Orville  H.  Browning.... 
William  A.  Richardson... 

Richard  Yates 

John  A.  Logan , 

Richard  J.  Oglesby 

David  Davis 

John  A.  Logan 

Shelby  M.  CuUum 

Charles  B.  Farwell , 

John  M.  Palmer . 

William  E.  Mason 

Albert  J.  Hopkins 

No.  of  Congress. 

liith  to  18th 
15th  "  19th 
18th  "  20th 
19th  "  23d 

21st  to  27th 

25th  to  27th 

28th  to  31st 

29th  to  37th 
31st  "  33d 
34th  "  42d 

37th  to  39th 







.50  th 





551  li 


1818  to 

1818  " 

1824  " 

1826  " 


1831  to 


1837  to 

1841  " 

1843  " 

1843  " 

1S47  " 

1849  " 

lSo5  " 


1863  to 

1865  " 

1871  " 

1873  " 

1877  " 

1879  " 

18«3  " 

18  s7  " 

1891  " 

1897  " 

1903  " 






Illinois     Indians,     a     family    of    the 
Algonquian  nation  that  comprised  several 


clans — Peorias,  Moing^^enas,  Kaskaskias,  parties  in  recent  years  have  made  al- 
Tamaroas,  and  Cahokias.  At  a  very  early  most  identical  declarations  in  their  na- 
period  they  drove  a  Dakota  tribe  west  of  tional  platforms.  The  Republican  JNa- 
the  Mississippi.  There  were  the  Quapaws.  tional  Convention  declared:  "For  the 
In  1640  they  almost  exterminated  the  protection  of  the  quality  of  our  Ameri- 
Winnebagos;  and  soon  afterwards  they  can  citizenship,  and  of  the  wages  of  our 
waged  war  with  the  Iroquois  and  Sioux,  working-men  against  the  fatal  competi- 
Marquette  found  some  of  them  near  Des  tion  of  low  -  priced  labor,  we  demand 
Moines  in  1672;  also  the  Peorias  and  that  the  immigration  laws  be  thoroughly 
Kaskaskias  on  the  Illinois  River.  The  enforced,  and  so  extended  as  to  exclude 
Tamaroas  and  Cahokias  were  on  the  Mis-  from  entrance  to  the  United  States  those 
sissippi.  The  Jesuits  found  the  chief  II-  who  can  neither  read  nor  write.  In  the 
linois  town  consisting  of  8.000  people,  in  further  interest  of  American  Avorkmen  we 
nearly  400  large  cabins.  In  1679  they  favor  a  more  effective  restriction  of  the 
were  badly  defeated  by  the  Iroquois,  immigration  of  cheap  labor  from  foreign 
losing  about  1,300,  of  whom  900  were  lands  the  extension  of  opportunities  of 
prisoners ;  and  they  retaliated  by  assist-  education  for  working  children,  the  rais- 
ing the  French  against  the  Five  Nations,  ing  of  the  age  limit  for  child  labor,  the 
The  Illinois  were  converted  to  Christianity  protection  of  free  labor  as  against  con- 
by  Father  Marquette  and  other  mission-  tract  convict  labor,  and  an  effective  sys- 
aries,  and  in  1700  Chicago,  their  gi'eat  tem  of  labor  insurance."  The  Democratic 
chief,  visited  France.  When  Detroit  was  National  Convention  called  for  the  strict 
besieged  by  the  Foxes,  in  1712,  the  II-  enforcement  of  the  Chinese  exclusion  act 
linois  went  to  its  relief.  Some  were  with  and  its  application  to  the  same  classes  of 
the    French    at    Fort   Duquesne ;    but   they  all  Asiatic  races. 

refused  to  join  Pontiac  in  his  conspiracy.  Immigration     Stotistics.  —  During     the 

They   favored   the  English   in   the   war  of  period  1789-1820,  when  no  thorough  over- 

the   Revolution,   and   joined   in   the  treaty  sight  was    exercised    it    is    estimated    that 

at  Greenville   in   1795.     They  ceded   their  the  number  of  immigrants  into  the  United 

lands    and    a    portion    of    them    went    to  States    aggregated    250.000;     and    during 

Kansas,  where  they  remained  until   1867,  the   period    1820-1900   the   aggregate   was 

when  they  were  removed  to  a  reservation  19.765,155.      Since   1900   the  yearly  totals 

of  72.000'acres  southwest  of  the  Quapaws.  have   been    1901,   487,918;    1902.    648.743: 

Iloilo,    the    principal    city    and    capital  1903,      857,046;       1904.      812.870;       1905, 

of   the   island   of   Panay,   and   one   of   the  1.027.421.      Of    these    275.000    came    from 

three    ports    of    entry    in    the    Philippine  Austria  -  Hungary.     220.000     from     Itah^, 

group  opened  to  commerce  in  1899.     It  is  185.000  from  Russia.   137.000  from  Great 

situated    225    miles    south    of    Manila,    at  Britain.  40.000  from  Germany.     For  1906 

the  southeastern  extremity  of  Panay.  and  the   estimate   is   nearly    1,250,000.      These 

is    built    on    low,    marshy    ground.      The  figures  do  not  take  into  consideration  the 

population   in   1900  was   over   10,000.  movement     of     population     between     the 

Ilpendam,  Jan  Jaxsex  vax.  merchant;  United  States,  Canada,  and  Mexico, 

appointed     custom-house     officer     on     the  Immigralion    Act   of   1891. — This   meas- 

Delaware.    and    put    in    command    of    Fort  ure    "  in    amendment    of   the   various    acts 

Nassau    in    1640    by    the    Dutch    governor  relative  to  immigration  and  the  importa- 

of  New  York.     He  tried  to  keep  the  Eng-  tion    of    aliens    under    contract   or    agree- 

lish  colony  from  trading  on  the  Delaware,  ment    to    perform    labor,"    was    introduced 

He  died  at  IMarcus  Hook,  Pa.,  in  1685.  in   the   House   by  Mr.   Owen,   of   Indiana, 

Imlay,  Gilbert,  author ;  born  in  New  and  referred  to  the  committee  on  inimi- 
Jersey  in  1750;  served  throughout  the  gration  and  naturalization.  It  was  re- 
Revolutionary  War;  was  the  author  of  ported  back,  discussed,  and  amended,  and 
A  Topographical  Description  of  the  West-  passed  the  House  Feb.  25,  1891,  as  fol- 
ern  Territory  of  yorth  America;  The  Emi-  lows: 

grants,     or     the     History     of     an     Exiled  "Be   it    enacted,    etc.,    that    the    follow- 

Family.  ine    classes    of    aliens    shall    be    excluded 

Immigration.       The    leading    political  from    admission    into    the    United    States, 



in  accordance  with  the  existing  acts  regu- 
lating immigration,  other  than  those  con- 
cerning Chinese  laborers:  All  idiots,  in- 
sane persons,  paupers  or  persons  likely 
to  become  a  public  charge,  persons  suffer- 
ing from  a  loathsome  or  dangerous  con- 
tagious disease,  persons  who  have  been 
convicted  of  a  felony  or  other  infamous 
crime  or  misdemeanor  involving  moral 
turpitude,  polygamists,  and  also  any  per- 
son whose  ticket  or  passage  is  paid  for 
with  money  of  another  or  who  is  assisted 
by  others  to  come,  unless  it  is  affirma- 
tively and  satisfactorily  shown  on  special 
inquiry  that  such  person  does  not  belong 
to  one  of  the  foregoing  excluded  classes, 
or  to  the  class  of  contract  laborers  ex- 
cluded by  the  act  of  Feb.  9.Q,  1885.  But 
this  section  shall  not  be  hold  to  exclude 
persons  living  in  the  United  States  from 
sending  for  a  relative  or  friend  who  is 
not  of  the  excluded  classes,  under  such 
regulations  as  the  Secretary  of  the  Treas- 
ury may  prescribe ;  Provided,  that  noth- 
ing in  this  act  shall  be  construed  to 
apply  to  exclude  persons  convicted  of  a 
political  offence,  notwithstanding  said  po- 
litical offence  may  be  designated  as  a 
'  felony,  crime,  infamous  crime  or  mis- 
demeanor involving  moral  turpitude '  by 
the  laws  of  the  land  whence  he  came  or 
by   the    court   convicting. 

"  Sec.  2.  That  no  suit  or  proceeding  for 
violations  of  said  act  of  Feb.  26,  1885, 
prohibiting  the  importation  and  migra- 
tion of  foreigners  under  contract  or  agree- 
ment to  perform  labor,  shall  be  settled, 
compromised,  or  discontinued  without  the 
consent  of  the  court  entered  of  record 
with  reasons  therefor. 

"  Sec.  3.  That  it  shall  be  deemed  a  vio- 
lation of  said  act  of  Feb.  26,  1885,  to 
assist  or  encourage  the  importation  or  mi- 
gration of  any  alien  by  promise  of  em- 
ployment through  advertisements  printed 
and  published  in  any  foreign  country: 
and  any  alien  coming  to  this  country  in 
consequence  of  such  an  advertisement 
shall  be  treated  as  coming  under  a  con- 
tract as  contemplated  by  such  act;  and 
the  penalties  by  said  act  imposed  shall  be 
applicable  in  such  a  case;  Provided,  this 
section  shall  not  apply  to  States,  and  im- 
migration bureaus  of  States,  advertising 
the  inducements  they  offer  for  immigra- 
tion to  such  States. 

"  Sec.  4.  That  no  steamship  or  trans- 
portation company  or  owners  of  vessels 
shall,  directly,  or  through  agents,  either 
by  writing,  printing,  or  oral  representa- 
tions, solicit,  invite,  or  encourage  the  im- 
migration of  any  alien  into  the  United 
States  except  by  ordinary  commercial 
letters,  circulars,  advertisements,  or  oral 
representations,  stating  the  sailings  of 
their  vessels  and  the  terms  and  facilities 
of  transportation  therein;  and  for  a  vio- 
lation of  this  provision  any  such  steam- 
ship or  transportation  company,  and  any 
such  owners  of  vessels,  and  the  agents  by 
them  employed,  shall  be  subjected  to  the 
penalties  imposed  by  the  third  section  of 
said  act  of  Feb.  26,  1885,  for  violations 
of  the  provisions  of  the  first  section  of 
said  act. 

"  Sec.  5.  That  section  5  of  said  act  of 
Feb.  26,  1885,  shall  be,  and  hereby  is, 
amended  by  adding  to  the  second  proviso 
in  said  section  the  words  '  nor  to  minis- 
ters of  any  religious  denomination,  nor 
persons  belonging  to  any  recognized  pro- 
fession, nor  professors  for  colleges  and 
seminaries,'  and  by  excluding  from  the 
second  proviso  of  said  section  the  words 
'  or  any  relative  or  personal  friend.' 

"  Sec.  6.  That  any  person  who  shall 
bring  into  or  land  in  the  United  States 
by  vessel  or  otherwise,  or  who  shall  aid 
to  bring  into  or  land  in  the  United 
States  by  vessel  or  otherwise,  any  alien 
not  lawfully  entitled  to  enter  the  United 
States,  shall  be  deemed  guilty  of  a  mis- 
demeanor, and  shall,  on  conviction,  be 
punished  by  a  fine  not  exceeding  $1,000, 
or  by  imprisonment  for  a  term  not  ex- 
ceeding one  year,  or  by  both  such  fine  and 

"  Sec.  7.  That  the  office  of  superintend- 
ent of  immigration  is  hereby  created  and 
established,  and  the  President,  by  and 
with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Sen- 
ate, is  authorized  and  directed  to  appoint 
such  officer,  whose  salary  shall  be  $4,000 
per  annum,  payable  monthly.  The  super- 
intendent of  immigration  shall  be  an 
officer  in  the  Treasury  Department,  under 
the  control  and  supervision  of  the  Secre- 
tary of  the  Treasury,  to  Avhom  he  shall 
make  annual  reports  in  writing  of  the 
transactions  of  his  office,  together  with  such 
special  reports,  in  writing,  as  the  Secre- 
tary of  the  Treasury  shall  require.     The 


Secretary  shall  provide  the  superintendent 
with  a  suitably  furnished  office  in  the 
city  of  Washington,  and  with  such  books 
of  record  and  facilities  for  the  discharge 
of  the  duties  of  his  office  as  may  be 
necessary.  He  shall  have  a  chief  clerk, 
at  a  salary  of  $2,000  per  annum,  and  two 
first-class    clerks. 

"  Sec.  8.  That  upon  the  arrival  by  wa- 
ter at  any  place  within  the  United  States 
of  any  alien  immigrants  it  shall  be  the 
duty  of  the  commanding  officer  and  the 
agent  of  the  steam  or  sailing  vessel  by 
which  they  came  to  report  the  name,  na- 
tionality, last  residence,  and  destination 
of  every  such  alien,  before  any  of  them 
are  landed,  to  the  proper  inspection  offi- 
cers, who  shall  thereupon  go  or  send  com- 
petent assistants  on  board  such  vessel 
and  there  inspect  all  such  aliens,  or  the 
inspection  officer  may  order  a  temporary 
removal  of  such  aliens  for  examination 
at  a  designated  time  and  place,  and  then 
and  there  detain  them  until  a  thorough 
inspection  is  made.  But  such  removal 
shall  not  be  considered  a  landing  during 
the  pendency  of  such  examination. 

"  The  medical  examination  shall  be 
made  by  surgeons  of  the  marine  hospital 
service.  In  cases  where  the  services  of  a 
marine  hospital  surgeon  cannot  be  ob- 
tained without  causing  unreasonable  de- 
lay, the  inspector  may  cause  an  alien  to 
be  examined  by  a  civil  surgeon,  and  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  shall  fix  the 
compensation   for   such   examinations. 

"  The  inspection  officers  and  their  as- 
sistants shall  have  power  to  administer 
oaths,  and  to  take  and  consider  testimony 
touching  the  right  of  any  such  aliens  to 
enter  the  United  States,  all  of  which  shall 
be  entered  of  record.  During  such  inspec- 
tion after  temporary  removal  the  super- 
intendent shall  cause  such  aliens  to  be 
properly  housed,  fed,  and  cared  for,  and 
also,  in  his  discretion,  such  as  are  delayed 
in  proceeding  to  their  destination  after 

"  All  decisions  made  by  the  inspection 
officers  or  their  assistants  touching  the 
right  of  any  alien  to  land,  when  adverse 
to  such  right,  shall  be  final  unless  appeal 
be  taken  to  the  superintendent  of  immi- 
gration, whose  action  shall  be  subject  to 
review  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 
It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  aforesaid  offi- 

cers and  agents  of  such  vessel  to  adopt 
due  precautions  to  prevent  the  landing 
of  any  alien  immigrant  at  any  place  or 
time  other  than  that  designated  by  the 
inspection  officers,  and  any  such"  officer 
or  agent  or  person  in  charge  of  such  ves- 
sel who  shall  either  knowingly  or  negli- 
gently land  or  permit  to  land  any  alien 
immigrant  at  any  place  or  time  other 
than  that  designated  by  the  inspection 
oflicers,  shall  be  deemed  guilty  of  a  mis- 
demeanor and  punished  by  a  fine  not  ex- 
ceeding $1,000,  or  by  imprisonment  for 
a  term  not  exceeding  one  year,  or  by  both 
such   fine   and   imprisonment. 

"  That  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
may  prescribe  rules  for  inspection  along 
the  borders  of  Canada,  British  Columbia, 
and  Mexico  so  as  not  to  obstruct,  or  un- 
necessarily delay,  impede,  or  annoy  pas- 
sengers in  ordinary  travel  between  said 
countries:  Provided,  that  not  exceeding 
one  inspector  shall  be  appointed  for  each 
customs  district,  and  whose  salary  shall 
not  exceed  $1,200  per  year. 

"  All  duties  imposed  and  powers  con- 
ferred by  the  second  section  of  the  act  of 
Aug.  3,  1882,  upon  State  commissioners, 
boards,  or  officers  acting  under  contract' 
with  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  shall 
be  performed  and  exercised,  as  occasion 
may  arise,  by  the  inspection  officers  of 
the  United   States. 

"  Sec.  9.  That  for  the  preservation  of  the 
peace  and  in  order  that  arrest  may  be 
made  for  crimes  under  the  laws  of  the 
Slates  where  the  various  United  States 
immigrant  stations  are  located,  the  offi- 
cials in  charge  of  such  stations,  as  occa- 
sion may  require,  shall  admit  therein  the 
proper  State  and  municipal  officers  charged 
with  the  enforcement  of  such  laws,  and 
for  the  purposes  of  this  section  the  juris- 
diction of  such  officers  and  of  the  local 
courts  shall  extend  over  such  stations. 

"  Sec  10.  That  all  aliens  who  may  un- 
lawfully come  to  the  United  States  shall, 
if  practicable,  be  immediately  sent  back 
on  the  vessel  by  which  they  were  brought 
in.  The  cost  of  their  maintenance  while 
on  land,  as  well  as  the  expense  of  the  re- 
turn of  such  aliens,  shall  be  borne  by  the 
owner  or  owners  of  the  vessel  on  which 
such  aliens  came;  and  if  any  master, 
agent,  consignee,  or  owner  of  such  vessel 
shall  refuse  to  receive  back  on  board  the 


vessel  such  aliens,  or  shall  neglect  to  de-  the  United  States  gives  the  House  ot 
tain  them  thereon,  or  shall  refuse  or  neg-  Representatives  sole  power  to  impeach  the 
lect  to  return  them  to  the  port  from  President,  Vice-President,  and  all  civil 
which  they  came,  or  to  pay  the  cost  of  officers  of  the  United  States  by  a  numeri- 
their  maintenance  while  on  land,  such  cal  majority  only.  It  also  gives  the  Sen- 
master,  agent,  consignee,  or  owner  shall  ate  sole  power  to  try  all  impeachments, 
be  deemed  guilty  of  a  misdemeanor,  and  The  Senate  then  sits  as  a  court,  organiz- 
shall  be  punished  by  a  fine  not  less  than  ing  anew,  Senators  taking  a  special  oath 
$300  for  each  and  every  offence;  and  any  or  affirmation  applicable  to  the  proceed- 
such  vessel  shall  not  have  clearance  from  ing.  From  their  decision  there  is  no 
any  port  of  the  United  States  while  any  appeal.  A  vote  of  two-thirds  of  the  Sen- 
such  fine  is  unpaid.  ate    is    necessary    to    convict.      When    the 

"  Sec.  11.  That  any  alien  who  shall  come  President  is  tried  the  chief-justice  pre- 
into  the  United  States  in  violation  of  law  sides.  The  punishment  is  limited  by  the 
may  be  returned,  as  by  law  provided,  at  Constitution  (1)  to  removal  from  office; 
any  time  within  one  year  thereafter,  at  (2)  to  disqualification  from  holding  and 
the  expense  of  the  person  or  persons,  ves-  enjoying  any  office  of  honor,  trust,  or 
sel,  transportation  company  or  corpora-  profit  under  the  United  States  government, 
tion  bringing  such  alien  into  the  United  Important  cases:  (1)  William  Blount, 
States,  and  if  that  cannot  be  done,  then  United  States  Senator  from  Tennessee,  for 
at  the  expense  of  the  United  States;  and  conspiring  to  transfer  New  Orleans  from 
any  alien  who  becomes  a  public  charge  Spain  to  Great  Britain,  1797-98;  ac- 
within  one  year  after  his  arrival  in  quitted  for  want  of  evidence.  (2)  John 
the  United  States  from  causes  existing  Pickering,  judge  of  the  district  court  of 
prior  to  his  landing  therein  shall  be  New  Hampshire,  charged  with  drunken- 
deemed  to  have  come  in  violation  of  law  ness,  profanity,  etc.;  convicted  March  12, 
and  shall  be  returned  as  aforesaid.  1803.      (3)   Judge  Samuel  Chase,  impeach- 

"  Sec.  12.  That  nothing  contained  in  this  ed   March   30,    1804;    acquitted   March    1, 

■act  shall  be  construed  to  affect  any  pros-  1805.      (4)   James  H.  Peck,  district  judge 

ecution   or   other   proceeding,   criminal   or  of  Missouri,  impeached  Dec.  13,  1830,  for 

civil,    begun    under    any    existing    act    or  arbitrary    conduct,    etc.;    acquitted.       (5) 

acts  hereby  amended,  but  such  prosecution  West    H.    Humphreys,    district    judge    of 

or    other    proceeding,    criminal    or    civil,  Tennessee,    impeached    and    convicted    for 

shall  proceed  as  if  this  act  had  not  been  rebellion,    Jan.    26,    1862.       (6)     Andrew 

rapped.  Johnson,   President  of  the  United  States, 

"  Sec.  13.  That  the  circuit  and  district  impeached  "  of  high  crimes  and  misde- 
courts  of  the  United  States  are  hereby  meanors,"  Feb.  22,  1868;  acquitted.  (7) 
invested  with  full  and  concurrent  juris-  W.  W.  Belknap,  Secretary  of  War,  im- 
diction  of  all  causes,  civil  and  criminal,  peached  for  receiving  money  of  post- 
arising  under  any  of  the  provisions  of  traders  among  the  Indians,  March  2,  1876; 
this  act;  and  this  act  shall  go  into  effect  resigned  at  the  same  time;  acquitted  for 
on  the  first  day  of  April,  1891."  want  of  jurisdiction. 

The    measure    passed    the    Senate    Feb.        "  Impending    Crisis,"    the    title    of    a 

27,   and    was   approved    by   the   President  book    written    by    Hinton    R.    Helper,    of 

March   .3,   1801.  North  Carolina,  pointing  out  the  evil  ef- 

Immigration,     Restriction     of.      See  fects    of    slavery    upon    the    whites,    first 

I ODGE.  Henry  Cabot.  published   in   1857.     It  had  a  large   sale 

Impeachment.      The    Constitution    of  ( 140,000  copies)  and  great  influence. 


Imperialism.     The    Hon.    William    A.  The    arraignment    of    the    national    ad- 

Peffer,    ex-Senator    from    Kansas,    makes  ministration     by    certain     citizens     on     a 

the    following    important    contribution    to  charge   of    imperialism,    in    the    execution 

the  discussion  of  this  question:  of    its    Philippine    policy,    brings    up    for 


discussion  some  important  questions  relat-  portation,  not  exceeding  ten  dollars  for  eacb 

ing  to  the  powers,  duties,  and  responsibili-  P^i'son. 

ties  of  government,  among  which  are  three        These  two  provisions  were  intended  to 

that  I  propose  to  consider  briefly,  namely:  apply  and  did  apply  to  negro   slaves,  of 

First.   Whence  comes  the  right  to  gov-  whom  there  were  in  the  country  at  that 

ern?     What  are  its  sphere  and  object?  time     about     500,000,     nearly     one  -  sixth 

Second.  Are  we,  the  people  of  the  United  of  the  entire  population;   and  they,  as  a 

States,  a  self-governing  people?  class,  together  with  our  Indian  neighbors 

Third.    Is    our    Philippine    policy    anti-  and  the  free  people  of  color,  were  all  ex- 
American?  eluded  from  the  ranks  of  those  who  par- 
j  ticipated    in   the    institution    of   our   new 
government.     Their    consent    to    anything 

As    to    the   right   to   govern — the   right  done  or   contemplated  in   the  administra- 

to    exercise    authority    over    communities,  tion  of  our  public  affairs  was  neither  ask- 

states,    and    nations,    the    right    to    enact,  ed  nor  desired.     Their  consent  or  dissent 

construe,  and  execute  laws — whence  it  is  did  not  enter  into  the  problems  of  govern- 

derived?     For  what  purposes  and  to  what  ment.     It  made  no  difference  what  their 

extent  may  it  be  properly  assumed?  wishes   were,    or   to   what   they   were   op- 

In   the   Declaration   of   Independence   it  posed.     A  majority  of  such  persons  as  en- 
is  asserted  that:  joyed  political   privileges — they  and  they 

.,„,.,,   ^,         ^     ^.      4.     ,,        ,e      -A     4-  only — formed  the  new  government  and  or- 
"  We   hold   these   truths   to  be   self-evident,  ■'...,  -,,       ,  i    .      ■! 

that   all    men   are   created   equal ;    that   they  ganized  its  powers,  without  regard  to  the 

are   endowed   by   their   Creator   with   certain  disfranchised    classes,    as    much    so    as    if 

Inalienable    rights ;     that    among    these    are  ^hese  classes  had  not  been  in  existence, 
life,    liberty,    and    the    pursuit    of    happiness.  .     ,     .        j-,-.-        ,      ,■,  .- 

That  to  secure  these  rights,  governments  are         ^nd,  m  addition  to  the  non-votmg  peo- 

instituted    among    men,    deriving    their    just  pie,   there   were   many  white   men   in   the 

powers  from  the  consent  of  the  governed,"  States   who,    by   reason    of   their    poverty, 

^   ,   .     .,   ,  ,,     ,  ,  .  were    not    permitted    to    vote,    and    hence 

But  is  it  true  that  government,  even  m  u        .    5  i  .    •  i         i     j.- 

,,.     ...  i''   .         -,      •     ,  could  not  take  part  m  popular  elections, 

a  republic  like  ours,  derives  its  lust  pow-  _,.  vuii!j.j.i,i      fj-i 

^  ,     .  , ,  J.     J  i.1.  J  o  It   IS,  probably,   safe  to   say  that,  of  the 

ers  only  from  the  consent  of  the  governed?       ,    ,  i   i.-         £  xi  x  i        t-u 

-r     .^        .        J-     .    -,    .      ■  X-         •  whole  population  of  the  country,  when  the 

Is  it  not  a  fact  that  at  no  time  m  our  _,       ,.f  f.  .   •    ,       a?    ^   xi 

...  ,  -.1        1.   J  1    J   XI.  Constitution  was  put  into  eiiect,  the  nuni- 

history  have  we  either  had  or  asked  the  ,       xixij  x-xi,  i<xu 

^     ,     ,,  ,,  ,        .,,  .  .     .  ber  that  had  no  part  m  the  work  of  estab- 

consent  of  all  the  people  withm  our  juris-  ,.,.,,  x-       i  x       -xv, 

,.  , .        X    XT.  r  X     1  •  1  lishmg    the    national    government,    either 

diction,  to  the  powers  of  government  which  .  •     x  -x      ixi        i    xi,  u 

,     '      ,        *  .  .    ^  XI.       o    T  for  or  against  it,  although  they  were  sub- 

we    have    been    exeieismg   over    them?    Is  ...     °,  ,  x-x   x  j      x   i       x   oc 

.         ,   ,  ,,  X  XT.   X         V.  lect   to   its   rule,   constituted   at   least   25 

IT  not  true,  on  the  contrary,  that  we  have  ■' 

,  .  i  •,,  XI  per  cent, 

been   governing   many   oi   them,   not   only  ^  c.,.,,  x  r  xi.     ox  x 

•  XI      X  XI    •  X    1.   X  •      1-      X  Still  more.     In  every  one  of  the  States, 

without  their  consent,  but  m  direct  oppo-         ,  ,.  "^  ,  t-c  j 

,     .,,  and    among   those   persons,   too,    qualmea 

'i/~i       1-xx-       r  jx  -J    vote,    there    was    opposition,    more    or 

The  Constitution, framed  to  provide  such  ,  ,    \^       •  x-  c  xJ 

,  ^  x  XT-       •  £  less,   to  the   inauguration  oi   the  new   re- 

a   form   of    government   as   the   signers   of       .    '       -.-r     .-,    ,^       ^■        j-j        .        x-r     xi. 

,,      T^    T        :.       1    J  •         •    J  x   •       XI,  gime.     North  Carolina  did  not  ratity  the 

the  Declaration  had  m  mmd,  contains  the  %       ,.,    ,.        , .,,  ,i         ,  r 

„  „      .  .  .  Constitution  till  more  than  two  years  at- 

followmg  provision:  ,        ,,  ,.        ,,     ,   j,  j   -x  i     j     j 

^  '  ter  the  convention  that  framed  it  had  ad- 

"  No  person  held  to  service  or  labor  in  one  journed  sine  die ;  and  Rhode  Island  did 
State,  under  the  laws  thereof,  escaping  into  ^^^  ^^^^^^  j^^^  ^j^g  Union  till  May  of  Presi- 
another,  shall,  in  consequence  of  any  law  or  ,  , 
regulation  therein,  be  discharged  from  such  dent  Washington  s  second  year.  _ 
service  or  labor,  but  shall  be  delivered  up  There  is  no  way  of  ascertaining  exact- 
on  claim  of  the  party  to  whom  such  service  ]y  .(.j^g  number  of  voters  who  were  opposed 
or  labor  may  be  due."  ^^  ^^^  ^^^  ^^^^^  ^^^  ^j^  ^^^^  consent  to 

And  this:  it,  and  who  would  have  defeated  it  if  they 

"  The    migration    or    importation    of    such  could ;    but,  if  these  be  added  to  the  dis- 

persons   as   any   of   the    States   now   existing  franchised   classes,  we  have  a  total  of  at 

shall    thViik    proper    to    admit,    shall    not    be  least  one-third  of  the   inhabitants  of  the 

prohibited  by  the  Congress  prior  to  the  year  gQ^^try  not  consenting  to  the  exercise  of 

one   thousand    eight   hundred    and   eight,    but  ,  •'  ,    .       ^  xi.  v  4. 

a  duty  or  tax  may  be  imposed  on  such  im-  these  governmental  powers  over  them.   Yet 



these  powers  were  deemed  by  the  majority 
that  organized  them  to  be  just  powers, 
and  the  said  majority  felt  that  they  were 
justified  in  executing  them. 

Thomas  Jellersou  held  "  the  vital  prin- 
ciple of  republics  "  to  be  "  absolute  acqui- 
escence in  the  decisions  of  the  major- 
ity." But  whence  comes  the  right  of  a 
majority  to  rule?  And  may  the  majority 
of  to-day  determine  the  course  of  the 
majority  of  to-morrow?  Had  two-thirds  of 
a  population  of  less  than  4,000,000  in 
1789  the  rightful  authority  to  lay  down 
rules  of  government  for  a  population  of 
75,000,000  in  1900— rules  which  we  can- 
not change,  save  by  revolution,  unless  we 
do  it  in  accordance  with  forms  prescribed 
by  our  ancestors  more  than  100  years 

We  all  believe  with  Jefferson  that  the 
right  of  a  majority  to  rule  in  a  republic 
is  not  to  be  challenged;  and  that  the 
answer  to  these  troublesome  questions 
concerning  the  source  of  this  undisputed 
right  to  govern  can  be  found  only  in 
the  theory  that  government  is  one  of  the 
essential  agencies  provided  in  the  begin- 
ning by  the  Father  above  for  the  work  of 
subduing  the  earth  and  bringing  all  men 
to  Himself.  The  thought  is  tersely  ex- 
pressed by  St.  Paul  in  his  letter  to  the 
Romans :  "  There  is  no  power  but  of  God." 
"  The  powers  that  be  are  ordained  of 
God."     The  ruler  is  a  "  minister  of  God." 

Man's  right  to  life,  liberty,  and  room 
to  work  in  is  inherent,  and  government 
follows  as  naturally  as  the  seasons  fol- 
low each  other.  As  long  as  the  individual 
man  lives  separated  from  his  fellows,  he 
needs  no  protection  other  than  he  is  able 
himself  to  command;  but  when  popu- 
lation increases  and  men  gather  in  com- 
munities, governments  are  instituted 
among  them  in  order  to  make  these  in- 
dividual rights  secure;  and  then  new 
rights  appear,  communal  rights ;  for 
communities,  as  well  as  individual  per- 
sons, have  rights. 

The  necessity  for  government  increases 
with  the  density  of  population,  and  the 
scope  of  its  powers  is  enlarged  with  the 
extension  of  its  territorial  jurisdiction, 
the  diversity  of  employments  in  which  the 
citizenship  are  engaged,  and  the  degree 
of  refinement  to  which  they  have  attained. 
The    trapper,    with    his    axe,    knife,    gun 

and  sack,  pursues  his  calling  alone  in  the 
wilderness;  but,  with  settlement,  the 
forest  disappears,  farms  are  opened  up, 
towns  laid  out,  neighborhoods  formed, 
laws  become  necessary,  and  government 

It  is  not  necessary,  however,  that  we 
should  agree  on  the  origin  of  govern- 
ment, for  we  know  that,  as  a  matter  of 
fact,  governments  in  one  form  or  another 
have  existed  ever  since  the  beginning  of 
recorded  history;  and  we  know,  further, 
that  under  the  operation  of  these  govern- 
ments 90  per  cent,  of  the  habitable  sur- 
face of  the  globe  has  been  reclaimed  from 
barbarism.  The  whole  world  is  to-day 
virtually  within  the  jurisdiction  of  regu- 
larly organized  powers  of  government, 
international  law  is  recognized  and  en- 
forced as  part  of  the  general  code  of  the 
nations,  and  the  trend  of  the  world's 
civilization  is  towards  free  institutions 
and  popular  forms  of  government. 


As  to  whether  we  are  a  self-governing 
people,  the  answer  to  this  question  de- 
pends upon  whether  all  classes  of  the 
population  within  our  jurisdiction  share 
in  the  work  of  governing,  or  whether,  as 
in  the  ancient  republics,  only  a  portion 
of  the  people  are  to  be  taken  for  the  whole 
for  purposes  of  government. 

In  any  age  of  the  world,  the  character 
of  government  fairly  represents  the  state 
of  the  world's  inhabitants  at  that  partic- 
ular period.  That  a  people  are  not  far 
enough  advanced  to  form  a  government 
for  themselves,  and  conduct  its  affairs 
in  their  own  way,  is  not  a  reason  why  thej'^ 
should  not  have  any  government  at  all. 
On  its  lower  level,  government  may  ex- 
tend no  further  than  the  Avill  of  an 
ignorant  despot,  who  holds  the  tenure 
of  life  and  property  in  his  hands ;  but 
as  men  advance,  they  rise  to  higher  levels 
and  the  sphere  of  government  is  enlarged. 
In  the  end  it  will,  of  necessity,  embrace 
all    human   interests    which    are   common. 

The  members  of  the  Continental  Con- 
gress, in  declaring  the  cause  which  im- 
pelled the  separation  of  the  colonies 
from  the  mother-country,  began  the  con- 
cluding paragraph  of  the  Declaration  in 
these  words: 



"  We,  therefore,  the  representatives  of  the  submitted  to  the  legislatures  of  the  several 

United    States   of   America,    in   Congress   as-  states  for  their  action,  it  was  strenuous- 

sembled,  appealing  to  the  Supreme  Judge  of  ,                   ,   .                   ...                j           •     ^ 

the  world  for  the  rectitude  of  our  intentions,  b'  opposed  in  some  of  them,  and  received 

do,    in    the    name,    and    by   authority    of    the  unanimous    support    in    only   three — Dela- 

good  people  of  these  colonies,  solemnly  pub-  ware,  New  Jersey,  and  Georgia.     The  ma- 

lish  and  declare,"  etc.  -^^^^^^    -^    ^^^    ^^^^^    ^^^g    ^^^^^    j^    C^n- 

„,              ,     ..         ,           ,       ^  ii             1  nectieut    and    South    Carolina,    while    in 

The  words      good  people  of  these  colo-  tt-     •    ■      .1            •     -^                  1     j.           i. 

...  .     ,    ,    ,       ,           ,      ,.  J,              ,  Virginia  the  maiority  was  only  ten  votes, 

nies      included  only  such  of  the  people  as  ^^^  .^  ^^^^  York  only  three.     The  vote  in 

at    that    time    participated    m    the    work  ^^^  ^^   ^^^^   g^^^^^   ^^^^^   ^j^^^^     Pennsyl- 

of  local  government,  excluding  those  who  ^            ^g    ^^    ^3.    Massachusetts,    187    to 

were  opposed   to   separation.     The   Tones  ^^.g.  Maryland,  63  to  11;  New  Hampshire, 

-and  there  were  a  good  many  of  them-  ^^   ^^   _^g.    ^^^  York,   30   to   27.      North 

did   not   approve  anything   that   the   Con-  Carolina  and  Rhode  Island  were  two  years 

gress    did.      They    were    regarded    by    the  .^^  ^^^,,.             ^^^.^  ^.^^^  ^^  ^              j^^^^ 

patriots  as  public  enemies,  and  were  kept  .^^  ^j^^  Union 

under    constant   watch    by   committees    of 

So    we    see    that    a    majority   of   about 

inspection  and  observation  in  every  county,    ^wo-thirds    (and   that   may  have   been   in 
They  were  subject  to  arrest  and  imprison-    ^^^^   j^^^   ^^^^   ^   majority   of   the   whole 

ment — even  to  banishment;  and  in  many 
instances  their  property  was  confiscated. 
The  Congress  surely  did  not  speak  in  the 
name    of    the    Tories,    nor    by    their    au- 

people)  assumed  to  speak  and  act  for  all. 
The  people  of  the  United  States  have  all 
along  acted  on  that  plan.  We  have  gone 
even  further  than  that.     We  have  in  some 

thority.  „    ^     ,   ,       , .  ,        cases    expressly   authorized    minorities    to 

The    Articles    of    Confederation,    under    determine  the  gravest  matters.     The  Con- 
the  provisions  of  which  the  Congress  acted    ^^-^^^^-^^    provides    that    "a    majority    of 

after    March    2,    1781,    recognized    as    its 
constituency   only   "  the    free    inhabitants 

each     (House    of    Congress)    shall    consti- 
tute a  quorum  to  do  business  " ;  and  "  each 

of  each  of  these  States."     Slaves,  though    ^^^^^  determine  the  rules  of  its  pro- 

constituting  nearly,_  if  not   quite,    16   per    ^^.^^^        „      tj^^    Senate    now    consists    of 

cent,  of  the  population,  were  not  reckoned 
among  the  political  forces  to  be  respect 
ed.     Indians,   likewise,  were   excluded 

ninety  members;    forty-six  is  a  majority, 
constituting  a  quorum.     Of  this  forty-six, 

^,      V.       .....          J  .^      XT   -J.  J    oi.  i  tv^enty-four    form    a    maiority,    and    al- 

The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  .,        i    -.    •     ■,         .-,               4.xf-  a      t   +1, 

+1^  though    it   is   less   than   one-third   of   the 

opens  t  us:  whole  body,  may  pass  any  measure  that  is 

.     ,    ^  not   required   by   the   Constitution   to   re- 

"We,    the    people    of    the    United    States  .         ^         .     ./                 j.       ii  •  j          4. 

...    do  ordain  and  establish  this  Constitu-  ^eive   a   majority  or   a   two-thirds   vote— 

tion  for  the  United  States  of  America."  a  treaty,  for  example.     And  it  is  the  same 

in  the  House  of  Representatives. 

But   not   more   than    two-thirds   of   the  And,  although  a  majority  of  the  eleeto- 

population  were  represented  in  "  We,  the  ral  vote  is  required  to  choose  a  President 

people,"  and  a  majority  of  the  two-thirds  of   the   United    States,    it   has    frequently 

assumed    the    responsibilities    of    govern-  happened    that    the    successful    candidate 

nient — rightfully,   as   all   loyal   Americans  was  opposed  by  a  majority  of  the  voters 

believe.     The    machinery    of    the    republic  of  the  country. 

was  set  in  motion  in  1789,  and  the  census  In  the  matter  of  amending  the  Con- 
taken  the  next  year  showed  the  total  stitution,  a  majority  of  the  voters  may 
population  to  be  3,929,214,  of  which  total  favor  any  particular  amendment  proposed, 
number  757,208  were  colored — mostly  per-  but  it  must  be  ratified  by  three-fourths 
sons  of  African  descent,  who  were  nearly  of  the  legislatures  of  the  several  States 
all  slaves,  and  these,  with  the  other  dis-  before  it  becomes  law. 
frano-hised  classes,  as  before  stated,  made  We  not  only  have  adopted  the  majority 
up  about  33  per  cent,  of  the  population  principle  as  a  rule  of  government,  but  we 
that  were  not  permitted  to  take  part  have  uniformly  insisted  upon  acquiescence 
in  establishing  the  new  government.  in  minority  rule  in  any  and  all  cases 
Furthermore,  when  the  Constitution  was  where  it  has  been  so  provided  in  ad'^ance. 



We  have  but  to  look  at  our  record  to 
see  that,  from  the  beginning,  we  have  ex- 
cluded a  very  large  proportion  of  our  own 
people  from  all  participation  in  affairs 
of  government,  and  we  have  never  accused 
ourselves  of  exercising  unjust  powers  or 
undue  authority.  This  fact  strengthens 
the  belief  that  there  is  a  source  of  power 
which  does  not  lie  in  the  people  at  all — 
a  "  higher  power,"  if  you  please.  The 
Declaration  of  Independence  conforms  to 
this  view,  in  affirming  that  men  are  "  en- 
dowed by  their  Creator  with  certain  in- 
alienable rights,"  and  in  appealing  to 
the  "  Supreme  Judge  of  the  World,"  "  with 
a  firm  reliance  on  the  protection  of  Divine 


In  order  to  determine  whether  our  Phil- 
ippine policy  is  anti-American,  we  must 
examine  the  testimony  of  American  his- 
tory, and  see  the  record  that  Americans 
have  made  for  themselves  in  their  treat- 
ment of  subject  people  in  our  own  coun- 

Virginia  and  New  England  may  fairly 
be  taken  as  representative  of  the  colo- 
nies up  to  the  time  of  the  Revolution, 
in  so  far  as  the  Indian  population  is  con- 

Patents  to  the  London  Company  and  to 
the  Plymouth  Company  were  issued  in 
1006  by  King  James  I.,  authorizing  them 
to  "  possess  and  colonize  that  portion  of 
North  America  lying  between  the  thirtj'- 
fourth  and  forty  -  fifth  parallels  of  north 
latitude."  Wliat  legal  rights  or  privileges 
James  had  in  America  were  based  Avholly 
on  the  discoveries  made  by  English  navi- 
gators. Rights  of  the  native  inhabitants 
were  not  considered  in  the  granting  of 
these  patents,  nor  in  the  subsequent  col- 

The  London  Company  colonized  Vir- 
ginia and  the  Plymouth  Company  and  its 
successors  colonized  New  England.  In 
both  cases  landings  were  effected  and  set- 
tlements begun  witliout  consulting  the 
people  that  inhabited  the  country. 

As  to  Virginia,  among  the  early  acts 
of  the  Jamestown  colony,  under  the  lead 
of  Captain  Smith,  was  the  procuring  of 
food  from  the  Indians  by  trading  with 
them,  and  at  the  same  time  fortifying  flie 
new    settlement   against    Indian    depreda- 

tions. Smith  strengthened  the  fort  in 
1608,  trained  the  watch  regularly  and 
exercised  the  company  every  Saturday. 
\o  organized  opposition  to  the  white  set- 
tlement appeared  during  the  first  few 
years,  though  the  Indians  manifested  their 
dissatisfaction  in  the  arrest  of  Smith, 
whom  they  would  have  summarily  put  to 
death  but  for  the  intercession  of  the 
chief's  daughter.  But  in  1622,  under 
Opechancanough,  they  attacked  the  set- 
tlers, killed  several  hundred  of  them,  and 
devastated  a  good  many  plantations.  They 
were  finally  beaten  back  by  the  whites, 
many  of  them  being  unmercifully  slaugh- 
tered, and  the  rest  driven  into  the  wilder- 
ness. Twenty-two  years  later,  under  the 
lead  of  the  same  chief,  another  war  broke 
out,  lasting  two  years,  causing  much  loss 
of  life  and  property  on  both  sides,  and 
resulting  in  the  utter  defeat  of  the  Ind- 
ians and  the  cession  by  them  of  tracts 
of  land  to  the  colonists.  This  policy  was 
pursued  to  the  end  of  the  colonial  period. 

The  Plymouth  colony  early  sent  Cap- 
tain Standish,  with  a  few  men,  to  confer 
with  the  natives  and  ascertain,  if  possible, 
the  state  of  their  feelings  in  regard  to 
the  white  settlement;  but  the  Indians 
eluded  him  and  he  learned  nothing.  The 
second  year  after  this  reconnoissance  Can- 
onicus,  king  or  chief  of  the  Narragansets, 
by  way  of  showing  how  he  felt  about  it, 
sent  to  the  Plymouth  people  a  bundle  of 
arrows  tied  with  the  skin  of  a  rattle- 
snake. As  an  answer  to  this  challenge, 
the  skin  was  stuffed  with  powder  and  bul- 
lets and  returned.  These  exchanges  of 
compliments  opened  the  way  for  a  peace 
treaty  between  the  settlers  and  several 
tribes ;  but  some  of  the  chiefs  were  sus- 
picious of  the  whites  and  formed  a  con- 
spiracy to  kill  them  off.  The  scheme  com- 
ing to  the  knowledge  of  che  colonists,  it 
was  frustrated  by  Standish  and  his  com- 
pany, who  treacherouslj'  killed  two  chiefs. 
A  treaty  of  peace  with  the  Narragansets 
soon  followed  this  occurrence,  and  it  re- 
mained in  force  until  the  Wampanoags, 
weary  of  encroachments  on  their  lands 
by  the  whites,  made  war  on  them  under 
the  leadership  of  King  Philip,  in  1675. 

Among  the  incidents  of  that  Avar,  and 
as  showing  tlie  temper  of  the  colonists, 
may  be  mentioned  the  destruction  of  the 
Narraganset  fort  and  the  subsequent  capt- 



ure  and  treatment  of  Philip.  The  fort  to  this  subject  race  in  our  new  territorial 
sheltered  about  3,000  Narragansets,  most-  acquisitions  we  shall  now  see. 
ly  women  and  children.  It  was  surprised  The  region  bounded  on  the  north  by 
during  a  snow-storm,  the  palisades  and  the  Great  Lakes,  on  the  east  by  the  Alle- 
wigwams  were  fired,  and  the  Indians  were  ghany  Mountains,  on  the  south  by  the 
driven  forth  by  the  flames  to  be  either  Oliio  River,  on  the  west  by  the  Missis- 
burned,  suffocated,  frozen,  butchered,  or  sippi,  out  of  which  have  grown  the  States 
drowned  in  the  surrounding  swamp.  His-  of  Ohio,  Michigan,  Wisconsin,  Illinois, 
tory  says  that  "  500  wigwams  were  de-  and  Indiana,  had  been  claimed  under  their 
stroyed,  600  warriors  killed,  1,000  women  charters  by  Virginia,  New  York,  Connecti- 
and  children  massacred,  and  the  winter's  cut,  and  Massachusetts,  but  they  ceded 
provisions  of  the  tribe  reduced  to  ashes."  their  claims  to  the  United  States.  The 
'■  The  government  set  a  price  of  30s.  per  country  so  ceded  was  our  first  territorial 
head  for  every  Indian  killed  in  battle,  and  acquisition,  and  became  known  as  the 
many  women  and  children  were  sold  into  Northwest  Territory.  A  government  was 
slavery  in  South  America  and  the  West  jirovided  for  it  under  the  ordinance  of 
Indies."  Towards  the  last,  Captain  1787,  and  President  Washington,  in  1789, 
Church,  tne  noted  Indian  fighter,  headed  appointed  Gen.  Arthur  St.  Clair  its  gov- 
an  expedition  to  find  Philip  and  destroy  ernor.  The  various  tribes  of  Indians  in- 
the  remainder  of  the  Wampanoags.  habiting  that  part  of  the  country  object- 
Philip  was  hunted  from  place  to  place,  and  cd  to  the  jurisdiction  of  the  whites,  just 
at  last  found  in  camp  on  Aug.  12,  1676.  as  some  of  the  Filipinos  have  done  in  the 
The  renegade  Indian  who  betrayed  the  Philippine  Islands,  and  they  made  war 
Narraganset  camp  led  Captain  Church  to  on  the  whites,  under  Michikiniqua,  chief 
the  camp  of  Philip.  The  attack  was  made  of  the  Miamis,  as  the  Filipinos  have  done 
at  night,  while  the  Indians  were  asleep,  under  Aguinaldo,  chief  of  the  Tagals. 
Philip,  in  attempting  to  escape,  was  recog-  Under  date  of  Oct.  6,  1789,  President 
nized  by  an  Indian  ally  of  the  whites  and  Washington  forwarded  instructions  to 
shot  dead  as  he  stumbled  and  fell  into  Governor  St.  Clair,  in  which  he  said: 
the  mire.  His  body  was  dragged  forward,  "  It  is  highly  necessary  that  I  should, 
and  Church  cut  off  his  head,  which  as  soon  as  possible,  possess  full  informa- 
was  borne  on  the  point  of  a  spear  to  tion  whether  the  Wabash  and  Illinois 
Plymouth,  where  it  remained  twenty  Indians  are  most  inclined  for  war  or 
years  exposed  on  a  gibbet.  According  peace.  .  .  .  You  will,  therefore,  inform 
to  the  colonial  laws,  as  a  traitor,  his  the  said  Indians  of  the  disposition 
body  was  drawn  and  quartered  on  a  of  the  general  government  on  this  sub- 
day  that  was  appointed  for  public  thanks-  ject,  and  of  their  reasonable  desire  that 
giving.  there  should  be  a  cessation  of  hostilities 
With  this  policy  steadily  pursued  to  as  a  prelude  to  a  treaty.  ...  I  would 
the  end,  when  the  time  came  for  Ameri-  have  it  observed  forcibly  that  a  war 
cans  themselves  to  turn  upon  their  op-  with  the  Wabash  Indians  ought  to  be 
pressors,  there  was  little  left  of  the  avoided  by  all  means  consistently  with 
Indian  question  in  New  England  and  Vir-  the  security  of  the  frontier  inhabitants, 
ginia,  or  in  any  of  the  States;  but,  with  the  security  of  the  troops,  and  the  na- 
the  Declaration  of  Independence,  the  tional  dignity.  .  .  .  But  if,  after  manifest- 
formation  of  the  federal  Union,  and  the  ing  clearly  to  the  Indians  the  disposition 
establishment  of  a  national  government  of  the  general  government  for  the  preser- 
for  the  whole  country,  our  Indian  trou-  vation  of  peace  and  the  extension  of  a  just 
bles  were  confined  chiefly  to  territory  be-  protection  to  the  said  Indians,  they  should 
longing  to  the  Union,  regions  acqiiired  continue  their  incursions,  the  United 
after  the  Union  was  formed,  and,  hence.  States  will  be  constrained  to  punish  them 
national   territories   under   the   sole  juris-  with  severity." 

diction      of      the      national      government,  The    Indians    were    most    inclined    for 

though  inhabited  by  Indians,  whose  rights  war,  as  the  Tagals  have  been,  and  a  good 

to    the    soil    had    never    been    questioned,  deal  of  hard  fighting,  extending  over  five 

What   has   been    our   policy   with   respect  years,  was  done  before  they  were  brought 



to  terms  in  a  treaty.  The  battle  at 
Miami  Village,  Sept.  30,  1790,  between 
about  1,800  Americans  under  General 
Harniar,  and  a  somewliat  larger  body  of 
Indians  under  various  chiefs,  resulted  in 
a  victory  for  the  Indians,  with  a  loss  of 
120  men  killed  and  300  wigwams  burned. 
Another  pitched  battle  was  fought  near 
the  same  place  the  next  year.  The  Ind- 
ians were  again  victorious,  and  the  Amer- 
ican loss  was  more  than  half  the  army— 
G31  killed  and  203  wounded.  On  Aug.  20, 
1794,  General  Wayne,  with  900  United 
States  soldiers,  routed  the  Indians  in  a 
battle  near  Miami  Rapids,  and  a  year 
later  a  treaty  of  peace  was  concluded,  by 
the  terms  of  which  nearly  the  whole  of 
Ohio  was  ceded  by  the  Indians  to  the 
United   States. 

It  will  be  observed  that  with  five  years 
of  war  we  had  got  no  farther  west  than 
Ohio.  And  these  battles  with  the  Ind- 
ians in  the  Miami  Valley  were  more 
bloody  than  any  ever  fought  by  American 
armies  with  white  men. 

This  long  and  bloody  Indian  war  did 
not  end  our  troubles  in  the  Northwest. 
The  Indians  confederated  under  Tecum- 
seh  in  1811,  and  they  were  routed  at  the 
battle  of  Tippecanoe  by  General  Har- 
rison. This  practically  terminated  Ind- 
ian hostilities  in  the  Northwest  Territory, 
but  Tecumseh  stirred  up  resistance 
among  the  Creeks  and  their  allies  in  our 
new  acquisitions  south  of  the  Ohio,  known 
as  the  Southwest  Territory.  The  rebel- 
lion there  began  with  the  massacre  at 
Fort  Minis,  on  Aug.  30,  1813,  in  the 
Creek  Nation,  and  ended  with  the  battle 
of  Tohopeka,  on  March  27,  1814,  where 
the  Indians  were  defeated  by  troops  under 
General  Jackson.  About  1,000  Creek 
warriors  were  engaged  at  Tohopeka,  and 
more  than  half  of  them  (550)  were  killed. 
Seven  fierce  battles  were  fought  during 
the  continuance  of  this  brief  war,  with  an 
aggregate  loss  to  the  Indians  of  1,300 
killed  and  an  unknown  number  of 

The  Black  Hawk  War,  in  1832,  cost  the 
lives  of  twenty-five  Americans  and  150 

The  Florida  War  began  in  1835  and 
lasted  seven  years,  ending  with  the  final 
defeat  of  the  Indians. 

Since  the  conclusion  of  the  Florida,  or 

Seminole,  War  our  armed  conflicts  with 
Indians  have  been  mostly  in  the  West,  on 
territory  which  we  acquired  by  purchase 
from  France  and  by  cession  from  Mexico 
in  concluding  a  two  years'  war  with  that 

Between  1846  and  18G6  there  were 
some  fifteen  or  twenty  Indian  wars  or 
a  flairs,  in  which  it  is  estimated  that 
1,500  whites  and  7,000  Indians  were 

In  the  actions  between  regular  troops 
and  Indians,  from  18G6  to  1891,  the  num- 
ber of  whites  killed  was  1,452;  wounded, 
1,101.  The  number  of  Indians  killed  was 
4,363;  wounded,  1,135. 

Our  Indian  wars  have  been  expensive 
as  well  as  bloody.  It  is  estimated  by  the 
War  Department  that,  excluding  the  time 
covered  by  our  wars  with  Great  Britain 
(1812-14),  and  with  Mexico  (1846-48) 
and  with  the  Confederate  States  (1861- 
65),  three-fourths  of  the  total  expense  of 
the  army  is  chargeable,  directly  or  in- 
directly, to  the  Indians;  the  aggregate 
thus  chargeable  is  put  at  $807,073,658, 
and  this  does  not  include  cost  of  fortifica- 
tions, posts,  and  stations;  nor  does  it  in- 
clude amounts  reimbursed  to  the  several 
States  ($10,000,000)  for  their  expenses 
in  wars  with  the  Indians.  The  Indian 
war  pension  account  in  1897  stood  at 

Except  when  engaged  in  other  wars,  the 
army  has  been  used  almost  entirely  for  the 
Indian  service,  and  stationed  in  the  Ind- 
ian country  and  along  the  frontier. 

Such  in  general  outline  is  Americanism 
as  it  has  consistently  exhibited  itself  in 
the  policy  followed  by  this  country  at  the 
only  junctures  which  are  comparable  to 
the  Philippine  situation  at  the  present 
day.  If  it  amounts  to  imperialism,  then, 
indeed,  are  we  a  nation  of  imperialists 
without  division. 

But  let  us  get  closer  to  the  subject.  The 
case  presented  by  the  anti-imperialists 
against  the  administration  is  almost  ex- 
actly paralleled  in  the  history  of  Florida. 
Spain's  title  to  the  Philippines  was  as 
good  as  that  by  which  she  claimed  Florida, 
for  it  had  the  same  basis — the  right  of 
discovery:  and  her  right  to  cede  and  con- 
vey her  title  was  as  perfect  in  the  one  case 
as  in  the  other.  In  both  instances,  the 
inhabitants    were,    by    international    law. 



transferred  with  the  land  on  which  they 
dwelt.*  Filipinos  inhabited  the  Philippine 
Islands  when  Magellan  discovered  them  in 
1521,  and  when  Villalobos,  a  few  years 
later,  "  took  possession  of  the  group  and 
named  it  in  honor  of  King  Philip  II.,  of 
Spain,"  and  they  were  there  in  1898,  when 
Spain  ceded  the  archipelago  to  the  United 
States  in  eonsideratioi  of  closing  a  war 
and  the  payment  of  $20,000,000  in  money. 

The  Seminole  Indians  inhabited  Florida 
when  that  region  was  discovered  by  the 
Spanish  navigators,  and  they  were  there 
in  1819-21,  when  Spain  ceded  the  country 
to  the  United  States  in  consideration  of 
removing  a  just  cause  of  war  on  our  part, 
and  a  stipulation  to  settle  claims  against 
Spain  to  the  amount  of  $5,000,000. 

The  treaty  for  Florida  was  concluded  in 
1819,  but  was  not  ratified  by  Spain  till 
the  second  year  thereafter;  a  territorial 
government  was  established  on  March  30, 
1822,  the  President  in  the  mean  time  gov- 
erning the  Territory  twenty  years,  the 
State  being  admitted  on  March  3,  1845. 
During  the  territorial  period  the  army 
was  needed  there  most  of  the  time  to  sup- 
press disorders  in  which  the  Indians  were 
almost  always  mixed;  and  in  1835  the 
war  with  the  Seminoles  began.  Andrew 
Jackson  was  President  during  the  first 
two  years  of  this  war ;  it  continued  all 
through  Van  Buren's  term,  and  extended 
a  year  or  more  into  that  of  Harrison  and 
Tyler.  To  suppress  this  rebellion  of  Os- 
ceola and  his  allies,  the  army,  consisting 
of  regulars,  militia,  and  volunteers,  was 
employed  seven  years. 

President  McKinley  is  doing  in  the 
Philippines  just  what  was  done  by  Presi- 
dent Jackson  and  his  successors  in  Flor- 
ida, and  he  is  doing  it  more  humanely. 
Were   they   imperialists? 

♦  American  Supreme  Court,  In  the  case  of 
the  American  Insurance  Company  vs.  Canter, 
1  Peters,  511,  referring  to  the  territory  held 
by  a  conqueror,  awaiting  the  conclusion  of 
a  treaty,  says  : 

"  If  it  be  ceded  by  the  treaty,  the 
acquisition  is  confirmed,  and  the  ceded  ter- 
ritory becomes  a  part  of  the  nation  to  which 
it  is  annexed.  ...  On  such  a  transfer 
of  territory,  the  relations  of  the  inhabitants 
with  their  former  sovereign  are  dissolved,  and 
new  relations  are  created  between  them  and 
the  government  which  has  acquired  their 
territory.  The  same  act  which  transfers 
their  country  transfers  the  allegiance  of 
those  who  remain  in  it." 

As  to  matters  of  government,  American- 
ism means  American  rule  in  American 
territory.  Americans  govern  by  major- 
ities— majorities  of  those  who,  by  pre- 
vious constitutional  and  statutory  pro- 
visions, are  authorized  to  govern,  and 
whose  administration  of  public  affairs  has 
been,  as  far  as  practicable,  determined 
in  advance  by  properly  constituted  au- 

Beginning  with  the  Pilgrims'  compact, 
we  have  grown  a  republic,  removing  or 
surmounting  all  obstacles  in  the  way  of 
our  development,  until  now  we  are  in  the 
forefront  of  nations.  We  have  liberated 
the  negro  and  given  him  the  ballot.  The 
Indians,  of  whom  there  are  about  as 
many  in  the  country  as  ever,  have  to  their 
credit  in  the  national  treasury  a  trust 
fund  amotmting  to  about  $25,000,000; 
they  are  dissolving  their  tribal  relations; 
the  adults,  under  government  supervision, 
are  learning  to  work  at  farming  and  other 
useful  callings,  their  children  are  in  gov- 
ernment schools,  and  all  are  in  process 
of  citizenization.  Government  Indian 
schools  now  number  about  150,  with  near- 
ly as  many  contract  schools.  Indian  edu- 
cation is  costing  the  government  about 
$2,000,000  a  year. 

The  trouble  in  the  Philippines  has  been 
occasioned  by  Aguinaldo  and  his  associ- 
ates. Americans  are  there  of  right,  and 
they  ask  nothing  of  the  natives  but  to  be 
peaceable,  to  obey  the  laws,  and  to  go 
ahead  with  their  business;  they  will  not 
only  be  protected  in  every  right,  but  will 
be  aided  by  all  the  powerful  influences 
of  an  advanced  and  aggressive  civilization. 
See  Acquisition  of  Territory;  Annexed 
Territory,  Status  of;  Anti-Expansion- 

Imports.     See  Commerce. 

Impost  Duties.  The  first  impost 
duties  laid  on  the  English-American  colo- 
nies were  in  1672,  when  the  British  Par- 
liament, regarding  colonial  commerce  as 
a  proper  source  of  public  revenue  and 
taxation,  passed  a  law  imposing  a  duty 
on  sugar,  tobacco,  ginger,  cocoanut,  in- 
digo, logwood,  fustic,  wool,  and  cotton, 
tmder  certain  conditions.  It  was  enacted 
that  the  whole  business  shotild  be  man- 
aged and  the  imposts  levied  by  officers 
appointed  by  the  commissioners  of  cus- 
toms in  England,  under  the  authority  of 



the  lords  of  the  treasury.  This  was  the 
first  attempt  at  taxation  of  the  colonies 
without  their  consent. 

The  first  of  such  duties  established  by 
the  United  States  was  for  the  purpose 
of  restoring  the  public  credit.  On  April 
18,  1782,  the  Congress  voted  "  that  it  be 
recommended  to  the  several  States  as 
indispensably  necessary  to  the  restoration 
of  public  credit,  and  to  the  punctual 
and  honorable  discharge  of  the  public 
debts,  to  invest  the  United  States,  in 
Congress  assembled,  with  power  to  levy 
for  the  use  of  the  United  States  "  certain 
duties  named  upon  certain  goods  import- 
ed from  any  foreign  port.  Under  the  pro- 
visions of  the  Articles  of  Confederation, 
the  unanimous  consent  of  the  States  was 
necessary  to  confer  this  power  upon  the 
Congress.  This  was  the  first  attempt  to  lay 
such  duties  for  revenue.  The  necessity 
was  obvious,  and  all  the  States  except 
Ehode  Island  and  Georgia  agreed  to  an 
ad  valorem  duty  of  5  per  cent,  upon  all 
goods  excepting  spirituous  liquors,  wines, 
teas,  pepper,  sugars,  molasses,  cocoa,  and 
coffee,  on  which  specific  duties  were  laid. 
The  Assembly  gave,  as  a  reason  for  its 
refusal,  the  inequality  of  such  a  tax,  bear- 
ing harder  on  the  commercial  States,  and 
the  inexpediency  and  danger  of  intrust- 
ing its  collection  to  federal  officers,  un- 
known and  not  accountable  to  the  State 
governments.  A  committee  of  the  Con- 
gress, with  Alexander  Hamilton  as  chair- 
man, Avas  appointed  to  lay  the  proposi- 
tion before  the  several  States  and  to  urge 
their  acquiescence.  They  sent  it  forth 
with  an  eloquent  address,  which  appealed 
to  the  patriotism  of  the  people.  The 
measure  was  approved  by  the  leading  men 
of  the  country,  and  all  the  States  but 
two  were  willing  to  give  Congress  the  de- 
sired power.  "It  is  money,  not  power, 
that  ought  to  be  the  object,"  they  said. 
"  The  former  will  pay  our  debts,  the  latter 
may  destroy  our  liberties."  See  Com- 
merce ;    Internal   Re\t:nue. 

Impressment.  In  1707  the  British  Par- 
liament, by  act,  forbade  the  impressment 
of  seamen  in  American  ports  and  waters 
for  privateering  service,  unless  of  such 
sailors  as  had  previously  deserted  from 
ships-of-war.  The  custom  had  been  a 
source  of  annoyance  and  complaint  for 
several  years,  and  was  continued  despite 
V. — B  1 

the  action  of  Parliament.  In  November, 
1747,  Commodore  Knowles,  while  in  Bos- 
ton Harbor,  finding  himself  short  of  men, 
sent  a  press-gang  into  the  town  one  morn- 
ing, which  seized  and  carried  to  the  ves- 
sels several  of  the  citizens.  This  violence 
aroused  the  populace.  Several  of  the  naval 
officers  on  shore  were  seized  by  a  mob  and 
held  as  hostages  for  their  kidnapped  coun- 
trymen. They  also  surrounded  the  town 
house,  where  the  legislature  was  in  ses- 
sion, and  demanded  the  release  of  the 
impressed  men.  The  governor  called  out 
the  militia,  who  reluctantly  obeyed.  Then, 
alarmed,  he  withdrew  to  the  castle. 
Knowles  offered  a  company  of  marines  to 
sustain  his  authority,  and  threatened  to 
bombard  the  town  if  his  officers  were  not 
released.  The  populace  declared  that  the 
governor's  flight  was  abdication.  Matters 
became  so  serious  that  the  influential  citi- 
zens, who  had  favored  the  populace,  tried 
to  suppress  the  tumult.  The  Assembly  or- 
dered the  release  of  the  officers,  and 
Knowles  sent  back  most  of  the  impressed 
men.  The  authorities  attributed  the  out- 
break to  "  negroes  and  persons  of  vile  con- 
dition." This  was  the  first  of  a  series  of 
impressments  of  American  citizens  by 
British  officers  which  finally  led  to  the 
War  of  1812-15. 

Proofs  of  the  sufferings  of  American 
seamen  from  the  operations  of  the  British 
impress  system  were  continually  received, 
and  so  frequent  and  flagrant  were  these 
outrages,  towards  the  close  of  1805,  that 
Congress  took  action  on  the  subject.  It 
was  felt  that  a  crisis  was  reached  when 
the  independence  of  the  United  States 
must  be  vindicated,  or  the  national  honor 
would  be  imperilled.  There  was  ample 
cause  not  only  for  retaliatory  measures 
against  Great  Britain,  but  even  for  war. 
A  non-importation  act  was  passed.  It  was 
resolved  to  try  negotiations  once  more. 
William  Pinkney,  of  Maryland,  was  ap- 
pointed (May,  1806)  minister  extraordi- 
nary to  England,  to  become  associated 
with  Monroe,  the  resident  minister,  in 
negotiating  a  treaty  that  should  settle  all 
disputes  between  the  two  governments. 
He  sailed  for  England,  and  negotiations 
were  commenced  Aug.  7.  As  the  Ameri- 
can commissioners  were  instructed  to 
make  no  treaty  which  did  not  secure  the 
vessels  of  their  countrymen  on  the  high 


seas  against  press-gangs,  that  topic  re- 
ceived the  earliest  attention.  The  Ameri- 
cans contended  that  the  right  of  impress- 
ment, existing  by  municipal  law,  could 
not  be  exercised  out  of  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  Great  Britain,  and,  consequently, 
upon  the  high  seas.  The  British  replied 
that  no  subject  of  the  King  could  expatri- 
ate himself — "  once  an  Englishman,  al- 
ways an  Englishman  " — and  argued  that 
to  give  up  that  right  would  make  every 
American  vessel  an  asylum  for  British 
seamen  wishing  to  evade  their  country's 
service.  Finally,  the  British  commission- 
ers stated  in  writing  that  it  was  not  in- 
tended by  their  government  to  exercise 
this  claimed  right  on  board  any  American 
vessel,  unless  it  was  known  it  contained 
British  deserters.  In  that  shape  this  por- 
tion of  a  treaty  then  concluded  remained, 
and  was  unsatisfactory  because  it  was 
based  upon  contingencies  and  provisions, 
and  not  upon  positive  treaty  stipulations. 
The  American  commissioners  then,  on 
their  own  responsibility,  proceeded  to  treat 
upon  other  points  in  dispute,  and  an  agree- 
ment was  made,  based  principally  upon 
Jay's  treaty  of  1794.  The  British  made 
some  concessions  as  to  the  rights  of  neu- 
trals. The  treaty  was  more  favorable  to 
the  Americans,  on  the  whole,  than  Jay's, 
and,  for  the  reasons  which  induced  him, 
the  American  commissioners  signed  it.  It 
was  satisfactory  to  the  merchants  and 
most  of  the  people;  yet  the  President,  con- 
sulting only  his  Secretary  of  State,  and 
without  referring  it  to  the  Senate,  re- 
jected it. 

A  Cause  of  War. — The  British  govern- 
ment claimed  the  right  for  commanders  of 
British  ships  -  of  -  war  to  make  up  any 
deficiency  in  their  crews  by  pressing  into 
their  service  British-born  seamen  found 
anywhere  not  within  the  immediate  juris- 
diction of  some  foreign  state.  As  many 
British  seamen  were  employed  on  board 
of  American  merchant-vessels,  the  exer- 
cise of  this  claimed  right  might  (and 
often  did)  seriously  cripple  American  ves- 
sels at  sea.  To  distinguish  between  Brit- 
ish and  American  seamen  was  not  an  easy 
matter,  and  many  British  captains,  eager 
to  fill  up  their  crews,  frequently  impressed 
native-born  Americans.  These  were  some- 
times dragged  by  violence  from  on  board 
their  own  vessels  and  condemned  to  a  life 


of  slavery  as  seamen  in  British  ships-of- 
war.  When  Jonathan  Russell,  minister 
at  the  British  Court,  attempted  to  ne- 
gotiate with  that  government  (August, 
1812)  for  a  settlement  of  disputes  be- 
tween the  Americans  and  British,  and  pro- 
posed the  withdrawal  of  the  claims  of 
the  latter  to  the  right  of  impressment 
and  the  release  of  impressed  seamen.  Lord 
Castlereagh,  the  British  minister  for  for- 
eign affairs,  refused  to  listen  to  such  a 
proposition.  He  even  expressed  surprise 
that,  "  as  a  condition  preliniinary  even 
to  a  suspension  of  hostilities,  the  govern- 
ment of  the  United  States  should  have 
thought  fit  to  demand  that  the  British  gov- 
ernment should  desist  from  its  ancient 
and  accustomed  practice  of  impressing 
British  seamen  from  the  merchant-ships 
of  a  foreign  state,  simply  on  the  assur- 
ance that  a  la^y  was  hereafter  to  be  passed 
to  prohibit  the  employment  of  British 
seamen  in  the  public  or  commercial  ser- 
vice of  that  state."  The  United  States 
liad  proposed  to  pass  a  law  making  such 
a  prohibition  in  case  the  British  govern- 
ment should  relinquish  the  practice  of 
impressment  and  release  all  impressed 
seamen.  Castlereagh  acknowledged  that 
there  might  have  been,  at  the  beginning 
of  the  year  1811,  1,600  bona  fide  American 
citizens  serving  by  compulsion  in  the 
British  navy.  Several  hundreds  of  them 
had  been  discharged,  and  all  would  be, 
Castlereagh  said,  upon  proof  made  of  their 
American  birth ;  but  the  British  govern- 
ment, he  continued,  could  not  consent  "  to 
suspend  the  exercise  of  a  right  upon 
which  the  naval  strength  of  the  empire 
mainly  depended,  unless  assured  that  the 
object  might  be  attained  in  some  other 
way."  There  were  then  upward  of  6,000 
cases  of  alleged  impressm.ent  of  American 
seamen  recorded  in  the  Department  of 
State,  and  it  was  estimated  that  at  least 
as  many  more  might  have  occurred,  of 
which  no  information  had  been  received. 
Castlereagh  had  admitted  on  the  floor  of 
the  House  of  Commons  that  an  official 
inquiry  had  revealed  the  fact  that  there 
were,  in  1811,  3,500  men  claiming  to  be 
American  citizens.  Whatever  may  have 
been  the  various  causes  combined  which 
produced  the  war  between  the  United 
States  and  Great  Britain  in  1812-15, 
when  it  was  declared,  the  capital  question, 


and  that  around  which  gathered  in  agree- 
ment a  larger  portion  of  the  people  of 
the  republic,  was  that  of  impressment. 
The  contest  was,  by  this  consideration,  re- 
solved into  a  noble  struggle  of  a  free 
people  against  insolence  and  oppression, 
undertaken  on  behalf  of  the  poor,  the  help- 
less, and  the  stranger.  It  was  this  con- 
ception of  the  essential  nature  of  the 
conflict  that  gave  vigor  to  every  blow  of 
the  American  soldier  and  seamen,  and 
the  watch-words  "  Free  Trade  and  Sail- 
ors' Eights "  prevailed  on  land  as  well 
as  on  the  sea.     See  Madison,  James. 

Imprisonment  for  Debt.  See  Debtors. 

Income-tax.  The  first  income-tax  was 
enacted  by  Congress  July  1,  18G2,  to  take 
effect  in  1863.  It  taxed  all  incomes  over 
$G00  and  under  $10,000  3  per  cent.,  and 
over  $10,000  5  per  cent.  By  the  act  of 
March  3,  1865,  the  rate  was  increased  to 
5  and  to  10  per  cent,  on  the  excess  over 
$5,000,  the  exemption  of  $600  remaining 
the  same.  On  March  2,  1867,  the  ex- 
emption was  increased  to  $1,000,  and  the 
rate  fixed  at  5  per  cent,  on  all  excess 
above  $1,000;  the  tax  to  be  levied  only 
until  1870.  After  a  contest  in  Congress 
the  tax  was  renewed  for  one  year  only  by 
act  of  July  14,  1870,  at  the  reduced  rate 
of  2%  per  cent,  on  the  excess  of  income 
above  $2,000.  A  bill  to  repeal  it  passed 
the  Senate  Jan.  26,  1871,  by  26  to  25.  The 
House  refused  to  take  up  the  Senate  bill 
Feb.  9,  1871,  by  a  vote  of  104  to  105,  but 
on  March  3,  1871,  concurred  in  the  report 
of  a  committee  which  endorsed  the  Senate 
bill  and  repealed  the  tax.  The  last  tax 
levied  under  the  law  was  in  1871.  In- 
come-taxes assessed  and  due  in  1871  and 
for  preceding  years,  however,  continued 
to  be  collected,  1872-74,  as  seen,  by  the 
subjoined  table: 


1863    .$  2.741.857 

1864  20.294,733 

1865  32.050,017 

1866  72.982,160 

1867  66.014.429 

1868  41.455.599 

1869  34.791,857 

1 870  37.775.872 

1871  19,162.652 

1872  14.436.861 

1873    5,062,312 

1874    140,391 

Total    $346,908,740 

The  Wilson  tariff  bill  of  1894  contained 
provisions  for  an  income-tax,  which  the 
United  States  Supreme  Court  declared  un- 
constitutional on  May  20,  1895. 

Independence  Day,  Lessons  of.  See 
Garrison,  William  Lloyd. 

Independents.  See  Congregational 
'  Church. 

Indian  Corn.  When  the  English 
settlers  first  went  to  Virginia,  they  found 
the  Indians  cultivating  maize,  and  the 
Europeans  called  it  "  Indian  corn."  It 
jiroved  to  be  a  great  blessing  to  the  immi- 
grants to  our  shores,  from  Maine  to 
Florida.  Indian  corn  appears  among  the 
earliest  exports  from  America.  As  early 
as  1748  the  two  Carolinas  exported  about 
100,000  bushels  a  year.  For  several  years 
previous  to  the  Revolution,  Virginia  ex- 
ported 600,000  bushels  annually.  The 
total  amount  of  this  grain  exported  an- 
nually from  all  the  English-American 
colonies  at  the  beginning  of  the  Revolu- 
tion was  between  560,000  and  580,000 
bushels.  At  the  beginning  of  the  nine- 
teenth century  the  annual  export  was 
2,000,000  bushels.  But  its  annual  product 
was  not  included  in  the  census  reports 
until  1840,  when  the  aggregate  yield  was 
nearly  400,000,000  bushels.  In  the  calen- 
dar year  1903  the  aggregate  production 
was  '2,244,176,925  bushels,  from  88,091,- 
993  acres,  and  the  total  value  was  $952,- 
868,801.  The  banner  States,  in  their  order 
and  with  their  production,  were:  Illinois, 
204.087,043  bushels.  Iowa,  229,218,220 
bushels;  Missouri,  202,839,584  bushels; 
Nebraska,  172,379,532  bushels;  Kan- 
sas, 171,687,014  bushels;  Indiana,  142,- 
580,886  bushels;  and  Texas,  140,750,733 
liushels — all  other  States  and  Territories 
being  below  the  100,000,000  mark.  See 

Legend  of  the  Grain.  —  While  Capt. 
Miles  Standish  and  others  of  the  Pilgrims 
were  seeking  a  place  to  land,  they  found 
some  maize  in  one  of  the  deserted  huts 
of  the  Indians.  Afterwards  Samoset,  the 
friendly  Indian,  and  others,  taught  the 
Pilgrims  how  to  cultivate  the  grain,  for 
it  was  unknown  in  Europe,  and  this  sup- 
ply, serving  them  for  seed,  saved  the  lit- 
tle colony  from  starvation  the  following 
year.  The  grain  now  first  received  the 
name  of  "  Indian  corn."  Mr.  Schoolcraft 
tells  us  that  Indian  corn  entered  into  the 


mythology   of   the   Indians   of   the   region  Such  is  the  legend  of  the  origin  of  Ind- 

of  the   Upper  Lakes.     In  legend  the  Ind-  ian  corn,  or  maize. 

ians  tell  us  that  a  youth,  on   the  verge  Indian  Industrial  Schools.     In  addi- 

of  manhood,  went  into  the  forest  to  fast,  tion  to  a  large  number  of  day,  boarding, 

where  he  built  himself  a  lodge  and  paint-  and  other  schools  maintained  by  the  fed- 

ed   his   face   in   sombre   colors;    and   then  eral  government,  various  religious  organ- 

he  asked  the  Master  of  Life  for  some  pre- 
cious gift  that  should  benefit  his  race. 
Being  weak  from  fasting,  he  lay  down  in 
his  lodge  and  gazed  through  its  opening 
into  the  blue  depths  of  the  heavens,  from 
which    descended    a    visible    spirit   in    the 

izations,  and  each  of  the  five  civilized 
tribes  in  the  Indian  Territory,  there  were 
i]i  1900  a  total  of  twenty-four  schools  for 
Indian  youth,  in  which  in  addition  to  the 
ordinary  branches  special  attention  was 
paid  to  industrial  education  on  lines  that 

form  of  a  beautiful  young  man  dressed  in    would   render    the   youth    self  -  supporting 

gjeen,  and  having  green  plumes  on  his 
head.  This  embodied  spirit  bade  the  young 
Indian  to  rise  and  wrestle  with  him  as 
the  only  way  to  obtain  the  coveted  bless- 
ing. Four  days  the  wrestlings  were  re- 
peated, the  youth  feeling  each  time  an  in- 
creasing moral  and  supernatural  energy, 
while  his  bodily  strength  declined.  This 
mysterious  energy  promised  him  the  final 
victory.  On  the  third  day  his  celestial  vis- 
itor said  to  him :  "  To-morrow  will  be 
the  seventh  day  of  your  fast,  and  the  last 
time  I  shall  wrestle  with  you.  You 
will  triumph  over  me  and  gain  your 
wishes.  As  soon  as  you  have  thrown 
me  down,  strip  off  my  clothes  and  bury 
me  in  the  spot  of  soft,  fresh  earth. 
When  you  have  done  this,  leave  me, 
but  come  occasionally  to  visit  the  place 
to  keep  the  weeds  from  growing.  Once 
or  twice  cover  me  with  fresh  earth." 
The  spirit  then  departed,  but  returned 
the  next  day;  and.  as  he  had  predict- 
ed, the  youth  threw  him  on  the  ground. 
The  young  man  obeyed  his  visitor's  in- 
structions faithfully,  and  very  soon 
was  delighted  to  see  the  green  plumes 
of  the  heavenly  stranger  shooting  up 
through  the  mould.  He  carefully  weed- 
ed the  ground  aroimd  them,  and  kept 
it  fresh  and  soft,  and  in  due  time 
his  eyes  were  charmed  at  beholding  a 
full-grown  plant  bending  with  fruit 
that  soon  became  golden  just  as  the 
frost  touched  it.  It  gracefully  waved 
its  long  leaves  and  its  yellow  tassels 
in  the  autumn  wind.  The  young  man 
called  his  parents  to  behold  the  new 
plant.  "  It  is  Men-du-min"  said  his 
father;  "it  is  the  grain  of  the 
Oreat  Spirit."  They  invited  their 
friends  to  a  feast  on  the  excellent 
grain,  and  there  were  great  rejoicings. 

in  the  future.  These  special  schools  com- 
bined had  a  total  of  262  instructors  in  in- 
dustrial work,  and  3,076  male  and  2,288 
female  pupils,  and  the  total  expenditure 
for  the  school  year  1898-99  was  $198,- 
834.  The  most  noted  of  these  schools  is 
the  United  States  Indian  Industrial 
School,  established  in  Carlisle,  Pa.  It 
had  in  the  above  year  twenty-nine  in- 
structors and  1,090  pupils,  of  whom  487 
were  girls.  In  addition  to  the  foregoing 
schools  the  federal  government  was  hav- 




ing  Indian  youth  educated  in  the  Hamp-  undertake  the  experiment  of  liaving  Ind- 

ton    Normal   and    Industrial    Institute    in  ian  youth   educated   there   also,   and   such 

Virginia,  wliich  was  originally  established  encouraging     results     followed     that     the 

for  the  education  of  colored  youth   only,  government     has      since      kept     a      large 

The  success  of  the  institution  in  its  origi-  class    of    Indian    boys    and    girls    in    the 

nal    purpose    induced    the   government    to  institution. 


Indian  Problem,  The.  The  following 
is  a  consideration  of  this  subject  from  the 
pen  of  the  Rev.  Lyman  Abbott: 

Helen  Jackson  has  written  the  history 
of  100  years  of  our  nation's  dealing  with 
the  Indians,  under  the  title  of  A  Century 
of  Dishonor.  Her  specifications  seem  to 
make  the  indictment  of  her  title  good. 
Yet  I  am  persuaded  that  the  dishonor 
which  justly  attaches  to  the  history  of 
our  dealings  ^yith  the  North  American 
Indians  is  due  rather  to  a  lack  of  pro- 
phetic vision,  quite  pardonable,  in  the 
nation's  leaders,  and  an  ignorance  and 
indifference,  not  pardonable,  in  the  nation 
at  large,  rather  than  to  any  deliberate 
policy  of  injustice  adopted  by  the  nation. 
Bad  as  has  been  our  treatment  of  the 
Indians,  it  is  luminous  by  the  side  of 
Russia's  treatment  of  the  Jews,  Turkey's 
treatment  of  the  Armenians,  Spain's  treat- 
ment of  the  Moors,  and,  if  we  include  the 
war  of  Cromwell  against  the  Irish,  the 
English  legislation  against  Irish  industry, 
Irish  education,  and  the  Church  of  Ire- 
land's choice,  it  compares  favorably  with 
England's  treatment  of  Ireland. 

When  thirteen  States — a  fringe  of  civ- 
ilization on  the  eastern  edge  of  an  un- 
k/iown  wilderness — constituted  the  Amer- 
ican Republic,  there  was  no  prophet  to 
foresee  the  time  when  the  republic  would 
stretch  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific 
and  from  the  Lakes  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico, 
and  would  include  70.000,000  people. 
If  there  were  any  sncn  prophet  he  was  as 
A  voice  crying  in  the  wilderness ;  no  one 
heard  or  heeded.  Thp  politician  is  al- 
most invariably  an  opportunist,  perhaps 
necessarily  so,  since  no  great  prevision  is 
granted  to  the  children  of  men.  The  in- 
fant republic  did  not  know  and  took  little 
pains  to  ascertain  the  extent  of  the  domain 
which  stretched  to  the  west,  or  the  num- 
ber or  character  of  the  people  who  roamed 

o\-er  it.  Each  decade  was  satisfied  to  pro- 
vide for  its  necessities  and  leave  the  next 
decade  to  take  care  of  itself.  As  the 
boundary-line  was  pushed  steadily  west- 
ward, new  treaties  were  made,  by  which 
all  territory  west  of  a  given  boundary 
was  reserved  for  the  Indians  forever.  I 
think  it  was  in  1800  that  such  a  treaty 
was  made,  securing  to  them  for  all  future 
time  the  land  west  of  the  Mississippi 
River.  All  future  time  is  a  long  while, 
and  each  new  treaty  was  made  only  to  be 
broken,  as  increase  of  population  and  in- 
coming immigration  made  new  demands  on 
the  continent  for  support.  Thus  gradually 
grcAV  up  withovit  design  the  so-called  reser- 
vation system.  Less  and  less  land  was 
reserved  to  the  Indians ;  more  and  more 
was  taken  up  by  the  whites;  until  at  last 
certain  relatively  small  sections  were 
deeded  to  separate  Indian  tribes.  In  these, 
according  to  the  treaties  made,  the  several 
tribes  were  at  liberty  to  remain  forever 
hunters  and  trappers,  freed  from  the  obli- 
gations and  without  the  advantages  and 
perils  of  civilization. 

These  reservations  have  been  practically 
prison  yards,  within  which  the  tribes  have 
been  confined.  If  any  member  passed  be- 
yond the  boundaries  of  the  reservation 
without  leave  he  was  liable  to  arrest.  If 
he  raised  crops  or  manufactured  goods 
he  could  not  carry  them  for  sale  to  the 
open  market ;  if  he  wished  to  buy  he  could 
not  go  to  the  open  market  to  purchase. 
The  land  was  owned  by  the  tribe  in  com- 
mon, and  the  idle  and  industrious  shared 
alike  its  advantages  and  disadvantages. 
Industry  received  no  reward ;  idleness  in- 
volved no  penalty.  Money  due  the  tribe 
under  the  treaty  was  paid  with  more  or 
less  regularity,  generally  in  rations,  some- 
times in  guns  and  ammunition  to  fight 
the  white  man  with,  or  scalping-knives 
to  take  from  his  head  a  trophy  of  the 
battle.     The   forms   of   industry  to   which 




the  men  were  accustomed — hunting  and 
trapping  —  gradually  disappeared;  little 
or  nothing  was  done  to  teach  new  forms 
of  industry  or  to  inspire  the  men  to 
undertake  them.  From  the  reservation  all 
the  currents  of  civilization  were  excluded 
by  federal  law.  The  railroad,  the  tele- 
graph, the  newspaper,  the  open  market, 
free  competition — all  halted  at  its  walls. 
By  favor  of  the  government,  generally 
freely  granted,  the  missionary  was  al- 
lowed to  establish  a  church,  or  Christian 
philanthropy  to  plant  a  school.  But  as 
an  educated  Indian  was  rather  impeded 
than  aided  in  the  tribal  community  by 
education,  neither  the  church  nor  the 
school  could  do  more  than  save  individuals 
from  a  population  shut  up  by  law  to  the 
general  conditions  of  barbarism.  No 
courts  sat  in  these  reservations;  no  law 
was  administered  by  those  judicial  meth- 
ods familiar  to  the  Anglo-Saxon;  no  war- 
rants from  local  courts  outside  could  be 
executed ;  no  Indian,  if  wronged,  could 
appeal  to  any  court  for  redress.     Such  law 

as  existed  was  administered  by  an  Indian 
agent,  a  person  of  ill-defined,  and  to  the 
Indian  mind,  of  illimitable  power.  He 
was  as  nearly  an  absolute  despot  as  can 
be  conceived  existing  on  American  soil. 
He  was  sometimes  an  intelligent  and  be- 
neficent despot,  sometimes  an  ignorant  and 
incompetent  one;  but  in  either  case  a 

Thus  there  has  grown  up  in  America, 
by  no  deliberate  design  but  by  a  natural 
though  mischievous  opportunism  which 
has  rarely  looked  more  than  ten  years 
ahead,  a  system  as  inconsistent  with 
American  principles  and  the  American 
spirit  as  covild  easily  be  devised  by  the 
ingenuity  or  conceived  by  the  imagination 
of  a  man.  It  has  denied  to  the  Indian, 
often  imder  the  generous  desire  to  do  more 
for  him  than  mere  justice,  those  rights 
and  prerogatives  which  the  Declaration  of 
Independence  truly  declares  to  belong  in- 
alienably to  all  men.  It  has  made  a 
prisoner  of  him  that  it  might  civilize  him, 
under   the  illusion   that   it   is   possible  to 


civilize  a  race  without  subjecting  them  to  the  same  disadvantages.     The  same  policy 

the    perils    of     civilization.     It    has     en-  of    political    removal    and    political    ap- 

deavored  to  conduct  him  from  the  relative  pointment    has    characterized    the    whole 

innocence  of  barbarism  to  the  larger  and  Indian     administration.      Sometimes     the 

more  perilous  life  of  a  free  and  civilized  appointments  have  been  made  by  the  com- 

community,   and   to   guard   him   from   the  missioner  of  Indian  affairs,  sometimes  by 

dangers  of  temptation  and  the  cons^equences  the   Secretary  of   the   Interior,   sometimes 

of     his     own     ignorance     en     route.     The  practically    by    local    politicians;    but    in 

reservation  system  is  absolutely,  hopeless-  all  cases  alike,  not  for  expert  knowledge 

jy,   incurably  bad,   "  evil   and  wholly  evil  of  Indians,  but  for   political   service   ren- 

and    that    continually."       It    was     never  dered  or  to  be  rendered,  or  from  reasons 

framed    by    any    one.     It    has    grown    up  of   personal   friendship.     The  notion   that 

under  the  commingled  influence  of  careless  there     is     a     continuous     and     consistent 

indifl'erence,      popular      ignorance,      local  policy  to  be  pursued  towards  the  Indians, 

prejudice,  and  unthinking  sentimentalism.  and  that  this  requires  continuity  of  ser- 

The    Indian    problem    is,    in    a    sentence,  vice  and   expertness   of   knowledge   in  the 

how  to  get   rid   of   it   in   the   easiest   and  administration,  has  not  entered  the  head 

quickest  way  possible,  and  bring  the  Ind-  of  our  public  men;  or,  if  so,  has  not  been 

ian   and   every   Indian   into   the   same   in-  allowed   to  obtain  lodgment   there.     That 

dividual  relation  to  the  State  and  federal  so    bad    a    system    has    secured    so    many 

governments  that  other  men  in  this  coun-  good   Indian   agents   and   subordinate  offi- 

try  are,   with   the   least   possible   violence  cials  is  a  matter  for  surprise.     It  is  not 

of  rupture  with  the  past  and  the  greatest  surprising  that  it  has  in   more  than  one 

possible    regard    for    the    right    and    the  instance   sent   a   drunken   offleial   to   keep 

welfare   of   those    who    ai-e    the    least    re-  the  Indians  sober,  an  ignorant  official  to 

sponsible   for  the  present  conditions — the  superintend    their   education,    and    a   lazy 

Indians  themselves.  official    to    inspire    them    with    industry. 

The  reservation  system,  I  say,  is  wholly  One    illustration    of    the    result    of    this 

bad.     The   indictment  against  it  is   four-  method    of   administration    is   to   be    seen 

fold.  m     the    removal     of     Dr.     Hailraan,     the 

In   the   first   place,   the   Indian   Bureau  superintendent    of    Indian    education,    an 

is,  and  always  has  been,  a  political   ma-  expert    educator,    whose    retention    in    his 

chine,  whose  offices  are  among  the  spoils  office  was  urged  upon  the  administration 

which     belong    to     the    victors.      In     the  by   substantially   all   those   familiar   with 

twenty   years    during    which    I    have   had  the  w^ork   which   he   had   done.      An   even 

some  familiarity  with  Indian  affairs,  not  more  striking  object-lesson  is  afforded  by 

a    single    commissioner    of    Indian    affairs  the  outbreak  among  the  Pillager  Indians, 

has    been    appointed    because    he   was    fa-  largely  due  to  three  successive  appraisals 

miliar    with    the    Indians,    or    an    expert  of  their   timber   lands,   two   of  which   ap- 

in  the  Indian  problem,  and  only  one  who  praisals    have    been    set    aside    as    inade- 

was  an  expert  in  that  work  of  education  quate,    through    the   incompetence   of    the 

which  is.  of  course,  one  of  the  chief  ele-  appraisers,  the  enormous  cost  of  each  ap- 

ments  in  the  Indian  problem.     They  have  praisal     having     been     charged     to     the 

been,  I  think,  all  of  them,  men  of  excel-  Indians. 

lent  character — honest,  able,  ambitious  to  But  even  if  the  Indian  Bureau  could 
do  the  best  that  could  be  done  for  the  be  taken  out  of  politics  and  kept  out  of 
Indian.  Some  of  them  have  made  not-  politics,  the  reservation  system  would 
able  contributions  towards  the  solution  still  be  incurably  bad.  It  assumed  that 
of  the  problem.  Biit  each  one  of  them  the  federal  executive  can  administer  a 
has  come  into  office  with  little  or  no  paternal  government  over  widely  scat- 
familiarity  with  the  problem,  has  had  to  tered  local  communities.  For  such  a 
acquaint  himself  with  it,  and  has  hardly  function  it  is  peculiarly  unfitted.  The 
had  more  than  enough  time  to  do  so  be-  attempt  to  engraft  a  Russian  bureaucracy 
fore  his  term  of  office  has  expired,  and  on  American  democracy  is  a  fore-doomed 
he  has  been  replaced  by  a  successor  who  failure.  The  federal  government  does  ex- 
has  had  to  take  up  the  work  subject  to  ercise    paternal    authority    over    the    Dis- 



trict  of  Columbia.  But  on  the  decent  gov- 
ernment of  the  District  the  well-being, 
the  health,  and,  perhaps,  the  lives  of  the 
members  of  Congresa  depend;  the  relation 
between  the  government  and  the  governed 
is  thus  direct,  close,  intimate.  Local 
communities  in  the  United  States  exer- 
cise some  paternal  functions,  as  in  the 
case  of  the  insane,  the  sick,  and  the 
paupers.  But  here,  again,  those  directly 
interested  have  an  opportunity  of  exer- 
cising an  immediate  supervision  over  the 
work  and  calling  the  public  officials  to 
account.  But  it  is  in  the  nature  of  the 
case  impossible  that  a  President,  a  Sec- 
retary of  the  Interior,  or  even  a  commis- 
sioner of  Indian  affairs,  can  personally 
supervise  the  innumerable  details  involved 
in  the  paternal  administration  of  com- 
munities scattered  from  Minnesota  to 
New  Mexico,  and  from  Michigan  to  Cali- 

An  aristocratic  government,  composed 
of  men  who  have  inherited  political  ability 
from  a  long  line  of  governing  ancestry, 
and  who  have  been  especially  trained  for 
that  work  from  boyhood,  so  that  both  by 
inheritance  and  training  they  are  experts, 
may  be  supposed  fitted  to  take  care  of  peo- 
ple weaker,  more  ignorant,  or  less  compe- 
tent than  themselves,  though  the  history 
of  oligarchic  governments  does  not  render 
that  supposition  free  from  doubt.  But 
there  is  nothing  in  either  philosophy  or 
history  to  justify  the  surmise  that  70,000,- 
000  average  men  and  women,  most  of 
whom  are  busy  in  attending  to  their  own 
affairs,  can  be  expected  to  take  care  of  a 
people  scattered  through  a  widely  extended 
territory — a  people  of  social  habits  and 
social  characteristics  entirely  different 
from  their  care-takers;  nor  is  it  much 
more  rational  to  expect  that  public  ser- 
vants, elected  on  different  issues  for  a  dif- 
ferent purpose,  can  render  this  service 
efficiently.  Our  government  is  founded  on 
the  principle  of  local  self-government; 
that  is,  on  the  principle  that  each  locality 
is  better  able  to  take  care  of  its  own 
affairs  than  any  central  and  paternal  au- 
thority is  to  take  care  of  them.  The  mo- 
ment we  depart  frona  this  principle  we 
introduce  a  method  wholly  unworkable 
by  a  democratic  nation.  It  may  be  wide 
of  the  present  purpose,  yet  perhaps  not  as 
an  illustration,  to  sav  that  if  the  United 

States  assumes  political  responsibility  for 
Cuba  and  the  Philippines,  as  I  personally 
think  it  is  bound  to  do,  it  must  fulfil 
that  responsibility  not  by  governing  them 
as  conquered  territory  from  Washington, 
but  by  protecting  and  guiding,  but  not 
controlling  them,  while  they  attempt  the 
experiment  of  local  self-government  for 
themselves.  We  have  tried  the  first  method 
with  our  Indians,  and  it  has  been  a  con- 
tinuous and  unbroken  failure.  We  have 
tried  the  second  method  with  the  territory 
west  of  the  Mississippi  River,  ours  by  con- 
quest or  by  purchase,  and  it  has  been  an 
unexampled  success.  If  the  Indian  is  the 
"  ward  of  the  nation,"  the  executive  should 
not  be  his  guardian.  How  that  guardian- 
ship should  be  exercised  I  shall  indicate 

This  political  and  undemocratic  pater- 
nalism is  thoroughly  bad  for  the  Indian, 
whose  interests  it  is  supposed  to  serve. 
It  assumes  that  civilization  can  be  taught 
by  a  primer  in  a  school,  and  Christianity 
by  a  sermon  in  a  church.  This  is  not 
true.  Free  competition  teaches  the  need 
of  industry,  free  commerce  the  value  of 
honesty ;  a  savings  -  bank  the  value  of 
thrift;  a  railroad  the  importance  of  punc- 
tuality, better  than  either  preacher  or 
pedagogue  can  teach  them.  To  those,  and 
there  are  still  some,  who  think  we  must 
keep  the  Indian  on  the  reservation  until 
he  is  prepared  for  liberty,  I  reply  that  he 
will  never  be  prepared  for  liberty  on  a 
reservation.  When  a  boy  can  learn  to 
ride  without  getting  on  a  horse's  back,  oi 
to  swim  without  going  into  the  water,  or 
lo  skate  without  going  on  the  ice — then, 
and  not  before,  can  man  learn  to  live  with- 
out living.  The  Indian  must  take  his 
chance  with  the  rest  of  us.  His  rights 
must  be  protected  by  law;  his  welfare 
looked  after  by  philanthropy;  but  pro- 
tected by  law  and  befriended  by  philan- 
thropy, he  must  plunge  into  the  current 
of  modern  life  and  learn  to  live  by  living. 
The  tepee  will  never  fit  him  for  the  house, 
nor  the  canoe  for  the  steamboat,  nor  the 
trail  for  highways  and  railroads,  nor 
trapping  and  hunting  for  manufactures 
and  husbandry.  Imagine — the  illustration 
is  Edward  Everett  Hale's,  not  mine — 
imagine  that  Ave  had  pursued  towards  our 
immigrants  the  policy  we  have  pursued 
towards  the  Indians ;  had  shut  the  Polos, 



the  Hungarians,  the  Italians,  the  Germans, 
the  Scandinavians,  each  in  a  reservation 
allotted  to  them,  and  forbidden  them  to 
go  out  into  the  free  life  of  America  until 
tliey  had  Americanized  themselves — how 
long  would  the  process  have  taken? 

But  the  capital  objection  to  the  reser- 
vation system  is  that  it  is  one  impossible 
to  maintain;  and  it  is  impossible  to  main- 
tain because  it  ought  not  to  be  main- 
tained. The  tide  of  civilization,  surging 
westward,  comes  some  day  to  a  fair  and 
wealthy  but  unused  and  idle  territory. 
There  are  forests  which  no  woodman's  axe 
has  ever  touched;  rivers  where  water-falls 
turn  no  mill-wheels;  mountains  whose 
treasures  of  gold  and  silver,  iron  or  cop- 
per or  coal  no  pickaxe  has  uncovered; 
prairies  whose  fertile  soil  is  prolific  only 
in  weeds.  "  Come,"  cries  the  pioneer, 
eager  to  develop  this  useless  territory, 
"  let  us  go  in  and  make  those  acres  rich 
by  our  industry."  "No!"  replies  the  law; 
'•'you  cannot."  "Why  not?"  "It  be- 
longs to  the  Indians."  "  Where  are 
they?"  "Hunting,  trapping,  sleeping, 
idling,  and  fed  on  rations."  "  When  are 
they  going  to  use  this  land ;  to  convert 
this  timber  into  boards;  these  rivers  into 
mill-streams;  when  are  they  going  to  ex- 
cavate these  minerals,  and  turn  these 
weedy  prairies  into  fruitful  farms?" 
"Never!  This  land  in  the  heart  of  a 
civilized  community  is  forever  consecrated 
to  barbarism."  The  pioneer's  impatience 
with  such  a  policy  is  fully  justified, 
though  his  manner  of  manifesting  it  is 
not.  Barbarism  has  no  rights  which  civil- 
ization is  bound  to  respect.  The  ques- 
tion on  what  basis  the  right  to  land  rests 
is  one  of  the  most  difficult  which  political 
economy  has  to  answer.  Many  scholars 
who  do  not  accept  Henry  George's  con- 
clusions accept  his  premise,  that  the  soil 
belongs  to  the  community,  and  that  in- 
dividual ownership  rests  not  on  any 
indefeasible  right,  but  on  the  express  or 
implied  agreement  of  the  community. 
Certain  it  is  that  the  500,000,  more  or 
less,  of  Indians  who  roamed  over  this  con- 
tinent in  the  seventeenth  century,  had  no 
right  by  reason  of  that  fact  to  exclude  from 
it  the  several  hundred  million  industri- 
ous men  and  women  whom  eventually  it 
will  support.  As  little  have  a  tribe  of  a 
few  hundred   Indians  a  right  to  keep  in 

unproductive  idleness  a  territory  which, 
if  cultivated,  would  provide  homes  for  as 
many  thousands  of  industrious  workers. 
No  treaty  can  give  them  that  right.  It  is 
not  in  the  power  of  the  federal  government 
to  consecrate  any  portion  of  its  territory 
thus  to  ignorance  and  idleness.  It  has 
tried,  again  and  again,  to  do  so;  it  has 
always  failed;  it  always  ought  to  fail;  it 
always  will  fail.  English  parks  kept  un- 
filled, yet  ministering  to  taste  and  refine- 
ment, have  always  been  regarded  by  po- 
litical economists  as  difficult  to  justify; 
nothing  can  be  said  to  justify  American 
reservations,  kept  unfilled  only  that  they 
may  minister  to  idleness  and  barbarism. 

The  editor,  in  asking  me  to  write  this 
article,  indicated  his  desire  that  I  should 
write  "  on  the  probable  future  of  the  Ind- 
ians in  their  relation  with  the  govern- 
ment, and  the  reforms  necessary  in  the 
administration  of  their  affairs."  It  may 
seem  that  I  have  been  a  long  time  coming 
to  any  definite  answer  to  this  question ; 
but  in  order  to  set  forth  succinctly  a  re- 
form it  is  first  necessary  to  set  forth  as 
clearly  and  forcibly  as  possible  the  evil 
to  be  reformed.  That  evil,  I  believe,  is 
the  reservation  system.  The  reform  is  all 
summed  up  in  the  words,  abolish  it. 
Cease  to  treat  the  Indian  as  a  red  man 
and  treat  him  as  a  man.  Treat  him  as 
we  have  treated  the  Poles,  Hungarians, 
Italians,  Scandinavians.  Many  of  them 
are  no  better  able  to  take  care  of  them- 
selves than  the  Indians;  but  we  have 
thrown  on  them  the  responsibility  of 
their  own  custody,  and  they  have  learned 
to  live  by  living.  Treat  them  as  we  have 
treated  the  negro.  As  a  race  the  Afri- 
can is  less  competent  than  the  Indian : 
but  we  do  not  shut  the  negroes  up  in 
reservations  and  put  them  in  charge  of 
politically  appointed  parents  called 
agents.  The  lazy  grow  hungry;  the 
criminal  are  punished ;  the  industrious 
get  on.  And  though  sporadic  cases  of  in- 
justice are  frequent  and  often  tragic,  they 
are  the  gradually  disappearing  relics  of  a 
slavery  that  is  past,  and  the  negro  is  find- 
ing his  place  in  American  life  gradually, 
both  as  a  race  and  as  an  individual.  The 
reform  necessary  in  the  administration  of 
Indian  affairs  is:  Let  the  Indian  admin- 
ister his  own  affairs  a.nd  take  his  chances. 
The  future  relations  of  the  Indians  with 



the  government  should  be  precisely  the  such  cases  should  be  dismissed.  If  the 
same  as  the  relations  of  any  other  indi-  Indian  still  needs  a  guardian,  if  there 
vidual,  the  readers  of  this  article  or  the  is  danger  that  his  land  will  be  taxed  away 
writer  of  it,  for  example.  This  should  from  him,  or  that  he  will  be  induced  to 
be  the  objective  point,  and  the  sooner  we  sell  it  for  a  song,  the  courts,  not  the  ex- 
can  get  there  the  better.  But  this  will  ecutive,  should  be  his  guardian.  Guardian- 
bring  hardship  and  even  injustice  on  ship  is  a  function  the  courts  are  accus- 
some  individuals!  Doubtless.  The  tomed  to  exercise.  It  ought  not  to  be 
world  has  not  yet  found  any  way  in  which  difficult  to  frame  a  law  such  that  an 
all  hardship  and  all  injustice  to  individ-  Indian  could  always  appeal  to  a.  federal 
uals  can  be  avoided.  Turn  the  Indian  judge  to  have  his  tax  appraisal  revised, 
loose  on  the  continent  and  the  race  will  and  always  be  required  to  submit  to  a 
disappear!  Certainly.  The  sooner  the  federal  judge  any  pi'oposed  sale  of  real 
better.     There  is  no  more  reason  why  we  estate. 

should  endeavor  to  preserve  intact  the  3.  The  Indian  and  every  Indian  should 
Indian  race  than  the  Hungarians,  the  be  amenable  to  the  law  and  entitled  to  its 
Poles,  or  the  Italians.  Americans  all,  protection.  I  believe  that,  despite  occa- 
from  ocean  to  ocean,  should  be  the  aim  of  sional  injustice  from  local  prejudice,  it 
all  American  statesmanship.  Let  us  would  be  quite  safe  to  leave  their  inter- 
understand  once  for  all  that  an  inferior  ests  to  be  protected  by  the  courts  of  any 
race  must  either  adapt  and  conform  itself  State  or  Territory  in  which  they  live; 
to  the  higher  civilization,  wherever  the  for  I  believe  that  the  American  people, 
two  come  in  conflict,  or  else  die.  This  is  and  certainly  the  American  judiciary,  can 
the  law  of  God,  from  which  there  is  no  be  trusted.  The  policy  of  distrust  has 
appeal.  Let  Christian  philanthropy  do  intensified  the  local  prejudice  against  the 
all  it  can  to  help  the  Indian  to  conform  Indian.  But  it  would  be  easy,  if  it  be 
to  American  civilization ;  but  let  not  sen-  necessary,  to  provide  that  any  Indian 
timentalism  fondly  imagine  that  it  can  might  sue  in  a  United  States  court,  or . 
save  any  race  or  any  community  from  this  if  sued  or  prosecuted  might  transfer  the 
inexorable  law.  suit  to  a  United  States  court.  I  assume 
This  general  and  radical  reform  in-  there  is  no  constitutional  provision  against 
volves  certain  specific  cures.  For  ex-  such  a  law. 
ample:  4.  All    reservations   in   which   the   land 

1.  The  Indian  Bureau  ought  to  be  taken  is  capable  of  allotment  in  severalty  should 
at  once  and  forever  out  of  politics.  The  be  allotted  as  rapidly  as  the  work  of  sur- 
government  should  find  the  man  most  ex-  veying  and  making  out  the  warrants  can 
pert  in  dealing  with  the  Indians— he  may  bo  carried  on.  The  unallotted  land  should 
be  the  present  commissioner  of  Indian  be  sold  and  the  proceeds  held  by  the 
aff'airs — and  instruct  him  to  bring  the  United  States  in  trust  for  the  Indians. 
Indian  Bureau  to  a  close  at  the  earliest  How  to  be  expended  is  a  difficult  question, 
possible  moment.  Once  appointed  to  Not  in  food  and  clothing,  which  only  pau- 
office  for  that  purpose  he  should  stay  perize.  The  first  lesson  to  be  taught  the 
there  till  the  work  is  completed.  I  be-  Indian  is,  if  he  will  not  work,  neither 
lieve  that  in  one  respect  an  army  officer  shall  he  eat.  Perhaps  in  agricultural  im- 
would  be  the  best  fitted  for  such  a  post,  plements;  perhaps  in  schools;  perhaps  in 
because  he  would  be  eager  to  bring  the  public  improvements;  perhaps  in  all  three, 
work  to  a  close,  while  the  civilian  would  When  the  land  is  of  a  kind  that  cannot 
see  100  reasons  why  it  should  be  con-  be  allotted  in  severalty,  as  in  the  case 
tinned  from  year  to  year.  His  subor-  of  extended  grazing  lands,  for  example, 
dinates  should  be  Indian  experts  and  re-  it  would  seem  as  though  a  skilful  la'\\'yer 
moved  only  for  cause,  never  for  political  should  be  able  to  devise  some  way  in 
reasons.  which  the  tribe  could  be  incorporated  and 

2.  There  are,  it  is  said,  ten  or  a  dozen  the  land  given  to  the  corporation  in  fee 
reservations  in  which  the  land  has  al-  simple;  in  which  case  Ihe  shares  of  stock 
ready  been  allotted  in  severalty  and  the  possibly  for  a  time  should  be  inalienable, 
reservations    broken    up.      The    agents    in  except  by  approval  '^f  the  court;   or  pos- 



sibly  the  property  might  even  be  adminis- 
tered for  a  time  by  a  receiver  appointed 
by  and  answeiable  to  the  court. 

5.  Every  Indian  should  be  at  once  free 
to  come  and  go  as  he  pleases,  subject  as 
every  other  man  is  to  the  law  of  the  local- 
ity and  the  processes  of  the  courts  where 
he  is,  and  under  their  protection.  The 
Indian  with  his  blanket  should  have  the 
privilege  of  travelling  where  he  will,  as 
imich  as  the  Indian  with  her  shawl. 

G.  Finally,  as  fast  and  as  far  as  the 
tribal  organization  is  dissolved  and  the 
reservation  is  broken  up,  the  Indian 
should  have  a  ballot,  on  the  same  terms 
as  other  citizens;  not  so  much  because  his 
vote  will  add  to  the  aggregate  wisdom  of 
the  comnnmity  as  because  the  ballot  is 
the  American's  protection  from  injustice. 

The  reform  is  very  simple,  if  it  is  very 
radical.  It  is:  Apply  to  the  solution  of 
the  Indian  problem  the  American  method ; 
treat  the  Indian  as  other  men  are  treated; 
set  him  free  from  his  trammels;  cease  to 
coddle  him ;  in  a  word,  in  lieu  of  paternal 
protection,  which  does  not  protect,  and 
free  rations,  which  keep  him  in  beggary, 
give  him  justice  and  liberty  and  let  him 
take  care  of  himself. 

Indian  Reservations.  See  Reserva- 
tions, Indian. 

Indian  Territory.  By  act  of  Congress, 
Jime  30,  1834,  "all  that  part  of  the  United 
States  west  of  the  Mississippi  River,  and 
not  within  the  States  of  Missouri  and 
Louisiana,  or  the  Territory  [now  the 
State]  of  Arkansas,  shall  be  considered 
the  Indian  country"  (about  200,000 
square  miles).  It  was  reduced  in  area 
by  the  successive  formation  of  States  and 
Territories  imtil  it  contained  an  area 
of  only  31,000  square  miles.  The  popula- 
tion in  ISOOAvas  180,182;  in  1900,391,900. 
Estimated  population,  1906,  600,000. 
This  aggregate  population,  however,  is 
only  partially  Indian,  as  many  "  squaw- 
men,"  other  whites,  and  negroes  are  in- 
cluded therein.  In  1900  there  were  seven 
reservations  in  the  Territory,  and  five  civ- 
ilized nations,  the  Cherokees,  Chickasaws, 
Choctaws.  Creeks,  and  Seminoles.  Over 
97  per  cent,  of  the  entire  population  was 
in  the  first  four  nations.  It  was  estimated 
that  the  population  of  the  five  nations  in- 
cluded 84,750  Indians.  The  reservation 
Indians    include    Quapaws,    Peorias,    Kas- 

kaskias,  Ottawas,  Wyandottes,  Miamis, 
Shawnees,  Modocs,  Senecas,  Cayugas,  Sacs 
and  Foxes,  Pottawattomies,  Osages,  Kaws, 
Kiowas,  Comanches,  Apaches,  Arapahoes, 
Cheyennes,  Piankeshaws,  and  Weas,  and 
the  affiliated  bands  of  Wichitas,  Keechies, 
Wacoes,  Tawacanies,  Caddoes,  loneis,  Del- 
awares,  and  Penetethka  Comanches.  In 
the  latter  part  of  1873  the  Modocs  and 
about  400  Kickapoos  and  Pottawattomies, 
from  the  borders  of  Texas  and  Mexico, 
were  removed  to  the  Indian  Territory. 

Previous  to  the  Civil  War  the  five  civ- 
ilized tribes  were  well-to-do,  even  wealthy, 
possessing  large  farms  and  many  slaves, 
and  having  an  extensive  trade  with  the 
Southern  cities.  Many  of  them  enlisted 
with  the  Confederates,  and  at  the  close 
of  the  war  the  United  States  government 
declared  that  by  their  hostility  the  grants 
and  patents  by  which  the  tribes  held 
extensive  domains  had  become  invalid, 
and  a  readjustment  of  the  treaty  acts 
was  ordered.  The  tribes  were  permitted 
to  sell  to  the  United  States  a  vast  tract 
for  the  purpose  of  making  a  place  of  set- 
tlement for  other  Indian  tribes  and  other 

In  1889  the  government  bought  the 
Oklahoma  strip  of  2,000,000  acres  a  sec- 
ond time  from  the  Creeks,  paying  a  much 
higher  price,  but  obtaining  it  without  any 
restrictive  conditions.  For  ten  years  com- 
panies of  adventurers,  called  "  boomers,'' 
under  the  lead  of  Capt.  David  L.  Payne, 
had  been  hovering  on  the  outskirts  of  the 
territory,  and  now  and  then  stealing 
across  the  bonrder  for  the  purpose  of 
making  settlements  on  the  forbidden 
lands.  As  often  as  they  had  thus  tres- 
passed, however,  they  were  promptly 
driven  out  again  by  the  United  States 
troops.  A  proclamation  was  issued  by 
the  President,  April  22,  1889,  opening 
1,900,000  acres  of  land  for  settlement. 
There  was  immediately  a  grand  rush  into 
the  territory  by  the  "  boomers,"  and  by 
thousands  of  home-seekers  and  specula- 
tors. In  a  single  day  the  city  of  Guthrie, 
with  a  population  of  10,000,  sprang  into 
existence,  and  all  the  valuable  land  was 
taken  up.  By  subsequent  proclamations 
other  lands  were  opened,  and  the  bounds 
of  the  territory  were  extended  until,  in 
1891,  it  embraced  39,030  square  miles. 
A    large   portion    of    Oklahoma,    however. 



remained  under  the  occupancy  of  Indian  of  New  France,  and  afterwards  of  the 
tribes,  who  were  under  the  control  of  the  Northwest  Territory.  In  1702  some 
Indian  bureau,  and  received  regular  sup-  French  Canadians  discovered  the  Wabash, 
plies  of  clothing  and  food  from  the  gov-  and  established  several  trading-posts  on 
ernnient.  Among  these  tribes  were  about  its  banks,  among  others,  Vincennes.  Lit- 
500  Sacs  and  Foxes,  400  Kickapoos,  2,000  tie  is  known  of  the  early  settlers  until 
Cheyennes,  and   1,200  Arapahoes.  the  country  was  ceded  to  the  English,  in 

Oklahoma  when  settled  was  a  richly  1763.  The  treaty  of  1783  included  Indi- 
wooded  country,  except  in  the  west,  where  ana  in  the  United  States.  A  distressing- 
there  were  extensive  prairies.  The  climate  Indian  war  broke  out  in  1788,  but  by  vic- 
is  delightful,  and  the  soil  fertile  and  well  tories  by  General  Wilkinson  (1791)  and 
adapted  to  agriculture.  The  first  territo-  General  Wayne  (1794)  a  dangerous  con- 
rial  governor  was  appointed  by  the  Pres- 
ident in  1890.  The  name  Oklahoma  means 
•■  Beautiful  Country."  The  Cherokee  Strip 
or  Outlet  towards  Kansas  was  acquired 
from  the  Cherokee  Nation,  and  on  Sept. 
16,  1893,  it  was  opened  to  settlers.  The 
scenes  attending  the  opening  resembled 
those  in  1889  and  1891.  Ninety  thou- 
sand intending  settlers  registered,  and 
20,000,  it  was  estimated,  encamped  on  the 
site  selected  for  the  chief  town.  The 
Strip  contains  about  6,000,000  acres,  part 
of  Avhich  is  good  farming  land.  On  May 
23,  1S9G,  another  great  section  of  terri- 
tory, called  the  Kickapoo  Strip,  was 
thrown  open  to  settlers,  and  again  there 
was  a  wild  rush  of  home-seekers;  in  July, 
1901,  the  same  scenes  were  enacted  in  the 
Kiowa  and  Comanche  country.  See 
Oklahoma,     in    vol.     vii. ;     and    United 

States — Oklahoma  and  Indian  Terri-  federaey  of  the  tribes  was  broken  up. 
TORY,  in  vol.  ix.  Another    was    afterwards    attempted    by 

In  1893  Congress  entered  into  negotia-  Tecumseh,  but  was  defeated  by  the  result 
tions  with  the  several  nations  for  the  of  the  battle  of  Tippecanoe, 
allotment  of  land  in  severalty  or  to  In  1800  the  "  Connecticut  Reserve,"  in 
procure  the  cession  to  the  United  States  the  northwestern  portion  of  Ohio,  having 
of  all  lands,  it  being  the  express  de-  been  sold  to  a  company  of  speculators, 
termination  of  Congress  to  bring  about  measures  were  taken  to  extinguish  cer- 
clianges  with  the  view  to  the  admission  tain  claims  on  the  part  of  the  United 
of  the  same  as  a  State  of  the  Union.  States     and     the     State     of     Connecticut. 

Each  of  the  five  nations  constitutes  a  The  speculators  found  their  bargain  to 
separate  organism,  independent  of  any  be  pecuniarily  unprofitable,  and  likely  to 
central  authority  save  Congress  and  the  prove  a  serious  embarrassment.  Fully 
Department  of  the  Interior,  having  its  1,000  settlers  were  already  on  the  "  Re- 
own  executive  and  legislative  officers.  serve."      Hitherto    a    confirmation    of    the 

In  the  treaty  with  the  five  civilized  Connecticut  title  to  these  lands  by  the 
tribes  it  was  provided  that  all  tribal  United  States  had  been  inferentially  ac- 
government  should  pass  out  of  existence  knowledged,  and  Connecticut  had  given 
on  March  4,  1906,  and  that  the  lands  no  quit-claim  deeds;  therefore,  it  was  to 
would  be  allotted  in  severalty.  the   interest  of  the  speculators   to  obtain 

Indiana,  State  of,  was  first  explored  from  the  United  States  a  direct  confirma- 
by  French  missionaries  and  traders,  and  tion.  On  tlie  other  hand,  it  was  an  ob- 
Vincennea  was  a  missionary  station  as  ject  for  the  United  States  to  extinguish 
early  as  1700.    Indiana  constituted  a  part    Connecticut's  claim  of  jurisdiction.     Con- 




gress  passed  an  act  (April  28,  1800) 
authorizing  the  issue  of  letters  -  patent 
conveying  the  title  of  these  lands  to  the 
governor  of  Connecticut,  for  the  benefit 
of  those  claiming  under  her,  and  similar 
letters-patent  were  used  by  Connecticut, 
relinquishing  all  claim  to  jurisdiction. 
So  the  "  Reserve "  was  annexed  to  the 
Northwest  Territory,  which  was  presently 
divided,  by  act  of  Congress  (May  7),  into 
two  separate  jurisdictions,  the  western 
one  being  called  the  Territory  of  Indiana, 
after  one  of  the  old  ante-Revolutionary 
land  companies.  St.  Vincent,  or  Vin- 
cennes,  was  made  the  capital,  and  Will- 
iam Henry  Harrison  was  appointed  gov- 
ernor of  the  Territory.  It  then  included 
Michigan  and  Illinois. 

In  1803  a  movement  was  made  in  Con- 
gress for  suspending  for  a  limited  term, 
in  the  case  of  Indiana  Territory,  the  pro- 
vision of  the  Ordinance  of  1787  (q.  v.) 
prohibiting  slavery  northward  of  the  Ohio 
River.  A  committee,  of  which  John 
Randolph,  of  Virginia,  was  chairman,  re- 
ported strongly  against  the  proposition, 
believing  that  "  in  the  salutary  operation 
of  this  salutary  and  sagacious  restraint 
the  inhabitants  of  Indiana  would,  at  no 
distant  da}*,  find  ample  remuneration  for 
a  temporary  privation  of  labor  and  immi- 
gration." At  the  next  session  (1804)  it 
was  pioposed  to  admit,  for  ten  years,  the 
introduction  of  slaves  born  within  the 
United  States,  their  descendants  to  be 
free,  masculine  at  the  age  of  twenty-five 
years,  and  feminine  at  twenty-one  years. 
No  action  was  ever  taken. 

When  war  with  Great  Britain  broke 
out,  in  1812,  a  fresh  impulse  was  given  to 
Indian  depredations,  which  had  never 
fairly  ceased,  but  the  hostiles  were  beaten, 
and  were  quiet  after  the  close  of  that  con- 
test. On  June  29,  1816,  a  convention 
adopted  a  State  constitution  for  Indiana, 
and  on  Dec.  11  it  was  admitted  into 
the  Union.  Rapid  and  continued  immigra- 
tion ensued.  This  was  greatly  increased 
by  the  opening  of  the  Erie  Canal.  Dur- 
ing the  Civil  War  Indiana  furnished  to 
the  National  army  195,147  soldiers.  In 
189!)  the  assessed  vahuition  of  taxable 
property  was  $1,342,831,101;  total  tax 
rate,  $2.9G  per  .$1,000;  and  total  debt, 
$5,004,615.  The  population  in  1890  was 
2,192,404;  in  1900,  2,516,462.     See  Clark, 

George    Rogers ; 
ANA,  in  vol.  ix. 

United    States — Indi- 


William  H.  Harrison 1800  to  1812 

John  Gibson acting 1800  "  1801 

Thomas  I'osey appointed March  3,  1813 


Jonathan  Jennings. . .  .elected  to  Congress 1816 

Ralliff  Boon iicting Sept.  12  to  Dec.  n,  1822 

William  Hendricks. . .  .elected  U.  S.  Senator 1822 

James  B,  Hay acting. .  .Feb.  12  to  Dec.  11,  1825 

"      "     '■    182.5 

Noah  Noble 1831 

David  Wallace 1837 

Samuel  Bigger 1840 

James  Wliitcoiub elected  U.  S.  Senator 1843 

Paris  C.  Dunning acting 1848  to  1849 

Joseph  A.  Wright 1849 

Ashbel  P.  Willard (died  Oct.  4,  1860) 1857 

Abram  A.  Hammond,  .acting 1860  to  1861 

Henry  S.  I.ane elected  U.  S.  Senator 1861 

Oliver  P.  Morton acting 1861  to  1865 

'■      "        "      ek-cted  U.  S.  Senator 1865 

Conrad  Baker acting 1867  to  1869 


Thomas  A.  Hendricks 1873 

Jcimes  D.  Williams (died  Nov.  20,  1880) 1877 

Isiiac  P.  Gray acting 18S0  to  1881 

Albert  G.  Porter 1881 

Isaac  P.  Gray 1885 

Alvin  P.  Hovey (died  Nov.  23,  1891) 1«89 

Ira  J.  Chase acting 1891  to  1893 

Claude  Matthews 1893 

James  A.  Mount 1897 

VVinfleld  T.  Durbin ,. 1901 

J.  Frank  Hanly 1909 



James  Noble 

Waller  Taylor 

William  Hendricks... 

Robert  Hanna. ..    

John  Tij^ton 

Oliver  H.  Smith 

Albert  S.  While.  ... 
Edvvnrd  A.  Hanncgan. 

Jesse  D.  Bright 

James  Whitcomb 

Charles  Vf.  Cathcart. . 

John  Petit 

Gniham  N.  Fitch 

Henry  S.  I.ane 

Josejih  A.  Wright 

David  Tiirpie 

Thomas  A.  Hendricks. 

Oliver  P.  .Morton 

Dan  el  D.  Pratt 

Joseph  E.  McDonald.. 
Daniel  W.  Voorhees. . 
Benjnmin  Harrison... 

David  Turpie , 

Chiirles  W.  Fairbanks. 

Albert  J.  Bevcridgc 

James  A.  Hemenwiiy. 

No.  of 




to  ■:ii\ 

1816  to 



'■  liiih 

1816  " 


19  th 

"  24  th 

1825  " 



1831  " 



to  25lh 

1832  " 



"  27lh 

1837  •' 



"  28lh 

1839  " 



"  30th 

1843  " 



"  37th 

1845  " 



"  32d 

1849  " 



18.52  " 



to  33d 

1853  •' 


34  th 

'■  30th 

1857  " 



"  39th 

]861  '' 




1861  " 



to  40th 

1863  to 



"  4.-th 

1867  " 



"  43d 

1869  " 


44  th 

"  46th 

1875  " 


45  th 

"  55th 

1877  " 



"  49th 

1881  " 



"  56th 

1888  " 



"  58th 

1897  " 




1899  " 

.59  th 


1905  " 

Indians,  the  name  commonly  applied 
to  the  people  found  by  Columbus  in 
America;  by  many  authorities  believed  to 
have  been  the  aboriginal  inhabitants.    The 



following  remarks  and  tables  refer  to 
Indians  within  the  present  area  of  the 
United  States.  In  manners,  customs,  and 
general  features  the  difference  between  the 
Indians  of  the  Gulf  States  and  those  of  the 
shores  of  the  Northern  Lakes  is  scarcely 
perceptible;  it  is  only  by  languages  that 
they  can  be  grouped  into  great  families. 
East  of  the  Mississippi  there  were  not 
more  than  eight  radically  distinct  lan- 
guages, four  of  which  are  still  in  existence, 
while  the  others  have  disappeared. 


I.   Algonquian  tribes : 


Etcliemins  or  Ca-) 

noe  men. 
Abenakis. . 


Warn  pan  oags 

Pequots  . . , 
Mohegans  . 


Delawares  or  Len- 
ni  Lenape 


Powhatan  Confed- 






Pottawattomies . . . 


Sacs  and  Foxes  . . . 


ways f 

IT,   Wyandotte  or  Huron 

Iroquois  tribes : 

Fries  (Huron  or 
Wyandotte -Iro- 

Andastes  (Huron 
or  Wyandotte- 

Wyandottes    (Hu- 
ron   or    Wyan- ', 
dotte- Iroquois) ) 

Senecas  (Iroquois i 
proper) / 

Cayugas  (Iroquois) 
proper) / 

Onondagas  (Iro-f_ 
quois  proper)  . .  f 

Oneidas  (Iroquois) 
proper) f 

Mohawks  (Iro-  I 
quois  proper). .  J 

Tuscaroras  (Iro- ) 
quois  proper) . . ) 

(Southern    shore  of   Lake 
\     Erie. 

Headwaters  of  the  Ohio. 

(Territory  north  of  Lakes 
(     Erie  and  Ontario. 

Western  New  York. 

Central  New  York. 

Eastern  New  York. 

fS.  W.  Virginia  and  North 

Carolina.  Joined  the  Iro- 

(     quois  of  New  York,  1713. 


East  ofthe  State  of  Maine. 


(New       Hampshire       and 

( Eastern        Massachusetts 
[     and  Rhode  Island. 

■  Central  Massachusetts  and 
Rhode  Island. 
Western       JIassachusetts 
and  Connecticut. 

New     Jersey,   the  valley 
of    the    Delaware    and 
,     Schuylkill, 
j  Eastern  shores  of  Chesa- 
(     peake  Bay. 

E.  Virginia  and  Maryland. 

E.  North  Carolina. 
(.South  ofthe  Ohio,  W.  Ken- 
(     tucky,  and  Tennessee. 
I  S.    Michigan,   N.  Indiana, 
(     and  N.  \V.  Ohio. 

S.  Illinois  and  Indiana. 

N.  and  central  Illinois. 

Northern  Illinois. 


Northern  Wisconsin. 
/Southern    shore   of  Lake 
(     Superior. 

(Southern   shore   of  Lake 
\     Superior. 



Chowans    (Huron i 

or    Wyandotte- [ 

Southern  Virginia. 

Iroquois) ) 

Meherrins  (Huron  j 

or    Wyandotte-  [ 

11               11 

Iroquois) ) 

Nottaways(Huron  ) 

or    Wyandotte-  5 

(I               II 

Iroquois) ) 


fW.  North  and  South  Caro- 
\     lina. 

f  Mountainous    regions    oi 



1      Tennessee.          Georgia, 

"l      North  and  South  Caro- 
[     lina. 



About  Augusta,  Ga. 


N.  W.  Mississippi. 


Mobilian    or    Musco- 

gees : 


( Western    Tennessee    and 
\    Northern  Mississippi. 

j  Eastern    Mississippi    and 

(     Western  Alabama. 

Alabama  and  Georgia. 


About  Green  Bay,  Wis. 




Dakotas   (Sioux) 







Minnetaries  (Gros  Ventres) 



Osages , 


Kaws , 

Pawnees . . . . 

Caddos , 

Shoshones  or  Snakes 





Navajos  and  Moquis 






Nez  Percys 



(Wisconsin,  west  to  Rocky 
\     Mountains. 
(  Wyoming,  head- waters  ol 
(      Platte. 

Wyoming  and  Nebraska. 

Kansas,  v.'est. 




Montana  and  Dakotas. 


Lower  Missouri. 


Kansas,  west. 



Kansas  and  Nebraska. 

Red  River  and  Arkansas. 

Kansas  to  Oregon. 

Kansas,  west. 

Utah  and  Colorado. 

Texas  and  New  Mexico. 

New  Mexico  and  Arizona. 


Arizona  and  California. 

Nevada  and  New  Mexico. 


Idaho  and  Oregon. 

Nevada  and  Oregon. 

(California,     Oregon,     and 
\     Nevada. 
Oregon  and  N.  California 

For  other  details  concerning  the  various 
tribes,  see  their  respective  titles ;  also  Res- 
ervations, Indian. 

Indians,  American.  Believing  the 
earth  to  be  a  globe,  Columbus  expected  to 
find  India  or  Eastern  Asia  by  sailing 
westward  from  Spain.  The  first  land  dis- 
covered    by     him — one     of     the     Bahama 



I&Iands — lie  supposed  to  be  a  part  of 
India,  and  he  called  the  inhabitants 
Indians.  This  name  was  afterwards  ap- 
plied to  all  the  nations  of  the  adjacent 
islands   and   the   continent. 

Origin. — There  is  no  positive  knowl- 
edge concerning  the  origin  of  the 
aborigines  of  America ;  their  o\\ti  tradi- 
tions widely  vary,  and   conjecture  is  un- 


satisfj'ing.  Recent  investigations  favor  a 
theory  that,  if  they  be  not  indigenous, 
they  came  from  two  great  Asiatic  fami- 
lies: the  more  northern  tribes  of  our 
continent  from  the  lighter  Mongolians, 
who  crossed  at  Bering  Strait,  and  the 
more  southerly  ones,  in  California,  Cen- 
tral and  South  America,  from  the  darker 
Malays,   who   first   peopled   Polynesia,   in 



the  southern  Pacific  Ocean  and  finally  colony  said  to  have  been  lost  in  the  wilds 
made  their  way  to  our  continent,  grad-  of  North  America  700  years  ago. 
ually  spreading  over  it  from  the  Pacific  Unity. — There  seems  to  be  a  physical 
to  the  Atlantic.  Language  fails  to  con-  identity  of  race  throughout  most  of  the 
nect  any  of  them  with  the  Asiatic  continent.  Their  skin  is  generally  of  a 
families,  but  their  traditions,  imple-  dark  reddish-brown,  or  cinnamon,  color; 
ments,  and  modes  of  life  point  to  such  they  have  long,  black,  and  straight  hair, 
a    relationship.      It    has    been    suggested    prominent   cheek-bones,   and   broad   faces; 

eyes  deep- set,  full  and  rounded  lips, 
broad  and  prominent  noses,  scanty  beard ; 
their  heads  are  generally  square,  arid 
their  stature  about  the  same  as  that  of 
other  races  of  the  same  latitude.  Their 
muscular  development  is  not  great,  and 
their  hands  and  feet  are  small;  their  skin 
is  thinner,  softer,  and  smoother  than  that 
of  Europeans ;  the  expression  of  the  men 
is  often  noble,  and  many  of  the  women 
are  handsome.  Haughty  in  deportment, 
taciturn,  stoical,  cunning,  persevering,  re- 
vengeful, brave  and  ferocious  in  war; 
cruel  towards  enemies  and  faithful 
towards  friends;  grateful  for  favors,  hos- 
pitable and  kind,  the  Indians  of  North 
America  are  undoubtedly  capable  of  great 
and  rapid  development  under  the  genial 
influence  of  civilization.  Their  mental 
temperament  is  poetic  and  imaginative 
in  a  high  degree,  and  it  is  often  expressed 
in  great  beauty  and  eloquence  of  lan- 
guage; but  in  their  present  social  con- 
dition their  animal  propensities  greatly 
preponderate  over  the  intellectual.  The 
tribes  south  of  California  have  always 
been  noted  for  mental  development  much 
superior  to  those  of  more  northern  lati- 
that  the  Mandans  and  Chinooks,  who  are    tudes. 

almost  white,  are  descendants  of  a  Welsh        Pursuits. — War,    hunting,    and    fishing 




ave  the  chief  pursuits  of  the  men  of  the  Those  official  honors  were  gained  some 
more  barbarous  tribes;  agriculture  of  the  times  by  inheritance,  but  more  frequently 
semi-civilized.  Among  the  savages  found  by  personal  merit.  Such  was  the  simple 
in  North  America  by  Europeans,  the 
women  performed  almost  all  the  manual 
labor  and  burden-bearing.  They  carried 
on  their  limited  agriculture,  which  con- 
sisted in  the  production  of  maize  or  Ind- 
ian corn,  beans,  squashes,  potatoes,  and 
tobacco.  They  manufactured  the  im- 
plements of  war,  and  for  hunting  and  fish- 
ing; made  mats,  and  skin  and  feather 
clothing,  canoes,  ornaments  of  the  teeth 
and  claws  of  beasts,  and  of  shells  and 
porcupine-quills;  performed  all  domestic 
drudgery,  and  constructed  the  lodges  of 
the  bark  of  trees  or  the  hides  of  beasts. 
Rude  figures  of  animate  and  inanimate 
objects  carved  in  wood  or  stone,  or 
moulded  in  clay,  and  picture-writing  on 
the  inner  bark  of  trees  or  the  skins  of 
beasts,  or  cut  upon  rocks,  with  rude  or- 
namented pottery,  were  the  extent  of 
their  accomplishments  in  the  arts  of  de- 
sign and  of  literature.  The  picture-writ- 
ing was  sometimes  used  in  musical  nota- 
tion, and  contained  the  burden  of  their 

Religion. — They  believed  in  a  good  and 
Supreme  Being,  and  in  an  Evil  Spirit,  and 
recognized  the  existence  of  inferior  good 
and  evil  spirits.  They  believed  in  a  fut- 
ure state  of  existence,  and  there  were 
no  infidels  among  them.  Superstition 
swayed  them  powerfully,  and  charlatans, 
called  "  medicine-men,"  were  their  phy- 
sicians, priests,  and  prophets,  who,  on  all 
occasions,  used  incantations.  Christian 
missioiiaries  have  labored  among  them  in  trolled  about  1,000,000  dusky  inhabi- 
niany  places,  from  the  time  the  Spaniards  tants  of  the  present  domain  of  the  United 
and  Frenchmen  settled  in  America  until  States,  which  extends  over  nearly  twenty- 
now,  and  have  done  much  to  enlighten  five  degrees  of  latitude  and  about  sixty 
them.  ,  degrees   of   longitude. 

Government.  —  There  was  not  a  sem-  Geographical  Distribution. — There  seem 
blance  of  a  national  government  among  the  to  have  been  only  eight  radically  distinct 
aborigines  when  the  Europeans  came,  ex-  nations  known  to  the  earlier  settlers — 
cept  that  of  the  Iroquois  Confederacy  namely,  the  Algonquian,  Huron  -  Iroquois, 
(q.  v.).  Their  language  was  varied  by  Cherokee,  Catawba,  Uchee,  Natchez,  Mo- 
more  than  a  hundred  dialects,  and  they  bilian  or  Floridian,  and  Dakota  or  Sioux. 
were  divided  into  many  distinct  families  More  recently,  other  distinct  nations  have 
or  tribes,  under  a  kind  of  patriarchal  been  discovered— namely,  the  Athabascas, 
rule.  Each  family  had  its  armorial  sign,  Sahaptins.  Chinooks,  Shoshones.  and  Atta- 
called  a  totem,  such  as  an  eagle,  a  bear,  kapas.  Others  will  doTibtless  be  found. 
or  a  deer,  by  which  it  was  designated.  The  Algonquians  were  a  large  family  oc- 
The  civil  head  of  a  tribe  was  called  a  cupying  all  Canada.  New  England,  a  part 
sachem,  and  the  military  leader  a  .'^hief.  of  New  York  and  Pennsylvania;  all  New 
V. — c  33 


government,    seldom    disobeyed,    that    con- 


Jersey,  Delaware,  Maryland,  and  Virginia; 
eastern  North  Carolina  above  Cape  Fear, 
a  large  part  of  Kentucky  and  Tennessee, 
and  all  north  and  west  of  those  States 
east  of  the  Mississippi.  Within  the  folds 
of  this  nation  were  the  Huron-Iroquois, 
occupying  a  greater  portion  of  Canada 
south  of  the  Ottawa  River,  and  the  region 
between  Lake  Ontario  and  Lakes  Erie  and 
Huron,  nearly  all  of  the  State  of  New 
York,  and  a  part  of  Pennsylvania  and 
Ohio  along  the  southern  shores  of  Lake 
Erie.  Detached  from  the  main  body  were 
the  Tuscaroras  and  a  few  smaller  families 
dwelling  in  southern  Virginia  and  the  up- 
per part  of  North  Carolina.  Five  families 
of  the  Huron-Iroquois,  dwelling  within 
the  limits  of  the  State  of  New  York, 
formed  the  famous  Iroquois  Confederacy  of 
Five  Nations.   The  Cherokees  inhabited  the 

small  family  in  the  pleasant  land  along 
the  Oconee  and  the  head-waters  of  tho 
Ogeechee  and  Chattahoochee,  in  Georgia, 
and  touched  the  Cherokees.  They  were 
only  a  remnant  of  a  once  powerful  tribe, 
when  the  Europeans  came,  and  they 
claimed  to  be  more  ancient  than  the  sur- 
rounding people.  The  Natchez  occupied 
a  territory  on  the  eastern  side  of  the 
Mississippi,  extending  northeastward 
from  the  site  of  the  city  of  Natchez  along 
the  Pearl  River  to  the  head-waters  of  the 
Chickasaw.  They  claimed  to  be  older 
than  the  Uchees,  and,  like  others  of  the 
Gulf  region,  they  worshipped  the  sun  and 
fire,  and  made  sacrifices  to  the  source  of 
terrestrial  light.  The  Mobil ians  or  Flo- 
ridians  occupied  a  domain  next  in  ex- 
tent to  that  of  the  Algonquians.  It 
stretched   along   the   Atlantic   coast   from 


fertile  and 
p  i  c  t  u  resque 
region  where 
the  moun- 
tain -  ranges 
that  form 
the  water- 
shed between 
the  Atlantic  and  Mississippi  melt  in  the 
lowlands  that  border  the  Gulf  of  Mexico. 

The  Catawbas  were  their  neighbors  on 
the  east;  and  dwelt  upon  the  borders  of 
the  Yadkin  and  Catawba  rivers,  on  both 
sides  of  the  boundary-line  between  North 
and  South  Carolina.     The  Uchees  were  a 

the  mouth  of  the  Capo  Fear  River  to  the 
extremity  of  the  Florida  peninsula,  and 
westward  along  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  about 
600  miles  to  the  Mississippi  River.  They 
also  held  jurisdiction  up  that  stream  as 
far  as  the  mouth  of  the  Ohio.  The  do- 
main included  parts  of  South  Carolina, 
the  whole  of  Florida,  Alabama,  and  Mis- 
sissippi, all  of  Georgia  not  occupied  by 
the  Cherokees  and  Uchees,  and  portions 
of  Tennessee  and  Kentucky.  The  nation 
was  divided  into  three  confederacies,  each 
powerful  and  independent,  like  our  sepa- 
rate States.  They  were  known  respective- 
Iv  as   the   Muscogee  or   Creek    (the   most 




powerful),   the   Choitaii,   and   the   Chicka- 
saw.    The  heart  of  the  Creek  family  was 

large  number  of  tribes  west 
of  the  Great  Lakes  and  Mis- 
sissippi, with  whom  the 
earlier  French  explorers 
came  in  contact.  These, 
speaking  dialects  of  the 
same  language,  apparently, 
were  regarded  as  parts  of 
one  nation.  They  inhabited 
the  domain  stretching 
northward  from  the  Arkan- 
sas River  to  the  western 
tributary  of  Lake  Winnipeg, 
and  westward  along  all  that 
line  to  the  eastern  slope  of 
the  Rocky  Mountains.  They 
have  been  arranged  into 
four  classes:  1.  The  Win- 
nebagoes,  situated  between 
Lake  Michigan  and  the  Mis- 
sissippi, within  the  domain 
the  Algonquians.  2.  The  Assiniboins, 
Sioux   proper,    who    formed    the    more 


in   Alabama.     Under   the  general   title  of    northerly    part     of     the     nation.      3.  The 
Dakotas   or    Sioux   have   been   grouped    a    Southern   Sioux,  who   were   seated   in   the 



country  between  tlie  Platte  and  Arkansas 
rivers.  The  Sahaptins  include  the  Nez 
Perc§s  and  Walla  Wallas,  extending  from 
the  Eocky  Mountains  to  the  Pacific  Ocean, 
in  Oregon  and  Washington.  Beyond 
these  are  the  more  powerful  Chinooks, 
now  rapidly  melting  away.  They  em- 
braced numerous  tribes,  from  the  mouth 
of  the  Columbia  River  to  the  Grand 
Dalles.  The  Shoshones  comprise  tribes 
inhabiting  the  territory  around  the  head- 
waters of  the  Columbia  and  Missouri 
rivers:    the    Comanches,    extending    from 

government.  There  were  180,000  Indians 
on  reservations,  or  at  schools  under  control 
of  the  Indian  Bureau,  leaving  about  90,000 
in  the  five  civilized  tribes  of  Indian  Terri- 
tory and  in  New  York  State,  the  former 
numbering  about  84,500,  and  the  lat- 
ter, 5,232.  Besides  these,  there  were 
32,567  taxable  and  self  -  sustaining  Ind- 
ians who  had  become  citi-jens  of  the 
United  States.  The  expensive  and  com- 
plicated machinery  for  the  management  of 
Indian  affairs  has  been  much  in  the  way 
of  the  elevation  of  the  race  in  the  scale  of 


the  head-waters  of  the  Brazos  to  those 
of  the  Arkansas;  families  in  Utah  and 
Texas,  and  several  tribes  in  California. 
The  Attakapas  and  Chitemachas,  in 
Texas,  have  languages  that  enter  into  no 
known  group. 

Condition  of  Ihc  Indians. — According  to 
ollicial  reports,  the  Indian  population  in 
1904  was,  approximately,  about  270,000, 
nearly  all  of  whom  M-i>re  partially  or  abso- 
lutely under   the   control    of   the  national 

civilization,  and  has  produced  much  evil  by 
creating  irritation,  jealousy,  and  universal 
lack  of  faith  in  the  white  race.  These 
irritations  for  a  long  time  kept  a  large 
portion  of  the  Indians  in  a  state  of  chronic 
hostility,  and  whole  tribes  utterh'^  refused 
all  overtures  of  the  government  to  accept 
its  protection  and  fostering  care.  In  1880 
it  was  estimated  that  the  number  of  po- 
tentially hostile  Indians  was  fully  60,000. 
In  1891  the  condition  of  affairs  had  been 


much  improved.     Among  many  tribes  the  at  any  time   within   three  years,   bearing 

introduction   of   agriculture,   schools,   and  interest   not    to    exceed    6    per    cent.,    and 

churches  had  been  attended  with  the  hap-  issued  in  denominations  of  not  less  than 

piest   results.      There   were   24,357    pupils  ten  dollars,  which  should  be  legal  tender 

enrolled    in    the    reservation,    non-resevva-  for    their    face    value,    the    same    as    the 

tion,  and  day  schools,  besides  3,506  in  in-  United   States  notes.     Under  the  author- 

etitutes    and    public    schools,    and    these  ity   of   this   latter   clause,   there   were   is- 

Sf'liools  were   supported   at  an   expense  of  sued   of   one-year   notes,    bearing   interest 

$3,522,950.     There  is  a  tendency  in  most  at  5   per   cent.,   $44,520,000,   and   of   two- 

nf  the  tribes  to  engage  in  settled  pursuits  year  notes,  bearing  interest  at  6  per  cent., 

and    accept    citizenship.      See    also   names  $106,480,000.      Authority    was    given    on 

of   various   tribes.  the    same    day    for    the    issue    of    enough 

Indirect       Claims.         See      Alabama  fractional   currency  to  bring  the  amount 

Claims.  of  circulation  up  to  $50,000,000. 

Industrial     Education.       See     Tech-        Authority    having    been    given    by    law 

NOLOGY,  School?  of.  to  reissue  indefinitely  any  of  the  United 

Industrial  Exhibitions.      See  Exposi-  States   notes,   no   care  was   taken,   in   re- 

TIONS.  issuing    them,    to    maintain    any    distinc- 

Inflation  Legislation.  In  order  to  tion  in  the  character  of  the  notes.  The 
fully  comprehend  the  financial  situation  amount  outstanding  at  one  time,  how- 
of  the  United  States  which  led  up  to  ever,  never  exceeded  the  aggregate 
the  inflation  legislation,  it  is  necessary  amount  authorized  to  be  issued  by  the 
to  go  back  to  the  State  and  national  three  acts,  and  its  highest  amount  was 
finances  just  after  the  Civil  War  opened,  reached  Jan.  30,  1864,  when  it  was 
The  demand  -  note  issue  of  July  17,  $449,338,902.  The  total  amount  of  legal- 
ISO  1,  was  the  first  attempt  to  use  the  tender  paper  issued  by  the  government, 
government  notes  as  currency.  These  were  exclusive  of  fractional  currency,  having 
redeemable  at  sight  in  coin,  and  were  a  limited  legal-tender  quality,  may  be 
used  in  the  payment  of  salaries  due  em-  thus  summed  up: 
ployes     in     the     departments.      The.    act 

of  Feb.   25,   1S62,  authorized  the  issue  of  United   States   notes $449,338,90? 

$150,000,000  in  legal-tender  United  States  One   year   5    per    cent,    notes..       44,520,000 

notes,  $50,000,000  of  which  were  to  take  ^wo  year  6  per  cent,  notes....      166,480,000 

up  the  issue  of  demand  notes.     July  11,  tq^^i    $660,338,902 

1802,  an  additional  issue  of  $150,000,000 

in  legal-tender  notes  was  authorized  by  In  July,  1865,  the  government  had  out- 
Congress,  $35,000,000  of  this  to  be  in  standing  $433,000,000  of  United  States 
sums  of  less  than  five  dollars.  July  lY,  notes,  $43,000,000  of  one  and  two  year 
1862,  an  act  authorized  the  issue  of  notes  notes,  and  $25,000,000  of  fractional  notes, 
of  the  fractional  part  of  one  dollar,  re-  In  his  report  at  the  opening  of  Congress 
c(<ivable  in  payment  of  all  dues,  except  in  that  year  Secretary  McOulloch  advo- 
customs,  less  than  five  dollars,  and  ex-  eated  a  contraction  of  the  currency,  and 
■changeable  for  United  States  notes  in  to  carry  out  this  policy  Congress,  by  an 
sums  not  less  than  five  dollars.  The  act  approved  April  12,  1860,  directed 
amount  of  this  issue  was  not  specified.  "  that  of  United  States  notes  not  more 
On  Jan.  17,  1803,  a  resolution  authorized  than  $10,000,000  may  be  retired  and  can- 
the  issue  of  $100,000,000  in  United  States  celled  within  six  months  of  the  pas- 
notes  for  the  immediate  payment  of  sage  of  this  act,  and  thereafter  not  more 
the  army  and  navy.  The  amount  of  this  than  $4,000,000  per  month."  Under  this 
issue  was  subsequently  included  in  the  act  the  notes  were  retired  and  cancelled 
act  of  March  3,  1863,  which  authorized  as  provided  by  law,  and  reduced  to  ashes, 
an  issue  of  legal-tender  United  States  as  provided  by  treasury  regulations,  until 
notes,  in  all  respects  similar  to  those  al-  threatened  stringency  in  the  money  mar- 
ready  issued,  to  the  amount  of  $150,000,-  ket  made  Congress  eager  to  ward  oflf,  if 
000,  and  also  an  amount,  not  to  exceed  possible,  the  inevitable  result  of  contrac- 
$400,000,000,    of    treasury    notes,    payable  tion. 



By  an  act  of  Feb.  4,  1868,  the  authority  would  give  the  expected  relief.  This 
to  further  retire  United  States  notes  was  theory,  in  my  belief,  is  a  departure  from 
suspended,  then  leaving  outstanding  true  principles  of  finance,  national  in- 
$3.56,000,000.  Now  the  maximum  limit  of  terest,  national  obligations  to  creditors, 
United  States  notes  had  been  fixed,  by  the  congressional  promises,  party  pledges  on 
act  of  June  30,  1864,  as  $400,000,000,  and  the  part  of  both  political  parties,  and  of 
during  the  year  1870  some  financial  ge-  personal  views  and  promises  made  by  me 
nius  discovered  that  this  was  meant  to  in  every  annual  message  sent  to  Congress, 
indicate  the  minimum  also,  and  that  $44,-  and  in  each  inaugural  address."  After 
000,000  in  notes,  though  they  had  been  quoting  passages  to  verify  this  last 
burned  according  to  regulations,  still  re-  assertion,  the  President  said :  "  I  am 
mained  as  a  reserve,  which  the  Secretary  not  a  believer  in  any  artificial  method 
of  the  Treasury  could  issue  or  retire  at  of  making  paper  money  equal  to  coin, 
his  discretion.  By  virtue  of  this  newly  when  the  coin  is  not  owned  or  held  ready 
discovered  discretionary  power.  Secretary  to  redeem  the  promises  to  pay,  for  paper 
Boutwell,  in  October,  1871,  issued  $1,-  money  is  nothing  more  than  promises  to 
500,000  of  this  to  relieve  a  stringency  on  pay,  and  is  valuable  exactly  in  proportion 
Wall  Street.  By  the  following  year  he  to  the  amount  of  coin  that  it  can  be  con- 
had  issued  $4,637,256  of  this  reserve,  but  verted  into.  While  coin  is  not  used  as 
the  outcry  against  his  policy  was  so  a  circulating  medium,  or  the  currency  of 
strong  that  he  retired  nearly  all  of  it,  the  country  is  not  convertible  into  it  at 
and  early  in  1873  Secretary  Richardson  par,  it  becomes  an  article  of  commerce  as 
retired  the  rest.  In  the  latter  part  of  the  much  as  any  other  product.  The  surplus 
year,  however,  on  the  occasion  of  the  will  seek  a  foreign  market,  as  will  any 
panic.  Secretary  Richardson  reissued  other  surplus.  The  balance  of  trade  has 
$25,000,000  of  it  to  relieve  the  embar-  nothing  to  do  with  the  question.  Duties 
rassed  banks.  on  exports  being  required  in  coin  creates 

A  bill  fixing  the  legal  -  tender  United  a  limited  demand  for  gold.  About  enough 
States  currency  at  $400,000,000,  and  mak-  to  satisfy  that  demand  remains  in  the 
ing  some  important  stipulations  about  country.  To  increase  this  supply  I  see 
bank  issues,  was  passed  by  both  Houses  no  way  open  but  by  the  government  hoard- 
early  in  1874,  but  was  vetoed  by  the  Presi-  ing,  through  the  means  above  given,  and 
dent.  A  part  of  the  veto  message  is  here  possibly  by  requiring  the  national  banks 
given  to  show  the  grounds  of  his  ac-  to  aid.  It  is  claimed  by  the  advocates 
tion:  of    the    measure    herewith    returned    that 

"  Practically  it  is  a  question  whether  there  is  an  unequal  distribution  of  the 
the  measure  under  discussion  would  give  banking  capital  of  the  country.  I  was 
an  additional  dollar  to  the  irredeemable  disposed  to  give  great  weight  to  this  view 
paper  currency  of  the  country  or  not,  and  of  the  question  at  first,  but  on  reflection 
whether,  by  requiring  three-fourths  of  the  it  will  be  remembered  that  there  still  re- 
reserve  to  be  returned  by  the  banks  and  mains  $4,000,000  of  authorized  bank-note 
prohibiting  interest  to  be  received  on  the  circulation,  assigned  to  States  having  less 
balance,  it  might  not  prove  a  contraction,  than  their  quota,  not  yet  taken.  In  ad- 
r.ut  the  fact  cannot  be  concealed  that  dition  to  this  the  States  having  less  than 
theoretically  the  bill  increases  the  paper  their  quota  of  bank  circulation  have  the 
circulation  $100,000,000,  less  only  the  option  of  $25,000,000  more  to  be  taken 
amount  of  reserves  restrained  from  circu-  from  those  States  having  more  than  their 
lation  by  the  provision  of  the  second  sec-  proportion.  When  this  is  all  taken  up, 
tion.  The  measure  has  been  supported  or  when  specie  payments  are  fully  re- 
on  the  theory  that  it  would  give  increased  stored,  or  are  in  rapid  process  of 
circulation.  It  is  a  fair  inference,  there-  restoration,  will  be  the  time  to  consider 
fore,  that  if  in  practice  the  measures  the  question  of  more  currency." 
should  fail  to  create  the  abundance  of  cir-  An  act  fixing  the  issue  of  United  States 
culation  expected  of  it,  the  friends  of  the  notes  at  $383,000,000,  the  amount  then 
measure — particularly  those  out  of  Con-  outstanding,  was  approved  June  20,  1874. 
gress — would  clamor  for  such  inflation  as  Between    1868    and    1874    the    amount   of 



fractional   notes   had   also   been   increased  of   the   Farmers'   Alliance,   which   he   had 

from  $25,000,000  to  $46,000,000.     In  Janu-  severely  criticised.     On  retiring  from  the 

ary,  1875,  the  resumption  act  was  passed.  Senate  he  engaged  in  journalism  and  lec- 

und  under  its  provisions  the  retirement  of  turing  till  his  death,  in  Las  Vegas,  N.  M., 

United    States    notes    was    again    begun.  Aug.   16,   1900. 

The  redemption  of  the  fractional  currency  Eulogy   on  Senator  Hill. — On   Jan.   23, 

with  silver  was  also  begun,  and  went  on  1882,    he    delivered    the    following    eulogy 

so  rapidly  that  by  the  end  of   1877   only  on   the  occasion  of   the   death  of   Senator 

$16,000,000     of     it     remained.     Congress  Benjamin  Harvey  Hill,  of  Georgia: 

passed  an   act.   May   31,   1878,   forbidding  

the   further   retirement   of   United    States  Mr.   President, — Ben.   Hill   has   gone   to 

rotes  under  the  resumption  act.     But  the  the    undiscovered    country.      Whether    his 

increase  in  the  commerce  of  the  country  journey  thither  was  but  one   step   across 

had  by  this  time  so  far  readjusted  credits  an   imperceptible  frontier,  or  whether  an 

that   the   value   of   legal   tender   and   coin  interminable    ocean,    black,    unfluctuating, 

had    become    nearly    equal.      On    Jan.    1,  and     voiceless,     stretches     between     these 

1879,    therefore,    resumption    took    place  earthly  coasts  and  those  invisible   shores 

according    to    law,   without    any    serious  — we  do  not  know. 

derangement     of     the     business     of      the  Whether   on   that   August   morning   af- 

country.  ter  death,  he  saw  a  more  glorious  sun  rise 

Ingalls,   James  Monroe,   military  offi-  ^yith  imimaginable  splendor  above  a  celes- 

cer;   born  in  Sutton,  Vt.,  Jan.   25,   1837;  tial  horizon,  or  whether  his  apathetic  and 

was  educated  at  Evansville    (Wis.)    Semi-  unconscious   ashes   still    sleep   in   cold   ob- 

nary;    graduated    at    the    United    States  gtruction   and   insensible   oblivion — we   do 

Artillery  School  in  1872;  entered  the  regu-  not  know. 

lar    army,    Jan.    2,    1864;    promoted    1st  Whether    his    strong    and    subtle    ener- 

lieutenant,  May  3,  1863;  captain,  July  1,  gigs    found    instant    exercise    in    another 

1880;    major,    June    1,    1897;    lieutenant-  forum,  whether  his  dexterous  and  undis- 

colonel,    Oct.    5,    1900;    and    was    retired,  ciplined   faculties   are   now   contending   in 

Jan.    25.    1901.      He    founded   the   depart-  a  higher  Senate  than  ours  for  supremacy, 

ment    of   ballistics    in    the   United    States  or  whether  his  powers  were  dissipated  and 

Artillery  School  in  1882,  and  was  the  prin-  dispersed  with  his  parting  breath — we  do 

cipal  instructor  there  till  the  outbreak  of  not  know. 

the  war  with  Spain,  when  the  school  sus-  Whether    his    passions,    ambitions,    and 

pended    operations.      He   was    the    author  affections   still   sway,   attract,   and   impel, 

of  Exterior  Ballistics;  Ballistic  Machines;  whether  he  yet   remembers   us   as   we   re- 

BalUstic    Tables;    Ballistics    for    the    In-  member  him — we  do  not  know. 

structioi  of  Artillery  Gunners ;  etc.  These   are  the   unsolved,   the   insolvable 

Ing'alls,  John  James,  lawyer;  born  in  problems   of  mortal   life   and   human   des- 

Middleton,    Mass.,    Dec.    29,    1833;    grad-  tiny,  which  prompted  the  troubled  patri- 

uated   at   Williams   College   in    1855,   and  arch    to    ask    that    momentous    question, 

was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1857.    He  went  for    which    the    centuries    have    given    no 

to  Atchison,  Kan.,  in  1858,  and  became  a  answer:     "If    a    man    die,    shall    he    live 

member  of  the  ^Vyandotte  Convention  in  again?" 

1859,  secretary  of  the  territorial  council  Every  man  is  the  centre  of  a  circle, 
in  1869.  and  secretary  of  the  State  Sen-  whose  fatal  circumference  he  cannot  pass, 
ate  in  1861.  He  was  State  Senator  in  Within  its  narrow  confines  he  is  potential. 
1862,  and  in  the  same  year  was  defeated  beyond  it  he  perishes;  and  if  immortality 
as  Eepublican  candidate  for  lieutenant-  is  a  splendid,  but  delusive  dream,  if  the 
go\ernor.  In  1863-65  he  was  editor  of  incompleteness  of  every  career,  even  the 
the  Atchison  Champion;  in  1864  was  again  longest  and  most  fortunate,  be  not  sup- 
defeated  for  lieutenant-governor ;  in  1873-  plemented  and  perfected  after  its  termi- 
91  was  a  United  States  Senator,  and  in  nation  here,  then  he  who  dreads  to  die 
1887-01  was  president  pro  ten,,  of  the  should  fear  to  live,  for  life  is  a  tragedy 
Senate.  He  was  forced  to  retire  to  private  more  desolate  and  inexplicable  than 
life  in  1891  bv  the  ascendancy  in  Kansas  death. 



Of    all    the    dead    whose    obsequies    we  commanding  presence,  his  sinewy  diction, 

have  paused  to  solemnize  in  this  chamber,  his    confidence,    and    imperturbable    self- 

I  recall  no  one  whose  untimely  fate  seems  control. 

so  lamentable,  and  yet  so  rich  in  prophecy.  But  in  the  maturity  of  his  powers 
as  that  of  Senator  Hill.  He  had  reached  and  his  fame,  with  unmeasured  oppor- 
the  meridian  of  his  years.  He  stood  upon  tunities  for  achievement  apparently  ba- 
the high  plateau  of  middle  life,  in  that  fore  him,  with  great  designs  unaccom- 
serene  atmosphere  where  temptation  no  plished,  surrounded  by  the  proud  and  af- 
longer  assails,  where  the  clamorous  pas-  fectionate  solicitude  of  a  great  constitu- 
sions  and  contention,  such  as  infrequently  ency,  the  pallid  messenger  with  the  in- 
fall  to  the  lot  of  men,  no  longer  find  ex-  verted  torch  beckoned  him  to  depart, 
ercise.  Though  not  without  the  ten-  There  are  few  scenes  in  history  more 
dency  to  meditation,  reverie,  and  introspec-  tragic  than  that  protracted  combat  with 
tion  which  accompanies  genius,  his  tem-  death.  No  man  had  greater  inducements 
perament  was  palestric.  He  was  competi-  to  live.  But  in  the  long  struggle  against 
tive  and  unpeaceful.  He  was  born  a  po-  the  inexorable  advances  of  an  insidious 
lemic  and  controversialist,  intellectually  and  mortal  malady,  he  did  not  falter  or 
pugnacious  and  combative,  so  that  he  was  repine.  He  retreated  with  the  aspect  of 
impelled  to  defend  any  position  that  might  a  victor,  and  though  he  succumbed,  he 
be  assailed,  or  to  attack  any  position  that  seemed  to  conquer.  His  sun  went  down 
might  be  intrenched,  not  because  the  de-  at  noon,  but  it  sank  amid  the  prophetic 
fence  or  assault  was  essential,  but  be-  splendors  of  an  eternal  dawn, 
cause  the  positions  were  maintained,  and  With  more  than  a  hero's  courage, 
those  who  held  them  became,  by  that  with  more  than  a  martyr's  fortitude,  he 
fact  alone,  his  adversaries.  This  tendency  waited  the  approach  of  the  inevitable 
of  his  nature  made  his  orbit  erratic.  He  hour,  and  went  to  the  undiscovered  coun- 
was  meteoric,  rather  than  planetary,  and  try. 

flashed  with  irregular  splendor,  rather  Ingalls,  RuFUS,  military  officer;  born 
than  shone  with  steady  and  penetrating  in  Denmark,  Me.,  Aug.  23,  1820;  grad- 
rays.  His  advocacy  of  any  cause  was  fear-  uated  at  West  Point  in  1843,  enter- 
less  to  the  verge  of  temerity.  He  appeared  ing  the  rifles,  but  was  transferred  to  the 
to  be  indifferent  to  applause  or  censure,  dragoons  in  1845.  He  served  in  the  war 
for  their  own  sake.  He  accepted  intrep-  with  Mexico,  and  was  on  the  staff"  of  Gen- 
idly  any  conclusion  that  he  reached,  with-  eral  Harney  on  the  Pacific  coast.  In 
out  inquiring  whether  it  was  politic  or  April,  1861,  he  went  with  Colonel  Brown 
expedient.  to   reinforce   Fort   Pickens;    and   in   July 

To  such  a  spirit  partisanship  was  un-  was  ordered  to  the  Army  of  the  Potomac, 
avoidable,  but  with  Senator  Hill  it  did  where  he  was  upon  the  staff  of  General 
not  degenerate  into  bigotry.  He  was  McClellan,  with  the  rank  of  lieutenant- 
capable  of  broad  generosity,  and  extended  colonel.  He  was  chief  quartermaster  of 
to  his  opponents  the  same  unreserved  that  army  from  1862  to  1865;  was  made 
candor  which  he  demanded  for  himself,  brigadier-general  of  volunteers  in  May, 
His  oratory  was  impetuous,  and  devoid  of  1863,  and  was  brevetted  major-general, 
artifice.  He  was  not  a  posturer  or  U.  S.  A.  and  U.  S.  V.,  INIarch  13,  1865. 
phrase-monger.  He  was  too  intense,  too  He  was  in  most  of  the  battles  of  the  Army 
earnest,  to  employ  the  cheap  and  paltry  of  the  Potomac  from  that  of  South  IMoun- 
decorations  of  discourse.  He  never  re-  tain  to  the  surrender  of  Lee  at  Apponiat- 
oonnoitred  a  hostile  position,  nor  ap-  tox.  He  died  in  New  York  City,  Jan.  16, 
proached    it    by    stealthy    parallels.     He  1803. 

could  not  lay  siege  to  an  enemy,  nor  be-  Ingersoll,   Charles  Jared,  statesman; 

leaguer   him,  nor  open   trenches,  and   sap  born  in  Philadelphia,  Oct.  3.  1782:  became 

and    mine.     His   method   was    the   charge  a  lawyer,  and  was  attached  to  the  legation 

and    the    onset.     He    was    the    Murat    of  of  Rufus  King  when  he  was  minister  to 

senatorial  debate.     Not  many  men  of  this  France.      After    travelling   in    Europe,   he 

generation  have  been  better  equipped  for  returned,  and   published  a  poem   in   1800, 

parliamentary  warfare  than  he,  with  his  and  a  tragedy  in  1801.     In   1810  he  pxib- 



lished  a  political  satire,  called  Inchiquin 
the  Jesuit's  Letters.  In  1813  he  was  in 
Congress,  and  from  1815  to  1829  he  was 
United  States  district-attorney.  He  was 
again  in  Congress  from  1841  to  1847,  when 
he  was  a  Democratic  leader.  President 
Polk  nominated  him  minister  to  France, 
but  the  Senate  did  not  confirm  the  nomina- 
tion. He  wrote  a  history  of  the  second 
war  between  the  United  States  and  Great 
Britain.  He  died  in  Philadelphia,  Jan. 
14,   1862. 

Ingersoll,  Edward,  author;  born  in 
Philadelphia,  Pa.,  April  2,  1817;  son  of 
Charles  Jared  Ingersoll ;  graduated  at  the 
University  of  Pennsylvania  in  1835.  His 
publications  include  History  and  Law  of 
Habeas  Corpus  and  Grand  Juries;  and 
Personal  Liberty  and  Martial  Law.  He 
was  also  the  editor  of  Hale's  Pleas  of  the 
Croicn;  Addison  on  Contracts;  and  Saun- 
ders on  Uses  and  Trusts.  He  died  in  Ger- 
mantown,  Pa.,  Feb.  19,  1893. 

Ingersoll,  Erj^^est,  naturalist;  born  in 
Monroe,  Mich.,  March  13,  1852;  was  edu- 
cated at  Oberlin  College  and  the  Harvard 
Museum  of  Comparative  Zoology.  He  be- 
came connected  with  the  Hayden  Survey 
in  1873,  and  later  was  made  a  member  of 
the  United  States  Fish  Commission.  In 
1880  he  was  a  special  agent  of  the  census 
to  report  on  the  oyster  industry.  He  went 
to  California  in  1883  to  write  special  arti- 
cles for  Harper's  Magazine.  Later  he  was 
editor  of  the  Canadian  Pacific  Railway 
Company's  publications  in  Montreal.  He 
is  author  of  Nests   and   Eggs   of  Ameri- 

can Birds;  the  Oyster  Industries  of  the 
United  States;  Friends  Worth  Knowing; 
Knocking  Round  the  Rockies;  The 
Crest  of  the  Continent ;  Western  Canada; 
The  Book  of  the  Ocean,  etc.  He  is  also 
editor  and  part  author  of  a  series  of 
guide-books  to  the  Eastern  States  and 

Ingersoll,  Jared  ;  born  in  Milford, 
Conn.,  in  1722;  graduated  at  Yale  in 
1742;  was  stamp  agent  in  1765.  He  was 
obliged  to  reship  the  stamps  he  had 
received  and  to  resign  his  office.  He  is 
the  author  of  The  Stamp  Act.  H( 
died  in  New  Haven,  Conn.,  in  August 

Ingersoll,  Jared,  jurist;  born  in  Con- 
necticut in  1749;  graduated  at  Yale  in 
1766;  studied  law  in  London;  returned  to 
Philadelphia  in  1771;  was  a  delegate  to 
the  Continental  Congress  in  1780;  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Constitutional  convention  in 
1787;  and  was  the  Federal  candidate 
for  the  Vice  -  Presidency  in  1812,  but 
was  defeated,  receiving  86  electoral 
votes.  He  died  in  Philadelphia,  Oct.  31, 

Ingersoll,  Joseph  Reed,  legislator; 
born  in  Philadelphia,  Pa.,  June  14,  1786; 
graduated  in  Princeton  in  1804;  practised 
law  in  Philadelphia;  served  in  Congress 
as  Whig  in  1835-37  and  1842-49;  and  was 
an  ardent  supporter  of  Henry  Clay;  and 
was  United  States  minister  to  Great  Brit- 
ain in  1852.  He  published  Secession,  a 
Folly  and  a  Crime;  Life  of  Samuel  Breck, 


Ingersoll,  Robert  Green,  lawyer ;  born 
in  Dresden.  N.  Y..  Aug.  11,  1833;  began 
the  study  of  law  when  eighteen  years  old, 
and  three  years  later  was  admitted  to  the 
bar.  His  gift  of  oratory  soon  made  him 
a  distinguished  man,  both  in  the  courts 
and  in  Democratic  politics.  In  1857  he 
removed  from  Shawneetown.  111.,  to  Peoria, 
and  in  1800  was  an  unsuccessful  candidate 
for  Congress.  In  1862  he  organized  the 
11th  Illinois  Cavalry  and  went  to  the 
front  as  its  colonel.  He  spent  most  of  his 
military  career  in  raiding  and  scouting. 
On  Nov.  28,  1S62.  while  endeavoring  to  in- 
tercept  a   Confederate   raiding  body  with 

600  men,  he  was  attacked  by  a  force  of 
10,000,  and  captured.  He  was  almost  im- 
mediately paroled,  and  placed  in  command 
of  a  camp  at  St.  Louis.  After  a  few 
months  in  this  capacity,  fearing  that  he 
would  not  be  returned  to  active  service, 
he  resigned  his  commission.  Returning 
home,  he  became  a  strong  Republican,  and 
in  1866  was  appointed  attorney-general  of 
Illinois.  In  1876,  at  the  Republican  Na- 
tional Convention,  he  nominated  James  G. 
Blaine  for  the  Presidency  in  a  speech 
v/hich  contained  the  following  memorable 
sentence:  "Like  an  armed  warrior,  like  a 
plumed  knight.  James  G.  Blaine  marched 



down  the  halls  of  the  American  Congress 
and  threw  his  shining  lances  full  and  fair 
against  the  brazen  forehead  of  every  de- 
famer  of  his  country  and  maligner  of  its 
honor."  He  was  conspicuously  active  in 
the  Presidential  campaigns  of  1876  and 
1880,   and   had    it   not   been   for   his   pro- 


nounced  agnostic  views  he  would  have 
been  honored  with  high  official  preferment. 
In  1882  he  settled  in  New  York  City,  and 
engaged  in  law  practice  till  his  death, 
July  21,  1899.  He  was  a  man  of  rare  per- 
sonal attractions;  an  orator  of  excep- 
tional brilliancy.  His  generosity  was  un- 
bounded. Among  his  lectures,  which  had 
gained  him  wide  popularity,  the  most  char- 
acteristic were:  Some  Mistakes  of  Moses; 
The  Family;  The  Liberty  of  Man,  Woman, 
and  Child;  The  Gods;  and  Ghosts.  His 
publications  included:  Lectures  Complete; 
and  Great  Speeches. 

Thomas  Paine. — The  following  is  Colo- 
nel Ingersoll's  noted  review  of  the  life 
and  works  of  Thomas  Paine   (q.  v.)  : 

Eighty-three  years  ago  Thomas  Paine 
ceased  to  defend  himself.  The  moment 
he  became  dumb  all  his  enemies  found  a 
tongue.  He  was  attacked  on  every  hand. 
The  Tories  of  England  had  been  waiting 
for  their  revenge.  The  believers  in  kings, 
in  hereditary  government,  the  nobility  of 
every  land,  execrated  his  memory.  Their 
greatest  enemy  was  dead.  The  believers 
in  human  slavery,  and  all  who  clamored 
for  the  rights  of  the  States  as  against 
the  sovereignty  of  a  nation,  joined  in  the 

chorus  of  denunciation.  In  addition  to 
this,  the  believers  in  the  inspiration  of 
the  Scriptures,  the  occupants  of  ortho- 
dox pulpits,  the  professors  in  Christian 
colleges,  and  the  religious  historians,  v/ere 
his  sworn  and  implacable  foes. 

This  man  had  gratified  no  ambition  at 
the  expense  of  his  fellow  -  men ;  he  had 
desolated  no  country  with  the  flame  and 
sword  of  war;  he  had  not  wrung  millions 
from  the  poor  and  unfortunate ;  he  had 
betrayed  no  trust,  and  yet  he  was  al- 
most universally  despised.  He  gave  his 
life  for  the  benefit  of  mankind.  Day  and 
night,  for  many,  many  weary  years,  he 
labored  for  the  good  of  others,  and  gave 
himself  body  and  soul  to  the  great  cause 
of  human  liberty.  And  yet  he  won  the 
hatred  of  the  people  for  whose  benefi't, 
for  whose  emancipation,  for  whose  civili- 
zation, for  whose  exaltation  he  gave  his 

Against  him  every  slander  that  malig- 
nity could  coin  and  hypocrisy  pass  was 
gladly  and  joyously  taken  as  genuine, 
and  every  truth  with  regard  to  his  career 
was  believed  to  be  counterfeit.  He  was 
attacked  by  thousands  where  he  was  de- 
fended by  one,  and  the  one  who  defended 
him  was  instantly  attacked,  silenced,  or 

At  last  his  life  has  been  written  by 
Moncure  D.  Conway,  and  the  real  history 
of  Thomas  Paine,  of  what  he  attempted 
and  accomplished,  of  what  he  taught  and 
suffered,  has  been  intelligently,  truth- 
fully, and  candidly  given  to  the  world. 
Henceforth  the  slanderer  will  be  without 

He  who  reads  Mr.  Conway's  pages  will 
find  that  Thomas  Paine  was  more  than  a 
patriot ;  that  he  was  a  philanthropist — 
a  lover  not  only  of  his  country,  but  of 
all  mankind.  He  will  find  that  his  sym- 
pathies were  with  those  who  suffered, 
without  regard  to  religion  or  race,  coun- 
try or  complexion.  He  will  find  that  this 
great  man  did  not  hesitate  to  attack  the 
governing  class  of  his  native  land,  to 
commit  what  was  called  treason  against 
the  King,  that  he  might  do  battle  for  the 
rights  of  men :  that,  in  spite  of  the  preju- 
dices of  birth,  he  took  the  side  of  the 
American  colonies;  that  he  gladly  at- 
tacked the  political  abuses  and  absurdi- 
ties that  had  been  fostered  by  altars  and 



thrones  for  many  centuries;  that  he  was  He  was  the  first  to  suggest  a  union  of 
for  the  people  against  nobles  and  kings;  the  colonies.  Before  the  Declaration  of 
and  that  he  put  his  life  in  pawn  for  the  Independence  was  issued,  Paine  had  writ- 
good   of   others.  ten  of  and  about  the  Free  and  Independent 

In   the   winter   of    1774   Thomas   Paine  i^tates  of  America.     He  had  also   spoken 

come  to  America.     After  a  time   he  was  of  the  United  States  colonies  as  the  "  Glo- 

employed   as   one   of   the   writers   on    The  lious  Union,"  and  he  was  the  first  to  write 

Pennsylvania  Magazine.  these    words:       "The    United    States    of 

Let  us  see  what  he  did,  calculated  to  ex-  America." 

cite  the  hatred  of  his  fellow-men.  In  May,    1775,   Washington   said:      "If 

The  first  article  he  ever  wrote  in  Amer-  you  ever  hear  of  me  joining  in  any  such 

ica,  and  the  first  ever  published  by  him  any-  measure    (as  separation  from  Great  Brit- 

where,  appeared  in  that  magazine  on  March  ain )    you  have  my  leave  to  set  me  down 

8,   1775.     It  was  an  attack  on  American  for    everything    wicked."      He    had    also 

slavery — a    plea    for    the    rights    of    the  said:      "It    is    not   the   wish    or    interest 

negro.     In  that  article  will  be  found  sub-  of    the    government    (meaning   Massachu- 

stantially  all   the  arguments  that  can  be  setts),   or  of  any  other  upon   this   conti- 

urged  against  that  most  infamous  of  all  nent,  separately  or  collectively,  to  set  up 

institutions.     Every  line  is  full  of  human-  for  independence."     And  in  the  same  year 

ity,  pity,  tenderness,  and  love  of  justice.  Benjamin  Franklin  assured  Chatham  that 

Five  days  after  this  article  appeared  the  no  one  in  America  was  in  favor  of  separa- 

American  Anti-Slavery  Society  was  form-  tion.     As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  people  of 

ed.     Certainly  this  should  not  excite  our  the    colonies    wanted    a    redress    of    their 

hatred.     To-day  the  civilized  world  agrees  grievances — they    were    not    dreaming    of 

with  the  essay  written  by  Thomas  Paine  separation,   of   independence, 

in   1775.                                         •  In     1775     Paine    wrote    the    pamphlet 

At     that     time     great     interests     were  known  as  Common  Sense.     This  was  pub- 

against   him.     The   owners    of    slaves    be-  lished  on  Jan.  10,  1776.     It  was  the  first 

came   his   enemies,   and   the   pulpits,    sup-  appeal  for  independence,  the  first  cry  for 

ported    by    slave  -  labor,    denounced    this  national  life,  for  absolute  separation.    No 

abolitionist.  pamphlet,   no   book,    ever   kindled   such   a 

The  next  article  published  by  Thomas  sudden  conflagration — a  purifying  flame, 
Paine,  in  the  same  magazine,  and  for  the  in  which  the  prejudices  and  fears  of  mill- 
next  month,  was  an  attack  on  the  prac-  ions  were  consumed.  To  read  it  now, 
tice  of  duelling,  showing  that  it  was  bar-  after  the  lapse  of  more  than  100  years, 
barous,  that  it  did  not  even  tend  to  set-  hastens  the  blood.  It  is  but  the  meagre 
tie  the  right  or  wrong  of  a  dispute,  that  truth  to  say  that  Thomas  Paine  did  more 
it  could  not  be  defended  on  any  just  for  the  cause  of  separation,  to  sow  the 
grounds,  and  that  its  influence  was  de-  seeds  of  independence,  than  any  other  man 
grading  and  cruel.  The  civilized  world  of  his  time.  Certainly  we  should  not 
now  agrees  with  the  opinions  of  Thomas  despise  him  for  this.  The  Declaration  of 
Paine   upon    that   barbarous    practice.  Independence  followed,  and  in  that  decla- 

In    May,    1775.    appeared    in    the    same  ration  will  be  found  not  only  the  thoughts, 

magazine     another     article     written     by  but   some   of   the   expressions,   of   Thomas 

Thomas  Paine,  a  Protest  Against  Cruelty  Paine. 

to  Animals.     He  began  the  work  that  was  During  the  war,  and  in  the  very  darkest 

so  successfully  and  gloriously  carried  out  hours,    Paine    wrote   what    is    called    The 

by  Henry  Bergh,  one  of  the  noblest,  one  Crisis,  a  series  of  pamphlets  giving  from 

of  the  grandest,  men  that  this  continent  time  to  time  his  opinion  of  events,  and  his 

has  produced.  prophecies.     These      marvellous      publica- 

The    good    people    of    this   world    agree  tions  produced   an   effect  nearly  as  great 

with  Thomas  Paine.  as    the   pamphlet    Common    Sense.     These 

In  August  of  the   same  year  he  wrote  strophes,  written  by  the  bivouac  fires,  had 

a  plea  for  the  Rights  of  Woman,  the  first  in  them  the  soul  of  battle, 

ever  published   in   the   New  World.     Cer-  In  all  he  \vrote.  Paine  was  direct  and 

tainly  he  should  not  be  hated  for  that.  natural.     He   touched   the   very   heart   of 




the  subject.  He  was  not  awed  by  names 
or  titles,  by  place  or  power.  He  never 
lost  his  regard  for  truth,  for  principle — 
never  wavered  in  his  allegiance  to  reason, 
to  wha.;  he  believed  to  be  right.  His  argu- 
ments were  so  lucid,  so  unanswerable,  his 
comparisons  and  analogies  so  apt,  so  un- 
expected, that  they  excited  the  passionate 
admiration  of  friends  and  the  unquench- 
able hatred  of  enemies.  So  g>-eat  were 
these  appeals  to  patriotism,  to  the  love 
of  liberty,  the  pride  of  independence, 
the  glory  of  success,  that  it  was  said  by 

Chancellor  Livingston,  secretary  of  for- 
eign affairs;  Robert  Morris,  minister  of 
finance,  and  his  assistant,  urging  the  ne- 
cessity of  adding  a  continental  legislat- 
ure to  Congress,  to  be  elected  by  the 
several  States.  Robert  Morris  invited 
the  chancellor  and  a  number  of  eminent 
men  to  meet  Paine  at  dingier,  where  his 
plea  for  a  stronger  Union  was  discussed 
and  approved.  This  was  probably  the 
earliest  of  a  series  of  consultations  pre- 
liminary to  the  constitutional  convention. 
On  April   19,   1783,  it  being  the  eighth 

some  of  the  best  and  greatest  of  that  time  anniversary   of    the   battle   of   Lexington, 

that   the   American   cause   owed   as   much  Paine  printed  a   little  pamphlet  entitled, 

to  the  pen  of  Paine   as  to   the   sword  of  Thoughts  on  Peace  and  the  Probable  Ad- 

Washintrton.  vantages    Thereof.     In   this    pamphlet   he 

On  Nov.  2,   1779,  there  was  introduced  pleads  for  "  a  supreme  nationality  absorb- 

into  the  Assembly  of  Pennsylvania  an  act  ing  all  cherished  sovereignties."    Mr.  Con- 

way calls  this  pamphlet  Paine's  Farewell 
Address,  and  gives  the  following  extract: 

"  It  was  the  cause  of  America  that  made 
me    an    author.      The    force    with    which    it 

for  the  abolition  of  slavery.  The  pre- 
amble was  written  by  Thomas  Paine.  To 
him  belongs  the  honor  and  glory  of  hav- 
ing   written    the    first    proclamation    of 

emancipation  in  America^ — Paine  tne  first,    struck  my  mind,  and  the  dangerous  condition 

which  the  country  was  in,  by  courting  an 
impossible  and  an  unnatural  reconciliation 
with  those  who  were  determined  to  reduce 
her,  instead  of  striking  out  into  the  only  line 
that  could  save  her — a  Declaration  of  In- 
dependence— made  it  impossible  for  me,  feel- 
ing as  I  did,  to  be  silent ;  and  if,  in  the 
course  of  more  than  seven  years,  I  have 
rendered  her  any  service,  I  have  likewise 
added  something  "to  the  reputation  of  litera- 
ture, by  freely  and  disinterestedly  employing 
it  in  the  great  cause  of  mankind.  .  .  . 
But  as  the  scenes  of  war  are  closed,  and 
every  man  preparing  for  home  and  happier 
times,  I  therefore  take  leave  of  the  subject. 
I  have  most  sincerely  followed  it  from  be- 
ginning to  end,  and  through  all  its  turns 
and   windings  ;   and  whatever  country   I   may 

l/jncoln  the  last. 

Paine,  of  all  others,  succeeded  in  getting 
aid  for  the  struggling  colonies  from 
France.  "According  to  Lamartine,  the 
King,  Louis  XVI.,  loaded  Paine  with 
favors,  and  a  gift  of  six  millions  was  con- 
fided into  the  hands  of  Franklin  and 
Paine.  On  Aug.  25,  1781,  Paine  reached 
Boston,  bringing  2,500,000  livres  in  silver, 
and  in  convoy  a  ship  laden  with  clothing 
and  military  stores." 

In  November,  1779,  Paine  was  elected 
clerk  to  the  General  Assembly  of  Pennsyl- 
vania.     In    1780,    the    Assembly    received    __    ^ 

a  letter  from  General  Washington  in  the    hereafter  be"  in,  I  shall  always  feel  an  honest 

for  putting  it  in  my  power  to  be  of  some  use 

in  the  army  would  lead  to  mutiny  in  the 
ranks.  This  letter  was  read  by  Paine  to 
the  Assembly.  He  immediately  wrote  to 
Blair  McClenaghan,  a  Philadelphia  mer- 
chant, explaining  the  urgency,  and  enclos 

to  mankind.' 

Paine  had  made  some  enemies,  first,  by 
attackincr  African  slavery,  and,  second,  by 
ing  .$500,  the  amount  of  salary  due  him    insisting  upon  the  sovereignty  of  the  na- 
as  clerk,  as  his  contribution  towards  a  re-    tion. 

lief  fund.  The  merchant  called  a  meet-  During  the  Revolution  our  forefathers, 
ino'  the  next  day,  and  read  Paine's  letter,  in  order  to  justify  making  war  on  Great 
A  subscription  list  was  immediately  cir-  Britain,  were  compelled  to  take  the 
ciliated,  and  in  a  short  time  about  $1,-  ground  that  all  men  are  entitled  to  life, 
,^00.000  was  raised.  With  this  capital  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness.  In 
the  Pennsylvania  Bank  —  afterwards  the  no  other  way  could  they  justify  their  ac- 
Bank  of  North  America — was  established  tion.  After  the  war,  the  meaner  instincts 
for  the  relief  of  the  army.  began  to  take  possession  of  the  mind,  and 

In    1783    Paine    wrote    a    memorial    to    those  who  had  fought  for  their  own  lib- 



erty  were  perfectly  willing  to  enslave  with  love  and  reverence.  Every  English- 
others.  We  must  also  remember  that  the  man  who  has  sought  to  destroy  abuses, 
Revolution  was  begun  and  carried  on  by  to  lessen  or  limit  the  prerogatives  of  the 
a  noble  minority — that  the  majority  were  crown,  to  extend  the  suffrage,  to  do  away 
really  in  favor  of  Great  Britain  and  did  with  "  rotten  boroughs,"  to  take  taxes  from 
what  they  dared  to  prevent  the  success  knowledge,  to  increase  and  protect  the 
of  the  American  cause.  The  minority,  freedom  of  speech  and  the  press,  to  do 
however,  had  control  of  affairs.  They  were  away  with  bribes  under  the  name  of 
active,  energetic,  enthusiastic,  and  coura-  pensions,  and  to  make  England  a  govern- 
geous,  and  the  majority  were  overawed,  ment  of  principles  rather  than  of  persons, 
shamed,  and  suppressed.  But  when  peace  has  been  compelled  to  adopt  the  creed  and 
came,  the  majority  asserted  themselves  use  the  arguments  of  Thomas  Paine.  In 
and  the  interests  of  trade  and  commerce  England  every  step  towards  freedom  has 
were  consulted.  Enthusiasm  slowly  died,  been  a  triumph  of  Paine  over  Burke  and 
and  patriotism  was  mingled  with  the  self-  Pitt.  No  man  ever  rendered  a  greater 
ishness  of  traffic.  service  to  his  native  land. 

But,  after  all,  the  enemies  of  Paine  were  The  book  called  the  Rights  of  Man  was 

few,  the  friends  were  many.     He  had  the  the   greatest   contribution   that   literature 

respect    and    admiration    of    the    greatest  had  given  to  liberty.     It  rests  on  the  bed- 

and  the  best,  and  was  enjoying  the  fruits  rock.     No  attention  is  paid  to  precedents 

of  his  labor.  except    to    show    that    they    are    wrong. 

The  Eevohition  was  ended,  the  colonies  Paine  was  not  misled-  by  the  proverbs 
were  free.  They  had  been  united,  they  that  wolves  had  written  for  sheep.  He 
formed  a  nation,  and  the  United  States  had  the  intelligence  to  examine  for  him- 
of  America  had  a  place  on  the  map  of  the  self,  and  the  courage  to  publish  his  con- 
world,  elusions.     As  soon  as  the  Rights  of  Man 

Paine  was  not  a  politician.  He  had  not  was  published  the  government  was  alarm- 
labored  for  seven  years  to  get  an  office,  ed.  Every  effort  was  made  to  suppress 
His  services  were  no  longer  needed  in  it.  The  author  was  indicted;  those  who 
America.  He  concluded  to  educate  the  published,  and  those  who  sold,  were  ar- 
English  people,  to  inform  them  of  their  rested  and  imprisoned.  But  the  new  gos- 
rights,  to  expose  the  pretences,  follies  and  pel  had -been  preached — a  great  man  had 
fallacies,  the  crimes  and  cruelties  of  shed  light — a  new  force  had  been  born, 
nobles,  kings,  and  parliaments.  In  the  and  it  was  beyond  the  power  of  nobles 
brain  and  heart  of  this  man  were  the  and  kings  to  undo  what  the  author-hero 
dream  and  hope  of  the  universal  republic,  had  done. 

He  had  confidence  in  the  people.    He  hated  To    avoid    arrest    and    probable    death, 

tyranny   and   war,   despised   the   senseless  Paine   left   England.     He   had   sown   with 

pomp  and  vain  show  of  crowned  robbers,  brave  hand  the  seeds  of  thought,  and  he 

laughed    at   titles,    and    the   "  honorable  "  knew  that  he  had  lighted  a  fire  that  noth- 

badges  worn  by  the  obsequious  and  servile,  ing  could  extinguish  until  England  should 

by   fawners   and   followers;    loved   liberty  be  free. 

with    all    his    heart,    and    bravely    fought  The  fame  of  Thomas  Paine  had  reach- 

against  those  who  could  give  the  rewards  ed     France     in     many    ways — principally 

of    place    and    gold,    and    for    those    who  through  Lafayette.     His  services  in  Amer- 

could  pay  only  with  thanks.  ica     were     well     known.     The     pamphlet 

Hoping  to  hasten  the  day  of  freedom,  he  Common  Sense  had  been  published  in 
wrote  the  Rights  of  Man — a  book  that  French,  and  its  effect  had  been  immense, 
laid  the  foundation  for  all  the  real  liberty  The  Rights  of  Man  that  had  created,  and 
that  the  English  now  enjoy — a  book  that  was  then  creating,  such  a  stir  in  Eng- 
made  known  to  Englishmen  the  Decla-  land  was  also  known  to  the  French.  The 
ration  of  Nature,  and  convinced  millions  lovers  of  liberty  everywhere  were  the 
that  all  are  children  of  the  same  mother,  friends  and  admirers  of  Thomas  Paine, 
entitled  to  share  equally  in  her  gifts.  In  America.  England,  Scotland.  Ireland, 
Every  Englishman  who  has  outgrown  the  and  France  he  was  known  as  the  de- 
ideas    of    1688    should    remember    Paine  fender  of  popular  rights.    He  had  preach- 



ed   a   new  gospel.     He   had  given   a   new 
Magna    Charta    to    the    people. 

So  popular  was  Paine  in  France  that 
he  was  elected  by  three  constituencies 
to  the  national  convention.  He  chose  to 
represent  Calais.  From  the  moment  he 
entered  French  territory  he  was  received 
with  almost  royal  honors.  He  at  once 
stood  with  the  foremost,  and  was  wel- 
comed by  all  enlightened  patriots.  As  in 
America,  so  in  France,  he  knew  no  idle- 
ness— he  was  an  organizer  and  worker. 
The  first  thing  he  did  was  to  found  the 
first  republican  society,  and  the  next  to 
write  its  Manifesto,  in  which  the  ground 
was  taken  that  France  did  not  need  a 
king;  that  the  people  should  govern  them- 
selves. In  this  Manifesto  was  this  argu- 

"  What  kind  of  office  must  that  be  in  a 
government  which  requires  neither  experience 
nor  ability  to  execute  ;  that  may  be  abandon- 
ed to  the  desperate  chance  of  birth  ;  that  may 
be  filled  with  an  idiot,  a  madman,  a  tyrant, 
with  equal  effect  as  with  the  good,  the 
virtuous,  the  wise?  An  office  of  this  nature 
is  a  mere  nonentity  ;  it  is  a  place  of  show, 
not  of  use." 

He  said: 

"  I  am  not  the  personal  enemy  of  kings. 
Quite  the  contrary.  No  man  wishes  more 
heartily  than  myself  to  see  them  all  in  the 
happy  and  honorable  state  of  private  in- 
dividuals ;  but  I  am  the  avowed,  open  and 
intrepid  enemy  of  what  is  called  monarchy  ; 
and  I  am  such  by  principles  which  nothing 
can  either  alter  or  corrupt,  by  my  attach- 
ment to  humanity,  by  the  anxiety  which  I 
feel  within  myself  for  the  dignity  and  honor 
of  the  human  race." 

One  of  the  grandest  things  done  by 
Thomas  Paine  was  his  effort  to  save  the 
life  of  Louis  XVI.  The  convention  was 
in  favor  of  death.  Paine  was  a  foreigner. 
His  career  had  caused  some  jealousies. 
He  knew  the  danger  he  was  in;  that  the 
tiger  was  already  crouching  for  a  spring; 
but  he  was  true  to  his  principles.  He  was 
opposed  to  the  death  penalty.  He  re- 
membered that  Louis  XVI.  had  been  the 
friend  of  America,  and  he  very  cheerfully 
risked  his  life,  not  only  for  the  good  of 
France,  not  only  to  save  the  King,  but 
to  pay  a  debt  of  gratitude.  He  asked 
the  convention  to  exile  the  King  to  the 
United  States.  He  asked  this  as  a  mem- 
ber of  the  convention  and  as  a  citizen  of 
the   United    States.     As   an   American   he 

felt  grateful  not  only  to  the  King,  but 
to  every  Frenchman.  He,  the  adversary 
of  all  kings,  asked  the  convention  to  re- 
member that  kings  were  men,  and  subject 
to  human  frailties.  He  took  still  another 
step,  and  said :  "  As  France  has  been  the 
first  of  European  nations  to  abolish 
royalty,  let  us  also  be  the  first  to  aboiish 
the   punishment   of   death." 

Even  after  the  death  of  Louis  had  been 
voted,  Paine  made  another  appeal.  With 
a  courage  born  of  the  highest  possible 
sense  of  duty,  he  said: 

"  France  has  but  one  ally — the  United 
States  of  America.  That  is  the  only  nation 
that  can  furnish  France  with  naval  pro- 
visions, for  the  kingdoms  of  northern  Europe 
are,  or  soon  will  be,  at  war  with  her.  It 
happens  that  the  person  now  under  dis- 
cussion is  regarded  in  America  as  a  deliverer 
of  their  country.  I  can  assure  you  that  his 
execution  will  there  spread  universal  sorrow, 
and  it  is  in  your  power  not  thus  to  wound 
the  feelings  of  your  ally.  Could  I  speak  the 
French  language  I  would  descend  to  your 
bar,  and  in  their  name  become  your  petitioner 
to  respite  the  execution  of  your  sentence 
on  Louis.  .  .  .  Ah,  citizens,  give  not  the  tyrant 
of  England  the  triumph  of  seeing  the  man 
perish  on  the  scaffold  who  helped  my  dear 
brothers  of  America  to  break  his  chains." 

This  was  worthy  of  the  man  who  said: 
"  Where  liberty  is  not,  there  is  my 

Paine  was  second  on  the  committee  to 
prepare  the  draft  of  a  constitution  for 
France  to  be  submitted  to  the  convention. 
He  was  the  real  author,  not  only  of  the 
draft  of  the  constitution,  but  of  the 
Declaration  of  Rights. 

In  France,  as  in  America,  he  took  the 
lead.  His  first  thoughts  seemed  to  be 
first  principles.  He  was  clear  because  he 
was  profound.  People  without  ideas  ex- 
perience great  difficulty  in  finding  words 
to  express  them. 

From  the  moment  that  Paine  cast  his 
vote  in  favor  of  mercy,  in  favor  of  life, 
the  shadow  of  the  guillotine  was  upon 
him.  He  knew  that  when  he  voted  for 
the  King's  life  he  voted  for  his  own 
death.  Paine  remembered  that  the  King 
had  been  the  friend  of  America,  and  to 
him  ingratitude  seemed  the  worst  of 
crimes.  He  worked  to  destroy  the  mon- 
arch, not  the  man ;  the  King,  not  the 
friend.  He  discharged  his  duty  and  ac- 
cepted death.  This  was  the  heroism  of 
goodness,  the   sublimity  of  devotion. 


Believing  that  his  life  was  near  its 
close,  he  made  up  his  mind  to  give  to 
the  world  his  thoughts  concerning  "  re- 
vealed religion."  This  he  had  for  some 
time  intended  to  do,  but  other  matters 
had  claimed  his  attention.  Feeling  that 
there  was  no  time  to  be  lost,  he  wrote 
the  first  part  of  the  Age  of  Reason,  and 
gave  the  manuscript  to  Joel  Barlow.  Six 
hours  after,  he  was  arrested.  The  second 
part  was  written  in  prison  while  he  was 
waiting  for  death. 

Paine  clearly  saw  that  men  could  not 
be  really  free,  or  defend  the  freedom 
they  had,  unless  they  were  free  to  think 
and  speak.  He  knew  that  the  Church  was 
the  enemy  of  liberty;  that  the  altar  and 
throne  were  in  partnership;  that  they 
helped  each  other  and  divided  the  spoils. 

He  felt  that,  being  a  man,  he  had  the 
right  to  examine  the  creeds  and  the  Script- 
ures for  himself,  and  that,  being  an  honest 
man,  it  was  his  duty  and  his  privilege  to 
tell  his  fellow-men  the  conclusions  at 
which  he  arrived. 

He  found  that  the  creeds  of  all  ortho- 
dox churches  were  absurd  and  cruel,  and 
that  the  Bible  was  no  better.  Of  course 
he  found  that  there  were  some  good 
things  in  the  creeds  and  in  the  Bible. 
These  he  defended,  but  the  infamous,  the 
inhuman,  he  attacked. 

In  matters  of  religion  he  pursued  the 
same  course  that  he  had  in  things  politi- 
cal. He  depended  upon  experience,  and 
above  all  on  reason.  He  refused  to  ex- 
tinguish the  light  in  his  own  soul.  He 
was  true  to  himself,  and  gave  to  others 
his  honest  thoughts.  He  did  not  seek 
wealth,  or  place,  or  fame.  He  sought  the 

He  had  felt  it  to  be  his  duty  to  attack 
the  institution  of  slavery  in  America, 
to  raise  his  voice  against  duelling,  to  plead 
for  the  rights  of  woman,  to  excite  pity 
for  the  sufferings  of  domestic  animals,  the 
speechless  friends  of  man ;  to  plead  the 
cause  of  separation,  of  independence,  of 
American  nationality,  to  attack  the  abuses 
and  crimes  of  monarchs,  to  do  what  he 
could  to  give  freedom  to  the  world. 

He  thought  it  his  duty  to  take  another 
step.  Kings  asserted  that  they  derived 
their  power,  their  right  to  govern,  from 
God.  To  this  assertion  Paine  replied  with 
the    Rights    of    Man.     Priests    pretended 

that  they  were  the  authorized  agents  of 
God.  Paine  replied  with  the  Age  of  Rea- 

This  book  is  still  a  power,  and  will  be 
as  long  as  the  absurdities  and  cruelties  of 
the  creeds  and  the  Bible  have  defenders. 
The  Age  of  Reason  affected  the  priests  just 
as  the  Rights  of  Man  affected  nobles  and 
kings.  The  kings  answered  the  arguments 
of  Paine  with  laws,  the  priests  with  lies. 
Kings  appealed  to  force,  priests  to  fraud. 
Mr.  Conway  has  written  in  regard  to  the 
Age  of  Reason  the  most  impressive  and 
the  most  interesting  chapter  in  his  book. 
Paine  contended  for  the  rights  of  the  in- 
dividual, for  the  jurisdiction  of  the  soul. 
Above  all  religions  he  placed  Reason, 
above  all  kings.  Men,  and  above  all 
men.  Law. 

The  first  part  of  the  Age  of  Reason  was 
written  in  the  shadow  of  a  prison,  the 
second  part  in  the  gloom  of  death.  From 
that  shadow,  from  that  gloom,  came  a 
flood  of  light.  This  testament,  by  which 
the  wealth  of  a  marvellous  brain,  the  love 
of  a  great  and  heroic  heart  were  given  to 
the  world,  was  written  in  the  presence  of 
the  scaffold,  when  the  writer  believed  he 
was  giving  his  last  message  to  his  fellow- 

The  Age  of  Reason  was  his  crime. 

Franklin,  Jefferson,  Sumner  and  Lin- 
coln, the  four  greatest  statesmen  that 
America  has  produced,  were  believers  in 
the  creed  of  Thomas  Paine. 

The  Ilnivcrsalists  and  Unitarians  have 
found  their  best  weapons,  their  best  ar- 
guments, in  the  Age  of  Reason. 

Slowly,  but  surely,  the  churches  are 
adopting  not  only  the  arguments,  but  the 
opinions,  of  the  great  Reformer.  Theodore 
Parker  attacked  the  Old  Testament  and 
Calvinistic  theology  with  the  same  weap- 
ons and  with  a  bitterness  excelled  by  no 
man  who  has  expressed  his  thoughts  in 
our  language. 

Paine  was  a  century  in  advance  of  his 
time.  If  he  were  living  now  his  sym- 
pathy would  be  with  Savage,  Chadwick, 
Professor  Briggs  and  the  "  advanced  theo- 
logians." He,  too,  would  talk  about  the 
'*  higher  criticism  "  and  the  latest  defini- 
tion of  "  inspiration."  These  advanced 
thinkers  substantially  are  repeating  the 
Age  of  Reason.  They  still  wear  the  old 
uniform — clinging  to  the  toggery  of  the- 



ology — but   inside  of   their  religious   rags 
tliey  agree  with  Thomas  Paine. 

Not  one  argument  that  Paine  urged 
against  the  inspiration  of  the  Bible, 
against  the  truth  of  miracles,  against  the 
barbarities  and  infamies  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment, against  the  pretensions  of  priests 
and  the  claims  of  kings,  has  ever  been 

His  arguments  in  favor  of  the  existence 
of  what  he  was  pleased  to  call  the  God 
of  Nature  were  as  weak  as  those  of  all 
theists  have  been.  But  in  all  the  affairs 
of  this  world,  his  clearness  of  vision,  lu- 
cidity of  expression,  cogency  of  argument, 
aptness  of  comparison,  power  of  state- 
ment and  comprehension  of  the  subject 
in  hand,  with  all  its  bearings  and  con- 
sequences, have  rarely,  if  ever,  been  ex- 

He  had  no  reverence  for  mistakes  be- 
cause they  were  old.  He  did  not  admire 
the  castles  of  feudalism  even  when  they 
were  covered  with  ivy.  He  not  only  said 
that  the  Bible  was  not  inspired,  but  he 
demonstrated  that  it  could  not  all  be 
true.  This  was  "  brutal."  He  presented 
arguments  so  strong,  so  clear,  so  convin- 
cing, that  they  could  not  be  answered. 
This  was  "  vulgar." 

He  stood  for  liberty  against  kings,  for 
humanity  against  creeds  and  gods.  This 
was  "  cowardly  and  low."  He  gave  his 
life  to  free  and  civilize  his  fellow-men. 
This  was  "  infamous." 

Paine  was  arrested  and  imprisoned  in 
December,  1793.  He  was,  to  say  the  least, 
neglected  by  Gouverneur  Morris  and 
Washington.  He  was  released  through 
the  efforts  of  James  Monroe  in  November, 
1794.  He  was  called  back  to  the  conven- 
tion, but  too  late  to  be  of  use.  As  most 
of  the  actors  had  suffered  death,  the 
tragedy  was  about  over  and  the  curtain 
was  falling.  Paine  remained  in  Paris 
until  the  "  reign  of  terror  "  was  ended  and 
that  of  the  Corsican  tyrant  had  com- 

Paine  came  back  to  America  hoping  to 
spend  the  remainder  of  his  life  surrounded 
by  those  for  whose  happiness  and  freedom 
he  had  labored  so  jiiany  years.  He  expected 
to  be  rewarded  with  the  love  and  rever- 
ence of  the  American  people. 

In  1794  James  Monroe  had  written  to 
Paine  these  words: 


"  It  is  unnecessary  for  me  to  tell  you  how 
much  all  your  countrymen — I  speak  of  the 
great  mass  of  the  people — are  interested  in 
your  welfare.  They  have  not  forgot  the 
history  of  their  own  Kevolution  and  the 
difficult  scenes  through  which  they  passed ; 
nor  do  they  review  its  several  stages  without 
reviving  in  their  bosoms  a  due  sensibility 
of  the  merits  of  those  who  served  them  in 
that  great  and  arduous  conflict.  The  crime 
of  ingratitude  has  not  yet  stained,  and  I 
hope  never  will  stain,  our  national  character. 
You  are  considered  by  them  as  not  only  hav- 
ing rendered  important  services  in  our  own 
Revolution,  but  as  being  on  a  more  ex- 
tensive scale  the  friend  of  human  rights 
and  a  distinguished  and  able  advocate  of 
public  liberty.  To  the  welfare  of  Thomas 
Paine  we  are  not  and  cannot  be  indifferent." 

In  the  same  year  Mr.  Monroe  wrote  a 
letter  to  the  committee  of  general  safety, 
asking  for  the  release  of  Mr.  Paine,  in 
which,  among  other  things,  he  said: 

"  The  services  Thomas  Paine  rendered  to 
his  country  in  its  struggle  for  freedom  have 
implanted  in  the  hearts  of  his  countrymen 
a  sense  of  gratitude  never  to  be  effaced  as 
long  as  they  shall  deserve  the  title  of  a  just 
and   generous   people." 

On  reaching  America  Paine  found  that 
the  sense  of  gratitude  had  been  effaced. 
He  found  that  the  Federalists  hated  him 
with  all  their  hearts  because  he  believed 
in  the  rights  of  the  people  and  was  still 
true  to  the  splendid  principle  advocated 
during  the  darkest  days  of  the  Revolution. 
In  almost  every  pulpit  he  found  a  malig- 
nant and  implacable  foe,  and  the  pews 
were  filled  with  his  enemies.  The  slave- 
holders hated  him.  He  was  held  responsi- 
ble even  for  the  crimes  of  the  French 
Revolution.  He  was  regarded  as  a  blas- 
phemer, an  atheist,  an  enemy  of  God  and 
man.  The  ignorant  citizens  of  Borden- 
town,  as  cowardly  as  orthodox,  longed  to 
mob  the  author  of  Common  Sense  and 
The  Crisis.  They  thought  he  had  sold 
himself  to  the  devil  because  he  had  de- 
fended God  against  the  slanderous  charges 
that  he  had  inspired  the  writers  of  the 
Bible — because  he  had  said  that  a  being 
of  infinite  goodness  and  purity  did  not  es- 
tablish slavery  and  polygamy. 

Paine  had  insisted  that  men  had  the 
right  to  think  for  themselves.  This  so 
enraged  the  average  American  citizen  that 
he  longed  for  revenge. 

In  1802  the  people  of  the  United  States 
bad    exceedingly    crude    ideas    about    the 


liberty  of  thought  and  expression. 
Neither  had  they  any  conception  of  re- 
ligious freedom.  Their  highest  thought 
on  that  subject  was  expressed  by  the 
word  "  toleration,"  and  even  this  tolera- 
tion extended  only  to  the  various  Chris- 
tian sects.  Even  the  vaunted  religious 
liberty  of  colonial  Maryland  was  only  to 
the  effect  that  one  kind  of  Christian 
should  not  fine,  imprison  and  kill  an- 
other kind  of  Christian,  but  all  kinds  of 
Christians  had  the  right,  and  it  was  their 
duty,  to  brand,  imprison  and  kill  infidels 
of  every  kind. 

Paine  had  been  guilty  of  thinking  for 
himself  and  giving  his  conclusions  to  the 
world  without  having  asked  the  consent 
of  a  priest — just  as  he  had  published  his 
political  opinions  without  leave  of  the 
king.  He  had  published  his  thoughts  on 
religion  and  had  appealed  to  reason — to 
the  light  in  every  mind,  to  the  humanity, 
the  pity,  the  goodness  which  he  believed 
to  be  in  every  heart.  He  denied  the  right 
of  kings  to  make  laws  and  of  priests  to 
make  creeds.  He  insisted  that  the  people 
should  make  laws,  and  that  every  human 
being  should  think  for  himself.  While 
some  believed  in  the  freedom  of  religion, 
he  believed  in  the  religion  of  freedom. 

If  Paine  had  been  a  hypocrite,  if  he 
had  concealed  his  opinions,  if  he  had  de- 
fended slavery  with  quotations  from  the 
"  sacred  scriptures " — if  he  had  cared 
nothing  for  the  liberties  of  men  in  other 
lands — if  he  had  said  that  the  state  could 
not  live  without  the  Church — if  he  had 
sought  for  place  instead  of  truth,  he 
would  have  won  wealth  and  power,  and 
his  brow  would  have  been  crowned  with 
the  laurel  of  fame. 

He  made  what  the  pious  call  the  "  mis- 
take "  of  being  true  to  himself — of  living 
with  an  unstained  soul.  He  had  lived 
and  labored  for  the  people.  The  people 
were  untrue  to  him.  They  returned  evil 
for  good,  hatred  for  benefits  received,  and 
yet  this  great  chivalric  soul  remembered 
their  ignorance  and  loved  them  with  all 
his  heart,  and  fought  their  oppressors 
with  all  his  strength. 

We  must  remember  what  the  churches 
and  creeds  were  in  that  day,  what  the 
theologians  really  taught,  and  what  the 
people  believed.  To  save  a  few  in  spite 
of    their    vices,    and    to    damn    the    many 

without  regard  to  their  virtues,  and  all 
for  the  glory  of  the  Damner — this  was 
Calvinism.  *'  He  that  hath  ears  to  hear, 
let  him  hear,"  but  he  that  hath  a  brain 
to  think  must  not  think.  He  that  be- 
iieveth  without  evidence  is  good,  and  he 
that  believeth  in  spite  of  evidence  is  a 
saint.  Only  the  wicked  doubt,  only  the 
blasphemer  denies.  This  teas  orthodox 

Thomas  Paine  had  the  courage,  the 
sense,  the  heart,  to  denounce  these  hor- 
rors, these  absurdities,  these  infinite  in- 
famies. He  did  what  he  could  to  drive 
these  theological  vipers,  these  Calvinistic 
cobras,  these  fanged  and  hissing  serpents 
of  superstition  from  the  heart  of  man. 

A   few   civilized   men   agreed   with   him 
then,  and  the  world  has  progressed  since 
1809.     Intellectual    wealth    has    accumu- 
lated ;   vast  mental  estates  have  been  left 
to     the     world.     Geologists     have     forced 
secrets  from  the  rocks,  astronomers  from 
the  stars,  historians  from  old  records  and 
lost    languages.     In    every    direction    the 
thinker   and    the   investigator   have   vent- 
ured   and    explored,    and    even    the    pews 
have  begun   to  ask  questions  of  the  pui'-' 
pits.     Humboldt    has    lived,    and    Darwirt  ' 
and  Haeckel  and  Huxley,  and  the  armiea*  ^ 
led   by   them,   have   changed   the   thoughifc,'. 
of  the  world.  •  • . 

The  churches  of  1809  could  not  be  the,< 
friends  of  Thomas  Paine.     No  church  ay,-; 
serting  that  belief   is  necessary  to   salvaj- 
tion  ever  was,  or  ever  will  be,  the  chanjC; , 
pion   of   true   liberty.     A   church   founded 
on  slavery — that  is  to  say,  on  blind  obedi-^  ^ 
ence,  worshipping  irresponsible  and  arbi- 
trary   power — must    of    necessity    be    the 
enemy  of  human  freedom.  '  ■■ « 

The  orthodox  churches  are  now  anxious 
to  save  the  little  that  Paine  left  of  their-" 
creed.     If   one   now  believes   in   God,   and- 
lends  a  little  financial  aid,  he  is  considered^; 
a   good   and   desirable   member.     He   need 
not   define   God   after   the   manner   of   the 
catechism.     He  may  talk  about  a  "  Power 
that    works    for    righteousness";    or    the 
tortoise  Truth   that  beats  the   rabbit  Lie 
in  the  long  run;   or  the  "Unknowable"; 
or  the  "  Unconditioned  " ;  or  the  "  Cosmic 
Force  " ;    or    the    "  Ultimate    Atom  " ;    or 
"  Protoplasm,"  or  the  "  What  " — provided 
he  begins  this  word  with  a  capital. 

We  must  also  remember  that  there  is  a 



difference  between  independence  and  lib- 
erty. Millions  have  fought  for  independ- 
ence— to  throw  off  some  foreign  yoke — 
and  yet  were  at  heart  the  enemies  of  true 
liberty.  A  man  in  jail,  sighing  to  be  free, 
may  be  said  to  be  in  favor  of  liberty,  but 
not  from  principle;  but  a  man  who,  being 
free,  risks  or  gives  his  life  to  free  the  en- 
slaved, is  a  true  soldier  of  liberty. 

Thomas  Paine  had  passed  the  legendary 
limit  of  life.  One  by  one  most  of  his  old 
friends  and  acquaintances  had  deserted 
him.  Maligned  on  every  side,  execrated, 
shunned,  and  abhorred  —  his  virtues  de- 
nounced as  vices — his  services  forgotten — 
his  character  blackened,  he  preserved  the 
poise  and  balance  of  his  soul.  He  was 
a  victim  of  the  people,  but  his  convictions 
remained  unshaken.  He  was  still  a  soldier 
in  the  army  of  freedom,  and  still  tried  to 
enlighten  and  civilize  those  who  were  im- 
patiently waiting  for  his  death.  Even 
those  who  loved  their  enemies  hated  him, 
their  friend  —  the  friend  of  the  whole 
world — with  all  their  hearts. 

On  June  8,  1809,  death  came — death,  al- 
most his  only  friend. 

I  r ,  At  his  funeral  no  pomp,  no  pageantry, 

'1^0  civic  procession,  no  military  display. 
In  a  carriage,  a  woman  and  her  son  who 
fiad  lived  on  the  bounty  of  the  dead — on 
horseback,    a    Quaker,    the    humanity    of 

,  yv'hose  heart  dominated  the  creed  of  his 
h^ad — and,  following  on  foot,  two  negroes, 
fiiled     with     gratitude  —  constituted     the 

^faneral  cortege  of  Thomas  Paine. 

'  .  "He  who  had  received  the  gratitude  of 
Irfany  millions,  the  thanks  of  generals  and 
statesmen — he  who  had  been  the  friend 
and  companion  of  the  wisest  and  best — 
he  who  had  taught  a  people  to  be  free, 
and  whose  words  had  inspired  armies  and 
ej'.lightened  nations,  was  thus  given  back 
to  Nature,  the  mother  of  us  all. 

*If  the  people  of  the  great  republic  knew 
the  life  of  this  generous,  this  chivalric 
man,  the  real  story  of  his  services,  his 
sufferings  and  his  triumphs — of  what  he 
did  to  compel  the  robed  and  crowned,  the 
priests  and  kings,  to  give  back  to  the 
people  liberty,  the  jewel  of  the  soul;  if 
they  knew  that  he  was  the  first  to  write 
The  Religion  of  Humanity ;  if  they  knew 
that  he,  above  all  others,  planted  and 
watered  the  seeds  of  independence,  of 
union,  of  nationality,  in  the  hearts  of  our 

forefathers — that  his  words  were  gladly 
repeated  by  the  best  and  bravest  in  many 
lands;  if  they  knew  that  he  attempted, 
by  the  purest  means,  to  attain  the  noblest 
and  loftiest  ends — that  he  was  original, 
sincere,  intrepid,  and  that  he  could  truth- 
fully say:  "The  world  is  my  country,  to 
do  good  my  religion  " — if  the  people  only 
knew  all  this — the  truth — they  would  re- 
peat the  words  of  Andrew  Jackson: 
"  Thomas  Paine  needs  no  monument  made 
with  hands;  he  has  erected  a  monument 
in  the  hearts  of  all  lovers  of  liberty." 

Ingham,  Samuel  Delucenna,  legisla- 
tor; born  in  Pennsylvania,  Sept.  16,  1779; 
served  several  years  in  the  Pennsylvania 
legislature;  served  in  Congress  in  1813-18 
and  1822-29.  President  Jackson  appoint- 
ed him  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  but  he 
resigned  on  account  of  the  Kitchen  Cabi- 
net. He  died  in  Trenton,  N.  J.,  June  5, 

Ingle,  Edwaed,  author;  born  in  Balti- 
more,  Md.,  May  17,  1861 ;  graduated  at 
Johns  Hopkins  University  in  1882. 
Among  his  publications  are  Local  Institu- 
tions of  Virginia;  Local  Institutions  of 
Maryland;  Southern  Sidelights;  The  Ne- 
gro in  the  District  of  Columbia,  etc. 

Ingle,  EiCHARD,  mariner;  born  in  Lon- 
don, England,  about  1610.  During  the 
civil  war  in  England  the  royalist  governor 
of  Maryland  seized  Ingle's  ship.  On  'his 
return  to  England,  Ingle  applied  to  Par- 
liament for  redress,  and  received  a  com- 
mission authorizing  him  to  act  against  the 
royalists.  Ingle  returned  to  America  in 
1645,  and,  taking  advantage  of  local 
troubles,  expelled  Leonard  Calvert,  and 
himself  took  charge  of  the  government 
for  six  months,  at  the  end  of  which  period 
Calvert  regained  control. 

Inglis,  Charles,  clergyman;  born  in 
Ireland,  in  1734.  From  1764  to  the  Revo- 
lution he  was  assistant  rector  of  Trinity 
Church,  New  York ;  and  was  rector  from 
1777  to  1783.  He  adhered  to  the  royal 
cause,  and  departed  for  Nova  Scotia  with 
the  loyalists  who  fled  from  New  York 
City  in  1783.  His  letters  evinced  consid- 
erable harsh  feeling  towards  the  Ameri- 
can patriots  as  "  fomenters  of  rebellion." 
Dr.  Inglis  was  consecrated  bishop  of  Nova 
Scotia  in  1788,  and  in  1809  became  a 
member  of  the  governor's  council.  He 
published   an   answer   to  Paine's  Common 



Sense,  which  made  him  obnoxious  to  the  or  imperative  initiative  is  allowed.     Any 

patriots,   and  they  confiscated  his  estate,  petition   containing   a   certain   numbtr   of 

He  died  in  Halifax,  N.  S.,  Feb.  24,   1816.  signatures  (generally  from  5,000  to  6,000), 

His  son  John  was  made  bishop  of  Nova  demanding  action  upon  any  matter  what- 

Scotia  in  1825,  and  died  in  1850;  and  his  ever,  must  be  given  attention  by  the  coun- 

grandson.  Gen.  Sir  John  Eardley  Wilmot  cil,    which,    after    passing    upon    it,    must 

Inglis,  born  in  Halifax  in  1814,  was  the  submit  it  to  the  popular  vote.    This  course 

brave   defender  of  Lucknow.  must  be  taken  even  if  a  proposed  measure 

Inglis,    Mary,    pioneer;    born   in    1729.  is  unfavorable  to  the  council.     Again,  in 

She,  with  her  two  children,  was  captured  a  number  of  the  cantons,  the  people  have 

by  the  Shawnee  Indians,  who  had  made  a  the    right    of    veto    power.      In    about    a 

successful    attack   upon   the    small    settle-  month's  time  after  any  measure  has  been 

ment.     The  Indians  carried  their  captives  adopted   by   the   cantonal   council   it   may 

down   the   Kanawha   River   to   the   Scioto,  he  brought  before  the  people  by  a  petition, 

She   was   thus   the   first   white   woman   in  and  according  to  their  vote  made  to  stand 

Kentucky.     She  made  her  escape  in  com-  or   fall.     This  veto   power,   however,   may 

pany  with  another  white  woman,  and  sue-  be  said  to  be  included  in  the  referendum, 

ceeded    in    reaching    a    settlement   on    the  In   all   the   cantons,   except   Freiburg,   the 

Kanawha.     She  died  in  1813.  right  of  the  people  to  have  every  important 

Ingraham,  Duncan  N.     See  Naturai.-  act  of  legislation  referred  back  to  them 

IZATION   {Koszta  Case).  for    adoption    or    rejection    is   now    estab- 

Ingraham,  Joseph  Holt,  author;  born  lished  by  law. 
in  Portland,  Me.,  1809;  became  a  pro-  In  recent  years  the  principle  of  the  ini- 
fessor  in  Jeflferson  College,  Miss.;  subse-  tiative  and  referendum  has  met  with  much 
quently  took  orders  in  the  Protestant  favor  in  the  United  States,  and  in  several 
Episcopal  Church.  He  wrote  many  novels.  States  there  has  been  an  influential  move- 
some  of  which  were  very  popular,  but  he  ment  to  bring  about  its  adoption, 
is  best  known  through  his  three  books.  Injunction,  an  order  of  a  court,  which 
entitled  The  Prince  of  the  House  of  David ;  commands  the  party  or  parties  against 
The  Pillar  of  Fire;  and  The  Throne  of  whom  it  is  issued  (1)  not  to  commit  a 
David.  He  died  in  Holly  Springs,  Miss.,  certain  act;  or  (2)  to  desist  from  the 
in  December,  1866.  commission   of   a   certain   act;    or    (3)    to 

Ingram,  David.     See  Hortop,  Job.  restore  to  its  former  condition  something 

Ingulf,     Rudolf,     traveller;     born     in  which  has  been  altered  or  interfered  with 

Cologne  in  1727;   emigrated  to  Mexico  in  by   the    person   or    persons    to    whom    the 

1751,  where  he  became  a  merchant.     After  injunction  is  directed. 

securing  a  competence  he  travelled  through  Inman,   George,   military  officer ;    born 

Central  America,  Mexico,  and  California,  in  Boston,  Mass.,  Dec.  3,  1755;  graduated 

He    published,    in    the    German    language,  at  Harvard  College  in  1772.     During  the 

Travels  in  Neic  Spain;  The  Geologic  For-  Revolutionary    War    he    was    a    royalist, 

mation  of  California,  in  which  he  proved  entering  the  army  as  a  private,  but  soon 

that    California    was    a    rich    gold-field;  receiving  a  commission;   took  part  in  the 

Cosmographi/  of  America,  etc.     He  died  in  battles    of    Princeton,    Brandywine,    Ger- 

Vienna  in  1785.  mantown.  and  Monmouth,  in  the  first  of 

Initiative  and  Referendum,  a  politi-  which  he  was  wounded.     He  was  the  au- 

cal    system   which   originated   in    Switzer-  thor    of    Narrative   of    the   Revolutionary 

land,   designed   to   test  the   feeling  of   the  War,    1776-1779.      He    died    in    the    West 

people     concerning     proposed     legislation.  Indies  in  1789. 

In  the  several  cantons  of  the  Swiss  Con-  Inman,  Henry,  painter ;  born  in  Utica. 

federation   the   councils   merely   formulate  N.  Y.,  Oct.  20,  1801 ;  was  a  pupil  of  John 

the    laws,    while    the    people    pass    them.  Wesley    Jarvis,    the    portrait  -  painter,    to 

Similar   to   the   law   of   all   other   nations  whom  he  was  apprenticed  for  seven  years, 

that  of  Switzerland  concedes  the  people  a  He  painted  landscapes  and  historical  pict- 

certain  right  of  initiative  in  the  way  of  ures,  but  portraits  were  his  chief  subjects, 

petition;  but  in  many  of  the  cantons  this  and    he    introduced    lithography    into    the 

right  goes  much  further  and  an  additional  United  States.     In  1844  he  went  to  Eng- 



land,  where,  becoming  the  guest  of  Words- 
worth, the  poet,  he  painted  his  portrait. 
He  also  painted  the  portraits  of  other  dis- 
tinguished men  while  in  England.  He  had 
begun  painting  an  historical  picture  for 
the  national  Capitol,  representing  Daniel 
Boone  in  the  wilds  of  Kentucky,  at  the 
time  of  his  death,  in  New  York  City,  Jan. 
17,  1846. 

Inman,  Henry,  author;  born  in  New 
York,  July  30,  1837;  educated  at  the 
Brooklyn  public  schools  and  Athenian 
Academy,  and  is  the  author  of  The  Old 
Santa  Fe  Trail;  Great  Salt  Lake  Trail; 
Tales  of  the  Trail;  The  Ranch  on  the 
Oxhide;  Pioneer  from  Kentucky,  etc.  He 
died  in  Topeka,  Kan.,  Nov.  13,  1899. 

Inman,  William,  naval  officer;  born  in 
Utica,  N.  Y.,  in  1 707 ;  appointed  midship- 
man. United  States  navy,  in  1812;  pro- 
moted to  lieutenant,  April  1,  1818;  com- 
mander in  1838;  and  captain  in  1850. 
In  1859-61  he  commanded  the  West 
African  squadron,  during  which  time  he 
succeeded  in  recapturing  and  liberating 
nearly  4,000  slaves;  and  was  promoted 
commodore,  and  was  retired,  April  4,  1867. 
He  died  in  Philadelphia,  Pa.,  Oct.  23,  1874. 

Inness,  Geoege,  artist;  born  in  Ne\\- 
burg,  N.  Y.,  May  1,  1825;  removed  to  New 
York  in  1845;  studied  art;  and  was 
chosen  a  member  of  the  National  Acad- 
emy in  1868.  He  was  one  of  the  greatest 
landscape-painters  America  has  produced. 
His  pictures  include  American  Sunset; 
Delatcare  Water -Gap;  View  near  Med- 
field,  Mass.;  An  Old  Roadway,  Long  Isl- 
and; and  Under  the  Green  Wood.  He 
died  in  Scotland  Aug.  3,  1894. 

Inness,  Harry,  jurist;  born  in  Caro- 
line county,  Va.,  in  1752;  was  an  ardent 
patriot  during  the  Revolutionary  War; 
superintendent  of  the  mines  from  which 
the  Americans  obtained  their  lead;  ap- 
pointed judge  of  the  Supreme  Court  of 
Virginia  in  1783,  and  United  States  dis- 
trict judge  for  Kentucky  in  1787.  His 
enemies  caused  charges  to  be  brought 
against  him  in  Congress  in  1808,  but 
that  body  refused  to  take  any  action  look- 
ing to  his  impeachment.  He  died  in 
Frankfort,  Ky.,  Sept.  20,  1816. 

Insanity.  Until  1840  the  insane  poor 
in  the  United  States  were  cared  for  al- 
most exclusively  by  the  township  and 
county  authorities.     It  was  estimated  that 

in  1833  there  were  2,500  lunatics  in  jails 
and  other  prisons,  besides  Lvmdreds  in 
the  county  poor-houses  and  private  fam- 
ilies. One  of  the  very  earliest  asylums 
for  the  insane  was ,  that  opened  in  1797 
at  Bloomingdale,  in  the  suburbs  of  New 
York  City,  by  the  New  York  Hospital  So- 
ciety. To  the  labors  of  Miss  Dorothea 
L.  Dix  (q.  V.)  is  largely  due  the  establish- 
ment of  State  asylums.  Miss  Dix  de- 
voted herself  after  1837  to  the  investi- 
gation of  the  subject,  and  visited  every 
State  east  of  the  Rocky  Mountains,  ap- 
pealing to  the  State  legislatures  to  pro- 
vide for  the  care  of  the  insane.  In  April, 
1854,  a  bill  appropriating  10,000,000  acres 
of  public  lands  to  the  several  States  for 
the  relief  of  the  pauper  insane,  passed 
by  Congress  under  her  appeals,  was  vetoed 
by  President  Pierce.  Her  efforts,  however, 
led  to  the  establishment  of  State  insane 
asylums,  and  it  is  now  recognized  as  the 
duty  of  each  State  to  care  for  its  insane. 
New  York  State  alone  has  fifteen  corporate 
institutions  of  this  class.  The  following 
statistics  show  the  number  of  insane,  etc., 
in  the  United  States.  Until  1850  there 
were  no  reliable  statistics: 


Population  of 

No.  of  Insane. 

To  each  million  of 











1  396 


Insolvency.     See  Bankruptcy  Laws. 

Inspection,  Committees  of.  In  many 
of  the  present  American  States  the  class 
known  as  Tories,  or  adherents  of  the 
crown,  were  in  a  minority  at  the  beginning 
of  the  Revolutionary  War,  and  in  many 
places  suffered  indignities,  such  as,  if  | 
ofl'ensively  active,  receiving  a  covering  of 
tar  and  feathers,  being  carted  around  as 
a  public  spectacle,  and  other  abuses  which 
personal  and  political  malignity  could  in- 
flict. To  prevent  such  disgraceful  scenes, 
which  would  lead  to  retaliation  and  the 
rule  of  mob  law,  the  Continental  Congress 
S]>ecially  conunitted  the  oversight  of  Tories 
and  suspected  persons  to  regularly  ap- 
pointed connnittees  of  inspection  and  ob- 
servation for  the  several  counties  and  dis- 
tricts. The  Tories  were  also  exposed  to 
the  dangers  from  the  law,  for  the  Whigs 



had  taken  all  power  into  their  hands,  and 
required  allegiance  to  State  governments 
from  all  the  inhabitants.  The  consequence 
was  that  many  left  the  States  and  became 
refugees  in  Great  Britain  or  in  its  Ameri- 
can provinces. 

Instrument  oi  Government.  See  Gov- 
ernment, Instrument  of. 

Insurance.  The  following  is  a  brief 
summary  of  the  insurance  business  in  the 
United  States  in  its  principal  forms:  The 
first  fire  insurance  in  the  colonies  was 
written  in  Boston  by  the  Sun  Company 
(English)  in  1728.  Some  insurance  was 
done  in  Philadelphia  in  1752.  The  first 
fire  insurance  policy  issued  in  the  United 
States  was  in  Hartford,  Conn.,  in  1794,  un- 
der the  unofficial  title  of  "  Hartford  Fire 
Insurance  Co."  Sixteen  years  after,  in 
1810,  the  Hartford  Fire  Insurance  Com- 
pany was  organized.  From  1801-10  there 
were  60  charters  issued;  1811-20,  43; 
1821-30,  149;  1831-40,  467;  1841-50,  401; 
1851-60,  896;   1861-70,  1,041. 

From  Jan.  1,  1880,  to  Dec.  31,  1889, 
property  of  the  citizens  of  the  United 
States  was  insured  against  fire  and  ac- 
cident on  ocean,  lake,  and  river,  and  by 
tornado,  to  the  amount  of  over  $120,000,- 
000,000,  for  premiums  of  $1,150,675,391, 
and  losses  were  paid  of  $647,726,051,  being 
56  per  cent,  of  the  premiums. 

The  condition  and  transactions  of  fire 
companies  doing  business  in  the  United 
States  on  Jan.   1,  1903,  were  as  follows: 

between  twelve  and  forty  -  five  years 
of  age.  In  1734  it  guaranteed  a  divi- 
dend for  each  deceased  member  not  less 
than  £100.  This  was  the  first  insurance 
for  a  definite  sum  at  death,  whenever 
that  might  occur.  In  1762  the  Equit- 
able Assurance  Society  of  London  began 
to  rate  members  according  to  age.  At  the 
close  of  the  eighteenth  century  there  were 
eight  companies  transacting,  in  a  more  or 
less  complete  form,  the  business  of  life  in- 
surance in  Great  Britain  and  Ireland.  The 
Presbyterian  Annuity  and  Life  Insurance 
Company  of  Philadelphia,  the  first  life  in- 
surance company  in  the  United  States,  re- 
ceived its  charter  from  Thomas  Penn  in 
1759.  The  Penn  Company  for  Insurance 
on  Lives  was  chartered  in  1812,  and  the 
Massachusetts  Hospital  Life  Insurance 
Company,  Boston,  in  1818. 

The  assessment  system  of  life  insurance 
is  based  on  the  plan  of  collecting  assess- 
ments on  living  members  to  pay  death 
losses  as  they  occur.  In  this  plan  the  as- 
sessments during  early  years  are  less  than 
the  premiums  of  regular  companies;  but 
they  increase  rapidly,  and  often  become 
impossible  to  collect  in  later  years.  Since 
its  appearance  (about  1865)  as  an  in- 
surance business,  aside  from  fraternal 
organizations,  this  system  has  rapidly  ex- 

The  first  accident  insurance  company 
established  in  the  United  States  was  the 
Traveler's,   of    Hartford,    Conn.,   in    1863; 

Number  of  Companies. 


Assets  Exclusive  of 
Premium    Notes. 

Net  Surplus. 

r:ish   Premiums   Re 
ceived  during  Year. 

Total  Cash  Income 
during  Year. 

313  Stock 1 

178  Mutual f 






Number  of  CoDipanies. 

Paid  for  Losses 
during:  Year. 

Paid  for  Diviilends 
during  Year. 

Expenses  other  tIkli 
Losses  and  Divi- 
dends during  Year- 

313  Stock.. 
178  Mutiiiil. 

J  I  $113,147,727  I  $17,737,444   I  $74,499,597 

•il  Disburse 
Mits  during 


Rislis  Written 
during  Year 

*  $26,000,000,000 

*  Apprnximatinn  Tho  stntiptios  of  fire  insiinnce  l)nf=inpss  in  the  Unitpd  Ptntes  are.  W'th  tlie  excpptinn  of  the 
e.<;tim;ito  of  lisk?;  writtpii  dur  ng  tlie  vear,  compilect  from  T'l''  Tnxurani')'  V^-ar  Bnnk.  piil.lislii'il  by  The  S|ioctator 
roinpany  Tlioy  do  not  inrlmle  the  returns  of  a  few  slock  companies  ami  some  600  mutualsand  town  and  tounty 
muluals"  whose  tran.SLCtions  are  purely  local  and  individually  of  small  volume. 

In  1903  the  aggregate  property  loss  by 
fires  was  estimated  at  $135,000,000,  and  the 
aggregate  insurance  loss  at  $75,000,000. 

i^ifc  insurance  was  not  known  before 
the  sixteenth  century.  The  first  life  in- 
surance company,  "  The  Amicable,"  was 
established  in  London,  England,  in  1706, 
and    insured    at    uniform    rates    persons 

the  first  steam-boiler  insurance  company, 
Hartford.  Conn.,  was  chartered  in  1866; 
and  plate-2flass  was  first  insured  in  1870. 
]\Iost  of  the  States  have  established  de- 
partments or  bureaus  of  insurance,  for  the 
supervision  of  the  companies  and  the  en- 
forcement of  the  laws  requiring  their 
solvency  to  be  maintained.     The  mainten- 







Payments  to 
(Losses,      Divi 
dends.    Surren- 
ders, etc.) 

Total    Expen- 

New  Policies  Issued, 

Policies  in  Force. 

No.       1       Atnoont. 

No.        1      Amount. 


$2,091,832,851       |406,946,697  |   *.iW.!,-.i.l>i:.  |     $lS»,bS3,1Jl    |  t.>n,vot,,^TJ 

5,-iOV,-A>i  1  t2.338,734.4fi:i 

i;.rtvil.43.i    ijin.S05.3i)'?.. 18! 

*  Including  industrial  policies 





Payments    to 

Total  Expen- 



ce  in  Force. 


Admitted  Dur- 
ing the  Year. 

No.  of 











*  These  figures  are  from  the  Illinois  Life  Insurance  Report  for  1900,  and  represent  the  combined  business  of  the 
assessment  companies  and  fraternal  orders.  The  assessment  business  having  declined  since  1896,  these  aggreg^ites 
are  nearly  half  those  of  that  year. 

The  returns  of  life  insurance  in  the  first  and  third  tables  are  from  The  Insurance  Vear-Book,  published  by  The 
Spectator  Company. 






5  £ 






□  • 








s  1, 












































































































24.. 54 















































21. .330 























41.. 53 



































































































































































































32.. 50 












































9  23 






















anee  of  these  departments,  and  all  ex- 
penses of  supervision  are  charged  to  the 
companies.  The  New  York  Letrislature, 
in  190.5,  appointed  a  committee  (Ann- 
stronof,  chairman;  Hiijihes,  counsel), 
which  made  a  thorough  investijjation  of 
the  life-insurance  companies,  eventuating 
in  much-needed  remedial  legislation  in 

Insurrections.    See  Rebellions  ;  Riots. 

Interest.  The  table  on  opposite  page 
shows  interest  laws  and  statutes  of  limita- 
tions of  the  various  States  in  the  Union. 

Interior,  Department  of  the.  See 
Cabinet,  President's. 

Internal  Improvements.  Millions  of 
acres  of  the  public  lands  of  the  United 
States  have  been  granted  to  aid  in  the 
construction  of  roads,  canals,  and  rail- 
ways ;  and  also  for  educational  and  other 
purposes.  The  first  acts  of  Congress  for 
the  purpose  of  internal  improvements 
were  two  for  the  new  State  of  Ohio,  which 
became  laws  on  April  30,  1802,  and  March 
.'5,  1803,  respectively.  Previous  to  that 
there  had  been  donations  of  land  in  favor 








Interest  Laws. 

statutes  of 

States  and 

Luterest  Laws. 

Statutes  of 



Per  ct. 

Rate  Allowed 
by  Contract. 




Legal    Rate  Allowed 
Rate.    1  by  Contract. 






Per  ct. 



Any  rate. 

Any  rate. 

Any  rate. 













Any  rate. 


Any  rate. 





Any  rate. 










































Per  ct. 

Per  ct. 

Any  rate. 






Any  rate. 



Any  rate. 

Any  rate. 







































New  Hampshire. 

New  Jersey 

New  Me.xico 

New  York 

North  Carolina.. 
North  Dakota... 
Ohio.   . 





Dist.  of  Columbia. 
























Pennsylvania  . .. 
Rhode  Island. . . . 
South  Carolina.. 
South  Dakota... 







Utah     . 


Massachusetts  . . . 







West  Virginia. .. 





*  Under  seal.  10  years,  t  If  made  in  State;  if  outside,  2  years,  t  No  law  and  no  decision  regardingjudgments. 
§  Unless  adilTerent  rate  is  expressly  stipulated.  II  Under  seal,  20  years..  H  Store  accounts;  other  accounts,  3 
years,  tt  Xew  York  has  by  a  recent  law  legalized  any  rate  of  interest  on  call  loans  of  $5,000  or  upward,  on  col- 
lateral security,  tt  Becomes  dormant,  but  may  be  revived.  §§  Six  years  from  last  item,  (a)  Accounts  between 
merchants,  2  years.  (6)  In  courts  not  of  record,  5  years,  [d)  Twenty  years  in  courts  of  record;  in  justice's 
court,  10  years,  (e)  Negotiable  notes,  6  years;  non-negotiable,  17  years.  (/)  Ceases  to  be  a  lien  after  that  period. 
(h)  On  foreign  judgments,  1  year,  (i)  Is  a  lien  on  real  estate  for  only  10  years,  {j)  Any  rate,  but  only  6  per  cent, 
can  be  collected  at  law.  (^•)  And  indefinitely  by  having  execution  issue  every  5  years.  (/)  Ten  years  foreign,  20 
years  domestic. 

of  various  deserving  persons.  The  grants  to  repay  the  government.  On  the  same 
to  the  inhabitants  of  Ohio  were  for  the  day  (March,  1827)  there  was  granted  to 
purpose  of  laying  out  public  I'oads  lead-  Indiana  a  certain  strip  of  land  formerly 
ing  to  the  Ohio  Eiver.  Other  grants  were  held  by  the  Pottawattomie  Indians,  the 
made  from  time  to  time  for  improvements  proceeds  of  the  sale  thereof  to  be  applied 
in  the  Northvrest  until  1824,  when  (May  to  building  a  road  from  Lake  Michigan, 
26)  Congress  authorized  the  State  of  Indi-  via  Indianapolis,  to  some  convenient 
ana  to  construct  a  canal,  giving  the  right  point  on  the  Ohio  River.  March  3,  1827, 
of  way,  with  90  feet  of  land  on  each  a  grant  was  made  to  Ohio  of  two  sec- 
side  thereof.  Nothing  was  done  under  tions  of  land  along  the  entire  line  of  a 
the  act;  but  in  1827  (March  2)  two  acts  road  to  be  constructed  from  Sandusky  to 
were    passed,    giving   to    Indiana    and    II-  Columbus. 

^inois,   respectively,    certain    lands    in   aid  May  23,  1828,  a  grant  of  400,000  acres 

of    the    construction    of    canals,    the    first  of    the    "relinquished    lands"    in    certain 

to  connect  the  navigation  of  the  Wabash  counties  in  Alabama  was  made  in  aid  of 

River  with  the  waters  of  Lake  Erie,  and  the    improvement    of    the    Tennessee    and 

the  second   to   connect   the  waters  of   the  other  rivers  in  that  State.     In  this  grant 

Illinois  River  with  those  of  Lake  Michi-  was  the  first  provision   for   indemnity  in 

gan.     A  quantity   of   land   equal   to   one-  case  the  grant  was  not  full  by  reason  of 

half   of   five    sections   in    width,    on    each  prior    sales    or    disposals    by   the   govern- 

side   of   the   canals,   was   granted,   reserv-  ment.      Similar    grants    were    made    from 

ing  to   the  United   States   each   alternate  time  to  time  for  like  purposes.     March  2, 

section.     It    was    not    an    absolute    grant  1833,  the  State  of  Illinois  was  authorized 

of  land  in  fee,  for.  under  certain  restric-  to  apply  the  lands  granted  by  the  act  of 

tions,  the  States  had  a  right  to  sell  the  March  2,  1827,  for  canal  purposes  to  the 

awards,  and  from  the  proceeds  they  were  construction  of  a  railway  instead.     This 



was  the  first  act  looking  to  the  con- 
struction of  a  railway  through  the  assist- 
ance of  land  donations.  The  railroad  sys- 
tem was  then  in  its  infancy.  The  State 
did  not  avail  itself  of  the  privilege,  but 
subsequently  built  a  canal.  March  2, 
1835,  a  grant  was  made  to  aid  the  con- 
struction of  a  railway  in  Florida.  Suffi- 
cient was  given  for  the  way — 30  feet  of 
land  on  each  side — and  the  right  to  take 

right  of  way  through  such  portions  of  the 
public  lands  as  remained  unsold — not  to 
exceed  80  feet  in  width — to  the  New 
Orleans  and  Nashville  Railroad  Company. 
This  road  was  never  completed.  Next 
came  a  grant  to  East  Florida  and  other 
railroads  which  were  never  constructed. 
March  3,  1837,  a  grant  was  made  to  the 
Atchafalaya  Railroad  and  Banking  Com- 
pany,   in    Louisiana,    similar    to    that    to 


and   use   the   timber   for    100  yards 
on   each    side    for    the    construction 

and   repairs   of   the   road.     This  was   the  the  New  Orleans  and  Nashville  Rail'oad. 

first  grant  of  the  right  of  way  for  a  rail-  Aug.  8,  1846,  an  act  granted  lands  in  aid 

road,  the  previous  grant  having  been  for  of  improvements  of  the  Des  Moines  River, 

a  canal,     July  2,  1830,  an  act  granted  the  in    Iowa,    and    the    Fox    and    Wisconsin 



rivers,  in  Wisconsin.  These  rivers,  when  to  that  given  to  Missouri  in  1852.  July 
improved,  were  to  remain  highways  for  1,  1862,  the  Union  Pacific  Kailroad  Com- 
the  United  States  government  forever,  pany  was  created  for  the  purpose  of 
free    from    toll.  constructing   and   maintaining   a   railroad 

The  grant  to  the  then  Territory  of  Iowa  and  telegraph  line  from  the  Missouri 
for  the  improvement  of  the  Des  Moines  Eiver  to  the  Pacific  Ocean.  They  were 
River  led  to  long  discussions  as  to  the  granted  the  right  of  way  through  the 
extent  of  the  grant,  and  to  many  legal  public  lands  to  the  extent  of  200  feet  in 
decisions.  Finally,  on  March  22,  1858,  width  on  each  side  of  the  line  of  the  road, 
the  consent  of  Congress  was  given  to  ap-  together  with  the  necessary  ground  for 
ply  a  portion  of  the  grant  to  the  con-  stations,  buildings,  etc.  They  were  also 
struction  of  a  railway.  The  rivers  were  granted  in  aid  of  the  construction  of  the 
not  improved,  but  the  railway  was  con-  road  every  alternate  section  of  public  land 
slructed — the  Keokuk,  Fort  Des  Moines,  to  the  amount  of  five  alternate  sections  a 
and  Minnesota  Railroad.  Sept.  20,  1850,  mile  on  each  side  of  the  road,  excepting 
a  grant  was  made  to  the  State  of  Illinois  mineral  lands  and  all  lands  already  dis- 
of  every  alternate  section  of  land,  desig-  posed  of  or  reserved.  Several  other  roads 
nated  by  even  numbers,  for  six  sections  were  provided  for  on  the  same  conditions, 
in  width,  on  each  side  of  a  railroad  and  which  became  known  as  the  Central 
branches  thereof.  This  road,  which  was  Pacific,  Central  Branch  of  the  Union  Pa- 
built,  is  kno\\'n  as  the  Illinois  Central,  cific,  Kansas  Pacific,  and  Sioux  City  and 
Although  this  was  not  the  first  concession  Pacific.  It  was  a  grant  of  10  miles  of 
of  land  to  a  railway  corporation,  it  land  on  each  side  of  the  road.  By  an  act 
granted  specific  sections  instead  of  one-  approved  July  2,  1864,  instead  of  five, 
half  of  a  certain  number  of  sections,  and  ten  sections  were  granted,  making  the 
may  be  considered  the  initiatory  measure  area  20  miles  on  each  side  of  these 
of  the  system  since  adopted  in  making  roads.  The  term  mineral  land  was  con- 
grants  in  favor  of  railways.  On  June  10,  strued  not  to  mean  coal  or  iron.  By  the 
1852,  a  donation  was  made  to  the  State  same  act  a  grant  of  20  miles  of  land 
of  Missouri  for  the  construction  of  certain  was  made  to  the  Burlington  and  Missouri 
railroads  therein,  afterwards  known  as  River  Railroad  Company  for  the  construc- 
the  Hannibal  and  St.  Joseph,  and  the  tion  of  a  road  from  the  Missouri  River  to 
Misouri  Pacific,  south  branch.  This  grant  some  point  not  farther  west  than  the  one 
was  similar  in  character  and  extent  to  hundredth  meridian  west  longitude,  to 
that  of  the  Illinois  Central.  In  this,  as  connect  with  the  Union  Pacific  road, 
in  the  case  of  the  Illinois  Central,  there  March  3,  1864,  a  grant  of  land  was  made 
was  a  provision  for  the  reimbursement  of  to  the  State  of  Kansas  to  assist  in  con- 
the  United  States  for  all  the  land  sold,  structing  railroads  within  its  borders,  af- 
Feb.  9,  1853,  an  act  made  a  similar  grant  terwards  known  as  the  Atchison,  Topeka, 
to  Arkansas.  June  29,  1854,  an  act  and  Santa  Fe;  Leavenworth,  Lawrence, 
granted  aid  to  Minnesota  for  construct-  and  Galveston ;  and  Missouri,  Kansas,  and 
ing  a  railroad  from  the  southern  line  of  Texas  railroads.  In  May,  1864,  similar 
that  then  Territory,  via  St.  Paul,  to  its  grants  were  made  to  the  States  of  Minne- 
eastern  line,  in  the  direction  of  Lake  Su-  sota,  Wisconsin,  and  Iowa,  and  others  soon 
perior.  For  this  purpose  there  were  given  followed  to  Arkansas,  Missouri,  Alabama, 
each  alternate  section  of  land,  designated  Iowa,  Michigan,  Minnesota,  and  Kansas, 
by  odd  numbers,  for  six  sections  in  width  The  North  Pacific  Railroad  Company  was 
on  each  side  of  said  road.  This  act  was  created  July  1,  1864,  with  grants  similar 
repealed   in   August  following.  to   those   of  the  Union   Pacific,   excepting 

At  various  times  in  1856  grants  of  double  the  extent  of  land,  through  the  Ter- 
land  for  similar  purposes  were  made  to  ritories.  July  27,  1866,  grants  were  made 
the  States  of  Iowa,  Florida,  Alabama,  to  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific,  and  the  South- 
Louisiana,  Michigan,  Wisconsin,  and  crn  Pacific,  on  terms  similar  to  those  of 
Mississippi.  On  March  3,  1856,  a  grant  the  Union  Pacific.  March  3,  1869,  land 
was  made  to  Minnesota.  All  of  these  grants  were  made  to  the  Denver  Pacific 
grants  made  in  1856  and  1857  were  similar    Railway;    and   bv  act  of  March   3,    187 1, 



similar  grants  were  made  to  the  Southern 
Pacific  (branch  line)  and  Texas  and  Pa- 
cific. Many  of  the  grants  made  in  the 
earlier  years  of  the  system  were  enlarged. 
The  aggregate  amount  of  land  granted  is 
more  than  215,000,000  acres,  but  the 
amount  made  available  is  not  more  than 
187,000,000  acres.  By  the  aid  of  these 
grants  over  15,000  miles  of  railroad  have 
been  built.  Their  benefits  have  extended 
to  all  parts  of  the  country,  and  cannot 
be  estimated  by  values.  See  Canals; 
Public  Domain;  Railroads. 

Internal  Revenue.  The  following  table 
shows  the  total  collections  of  internal 
revenue  in  the  United  States  in  the  fiscal 
year  ending  June  30,  1903,  by  States  and 

States  and  Territories. 



California    and    Nevada.  . .  . 

Colorado  and   Wyoming.  .  . . 

Connecticut  and  Rhode  Isl- 







Kansas,  Indian  Territory, 
and  Oklahoma 


Louisiana  and  Mississippi.  . 

Maryland,  Delaware,  Dis 
trict  of  Columbia,  and  two 
Virginia  districts 





Montana,  Idaho,  and  Utah.. 

Nebraska,  and  North  and 
South  Dakota 

New  Hampshire,  Maine,  and 

New  Jersey   

New  Mexico  and  Arizona.  . . 

New   York    

North  Carolina 


Oregon,  Washington,  and 
Alaska  ■ 


South  Carolina 




West  Virginia 






























The  table  on  opposite  page  gives  a  sum- 

mary of  such  receipts  in  the  period  1880- 
1903,  both  inclusive,  with  principal 

The  re-imposition  of  adhesive  stamps  in 
1898  was  provided  for  in  the  War  Reve- 
nue Act  of  that  year.  The  war  revenue 
and  the  receipts  of  the  national  treasury 
from  other  sources  having  been  much 
larger  than  was  anticipated,  and  having 
produced  a  surplus  largely  in  excess  of 
the  actual  financial  needs  of  the  country. 
Congress  adopted  a  conference  report  on 
a  bill  to  reduce  the  war  revenue  on  Feb. 
28,  1901,  to  go  into  effect  on  July  1 
next  ensuing.  The  revenue  reduction  was 
expected  to  amount  to  $42,165,000  per  an- 
num, the  repeal  of  various  stamp  taxes 
and  a  few  changes  in  the  existing  law 
concerning  specified  articles  being  esti- 
mated to  make  the  following  itemized  re- 

Commercial  brokers,  $138,000;  certifi- 
cates of  deposits,  $200,000;  promissory 
notes,  $3,500,000;  bills  of  lading  for  ex- 
port, $100,000;  telegraphic  despatches, 
$800,000;  telephone  messages,  $315,000; 
bonds  other  than  indemnity,  $25,000;  cer- 
tificates not  otherwise  specified,  $200,000; 
charter  party,  $100,000;  conveyances, 
$1,750,000:  insurance,  $3,000,000;  leases, 
$200,000;  mortgages,  $500,000;  passage 
tickets,  $100,000;  power  of  attorney,  $100,- 
000;  protests,  $25,000;  warehouse  re- 
ceipts, $250,000;  express  receipts,  $800,- 
000 ;  proprietary  medicines,  cosmetics,  and 
chewing-gum,  $3,950,000;  legacies,  $500,- 
000;  cigars,  $3,100,000;  tobacco,  $7,000,- 
000;  small  cigars  and  cigarettes,  $500,- 
000;  beer,  $9,800,000;  bank  checks,  $7,- 
000,000;  foreign  bills  of  exchange,  $50,- 
000 ;  money  orders,  $602,000 ;  manifest  for 
Custom  House,  $60,000. 

International  Arbitration.  See  Arbt- 
TijATioN,  International. 

International  Law,  the  name  now 
given  to  what  was  formerly  known  as  the 
Law  of  Nations.  It  is  believed  to  have 
originated  in  the  Middle  Ages,  and  to 
have  been  first  applied  for  the  purpose 
of  regulating  commercial  transactions. 
From  this  fact  it  took  the  name  of  "  com- 
mercial law,"  and  subsequently  was  ex- 
tended to  transactions  other  than  com- 
mercial of  an  international  character.  To- 
day the  aim  of  international  law  is  to 
prevent  war.     The  distinctive  features  of 




Biscal  Y8IU8. 




Banks  and 




Under  Repealed 




43.. '514,810 



'  4,288 






































7  8,. 569 























Of  the  receipts  in  1900  classed  as  "  Miscellaneous,''  $2,884,492  was  from  legacies :  $4..'il5,041  from  special  taxes 
on  bankers,  billiarU-rooms,  brokers,  and  e.xhibitious  ;  and  $1,079,405  from  exrise  ta.x  on  gross  receipts,  under  the 
War  Revenue  law  of  I8'.)8  ;  $2,543,785  from  oleomargarine  ;  $331,011  from  playing  cards  ;  $193,721  from  penalties; 
and  $17,064  from  filled  cheese. 

See  Bimetallism;  Evarts,  William 

International  Order  of  the  King's 
Daughters  and  Sons,  a  religious  order 
consisting  of  small  circles  of  men,  women, 
and  children.  It  is  non-sectarian,  and 
its  members  may  be  found  in  nearly  all 
churches  and  in  nearly  every  country.  It 
was  established  in  New  York  City  in  1886 
by  a  circle  of  ten  women.  Its  aim  is  to 
help  the  needy  and  suffering,  to  consider 
the  poor,  and  to  engage  in  all  good  works. 
Ihe  members  wear  a  small  silver  badge  in 
the  shape  of  a  cross,  bearing  the  letters 
I.  H.  N.  on  one  side,  and  the  date  1880 
on  the  other.  In  1900  it  was  estimated 
that  the  society  numbered  more  than 
500,000  members.  It  ranks  among  the 
strongest  and  most  useful  societies  in  the 
world.  The  headquarters  are  at  156  Fifth 
Avenue,  New  York.  In  1900  the  officers 
were:  President,  Mrs.  F.  Bottome;  vice- 
president,  Miss  Kate  Bond;  general  sec- 
retary, Mrs.  Mary  L.  Dickinson;  treas- 
urer, Mrs.  J.  C.  Davis;  recording  secre- 
tary, Mrs.  Robert  Sturgis ;  and  correspond- 
ing secretary,  Mrs.  Isabella  Charles  Davis. 

Interoceanic  Ship  Canal.  See  Nica- 
ragua Caxal;  Paxama  Canal. 

Intrepid,  The.  The  ketch  Intrepid, 
used  in  the  destruction  of  the  Philadel- 
phia {q.  v.),  had  been  converted  into  a 
floating  mine  for  the  purpose  of  destroy- 
ing the  piratical  cruisers  in   the  harbor 

international  law  may  be  summarized  in 
brief  as  follows:  First,  that  every  nation 
possesses  an  exclusive  sovereignty  and 
jurisdiction  in  its  own  territory;  second, 
that  no  State  or  nation  can  by  its  law  di- 
rectly affect  or  bind  property  out  of  its 
own  territory,  or  persons  not  resident 
therein,  natural  born  subjects  or  others; 
third,  that  whatever  force  the  laws  of 
one  country  have  in  another  depends  sole- 
ly on  the  municipal  laws  of  the  latter. 

There  have  been  numerous  congresses 
of  international  law  experts  for  the  pur- 
pose of  simplifying  and  making  more  def- 
inite the  obligations  which  one  country 
owes  to  another,  and  in  these  congresses 
the  United  States  has  occupied  a  con- 
spicuous place.  The  Association  for  the 
Reform  and  Codification  of  the  Law  of 
Nations  held  its  first  session  in  Brussels, 
Oct.  10,  1873,  and  subsequent  ones  were 
held  in  Geneva,  The  Hague,  Bremen, 
Antwerp,  Frankfort.  London,  Berne, 
Cologne,  Turin,  and  Milan.  An  Institute 
of  International  Law  was  organized  in 
Ghent  in  1873,  and  has  since  held  numer- 
ous sessions  in  various  cities  of  Europe, 
The  most  conspicuous  action  of  the  nations 
concerning  the  abolition  of  international 
hostilities  was  taken  in  the  Peace  Con- 
ference at  The  Hague,  in  1899,  to  which 
the  United  States  was  also  a  party.  See 
Codes;  Field,  Davtd  Dudley. 

International  Monetary  Conference. 



of  Tripoli.  In  a  room  below  deck  100  company  engaged  in  the  perilous  enter- 
barrels  of  gunpowder  were'  placed,  and  prise.  The  Intrepid  entered  the  harbor 
immediately  above  them  a  large  quantity  at  nine  o'clock  in  the  evening.  The  night 
of  shot,  shell,  and  irregular  pieces  of  was  very  dark.  Many  eager  eyes  were 
iron  were  deposited.  Combustibles  were  turned  towards  the  spot  where  her  shad- 
placed  in  other  parts  of  the  vessel.  On  o\vj  form  was  last  seen.  Suddenly  a 
the  night  of  Sept.   3,   1804,   the  Intrepid    fierce   and  lurid  light   streamed   up   from 

the  dark  waters  like 
volcanic  fires  and  il- 
luminated the  sur- 
rounding objects  with 
its  lurid  glare — rocks, 
flotilla,  castle,  town, 
and  the  broad  bosom 
of  the  harbor.  This 
was  followed  by  an 
instant  explosion, 

and  for  a  few  mo- 
ments flaming  masts 
and  sails  and  fiery 
bomb  -  shells  rained 
upon  the  waters, 
when  suddenly  all  was 
again  dark.  Anxious- 
ly the  companions  of 
the  intrepid  men 
who  went  into  the 
harbor  awaited  their 
return.  They  never 
came  back.  What 
was  the  cause  of  the 
premature  explosion 
that  destroyed  vessels 
and  men  will  never  be 
known.  The  belief 
was  that  the  ketch 
was  captured  by  the 
Tripolitans  on  the 
M-atch,  and  that  Som- 
ors,  preferring  death 
to  miserable  captiv- 
ity, had  himself  ap- 
plied a  lighted  match 
to  the  powder.  A 
fine  monument,  erect 
ed  to  the  memory  of 
the  slain  men  and  the 
event,  formerly  stood 
was  lowed  into  the  harbor  by  two  boats,  at  the  western  front  of  the  national 
the  whole  under  the  command  of  Captain  Capitol,  but  is  now  in  front  of  the  Naval 
Somers,  attended  by  Lieutenant  Wads-  Academy  at  Annapolis, 
worth,  of  the  Constitution,  and  Mr.  Israel,  Inundations.  For  a  long  period  of 
an  ardent  young  man  who  got  on  board  time  the  principal  inundations  in  the 
the  Intrepid  by  stealth.  These,  with  a  United  States  were  caused  by  the  over- 
few  men  to  work  the  torpedo- vessel,  and  flowing  of  the  banks  of  the  Mississippi 
the    crews   of   the   boats,   constituted    the    River.     The  record  of  these  disasters,  al- 





though  not  containing  many  individual 
cases,  is  a  distressing  one  because  of  the 
vast  amount  of  property  destroyed  and 
the  large  number  of  lives  lost.  The  fol- 
lowing briefly  summarizes  the  most  nota- 
ble inundations  in  the  United  States: 

1816. — The  White  Mountain  region  in 
New  Hampshire  was  flooded  by  a  deluge 
of  rain  after  a  drought  of  two  years. 
Several  valleys  were  completely  under 
water,  and  large  tracts  of  forests  were 
torn  from  the  ground  and  washed  down 
the  mountain   sides. 

IS/fO,  May  J2. — A  flood  in  New  Orleans 
spread  over  160  squares  and  submerged 
1,600  buildings. 

187Ji,  May  16. — The  bursting  of  a  reser- 
voir on  Mill  River,  near  Northampton, 
]\Iass.,  caused  the  destruction  of  several 
villages  in  the  valley  and  the  loss  of  144 

187ft,  July  2). — A  waterspout  burst  in 
Eureka,  Nev.,  and  with  the  attendant 
heavy  rains  caiised  a  loss  of  between  twen- 
ty and  thirty  lives. 

ISlIf,  July  26. — An  unusual  fall  of  rain 


caused  the  overflow  of  the  rivers  in  west- 
ern Pennsylvania  and  the  loss  of  220 

1881,  June  12. — Disastrous  floods  be- 
gan in  Iowa,  Kansas,  Minnesota,  and  Mis- 
souri, lasting  several  days,  and  causing 
the  destruction  of  much  property. 

1882,  Feb.  22.— The  valleys  of"  the  Ohio 
and  Mississippi  rivers  were  flooded,  and 
the  loss  of  life  and  property  was  so  great 
that  the  governor  of  Mississippi  made  a 
public  appeal  for  help. 

1883,  Fehruary. — Portions  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, Ohio,  and  Kentucky  were  visited  by 
a  disastrous  flood,  which  was  most  severe 
at  Cincinnati,  lasting  several  days. 

188li,  Fehruary. — The  Ohio  River  over- 
flowed its  banks,  causing  the  loss  of  fif- 
teen lives  and  rendering  5,000  people 

1886,  Jan.  5. — Pennsylvania.  New  York, 
and  several  of  the  New  England  States 
were  visited  by  floods,  and  great  damage 
was  done  to  property. 

1886,  Aug.  20. — A  storm  in  Texas  was 
followed  by  a  flood,  which  was  particular- 


ly  disastrous  in  Galveston,  where  twenty- 
eight  lives  were  lost  and  property  dam- 
aged to  the  extent  of  more  than  $5,000,- 

1889,  May  SI.— The  rising  of  the  Cone- 
maugh  River,  in  Pennsylvania,  under  in- 
cessant rain,  caused  the  breaking  of  the 
dam  about  18  miles  above  Johnstown.  The 
great  mass  of  water  rushed  down  to  the 
city  in  seven  minutes,  and  at  the  Pennsyl- 
vania Eailroad  bridge,  near  the  city,  it 
became  dammed  up,  greatly  increasing  the 
loss  of  life  and  collecting  a  large  mass  of 
debris,  which  afterwards  took  fire  and 
added  further  to  the  destruction.  Official 
reports  after  the  disaster  placed  the  total 
number  of  lives  lost  at  ^;142,  and  the 
value  of  property  destroyed  at  $9,674,105. 
Nearly  $3,000,000  was  raised  for  the  re- 
lief of  the  sufferers,  contributions  being 
sent  from  nearly  every  State  and  large 
city  in  the  United  States,  and  from  sev- 
eral cities  in  Europe.  In  the  distribution 
of  the  relief,  the  sum  of  $1,500  was  given 
to  each  of  124  women  made  widows,  and 
$50  annually  till  they  should  reach  the 
age  of  sixteen  was  assigned  to  each  of 
965  children  made  orphans  or  half- 

1890,  March  and  April. — The  levees  of 
the  Mississippi  River  gave  way  in  many 
places  and  the  waters  flooded  large  areas 
of  land  in  Mississippi  and  Louisiana.  The 
worst  crevasse  was  caused  by  the  giving 
way  of  the  Morgansea,  near  Bayou  Sara, 
v/hich  had  been  built  by  the  federal  and 
State  governments  at  a  cost  of  about 

1900,  Sept.  6-9. — A  tropical  hurricane 
visiting  the  Southern  coast  spent  its  fury 
at  and  near  Galveston,  Tex.,  on  Sept.  9. 
The  loss  of  life  and  property  here  was  the 
largest  ever  reported  in  the  history  of  the 
United  States  from  this  cause,  the  loss 
of  life  being  officially  estimated  at  about 
7,000,  and  the  value  of  property  destroyed 
about  $30,000,000.  The  latter  included 
the  United  States  military  post.  The  re- 
lief contributions  from  various  sources  in 
the  United  States  and  Europe  amounted 
to  over  $1,500,000. 

1901,  June  22. — A  cloudburst  occurred 
near  the  headwaters  of  the  Elkhorn  and 
Dry  Fork  rivers,  whose  confluence  form 
the  main  Tug  River  in  the  Flat  Top  coal 
region    of    West    Virginia.      A    disastrous 

flood  ensued,  causing  the  loss  of  many  lives 
and  the  destruction  of  a  large  amount  of 
property.  The  consequent  distress  was 
such  that  Governor  White  appealed  to  the 
citizens  of  the  State  for  relief  for  the 

Investigating  Committees.  The  first 
investigating  committee  appointed  by 
Congress  was  in  the  case  of  the  defeat  of 
Gen.  Abthub  St.  Claik  (q.  v.).  It  was 
a  special  committee,  empowered  to  send 
for  persons  and  papers.  Their  call  upon 
the  War  Department  for  all  papers  relating 
to  the  affair  first  raised  the  question  of 
the  extent  of  the  authority  of  the  House 
in  such  matters.  The  cabinet  unanimous- 
ly agreed  that  the  House  had  no  power 
to  call  on  the  head  of  any  department  for 
any  public  paper  except  through  the  Presi- 
dent, in  whose  discretion  it  rested  to  fur- 
nish such  papers  as  the  public  good  might 
seem  to  require  and  admit,  and  that  all 
such  calls  must  be  made  by  a  special 
resolution  of  the  House,  the  power  to 
make  them  being  an  authority  which 
could  not  be  delegated  to  any  committee. 
This  decision  of  the  cabinet  estab- 
lished the  method  ever  since  practised 
of  calling  upon  the  President  for  public 

Iowa  was  originally  a  part  of  the  vast 
Territory  of  Louisiana,  ceded  to  the  United 
States  in  1803.  The  first  settlement  by 
PJuropeans  was  made  by  Julian  Du  Buque, 
who,  in  1788,  obtained  a  grant  of  a  large 
tract,  including  the  site  of  the  city  of 
Dubuque  and  the  mineral  lands  around 
it.  There  he  built  a  fort,  and  manufact- 
ured lead  and  traded  with  Indians  until 
his  death,  in  1810.  The  Territory  was 
placed  under  the  jurisdiction  of  Michigan 
in  1834,  and  in  1836  under  that  of  Wis- 
consin. It  was  erected  into  a  separate 
Territory  June  12,  1838,  and  included  all 
the  country  north  of  Missouri  between  the 
Mississippi  and  the  Missouri  and  the 
British  line.  This  comprised  a  greater 
part  of  Minnesota  and  the  whole  of  the 
present  Dakotas,  with  an  area  of  94.000 
square  miles.  The  government  was  estab- 
lished at  Iowa  City,  in  1839.  In  1844  a 
State  constitution  was  formed,  but  an  ap- 
plication for  admission  into  the  Union 
was  denied.  The  admission  was  effected 
Dec.  28,  1846,  and  in  1857  the  capital  was 
established    at    Des    Moines.     This    State, 



lying  westward  of  the  Mississippi  River, 
with  a  population  of  nearly  700,000  and  a 
loyal  governor  ( Samuel  J.  Kirkwood ) , 
was  quick  to  perceive  the  needs  of  the  na- 
tional government  in  its  struggle  with  its 
enemies,  and  was  lavish  in  its  aid.  When 
the  President  called  for  troops  (April, 
1861)  the  governor  said,  "In  this  emer- 
gency Iowa  must  not  and  does  not  occupy 

The  population  in   1890  was   1,911.890, 
in  1900,  2,231,853.  See  U.  S.,  Iowa,  vol.  ix. 


Robert   Lucas assumes  office July,  1838 

John  Chambers "  "    ik41 

James  Clark "  "    ia45 


Ansel  Briggs assumes 

Stephen  Hempstead. 
Jiimes  W.  Grimes...        '' 




,  18.00 

Ralph  P.  Lowe 


Samuel  J.  Kirkwood       " 
William   M.  Stone...        " 

Samuel  Merrill " 

C.  C.  Carpenter " 

::  •••  • 




SamuelJ.  Kirkwood        " 



Joshua  G.  Newbold.actin<'. . . 

John  H.  Gear assumes 


Buren  R.  Sherman..        " 


William  Larrabee. ..        " 



Frank  D.  Jackson...      " 



Francis  M.  Drake.   ..       " 
Leslie  M.  Shaw " 

il    •••  * 


Albert  B.  Cummins..       " 






^0.  of  Congress 





Augustus  C.  Dodge 30lh  to  Xid        1848    to    1855 

George  W.  Jones 30th  "  3(iih      1848 

James  Harlan 34th  "  38lh      18.55 

James  W.  Grimes 3Gtli  "  40th      1859 

Samuel  J.  Kirkwood 8'.)th  18ti5 

James  Harlan 40th  to  43d        18e;7 

James  B.  Howell 41st  18(i9 

George  G.  Wright 4'.;d  to  44th        1871 

J       ,,j,    ,  ...  TT,  .1        TT    •  William  B.  Alli.sou 43d        1873 

a    doubtful    position.     For    the    Union    as    samuel  J.  Kirkwood 45th  to  4(;th     1877 

our  fathers  formed  it,  and  for  the  govern-    James  W.  McDill 47th  I88i 

,     ,,  „  J  .      ,  1  ,,      James  F.  Wilson 4Sth  to  54th      1883 

ment  they  framed  so  wisely  and  so  well,    johnH.Gear 53d    ■•  56th     1895 

the   people   of   Iowa   are   ready   to   pledge    Jonathan  p.  DoUiver 56th" 1900 

every  fighting-man  in  the  State  and  every  ' 

dollar  of  her  money  and  credit."  That  Iredell,  James,  jurist ;  born  in  Lewes, 
pledge  Avas  redeemed  by  sending  over  75,-  England,  Oct.  5,  1750;  emigrated  to  North 
000  men  to  the  front.  The  present  con-  Carolina  in  1767;  admitted  to  the  bar  in 
stitution  of  Iowa  was  framed  by  a  con-  1775;  was  elected  judge  of  the  Superior 
vention  at  Iowa  City  early  in  1857,  and  Court  in  1777;  appointed  attorney-general 
was  ratified  Aug.  3.  The  clause  confining  in  1779;  and  judge  of  the  Supreme  Court 
the  privilege  of  the  elective  franchise  to  in  1790.  He  died  in  Edenton,  N.  C,  Oct. 
white  citizens  was  stricken  out  by  act  of    20,   1799. 

the  legislature,  and  was  ratified  by  the  Iredell,  James,  lawyer ;  born  in  Eden- 
people  in  1868.  ton,  N.  C,  Nov.  2,  1788;  son  of  James  Ire- 
111  1903  Iowa  ranked  as  the  second  corn-  dell;  graduated  at  Princeton  College  in 
producing  State  in  the  country,  with  an  1806;  served  in  the  War  of  1812;  aided 
output  of  229,218,220  bushels,  valued  at  in  the  defence  of  Craney  Island;  elected 
$87,102,924;  the  second  in  hay;  and  the  governor  of  North  Carolina  in  1827,  and 
second  in  oats.  The  equalized  valuation  served  out  an  unexpired  term  in  the 
of  all  taxable  property  was  $637,937,386;  United  States  Senate  in  1828-31.  His 
and  the  State  had  no  bonded  debt.  In  publications  include  a  Treatise  on  the  Law 
1900  the  State  had  14,819  manufacturing  of  Executors  and  Administrators ;  and  a 
establishments,  with  $102,733,103  capital;  Difjest  of  all  the  Reported  Cases  in  the 
58,553  wage-earners;  paying  $23,931,680  Courts  of  North  Carolina,  1778  to  1845. 
for  wages,  $101,170,357  for  materials,  He  died  in  Edenton,  N.  C,  April  IS, 
products  valued  at  $164,617,877.  18o3. 



Ireland.     The  bold  stand  taken  by  the    a    resolution    which    made    the    country 
Americans  early  in  1775  made  the  British    virtually  free. 

ministry  afraid  of  like  movements  in  Ireland,  which  had  been  more  oppressed 
Ireland,  where  the  Protestant  minority  by  British  rule  than  the  American  colo- 
had  hitherto  been  employed  to  keep  the  nies,  had,  at  the  beginning  of  the  contest 
majority,  who  were  Roman  Catholics,  in  between  the  latter  and  Great  Britain, 
subjection.  That  majority,  amounting  to  shown  peculiar  subserviency  to  its  polit- 
seven-eighths  of  the  entire  population,  ical  master.  When  news  of  the  affairs 
were  not  only  deprived  of  all  political  at  Lexington  and  Bunker  Hill  reached 
privileges,  but  were  subjected  to  a  great  that  country,  the  Irish  Parliament  voted 
many  rigorous  and  cruel  restraints,  de-  that  they  "  heard  of  the  rebellion  with 
signed  to  keep  them  ignorant,  poor,  and  abhorrence,  and  were  ready  to  show  to 
helpless.  Even  the  Protestants  in  Ireland  the  world  their  attachment  to  the  sacred 
were  not  allowed  an  equality  with  their  person  of  the  King."  Taking  advantage 
fellow-subjects  in  England.  Their  Parlia-  of  this  expressed  loyalty.  Lord  North 
ment  did  not  possess  the  rights  enjoyed  obtained  leave  to  send  4,000  able-bodied 
by  the  American  colonial  assemblies;  and  men  to  America  as  a  part  of  the  British 
Ireland,  in  matters  of  trade,  was  treated  army.  The  strongest  and  best  of  the  Irish 
very  much  like  a  foreign  country.  The  army  were  selected,  and  eight  regiments 
idea  of  political  liberty  aroused  in  the  were  shipped  for  America.  This  left  Ire- 
colonies  was  already  sowing  the  seeds  of  land  almost  defenceless.  Its  Parliament 
revolution  in  Ireland,  and  it  was  judged  offered  to  organize  a  national  militia, 
expedient  to  conciliate  the  Irish  by  just  which  Lord  North  refused  to  accept,  and, 
legislation  that  should  relax  the  harsh  instead  of  a  militia,  organized  and  con- 
commercial  restrictions.  This,  however,  trolled  by  the  British  government,  self- 
was  done  so  sparingly  that  it  fell  far  formed  bands  of  volunteers  sprang  up 
short  of  accomplishing  permanent  good,  all  over  Ireland.  North  saw  his  blunder. 
Indeed,  it  was  regarded  as  a  delusive,  and  had  a  militia  bill  enacted.  But  it 
temporizing  policy,  and  the  attitude  of  was  too  late;  the  Irish  Parliament  pre- 
the  Irish  people,  encouraged  by  that  of  ferred  the  volunteers,  supported  by  the 
the  Americans,  even  became  more  threat-  Irish  themselves.  Meanwhile  the  eloquent, 
ening  than  ever.  The  Catholic  Relief  Bill  patriotic,  and  incorruptible  Henry  Grat- 
of  1778  had  made  the  Irish,  for  the  first  tan  had  become  a  member  of  the  Irish  Par- 
time  in  their  history,  one  people;  "all  liament,  and  he  was  principally  the  agent 
sects,  all  ranks,  all  races — the  nobleman  that  kindled  the  fire  of  patriotic  zeal  in 
and  the  merchant,  the  Catholic  and  the  Ireland  that  was  burning  so  brightly  in 
Protestant,  the  Churchman  and  the  Dis-  America.  In  1779,  though  only  thirty- 
senter,  he  who  boasted  of  his  pure  native  three  years  of  age,  he  led  the  Irish  Parlia- 
lineage  and  he  who  was  as  proud  of  the  ment  in  demanding  reforms.  He  moved  an 
Saxon  or  Norman  blood  that  flowed  in  amendment  to  the  address  to  the  King 
his  veins — rushed  together  to  the  vindi-  that  the  nation  could  be  saved  only  by 
cation  of  the  liberties  of  their  common  free-trade,  and  it  was  adopted  by  unani- 
country;"  and,  at  the  beginning  of  the  mous  vote.  New  taxes  were  refused.  The 
year,  beheld  them  embodied  to  the  num-  ordinary  supplies  usually  granted  for  two 
ber  of  80,000  volunteers.  The  British  years  were  granted  for  six  months, 
government  dared  not  refuse  the  arms  Throughout  the  little  kingdom  an  inex- 
which  they  demanded  to  repel  a  threat-  tinguishable  sentiment  of  nationality  was 
ened  invasion  from  France.  The  fiery  aroused.  Alarmed  by  the  threatening  at- 
Grattan  was  then  leader  in  the  Irish  titude,  the  British  Parliament,  in  1781, 
Parliament.  "  I  never  will  be  satisfied,"  conceded  to  the  dependent  kingdom  its 
he  exclaimed  in  debate,  "  so  long  as  the  claims  to  commercial  equality, 
meanest  cottager-  in  Ireland  has  a  link  The  volunteer  army  of  Ireland,  com- 
of  the  British  chain  clanking  to  h's  rags:  manded  by  officers  of  their  own  choice, 
he  may  be  naked— he  shall  not  be  in  amounted  to  about  50.000  at  the  close  of 
irons."  The  Irish  Parliament  acted  in  the  war  with  America  (1782).  They 
accordance  with   this   spirit,   and  adopted    were    united    under    one    general-in-chiof. 



Feeling  strong  in  the  right  and  in  its  ma- 
terial and  moral  vitality  at  the  moment, 
and  encouraged  by  the  success  of  the 
Americans,  Ireland  demanded  reforms  for 
herself.  The  viceroy  reported  that  unless 
it  was  determined  that  the  knot  which 
bound  the  two  countries  should  be  severed 
forever,  the  points  required  by  the  Irish 
Parliament  must  be  conceded.  It  was  a 
critical  moment.  Eden,  who  was  secre- 
tary for  Ireland,  proposed  the  repeal  of 
the  act  of  George  I.  which  asserted  the 
right  of  the  Parliament  of  Great  Britain 
to  make  laws  to  bind  the  people  and  the 
kingdom  of  Ireland — the  right  claimed  for 
I'arliament  which  drove  the  Americans  to 
war — and  the  Eockingham  ministry  adopt- 
ed and  carried  the  important  measure. 
Appeals  from  the  courts  of  Ireland  to  the 
British  House  of  Peers  were  abolished ; 
the  restraints  on  independent  legislation 
were  done  away  with,  and  Ireland,  still 
owing  allegiance  to  Great  Britain,  ob- 
tained the  independence  of  its  Parliament. 
This  was  the  fruit  of  the  war  for  inde- 
pendence in  America.  The  people  of  Ire- 
land owed  the  vindication  of  their  rights 
to  the  patriots  of  the  United  States ;  but 
their  gratitude  took  the  direction  of  their 
complained-of  oppressor,  and  their  legis- 
lature voted  $500,000  for  the  levy  of  20,000 
seamen  to  strengthen  the  royal  navy, 
whose  ships  had  not  yet  been  withdrawn 
from  American  waters,  and  which,  with 
an  army,  were  still  menacing  the  liberties 
of  the  Americans. 

Ireland,  John,  clergyman;  born  in 
Burnchurch,  County  Kilkenny,  Ireland, 
Sept.  11,  18.38.  When  nine  years  old  he 
came  to  the  United  States  and  received 
a  primary  education  in  the  Catholic 
schools  of  St.  Paul,  Minn.  In  1853  he 
went  to  France  and  took  a  preparatory 
course  in  the  Meximieux  Seminary,  after 
which  he  received  his  theological  train- 
ing in  the  seminary  of  Hyeres.  On  Dec. 
21,  1861,  he  was  ordained  a  priest,  and 
for  a  while  served  in  the  Civil  War  as 
chaplain  of  the  5th  Minnesota  Regiment. 
Later  he  was  made  rector  of  the  St.  Paul 
Cathedral.  In  1870-71  he  represented 
Bishop  Grace  of  St.  Paul  in  the  Vatican 
Council  in  Rome.  Subsequently  the  Pope 
named  him  Bishop  of  Maronea  and  coad- 
jutor to  Bishop  Grace,  and  he  was  con- 
Rfcrated  Dec.  21,   1875.     He  succeeded  to 

the  see  of  St.  Paul  on  July  31,  1884,  and 
was  made  archbishop  on  May  15,  1888. 
From  early  youth  he  was  a  strong  advo- 
cate of  temperance.  In  1869  he  estab- 
lished the  first  total  abstinence  society  in 
Minnesota.  He  also  became  active  in  col- 
onizing the  Northwest  with  Roman  Catho- 
lics. In  1887  he  went  to  Rome  with  Bish- 
op Keane,  of  Richmond,  for  the  purpose  of 
placing  before  the  Pope  the  need  of  a 
Roman  Catholic  University  at  Washing- 
ton, D.  C,  which  has  since  been  estab- 
lished   under    the    name    of    the    Catholic 


University  of  America.  In  1891  a  mem- 
orable controversy  arose  over  the  action 
of  a  Roman  Catholic  priest  in  Faribault, 
Minn.,  in  transferring  the  parochial  school 
to  the  control  of  the  public  school  board. 
The  transfer  and  the  conditions  were  ap- 
proved by  Archbishop  Ireland,  and  the 
experiment  became  known  as  the  "  Fari- 
bault Plan."  The  conditions  in  brief  were 
that  the  city  should  bear  all  the  expenses 
of  the  school ;  that  the  text-books  and 
general  management  should  be  the  same 
as  in  the  public  schools;  that  the  priest 
sl'.ould     have     the     right     of    nominating 



teachers  for  the  school  of  his  own  religious 
denomination,  who  would  be  subject  to 
the  required  examination;  and  that  no 
religious  exercises,  instruction,  nor  em- 
blems should  be  permitted  in  the  school. 
This  plan  was  also  adopted  in  Stillwater, 
Minn.  Soon,  however,  bishops  in  other 
parts  of  the  country,  who  disapproved  of 
the  scheme,  complained  at  Rome  that 
Archbishop  Ireland  was  disregarding  the 
ecclesiastical  law  as  expressed  by  the 
plenary  councils  of  Baltimore.  Archbishop 
Corrigan,  of  New  York,  was  one  of  the 
leaders  of  this  opposition.  Archbishop 
Ireland  was  summoned  to  Rome,  and 
after  a  long  examination  of  the  plan  it 
was  approved  by  the  Congregation  of 
the  Propaganda  in  its  decree  of  April 
30,  1892. 

Lafayette  and  America. — On  July  4, 
1900,  a  statue  of  Lafayette,  the  cost  of 
which  had  been  raised  by  the  school  chil- 
dren of  the  United  States,  was  unveiled 
in  Paris  and  formally  presented  to  the 
French  people.  Archbishop  Ireland  was 
selected  to  deliver  the  oration  on  the  occa- 
sion, and  on  being  informed  of  this  Presi- 
dent McKinley  addressed  him  the  follow- 
ing letter: 

"  Executive   Mansion, 
"  Washington,  June  11. 

"  Dear  Sir, — Within  a  few  clays  I  have  ap- 
proved a  resolution  of  Congress  which  voices 
in  fitting  terms  the  profound  sympathy  with 
which  our  people  regard  the  presentation  to 
France  by  the  youth  of  America  of  a  statue 
of  General  Lafayette.  It  has  given  me  much 
pleasure  to  learn  that  you  have  been  selected 
to  deliver  the  address  on  this  most  interest- 
ing occasion. 

"  No  more  eminent  representative  of  Amer- 
ican eloquence  and  patriotism  could  have  been 
chosen,  and  none  who  could  better  give  ap- 
propriate expi-ession  to  the  sentiments  of 
gratitude  and  affection  which  bind  our  peo- 
ple to  France. 

"  I  will  be  grateful  if  you  will  say  how 
we  honor  in  our  national  capital  the  statue 
of  Lafayette  erected  by  the  French  people, 
and  convey  my  hope  that  the  presentation  of 
a  similar  memorial  of  that  knightly  soldier, 
whom  both  republics  are  proud  to  claim,  may 
serve  as  a  new  Ilnl<  of  friendship  between  the 
two  countries,  and  a  new  incentive  to  gener- 
ous rivalry  in  striving  for  the  good  of  man- 
liind.  Vei'y  sincerely  yours. 

"  William    McKinley. 
"  Most  Rev.  .Tolin  Ireland,  Archbishop  of  Si. 
I*aul,  St.  Paul,  Minn." 

The  following  is  the  principal  part  of 
the  oration : 

To-day  a  nation  speaks  her  gratitude 
to  a  nation;  America  proclaims  her  re- 
membrance of  priceless  favors  .conferred 
upon  her  by  France.  We  speak  to  France 
in  the  name  of  America,  under  commis- 
sion from  her  chief  magistrate,  William 
McKinley,  from  her  Senate  and  House 
of  Representatives,  from  her  youths  who 
throng  her  schools,  and  from  the  tens 
of  millions  of  her  people  who  rejoice  in  the 
rich  inheritance  won  in  years  past  by  the 
allied  armies  of  France  and  America. 
We  are  bidden  by  America  to  give  in  the 
hearing  of  the  world  testimony  of  her 
gratitude  to  France. 

Once  weak  and  poor,  in  sore  need  of 
sympathy  and  succor,  to-day  the  peer  of 
the  mightiest,  self-sufficing,  asking  for 
naught  save  the  respect  and  friendship 
to  which  her  merits  may  entitle  her,  the 
republic  of  the  United  States  of  America 
holds  in  loving  remembrance  the  nation 
from  which  in  the  days  of  her  dire  ne- 
cessity there  came  to  her  powerful  and 
chivalrous  support.  Noble  men  and  noble 
nations  forgive  injuries ;  they  never  for- 
get favors. 

There  is  a  land  which  is  above  all  other 
lands  the  land  of  chivalry,  of  noble  im- 
pulse and  generous  sacrifice,  the  land  of 
devotion  to  ideals.  At  the  call  of  a  high- 
born principle  her  sons,  with  souls  at- 
tuned by  nature  to  the  harmonies  of  the 
true  and  the  beautiful,  leap  instinctive- 
ly into  the  arena,  resolved  at  any  cost 
to  render  such  principle  a  reality  in  the 
life-current  of  humanity.  The  pages  of 
its  history  are  glistening  with  the  names 
of  heroes  and  martyrs,  of  knightly  sol- 
diers and  saintly  missionaries.  It  is  of 
I'rance  I  speak. 

At  the  close  of  the  last  century  France 
■was,  more  than  ever,  ready  to  hearken 
io  an  appeal  made  in  the  name  of  hu- 
man rights.  The  spirit  of  liberty  was 
I'.overing  over  the  land,  never  again  to 
depart  from  it,  even  if  for  a  time  baf- 
fled in  its  aspirations  by  the  excesses  of 
friends  or  the  oppression  of  foes.  To 
I-'rance  America  turned  and  spoke  her 
hopes  and  fears ;  her  messengers  plead- 
ed her  cause  in  Paris :  quick  and  generous 
^vas  the  response  which  France  gave  to 
the   appeal. 

Gilbert  du  Molier,  IMarquis  de  Lafay- 
ette!    Oh,   that  words  of  mine  could  ex- 



press  the  full  burning  love  which  our 
IJevolutionary  sires  did  bear  to  this  il- 
lustrious son  of  old  Auvergne!  Oh,  that 
I  could  pronounce  his  name  with  the  rev- 
erence with  which  my  countrymen  across 
the  sea  wish  me  to  pronounce  it  before 
the  people  of  France!  In  America  two 
names  are  the  idols  of  our  national  wor- 
ship, the  burden  of  fireside  tale,  the  in- 
spiration of  the  poet's  song,  the  theme 
of  the  orator's  discourse:  the  name  of  him 
who  was  the  Father  of  his  Country — 
George  Washington ;  and  the  name  of  him 
who  was  the  true  and  trusty  friend  of 
\>'ashington,  Gilbert  du  Motier,  Marquis 
de  Lafayette. 

Strange  were  it  if  America  did  not 
cherish  the  name  of  Lafayette.  He  loved 
America.  "  From  the  moment  that  I 
heard  the  name  of  America,"  said  he, 
"  I  loved  her ;  from  the  moment  I  learned 
of  her  struggles  for  liberty,  I  was  inflamed 
with  the  desire  of  shedding  my  blood  for 
her."  He  understood,  above  most  men  of 
his  time,  the  full  significance  of  America's 
contest.  "  Never,"  said  he,  "  had  so  noble 
a  purpose  offered  itself  to  the  judgment  of 
men;  it  was  the  last  struggle  for  liberty, 
and  its  defeat  would  have  left  freedom 
without  a  home  and  without  hopes."  His 
devotion  to  America  was  as  unselfish  as 
it  was  intense.  "  I  offer  myself,"  he 
wrote,  "  to  serve  the  United  States  with 
all  possible  zeal  without  pension  or  allow- 

Wealth  and  rank,  the  favors  of  court 
and  king,  high  distinction  in  the  service 
of  his  own  country,  the  endearments  of 
wife  and  child — all  that  ambition  could 
covet  or  opportunity  promise,  the  youth 
of  nineteen  simuners  piit  resolutely  aside 
to  cast  his  lot  with  a  far-off  people  bat- 
tling against  fearful  odds — and  that  at  a 
moment  when  their  fortunes  were  at  their 
lowest  ebb,  and  hope  had  wellnigh  aban- 
doned their  standard.  When  the  agent  of 
America  in  France  sadly  confessed  that 
he  was  even  unable  to  furnish  a  ship  to 
carry  him  and  other  volunteers,  Lafayette 
said:  "I  will  buy  a  ship  and  take  your 
men  with  me." 

By  his  magnanimity  of  soul,  and  by  his 
grace  of  manner,  not  less  than  by  his  mili- 
tary prowess,  he  won  all  hearts  and  be- 
came the  idol  of  the  American  army.  He 
proved  himself  to  the  inmost  fibre  of  his 

soul  an  American,  as  proud  of  America 
as  the  proudest  of  her  patriots,  the 
champion  before  all  contestants  of  her 
honor  and  her  fair  name.  More  cheerfully 
even  than  his  American  companions  in 
arms  he  bore  the  terrible  hardships  of  the 
war;  again  and  again  he  pledged  his  per- 
sonal fortune  to  buy  food  and  clothing  for 
his  men,  who  knew  him  by  the  familiar 
appellation  of  "  The  Marquis,  the  soldiers' 
friend."  In  camp  and  in  battle  his  in- 
fluence was  boundless;  a  word  of  cheer 
from  his  lips  roused  the  drooping  spirits 
of  his  soldiers ;  a  word  of  command  sent 
them  headlong  against  the  enemy.  A 
visitor  to  the  American  camp,  the  Marquis 
de  Chastellux,  could  not  help  remarking 
that  Lafayette  was  never  spoken  of  with- 
out manifest  tokens  of  attachment  and 

But  much  as  Lafayette  deserves  and  re- 
ceives our  love  and  honor  in  return  for 
his  personal  services  in  the  cause  of  Amer- 
ica, his  chief  title  to  the  gratitude  of  our 
people  is  that  his  heroic  figure  ever  looms 
up  before  their  entranced  fancy  as  the 
symbol  of  the  magnanimity  which  France 
as  a  nation  displayed  towards  our  country 
in  her  laborious  struggle  for  life  and  lib- 
erty. The  value  of  the  aid  given  to  us 
by  France  in  our  war  for  independence  is 
inestimable.  The  joy  which  the  memory 
of  it  awakens  in  our  souls  is  that  which 
comes  to  us  through  the  consciousness  of 
our  national  life  itself.  France  stood 
first  sponsor  for  our  nationhood.  We 
entered  into  the  great  family  of  nations 
leaning  on  her  arm,  radiant  with  the  re- 
flection of  her  histrionic  splendor,  and 
strong  in  the  protection  of  her  titanic 
stature.  When  Franklin  stood  in  the 
palace  of  Versailles,  the  acknowledged  en- 
voy of  America,  and  Gerard  de  Rayneval, 
as  the  minister  of  France,  saluted  the 
Congress  of  America  at  Philadelphia,  the 
young  republic  thrilled  with  new  life  and 
leaped  at  once  into  a  full  sense  of  security 
and  a  true  consciousness  of  her  dignity. 

Let  historians  relate  as  they  will  that 
the  King  and  minister  of  France  saw  in 
the  revolt  of  the  American  colonies,  and 
in  the  assistance  that  might  be  given 
them,  an  opportunity  for  France  to 
avenge  the  humiliation  of  the  tveaty  of 
1763.  It  is  not  for  us  to  demand  that 
statesmen   become   for   our   sake   oblivious 



of  the  interests  of  their  own  country. 
What  America  knows,  what  she  will  never 
fail  to  know,  is  that  King  and  ministers 
of  France  gave  us  the  aid  through  which 
we  won  our  independence,  that  they  gave 
it  to  us  in  warmest  friendliness  and  with 
most  chivalrous  generosity,  and  that  in 
giving  to  ds  such  aid  they  were  applauded 
by  the  /loble-hearted  people  of  France,  who 
loved  America,  and  encouraged  the  alli- 
ance of  their  country  with  her,  because 
of  the  great  principles  which  were  linked 
with  the  triumph  or  the  defeat  of  the  new 
republic  of  the  West. 

The  war  of  America  was  waged  for  a 
mighty  principle  of  deepest  import  to  the 
welfare  of  humanity.  It  rose  thereby  im- 
mensely above  other  wars  in  solemn  grand- 
eur of  meaning.  The  principle  at  stake 
was  that  of  civil  and  political  liberty,  the 
triumph  of  which  in  America  would  be 
the  presage  of  its  triumph  in  the  world. 
It  was  this  principle  that  shed  singular 
glory  upon  the  battle-fields  of  America. 
America  rose  in  rebellion  against  arbi- 
trary and  absolute  government ;  she  un- 
sheathed the  sword  in  the  name  of  the 
rights  of  man  and  of  the  citizen. 

There  is  but  one  who  in  His  own  right 
has  power  to  rule  over  men — Almighty 
God — and  from  Him  is  derived  whatever 
authority  is  exercised  in  human  society. 
That  authority  is  not,  however,  directly 
given  to  the  one  or  the  few;  it  is  com- 
municated by  him  to  the  people  to  be 
exercised  in  the  form  which  they  choose. 
by  those  whom  they  designate.  And  the 
men  in  whom  this  authority  is  invested 
by  delegations  of  the  people  are  to  use  it 
not  for  the  benefit  of  the  one  or  the  few, 
but  for  the  good  of  the  people.  All  this 
is  the  plain  teaching  of  reason  and  re- 
ligion, and  yet  not  seldom  were  such  sim- 
ple truths  forgotten,  not  seldom  in  prac- 
tice was  power  held  as  if  it  belonged  to 
dynasties  and  classes,  and  exercised  as  if 
"  the  human  race  lived  for  the  few."  The 
rebellion  of  a  people  on  so  large  a  scale 
as  was  the  uprising  of  the  American  colo- 
nies could  not  but  challenge  universal  at- 
tention, and  the  triumph  of  such  a  rebel- 
lion could  not  but  stir  other  peoples  to  a 
sense  of  their  rights  and  to  a  stern  resolve 
to  maintain   them. 

It  will  not,  assuredly,  be  said  that  the 
republican  form  of  government  is  vital  to 

a  well-ordered  State,  nor  that  without  it 
the  rights  of  the  people  cannot  be  safe- 
guarded, nor  that  it  is  the  best  and  proper 
policy  for  every  people.  The  form  of  a 
government  is  a  question  that  must  rest 
with  the  people  of  each  nation,  to  be  de- 
termined solely  by  them  according  to  their 
special  needs  and  their  dispositions  of 
character.  It  is,  nevertheless,  true  that 
the  republican  form  of  government  is  of 
itself  peculiarly  expressive  of  the  limita- 
tions and  responsibilities  of  power,  and 
consequently  the  founding  of  a  republic 
such  as  that  of  the  United  States  was  a 
momentous  event  for  liberty  throughout 
the  entire  world.  In  every  commonwealth 
the  people's  sense  of  their  rights  and 
power  was  quickened,  and  there  sprang 
up  in  the  consciences  of  the  rulers  of  na- 
tions a  new  conception  of  their  responsi- 
bilities towards  the  people.  Whatever  to- 
day in  any  country  the  particular  form  of 
government,  democracy  is  there  in  some 
degree;  and  it  is  there  because  of  its 
plenary  triumph  in  America,  whence  went 
forth  the  charmed  spell  that  reached,  were 
it  but  in  weakened  waves,  the  uttermost 
bounds  of  civilized  humanity. 

The  creation  of  the  republic  of  the 
United  States  was  the  inauguration  of  a 
new  era  in  the  life  of  the  human  race — 
the  era  of  the  rights  of  manhood  and  of 
citizenship  and  of  the  rights  of  the  peo- 
ple. Such  is  the  true  meaning  of  the 
American  Revolution,  the  full  signifi- 
cance of  the  work  done  in  America  by 
Lafayette  and  France. 

This  is  the  age  of  the  people.  Every 
decade  will  mark  an  advance  in  the  tri- 
umphant march  of  democracy.  Political 
movements  do  not  go  backward :  the  peo- 
ple do  not  abandon,  except  under  duress, 
and  then  only  for  a  time,  rights  of  which 
they  were  once  possessed,  or  the  power 
which  they  have  once  wielded  to  maintain 
and  enlarge  those  rights.  To  seek  for  ar- 
guments against  democracy  in  its  appar- 
ent perils  is  a  waste  of  time.  The  part 
of  true  statesmanship  is  to  study  the 
])erils  such  as  they  may  be  and  take  meas 
ures  to  avert  them.  The  progress  of  de- 
mocracy cannot  be  stayed.  He  who  would 
rule  must  rule  through  the  people,  through 
the  individual  men  who  constitute  the 
people.  To  obtain  results  in  the  civil  and 
political  world  he  must  go  to  the  Individ- 


Zone  of 

ual,  enlighten  his  mind,  form  his  con-  of  the  United  States  in  18D8  and  1899 
science  and  thus  enlist  his  sympathies  and  was  the  output  of  Great  Britain  in  1880, 
win  his  intelligent  co-operation.  He  who  which  reached  18,026,049  long  tons.  The 
does  this  will  succeed;  he  who  uses  other  output  of  the  United  States  in  1899  aggre- 
methods  will  fail.  The  task  for  those  who  gated  in  value  $34,999,077.  The  chief 
would  rule  men  is  made  more  difficult,  ore-producing  States  were:  Michigan,  9,- 
The  time  is  long  gone  by  when  men  can  140,157  long  tons;  Minnesota,  8,161,289 
be  swayed  by  sword  or  proclamation.  But  long  tons;  Alabama,  2,662,943  long  tons; 
manhood  in  men  has  meanwhile  gro\vii,  and  Pennsylvania,  1,009,327  long  tons, 
and  they  who  love  manhood  in  men  should  Virginia  and  West  Virginia  combined 
rejoice.  ranked  next  with  986,476  long  tons.     The 

Why  should  we  be  asked  to  regret  the  production  in  the  calendar  year  1902  was 
coming  of  democracy?  What  is  it  in  its  the  largest  in  the  history  of  the  country, 
ultimate  analysis  but  the  practical  asser-  35,554,135  long  tons,  valued  at  $65,412,- 
tion  of  the  dignity  of  man,  indelibly  im- 
pressed upon  him  when  he  was  fashioned 
to  the  image  of  the  Creator?  What  is  it 
but  trust  in  the  power  of  truth  and  right- 
eousness, and  in  the  readiness  of  the  hu- 
man soul  to  respond  to  such  influences? 
The  growth  of  mind  and  will  in  the  in- 
dividual is  what  all  must  hail  who  be- 
lieve in  human  progress,  or  in  the 
strength  of  Christian  civilization.  And 
as  mind  and  will  grow  in  men,  so  grow  in 
him  the  consciousness  of  his  rights  and 
power,  and  the  resolve  to  uphold  rights, 
to  put  power  into  act,  and  to  resist  all 
irrational  or  unnecessary  restraint  upon 
either  rights  or  power — and  thus  is  be- 
gotten democracy.  The  new  age  has 
dawned  for  all  humanity ;  but,  where  men 
have  the  more  quickly  and  the  more  thor- 
oughly understood  their  dignity,  there  its 
golden  rays  have  risen  higher  above  the 
horizon  and  shed  more  richly  their  light 
upon  human  thought  and  action. 

Iron,  Martin,  labor  leader;  born  in 
Scotland,  Oct.  7,  1832;  emigrated  to  the 
United  States  in  1846;  and  later  settled 
in  Lexington,  Mo. ;  joined  the  Knights  of 
Labor  and  organized  and  led  the  famous 
Missouri  Pacific  Railroad  strike  of  1886. 
He  died  in  Bunceville,  Tex.,  Nov.  17,  1900. 

Iron  and  Steel.  The  remarkable  ad- 
vance in  material  prosperity  of  the 
United  States  within  a  few  years  is 
sho\\Ti  in  most  striking  detail  in  the  pro- 
duction and  manufactures  of  iron  and 
steel.  The  calendar  year  1899  was  a  950;  and  in  1903  it  was  35,019,308  long 
record-breaker  in   the  production  of  iron-    tons. 

ore  throughout  the  world.  In  the  United  The  amount  of  pig-iron  manufactured 
States  the  total  output  was  24.683,173  in  the  United  States  in  1903  was  18,009,- 
long  tons,  an  increase  of  5.249,457  long  252  long  tons.  In  the  fifteen  years  1889- 
tcns  over  the  aggregate  of  the  preceding  1903  the  total  production  of  ore  in  the 
year.     The  nearest  approach  to  the  total    United   States  was  305,521,317  long  tons, 








an  average  annual  output  of  20,368,088 
long  tons.  In  the  production  of  1903  the 
red  hematite  constituted  the  most  promi- 
nent general  class  of  iron-ore,  yielding 
30,328,654  long  tons,  or  86.6  per  cent,  of 
the  total.  Brown  hematite  yielded  3,080,- 
399  long  tons ;  magnetite,  575,422  long 
tons;  and  carbonate,  34,833  long  tons. 
Minnesota  produced  the  largest  amount 
of  red  hematite,  Alabama  the  largest  of 
brown  hematite.  New  Jersey  the  largest 
of  magnetite,  and  Ohio  the  largest  of 

In  1890  the  United  States  for  the  first 
time  gained  the  lead  among  the  pig-iron 
producing  countries  of  the  world,  but  lost 
it  to  Great  Britain  in  1894.  The  follow- 
ing year,  however,  the  United  States 
again  outranked  Great  Britain,  and  has 
since  kept  ahead  of  that  country.  In 
1901  the  five  great  pig-iron  producers  of 
the  world  stood  in  tlie  following  order  of 
importance:  United  States.  15.878.000 
long  tons;  Great  Britain,  7.929,000;  Ger- 
many, 7,867.000;  Russia.  2,821,000;  and 
France,  2.389,000.  It  is  also  a  matter  of 
record  that  in  1901  the  United  States  pro- 
duced over  33  per  cent,  of  the  total  ore 
output  of  the  world,  or  28.887.000  long 
ions  out  of  an  estimated  total  of  87.000,- 
000  long  tons.  It  is  further  interesting  to 
note  that  the  capitalization  of  the  groups 

of  operating  companies  aggregated  $1,455,- 

The  total  output  of  the  steel -producing 
countries  for  1901  was  approximately 
27,240.000  long  tons,  divided  as  follows: 
United  States,  13,474,000  tons;  Germany. 
6,394,000;  Great  'Britain,  4,904,000; 
France,  1,425,000;  Belgium,  653.000.  The 
output  in  the  United  States  included 
8.713,302  long  tons  of  Bessemer  steel  and 
4,656,309  long  tons  of  open-hearth  steel. 

For  1905  the  production  was:  United 
States,  22.992,380  tons  of  pig-iron,  19,912.- 
751  steel;  Germany,  10,987.623  iron,  10,- 
000,000  steel  (estimated)  ;  Great  Britain. 
9.592,737  iron;  5,889.450  steel;  France 
(1904),  2,999,787  iron.  2.080,354  steel; 
Russia.  2,901,000  iron,  2.400,000  steel. 
The  total  production  of  all  other  countries 
for  1895  is  estimated  at  4,600,000  tons 
iron,  3.500,000  steel. 

In  the  iron  and 
foreign  countries,  in 
preceding  1900.  the 
United  States  was  exactly  reversed.  In 
1880  five  times  as  much  was  imported  as 
exported.  At  the  close  of  this  period 
the  country  exported  six  times  the  value 
of  its  imports.  These  exports,  in  the 
fiscal  year  1899-1900,  aggregated  $121.- 
858.341,  thus  ranking  next  to  bread- 
stulTs.  coUon,  and  provisions,  the  three 

steel     trade     with 
the    twenty    years 

of     the 


higher  in  value.     There  were  in  the  iron  other  articles  entering  the  daily  require- 

and     steel      exports     twenty-one      classes  ments  of  man. 

valued  at  from  $1,000,000  to  $9,000,000  If  any  further  evidence  was  required 
each.  In  the  calendar  year  1904  the  ex-  to  indicate  the  supremacy  of  the  United 
port  trade  in  iron  and  steel  manufactures  States  in  the  allied  iron  and  steel  in- 
aggregated  $111,948,586.  The  marvellous  dustries,  the  gigantic  United  States  Steel 
development  of  the  iron  and  steel  trade  Corporation,  organized  in  February,  1901, 
above  indicated   contributed   to   make   the  by  a  pooling  of  the  interests  of  more  than 


United  States,  in  the  opening  of  the  a  dozen  great  operating  companies,  known 
twentieth  century,  the  world's  greatest  on  the  "  street "  as  the  "  billion-dollar 
producer  of  iron,  steel,  coal,  copper,  cot-  steel  combine,"  would  probably  be  suffi- 
ton,    breadstuffs,    provisions,     and    many    cient  to  satisfy  any  doubt.     Each  of  the 



corporations     in     the     new     concern     was  000,000  in  bonds,  and  with  a  cash  account 

widely    known    for    the    large    capital    it  of   $200,000,000. 

commanded  and  the  vast  amount  of  work  Ironclad   Oath.      See   Oaths. 

it  had  already  accomplished,  and  the  pos-  Ironsides,   Old.     See  Constitution, 

sibilities    open    to    consummation    by    a  Iroquois      Confederacy,      The,      was 

combination   of   these   great    concerns   be-  originally  composed  of  five  related  fami- 

came  a  matter  entirely  beyond  the  range  lies  or  nations  of  Indians,  in  the  present 

of  human  calculation.    The  leading  figures  State  of   New   York,     These   were   called, 


in  this  consolidation  of  extraordinary 
interests  were  Andrew  Carnegie,  the 
rittsburg  iron  and  steel  king,  and  J. 
Pierpont  Morgan,  the  New  York  banker, 
who  financiered  the  combination.  The 
combination  began  operations  with  a  total 
capital  of  .$l,ir)4,000,000,  divided  into 
$850,000,000    in    cnpilal    stock,   imd    $304,- 

respectively,  Mohawks,  Oneidas,  Onon- 
dagas,  Cayugas,  and  Senecas.  Tradition 
says  the  confederacy  was  founded  by  Hia- 
watha, the  incarnation  of  wisdom,  at  about 
the  beginning  of  the  fifteenth  century. 
Ife  came  from  his  celestial  home  and  dwelt 
with  the  Onondagas.  where  he  taught  the 
related   tril)es  the  knowledge  of  good   liv- 


ing.  Fierce  warriors  approached  from  the 
north,  slaying  everything  human  in  their 
path.  Hiawatha  advised  a  council.  It 
was  held  on  the  bank 
of  Onondaga  Lake. 
of  each  nation  were 
there.  Under  his  di- 
rection a  league  was 
formed,  and  each  can- 
ton was  assigned  its 
appropriate  place  in 
it.  They  gave  it  a 
name  signifying 
"  they  form  a  cabin," 
and  they  fancifully 
called  the  league 
"  The  Long  Hovise." 
The  eastern  door  was 
kept  by  the  Mohawks, 
and  the  western  by 
the  Senecas,  and  the 
council-fire  was  with 
the  Onondagas,  at 
their  metropolis,  a 
few  miles  south  of 
the  site  of  the  city  of 
Syracuse.  By  common 
consent,  a  chief  of 
the  Onondagas,  called 
Atatarho,  was  niacin' 
the  first  president  of 
the  league.  The  Mo- 
hawks, on  the  east, 
were  called  "the 
door."  The  confeder- 
acy embraced  within 
its  territory  the  pres- 
ent State  of  New 
York  north  and  west 
of  the  Kaatzbergs  and 

south  of  the  Adirondack  group  of  moun- 
tains. The  several  nations  were  subdi- 
vided into  tribes,  each  having  a  heraldic 
insignia,  or  totem.  Through  the  totemic 
system  they  maintained  a  tribal  union, 
and  exhibited  a  remarkable  example  of  an 
almost  pure  democracy  in  government. 

Each  canton  or  nation  was  a  distinct 
republic,  independent  of  all  others  in  re- 
lation to  its  domestic  affairs,  but  each 
was  bound  to  the  others  of  the  league  by 
ties  of  honor  and  general  interest.  Each 
liad  an  equal  voice  in  the  general  council 
or  congress,  and  possessed  a  sort  of  veto 
power,    which    was    a    guarantee    against 

despotism.  After  the  Europeans  came,  the 
sachem,  or  civil  head  of  a  tribe,  affixed 
his  totem — such  as  the  rude  outlines  of  a 


wolf,  a  bear,  a  tortoise,  or  an  eagle — to 
every  public  paper  he  was  required  to 
sign.     It  was  like  a  monarch  affixing  his 

*  Atatarho,  the  first  president  of  the 
Iroquois  Confederacy,  is  represented  by  the 
Indians  as  living,  at  the  time  he  was  chosen, 
in  grim  seclusion  in  a  swamp,  where  his 
dishes  and  drinlving-vessels,  lilie  those  of  half- 
barbarian  Caucasians,  were  made  of  the 
skulls  of  his  enemies  slain  in  battle.  When  a 
delegation  went  to  him  to  offer  him  the 
symbol  of  supreme  power,  they  found  him 
sitting  smoking  his  pipe,  but  unapproachable, 
because  he  was  entirely  clothed  with  hissing 
snakes.  Here  is  the  old  story  of  Medusa  s 
snaky  tresses  unveiled  in  the  forests  of  the 
new-found  world 


NO.   1. 

seal.  Each  of  the  original  Five  Nations 
was  divided  into  three  tribes,  those  of  the 
Mohawks  being  designated  as  the  Tortoise 
or  Turtle,  the  Bear,  and  the  Wolf.  These 
totems  consisted  of  representations  of 
those  animals.  These  were  sometimes  ex- 
ceedingly rude,  but  were  sufficient  to  de- 
note the  tribe  of  the  signer;  as.  No.  1, 
appended  to  the 
signature  of  Little 
Hendrick,  a  Mo- 
hawk chief,  repre- 
sents his  totem  —  a 
turtle;  No.  2,  ap- 
pended to  the  signa- 
ture of  Kanadagea,  a  chief  of  the  Bear 
tribe,  represents  a  bear  lying  on  his 
back;  and  No.  3  is  the  signature  of 
Great  Hendrick,  of  the  Wolf  tribe,  the 
rude  representation  of  that  animal  ap- 
pearing at  the  end  of  his   signature. 

As  each  confederated  union  was  di- 
vided into  tribes,  there  were  thirty  or 
forty  sachems  in  the 
league.  These  had  in- 
ferior officers  under 
them,  and  the  civil 
power  was  widely 
distributed.  Office 
NO-  2-  was     the     reward     of 

merit  alone;  mal- 
feasance in  it  brought  dismissal  and  pub- 
lic scorn.  All  public  services  were  com- 
pensated only  by  public  esteem.  The 
powers  and  duties  of  the  president  of 
the  league  were  similar  to  those  con- 
ferred and  imposed  upon  the  chief  mag- 
istrate of  our  republic.  He  had  au- 
thority to  assemble  a  congress  of  rep- 
resentatives; had  a  cabinet  of  six  ad- 
visers, and  in  the  council  he  was  a 
moderator.  There  was  no  coercive 
power,  excepting  public  opinion, 
lodged  anywhere.  The  military  dom- 
inated the  civil  power  in  the  league. 
The  chiefs  derived  their  authority 
from  the  people,  and  they  sometimes, 
like  the  Romans,  deposed  civil  offi- 
cers. The  army  was  composed  wholly 
of  volunteers,  and  conscription  was  im- 
possible. Every  able-bodied  man  was 
bound  to  do  military  duty,  and  he  who 
shirked  it  incurred  everlasting  disgrace. 
The  ranks  were  always  full.  The  re- 
cruiting-stations were  the  war-dances. 
Whatever     was     done     in     civil     councils 

was  subjected  to  review  by  the  soldiery, 
who  had  the  right  to  call  councils  when 
they  pleased,  and  approve  or  disapprove 
public  measures.  The  matrons  formed 
a  third  and  powerful  party  in  the  legis- 
lature of  the  league.  They  had  a  right 
to  sit  in  the  councils,  and  there  exercise 
the  A'eto  power  on  the  subject  of  a  dec- 
laration of  war,  and  to  propose  and 
demand  a  cessation  of  hostilities.  They 
were  pre-eminently  peace-makers.  It  was 
no  reflection  ujion  the  courage  of  warriors 
if,  at  the  call  of  the  matrons,  they  with- 
diew  from  the  war-path.  These  women 
wielded  great  influence  in  the  councils,  but 
they  modestly  delegated  the  duties  of 
speech-making  to  some  masculine  orator. 
With  these  Indians,  woman  was  man's  co- 
worker in  legislation — a  thing  unheard  of 
among  civilized  people.  So  much  did  the 
Iroquois  reverence  the  "  inalienable  rights 
of  man,"  that  they  never  made  slaves  of 
their  fellow-men,  not  even  of  captives 
taken  in  war.  By  unity  they  w^ere  made 
powerful;  and  to  prevent  degeneracy, 
members  of  a  tribe  were  not  allowed  to 
intermarry  with  each  other. 

Like  the  Romans,  they  caused  their 
commonwealth  to  expand  by  annexation 
a,nd  conquest.  Had  they  remained  undis- 
covered by  the  Europeans  a  century  longer 
the  Confederacy  might  have  embraced  the 
whole  continent,  for  the  Five  Nations  had 
already  extended  their  conquests  from 
the  Great  Lakes  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico, 
and  were  the  terror  of  the  other  tribes 
east  and  west.  For  a  long  time  the 
French  in  Canada,  who  taught  them  the 
use  of  fire-arms,  maintained  a.  doubtful 
struggle  against  them.     Champlain  found 

NO.   3. 

them  at  war  against  the  Canada  Indian? 
from  Lake  Huron  to  the  Gulf  of  St.  Law- 
rence. He  fought  them  on  liake  Cham- 
plain  in  1009;  and  from  that  time  until 
the  middle  of  that  century  their  ■wars 
against  the  Canada  Indians  and  their 
French      allies     were      fierce     and      dis- 




tressing.  They  made  friends  of  the 
Dutch,  from  whom  they  obtained  fire- 
arms; and  they  were  alternately  at 
war  and  peace  with  the  French  for 
about  sixtj^  years.  The  latter  invaded  the 
cantons  of  the  league,  especially  after  the 
Five  Nations  became  allied  with  the  Eng- 
lish, who,  as  masters  of  New  York,  used 
their  dusky  neighbors  to  carry  out  their 
designs.  The  Iroquois,  meanwhile,  car- 
ried their  conquests  almost  to  Nova  Sco- 
tia on  the  east,  and  far  towards  the 
Mississippi  on  the  west,  and  subdued  the 
Susquehannas  in  Pennsylvania.  In  1649 
they  subdued  and  dispersed  tlie  Wyandottes 
in  the  Huron  country.  Some  of  the  fugi- 
tives took  refuge  among  the  Chippewas ; 
others  fled  to  Quebec,  and  a  few  were  in- 
corporated in  the  Iroquois  ConfederacJ^ 
The  Wyandottes  were  not  positively  sub- 
dued, and  claimed  and  exercised  sover- 
eignty over  the  Ohio  country  down  to  the 
close  of  the  eighteenth  century.  Then  the 
Five  Nations  made  successful  wars  on 
their  eastern  and  western  neighbors,  and 
in  1655  they  penetrated  to  the  land  of  the 
Catawbas  and  Cherokees.  They  conquered 
the  Miamis  and  Ottawas  in  1057.  and  in 
1701  made  incursions  as  far  as  the  Roan- 

oke and  Cape  Fear  rivers,  to  the  land  of 
their  kindred,  the  Tuscaroras.  So  deter- 
mined were  they  to  subdue  the  Southern 
tribes  that  when,  in  1744,  they  ceded  a 
part  of  their  lands  to  Virginia,  they  re- 
served a  perpetual  privilege  of  a  war-path 
through  the  territory. 

A  French  invasion  in  1693,  and  again  in 
1696,  was  disastrous  to  the  league,  which 
lost  one-half  of  its  warriors.  Then  they 
swept  victoriously  southward  early  in  the 
eighteenth  century,  and  took  in  their  kin- 
dred, the  Tuscaroras,  in  North  Carolina, 
when  the  Confederacy  became  known  as 
the  Six  Nations.  In  1713  the  French  gave 
up  all  claim  to  the  Iroquois,  and  after 
that  the  Confederacy  was  generally  neu- 
tral in  the  wars  between  France  and  Eng- 
land that  extended  to  the  American  colo- 
nies.  Under  the  influence  of  William 
Johnson,  the  English  Indian  agent,  they 
went  against  the  French  in  1755,  and  some 
of  them  joined  Pontiac  in  his  conspiracy 
in  1763.  When  the  Revolution  broke  out, 
in  1775,  the  Iroquois,  influenced  by  the 
Johnson  family,  adhered  to  the  crown, 
excepting  the  Oneidas.  Led  by  Brant  and 
savage  Tories,  they  desolated  the  Mohawk, 
Cherrv.  and  Wvoming  vallevs.     The  coun- 


try  of  the  Western  Iroquois,  in  turn,  was 
desolated  by  General  Sullivan  in  1779,  and 
Brant  retaliated  fearfully  on  the  frontier 
settlements.  At  the  close  of  the  war  the 
hostile  Iroquois,  dreading  the  vengeance 
of  the  exasperated  Americans,  took  refuge 
in  Canada,  excepting  the  Oneidas  and  Tus- 

By  treaties,  all  the  lands  of  the  Six 
Nations  in  New  York  passed  into  the  pos- 
session of  the  white  people,  excepting  some 
reservations  on  which  their  descendants 
still    reside.      In    the    plenitude    of    their 

ished  them  in  human  form  as  fiercely  ss 
Henry  VIII.,  or  the  rulers  and  the  Gospel 
ministers  at  Salem  in  later  times.  Their 
'■  medicine  men  "  and  "  prophets  "  were 
as  expert  deceivers  as  the  priests,  oracles, 
and  jugglers  of  civilized  men.  They  tor- 
tured their  enemies  in  retaliation  for  kin- 
dred slain  with  almost  as  refined  cruelty 
as  did  the  ministers  of  the  Holy  Inquisi- 
tion the  enemies  of  their  opinions;  and 
they  lighted  fires  around  their  more  emi- 
nent prisoners  of  war,  in  token  of  their 
power,  as  bright  and  hot  as  those  kindled 

ATTACK  ON  AN  IROQUOIS  FORT  (Froiii  an  olcl  print). 

power  the  Confederacy  numbered  about 
15,000;  they  now  number  about  13,000, 
distributed  at  various  points  in  Canada 
and  the  United  States.  In  1899  there 
were  2,767  Senecas,  549  Onondagas,  161 
Cayugas,  270  Oneidas,  and  .388  Tuscaroras 
in  New  York  State;  1,945  Oneidas  in  Wis- 
consin; and  323  Senecas  in  Indian  Terri- 
tory. Like  the  other  Indians  of  the  con- 
tinent, the  Iroquois  were  superstitious  and 
cruel.  They  believed  in  witches  as  firmly 
as  did  Cotton  Mather  and  his  Puritan 
brethren  in  New  England,  and  they  jmn- 

by  enlightened  Englishmen  around  -loan 
of  Arc  as  a  sorceress,  or  Bishops  Latimer 
and  Ridley  as  believers  in  what  they 
thought  to  be  an  absurdity. 

Irrigation,  artificial  watering  of  land 
in  arid  regions  for  the  purpose  of  utiliza- 
tion. This  subject  has  claimed  much  at- 
tention in  the  United  States  since  1890 
on  the  part  of  the  general  and  State  gov- 
ernments, of  large  corporations,  and  of 
private  individuals.  Associations  de- 
signed to  promote  investigations  into  the 
water  and  forest  resources  of  the  country 



have  been  formed  in  various  localities. 
These  bodies  have  raised  large  sums  of 
money  with  which  they  have  co-operated 
with  various  bureaus,  chiefly  the  Geologi- 
cal Survey.  The  surprise  is  that  there 
has  not  been  much  greater  interest  mani- 


fested  in  this  subject,  since  one-third  of  and  extending  westward  to  the  foot  of  the 
the  United  States  territory  is  officially  Sierra  Nevada  Mountains  and  the  Cas- 
included  in  what  is  known  as  the  great  cade  ^Mountains  in  Oregon  and  Washing- 
"  arid  region,"  which  needs  only  the  ton.  It  comprises  an  immense  territory, 
magic  touch  of 
water  to  change  it 
into  fertile  fields. 

This  vast  area 
falls  topographical- 
ly into  the  follow- 
ing divisions: 

1.  The  Great 
Plains,  stretching 
from  the  100th 
meridian  west  to 
the  Rocky  Moun- 
tains, a  distance  of 
250  miles,  and  hav- 
ing an  extent  of 
about  700  miles 
from  Manitoba  on 
the  north  to  Texas 
on  the  south.  g, 

2.  A   region   be-        | 
ginning  at  the  east-        fc,, 
ern  foothills  of  the 
l.\pcky     Mountain^  reBioATio.v  bt  pipe  system. 



In  1900  these 
divisions  taken  as 
a  whole  contained 
a  population  of 
9,000,000  people, 
and  over  50;000,- 
000  acres  of  land 
under  some  form 
of  cultivation. 
Abcut  9,000,000 
acres  of  this  land 
have  been  made 
available  through 
irrigation,  by 
means  of  artesian 
wells  in  a  few 
cases,  but  for  the 
most  part  by  the 
construction  of 
canals  and  ditches. 
At  a  number  of 
irrigation  con- 

which  includes  the  park  system  of  the  gresses  held  in  the  West  the  national 
Eockies,  culminating  in  Wyoming,  Colo-  government  was  strongly  urged  to  under- 
i-ado.  New  Mexico,  and  northeast  Arizona,  take  an  active  part  in  the  reclamation  of 
The  section  contains  many  mountain  sys-  the  large  arid  areas  susceptible  of  a  high 
tems,  the  Great  Basin  of  Salt  Lake,  the  state  of  agricultural  development  imder 
great   cafion   system   and   plateau   of   the    such    liberal    conditions    as    the    national 




i|iijp  ^ 

Coloiado,  the  meadow-lands  of 
"Nevada,  the  noitln\est  Columbia 
Basin,  and  the  National  Park. 

3.  A  region  including  about  one- 
fourth  of  the  territory  of  Cali- 
fornia, and  divided  into  two  parts 
■ — the  foothills  of  the  Sierras  and 
the  broad,  level  valley  lying  be- 
tween the  Sierras  and  the  Coast 



government  alone  could  afToid.  The  cen- 
fsns  of  lUOO,  tmiong  ireneral  inif^ation  sta- 
tistics of  the  United  States,  reported  the 
following:  Number  of  irrigators,  108,218; 
acres  irrigated,  7,53!), 545;  area  in  crops, 
5.944,412  acres,  and  in  pasture  and  un- 
matured crops,  1,595,133  acres;  value  of 
irrigated  crops,  $80,860,491;  and  cost  of 
irrigation  systems,  $67,770,942.  In  1902 
a  bill  was  approved  by  the  President, 
June  17,  providing  for  the  appropria- 
tion, as  a  special  fund  to  be  used  in 
the  construction  of  irrigation  works,  of 
all  moneys  received  from  the  sale  of  public 
lands  in  Arizona,  California,  Colorado, 
Idaho,  Kansas,  Montana,  Nebraska,  Ne- 
vada, New  Mexico,  North  Dakota,  Okla- 
homa, Oregon,  South  Dakota,  Utah, 
Washington,  and  Wyoming,  beginning 
with  the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1901. 
Under  this  law  the  fund  amounted  in 
1901  to  $3,144,821,  and  in  1902  to  $4,585,- 
516.  This  total,  $7,730,337,  was  appor- 
tioned among  the  States  and  Territories 
in  1903  as  follows:  Arizona,  $81,773; 
California,  $503,270;  Colorado,  $628,995; 
Idaho,  $507,448;  Kansas,  $49,135;  Mon- 
tana, $772,377;  Nebraska,  $235,194;  Ne- 
vada, $23,414;  New  Mexico,  $147,237; 
North  Dakota,  $1,227,496;  Oklahoma, 
$1,008,795;  Oregon,  $910,061;  South  Da- 
kota, $307,562;  Utah,  $146,824;  Washing- 
ton, $794,088;  Wyoming,  $385,762.  On 
June  30,  1904,  the  auditor  of  the  Depart- 
ment of  the  Interior  reported  that  the  ac- 
cumulations of  the  reclamation  fund  then 
amounted  to  approximately  $25,000,000. 

Irvine,  James,  military  ofhcer;  born  in 
Philadelphia,  Pa.,  Aug.  4,  1735;  took  part 
in  Colonel  Bouquet's  expedition  as  cap- 
tain in  a  Pennsylvania  regiment.  During 
the  Revolutionary  War  he  was  captain 
and  later  lieutenant-colonel  of  the  1st 
Pennsylvania;  and  was  commissioned 
colonel  of  the  9th  Pennsylvania  Regiment, 
Oct.  25.  1776.  He  was  taken  prisoner 
during  the  action  at  Chestnut  Hill,  Dee. 
5,  1777,  carried  to  New  York,  and  remain- 
ed there  till  he  was  exchanged  in  1781. 
After  the  close  of  the  war  he  was  a  mem- 
ber of  the  General  As-embly  of  Pennsyl- 
vania m  1785-86,  and  of  the  State  Senate 
in  1795-99.  He  died  in  Philadelphia,  Pa., 
April  28,  1819. 

Irvine,  William,  military  officer;  born 
in    Fermanagh,    Ireland,    Nov.    3,    1741; 

was  surgeon  of  a  ship-of-war;  came  to 
the  United  States  after  the  peace  of 
1763,  and  practised  medicine  at  Carlisle, 
Pa.  He  was  an  active  patriot,  and  raised 
and  commanded  the  6th  Pennsylvania 
Regiment  in  1776;  was  captured  in  the 
battle  at  Three  Rivers,  Canada;  ex- 
changed in  May,  1778;  served  under 
Wayne,  and  in  1781  was  stationed  at  Fort 
Pitt,  charged  with  the  defence  of  the 
Northwestern  frontier.  He  was  a  mem- 
ber of  Congress  in  1786-88,  and  took  a 
civil  and  military  part  in  the  task  of 
quelling  the  Whiskey  Insurrection.  He  was 
again  a  member  of  Congress  in  1793-95. 
He  died  in  Philadelphia,  July  29,  1804. 

Irving,  Sir  Henry,  actor;  born  in 
Keinton,  near  Glastonbury,  England,  Feb. 
6,  1838.  His  real  name  was  John  Henry 
Brodribb,  but  he  preferred  the  name  of 
"  Irving,"  and  in  1887  was  permitted  by 
royal  license  to  continue  the  use  of  it. 
He  was  educated  in  a  private  school  in 
London,  and  began  his  dramatic  career 
in  1856,  when  he  took  the  minor  part  of 
Orleans  in  Richelieu.  In  1866  he  estab- 
lished his  reputation  as  an  actor  of  merit 
at  the  St.  James  Theatre,  in  London,  as 
Doricourt  in  The  Belle's  Stratagem.  In 
1870  he  appeared  as  Digby  Grant  in  the 
Two  Roses,  which  v/as  played  for  300 
nights;  and  in  1871,  after  playing  the 
part  of  Mathias  in  The  Bells  at  the 
Lyceum  Theatre,  he  came  to  be  regarded 
as  the  greatest  actor  in  England.  He  as- 
sumed the  management  of  the  Lyceum 
Theatre  in  1878,  and  raised  that  house  to 
an  international  reputation.  In  May, 
1881,  he  opened  a  memorable  engagement 
with  Edwin  Booth,  producing  Othello,  in 
which  the  two  actors  alternated  the  parts 
of  Othello  and  lago.  He  has  made  sev- 
eral successful  tours  of  the  United  States 
in  company  with  Ellen  Terry,  on  one  of 
which  (1884)  he  delivered  an  address  on 
The  Art  of  Acting  before  the  students  of 
Harvard  University.  In  a  lecture  on 
Amusements,  before  the  Church  of  Eng- 
land Temperance  Society,  he  made  a 
strong  defence  of  the  morality  of  the 
stage.  He  published  Impressions  of 
America  (1884).  In  1895  he  received  the 
honor  of  knighthood. 

Irving,  Wasiiincton,  author;  born  in 
New  York  City,  April  3,  1783.  His  father 
was  a  Scotchman,  his  mother  an  English- 



woman.  He  engaged  in  literature  while 
yet  a  youth,  and  was  in  Europe  for  his 
health  in  1804-06.     In  1807  he  published, 

1808,  his  Knickerbocker's  History  of  Neto 
York.  After  editing  a  magazine  during 
the  War  of  1812-15,  he  went  to  Europe, 
where  he  resided  seventeen  years;  when, 
after  the  failure  of  a  mercantile  house 
in  New  York  with  which  he  was  connected, 
he  was  left  to  rely  on  his  literary  labors 
for  support.  He  spent  his  time  partly 
in  England,  France,  Germany,  and  Spain, 
and  published  his  Life  of  Columbus  in 
1828,  which  was  followed  by  the  Con- 
quest of  Granada  and  the  Alhambra. 
From  1829  to  1831  he  was  secretary  of 
the  American  legation  in  London,  and  re- 
ceived from  George  IV.  the  fifty-guinea 
gold  medal  awarded  for  eminence  in  his- 
torical composition.  He  returned  to  New 
York  in  1832,  and  prepared  and  published 
several  works;  and  from  1839  to  1841 
contributed  to  the  Knickerbocker  Maga- 
zine. From  1842  to  1846  he  was  minister 
to  Spain,  and  on  his  return  to  New  York 

TlIK    OLD   CIIL'iiCU   AT    SLKICl'Y    HOLLOW. 

in  connection  with  his  brother   Peter  and    lie  published  a  revised  edition  of  all  his 
James   K.   Paulding,   Salmagundi,   and   in    works     in     15     volumes,     which     had     a 



\ery  large  sale.  His  last  work  was  a 
Life  of  Washington,  in  5  volumes,  com- 
pleted a  few  months  before  his  death. 
Mr.  Irving  never  married.  The  honorary 
degree  of  LL.D.  was  conferred  upon  him 
by  Harvard  College,  Oxford  University, 
in  England,  and  Columbia  College,  in  New 
York.  His  remains  rest  near  the  sum- 
mit of  a  gentle  slope  in  the  cemetery  at- 
tached to  the  ancient  Dutch  church  at 
the    entrance    to    "  Sleepy    Hollow,"    near 

built  in  10G9,  and  is  the  oldest  church 
edifice  in  the  State  of  New  York.  Over 
the  Sleepy  Hollow  brook,  near  it,  is  the 
bridge  where  Brom  Bones,  the  supposed 
"  headless  horseman,"  hurled  the  pump- 
kin at  the  frightened  Ichabod,  and  drove 
him  from  the  neighborhood  and  Ka- 
trina  van  Tassell  forever.  Mr.  Irving 
died  in  Irvington,  N.  Y.,  Nov.  28, 

Irwin,     Jared,     legislator;      born     in 

Tarrytown,  N.  Y.  They  lie  by  the  side 
of  those  of  his  mother.  In  a  row  lie  the 
remains  of  his  father,  mother,  brothers, 
and  sisters.  The  old  church,  which  he 
made  famous  by  the  story  of  Ichabod 
Crane  (a  leader  in  the  psalm-singing  there 
on  Sundays)  in  his  Legend  of  Sleepy  Hol- 
low, remains  the  same  as  when  it  was 
v.— F  8 

Mecklenburg  county,  N.  C,  in  1750;  re- 
moved to  Georgia,  and  served  throughout 
the  Revolutionary  War ;  was  a  member  of 
the  State  constitutional  conventions  of 
1789,  1795,  and  1798;  and  was  elected 
governor  of  the  State  in  1796  and  1806. 
iie  died  in  Union,  Ga.,  March  1.  1818. 

Isabella,  Queen  of  Castile  and  Leon : 
born  in  Madrigal,  Old  Castile.  April  2.3, 
1451;  lived  in  retirement  with  her  mother, 
a  daughter  of  John  II.,  of  Portugal,  until 
her  twelfth  year.  At  the  age  of  eleven 
years  she  was  betrothed  to  Carlos,  brother 
of  Ferdinand   (whom  she  afterwards  mar 


ried),  then  forty-six  years  old.  His  death 
prevented  the  union.  Other  candidates 
for  her  hand  were  proposed,  but,  being  a 


young  woman  of  spirit,  she  rejected  them. 
Her  half-brother  Henry,  on  the  throne, 
contracted  a  marriage  for  her,  for  state 
purposes,  with  the  profligate  Don  Pedro 
Giron,  grand-master  of  the  Order  of  Cala- 
trava.  "I  will  plunge  a  dagger  in  Don 
Pedro's  heart,"  said  the  maiden,  "  before  I 
will  submit  to  the  dishonor."  The  grand- 
master died  as  suddenly  as  Carlos,  while 
on  his  way  to  the  nuptials,  probably  from 
the  effects  of  poison.  Henry  now  made 
an  arrangement  by  which  Isabella  was 
recognized  as  heir  to  Castile  and  Leon, 
with  the  right  to  choose  her  own  husband, 
subject  to  the  King's  approval.  She  chose 
Ferdinand,  Prince  of  Aragon,  who  signed 
the  marriage  contract  at  Cervera,  Jan.  7, 
1469,  guaranteeing  to  his  betrothed  all 
the  essential  rights  of  sovereignty  in  Cas- 
tile and  Leon.  King  Henry,  offended  be- 
cause his  sister  would  not  marry  the 
King  of  Portugal,  sent  a  force  to  seize 
her  person.  She  escaped  to  Valladolid, 
whither  Ferdinand  hastened  in  disguise, 
and  they  were  married,  Oct.  19,  1409, 
in  the  cathedral  there.  Civil  war  ensued. 
The  King  died  late  in  1474,  and  Isabella 
was  declared  Queen  of  Castile  and  Leon ; 
but  her  authority  was  not  fully  recog- 
nized  until    after   a   war   with   the   King 


of  Portugal,  who  was  affianced  to  Juana, 
the  rival  of  Isabella  for  the  throne.  After 
that  her  career  was  brilliant.  She  ap- 
peared in  arms  at  the  head  of  her  troops 
in  her  wars  with  the  ]\Ioors. 

From  a  conviction  that  it  was  for  the 
safety  of  the  Roman  Catholic  religion, 
she  reluctantly,  it  is  said,  gave  her  con- 
sent to  the  establishment  of  the  Inquisi- 
tion; and  for  this  act,  and  her  fiery  zeal 
for  the  Church,  amounting  at  times  to 
fanatical  cruelty,  she  is  known  in  history 
as  Isabella,  "  the  Catholic."  Ferdinand 
was  now  King  of  Aragon,  and  their  king- 
doms were  united  and  formed  a  strong 
empire,  and  the  consolidated  Christian 
power  of  the  Spanish  peninsula  was  ef- 
fected. The  two  monarchs  w^ere  one  in 
love,  respect,  and  interest.  They  ruled  as 
separate  sovereigns,  each  having  an  inde- 
pendent council,  and  sometimes  holding 
their  courts  at  points  distant  from  each 
other  at  the  same  time;  but  they  were  a 
unit  in  the  general  administration  of  the 
consolidated  kingdoms,  all  acts  of  sover- 
eignty being  executed  in  the  name  of 
both,  all  documents  signed  by  both,  and 
their  profiles  stamped  together  on  the  na- 
tional coins,  while  the  royal  seal  dis- 
played   the    united    arms    of    Castile    and 


Aragon.  The  religious  zeal  of  Isabella 
was  inflamed  when  Columbus,  in  his  ap- 
plication for  aid,  declared  that  one  great 



object  of  his  ambition  was  to  carry  the 
Gospel  to  the  heathen  of  undiscovered 
lands.  But  public  affairs  at  first  so  en- 
grossed the  attention  of  the  monarchs 
that  the  suit  of  the  navigator  did  not  pre- 
vail for  a  long  time.  Finally  he  was  sum- 
moned before  the  monarchs,  and  pleaded 
his  cause  in  person.  The  Queen's  zeal  was 
so  increased  that  she  resolved  to  give  him 
aid.  "  Our  treasury,"  said  Ferdinand, 
'■  has  been  too  much  drained  by  the  war 
to  warrant  us  in  the  undertaking."  The 
Queen  said,  "  I  will  undertake  the  enter- 
prise for  my  own  crown  of  Castile;  and, 
if  necessary,  will  pledge  my  jewels  for  the 
money."  Then  she  fitted  out  the  expedi- 
tion that  sailed  from  Palos  in  the  autumn 
of  1492.  Afterwards  she  opposed  the  en- 
slaving of  the  natives  of  the  western  con- 
tinent; and  when  Columbus  sent  a  cargo 
of  captives  to  Spain,  she  ordered  them  to 
be  carried  back  to  their  own  country. 
With  Cardinal  Ximenes  she  eff'ected  a 
radical  reform  in  the  Church,  as  she  had 
in  the  State;  and  criminals,  high  or  low, 
the  clergy  and  common  oflfenders,  felt  the 

sword  of  justice  fall  with  equal  severity. 
Masculine  in  intellect,  feminine  in  her 
moral  qualities,  pious  and  loving,  Isa- 
bella's virtues — as  virtues  were  estimated 
then  and  there — made  a  favorite  theme 
for  the  praise  of  Spanish  writers.  In 
person  she  was  beautiful — well  formed, 
with  clear  complexion,  light  blue  eyes, 
and  auburn  hair.  She  had  one  son  and 
four  daughters.  Her  youngest  daughter, 
Catharine,  became  the  wife  of  Henry  VIII., 
of  England.  See  Columbus,  Christo- 

Island  Number  Ten.  This  island  lies 
in  a  sharp  bend  of  the  Mississippi  River, 
about  40  miles  below  Columbus,  and  with- 
in the  limits  of  Kentucky.  At  the  begin- 
ning of  the  Civil  War  it  was  considered 
the  key  to  the  navigation  of  the  lower 
Mississippi.  To  this  island  some  of  the 
troops  and  munitions  of  war  were  trans- 
ferred when  General  Polk  evacuated 
Columbus,  and  all  the  troops  there  were 
in  charge  of  Beauregard.  On  March  8, 
1S62,  he  sent  forth  a  proclamation  in 
which  he  called   for   bells  with   which   to 



make  cannon,  and  tliere  was  a  liberal  re- 
sponse. "  In  some  cities,"  wrote  a  Con- 
federate soldier,  "  every  church  gave  up 
its  bells.  Court-houses,  public  institu- 
tions, and  plantations  sent  them.  And 
the  people  furnished  large  quantities  of 
old  brass — andirons,  candlesticks,  gas- 
fixtures,  and  even  door-knobs."  These 
were  all  sent  to  New  Orleans  to  be  used 
in  cannon  foundries.  There  they  were 
found  by  General  Butler,  sent  to  Boston, 
and  sold  at  auction.  Beauregard  had 
thoroughly  fortified  the  island,  and,  after 
the  capture  of  New  Madrid,  it  became 
an  object  of  great  interest  to  both  par- 
ties, for  it  was  besieged  by  the  Nationals. 
i'oY  this  purpose  Commodore  Foote  left 
Cairo,  March  14,  1862,  with  a  powerful 
fleet  of  gun  and  mortar-boats.  There 
were  seven  of  the  former  iron-clad  and 
one  not  armored,  and  ten  of  the  latter. 
On  the  night  of  the  15th  Foote  was  at 
Island  Number  Ten,  and  the  next  morn- 
ing (Sunday)  he  began  the  siege  with  a 
bombardment  by  the  rifled  cannon  of  his 
flag-ship,  the  Boston.  This  was  followed 
by  the  mortar-boats,  moored  at  proper 
points  along  the  river  shore,  from  which 
tons  of  iron  were  hurled  upon  the  island 
and  the  batteries  on  the  Kentucky  bank 
opposite.  All  day  long  the  artillery  duel 
was  kept  up  without  much  injury  to 
either  party.  Meanwhile  a  battery  of 
Illlinois  artillery  had  been  landed  on  the 
Missouri  shore,  in  a  position  to  assail 
the  Confederate  flotilla  near  the  island. 
The  next  day  a  tremendous  attack  on  the 
Confederate  works  was  made  by  a  float- 
ing battery  of  ten  guns,  formed  of  three 

gunboats  lashed  together,  side  by  side, 
followed  by  three  others  separately.  The 
day's  work  was  barren  of  any  decisive  re- 
sult.    The  island  shores  were  lined  with 


batteries.  So  the  siege  went  on,  with 
varying  fortunes,  until  the  first  week  in 
April,  when  Beauregard  telegraphed  to 
Richmond  that  the  "  Federal  guns "  had 
"  thrown  3,000  shells  and  burned  50  tons 
of  gunpowder "  without  damaging  his 
batteries  or  killing  one  of  his  men. 

The  public  began  to  be  impatient;  but 
victory  was  near.  General  Pope  was 
chafing  with  impatience  at  New  Madrid. 
He  wished  to  cross  the  river  to  the 
peninsula  and  attack  the  island  in  the 
rear,  a  movement  that  would  insure  its 
capture.  The  opposite  shore  was  lined 
with  Confederate  batteries,  and  it  would 
be  madness  to  attempt  a  crossing  until 
these  were  silenced.     Gen.  Schuyler  Ham- 





ilton  proposed  the  construction  of  a  dangerous  voyage.  Perceiving  the  peril- 
canal  across  the  neck  of  a  swampy  penin-  ous  fate  that  awaited  them  after  the 
siila  of  sufficient  capacity  to  allow  the  completion  of  the  canal,  thf  Confederates 
passage  of  gunboats  and  transports,  so  as  sank  steamboats  in  the  channel  of  the 
to  effectually  flank  Island  Number  Ten  and  river  to  prevent  the  gunboats  descend- 
insure  its  capture.  It  was  undertaken  ing  it,  and  they  unsuccessfully  attempted 
under  the  supervision  of  Colonel  Bissell,  to  escape  from  the  island.  After  the 
and  was  successfully  performed.  In  the  Carondelet  had  passed  the  batteries, 
mean  time  daring  feats  against  the  shore  Beauregard  was  satisfied  that  the  siege 
batteries  had  been  performed;  and  dur-  must  speedily  end  in  disaster  to  his  com- 
ing a  terrible  thunder-storm  on  the  night  mand;  so,  after  turning  over  the  com- 
of  April  3,  Captain  Walke  ran  by  the  mand  on  the  island  to  General  McCall, 
Confederate  batteries  with  the  gunboat  and  lea\'ing  the  troops  on  the  Kentucky 
Carondelet,  assailed  by  all  of  them,  her  and  Tennessee  shores  in  charge  of  Gen- 
position  being  revealed  by  the  flashes  of  eral  McCown,  he,  with  a  considerable 
lightning.  It  w^as  the  first  vessel  that  number  of  his  best  soldiers,  departed  for 
ran  by  Confederate  batteries  on  the  Mis-  Corinth  to  check  a  formidable  movement 
sissippi  River.  She  had  not  fired  a  gun  of  National  troops  through  middle  Ten- 
during  her  passage,  but  the  discharge  of  nessee  towards  Northern  Alabama, 
three  assured  anxious  Commodore  Foote  The  vigorous  operations  of  Pope  after 
of  the  safety  of  the  Carondelet  after  the  he    passed    through    the    wonderful    canal 



tiastened  the  crisis.  McCall  and  his 
troops,  in  their  efforts  to  escape  from 
the  island,  were  intercepted  by  Pope's 
forces  under  Generals  Stanley,  Hamilton, 
and  Paine;   and  on  April  8,   18G2,  Island 


Number  Ten,  with  the  troops,  batteries, 
and  supports  on  the  main,  was  surren- 
dered. Over  7,000  men  became  prisoners 
of  war;  and  the  spoils  of  victory  were  123 
cannon  and  mortars,  7,000  small-arms, 
many  hundred  horses  and  mules,  four 
steamboats  afloat,  and  a  very  large 
amount  of  animunibion.  The  fall  of  Isl- 
and Niimber   Ten   was  a   calamity  to  the 

Confederates  which  they  never  retrieved. 
It  caused  widespread  alarm  in  the  Mis- 
sissippi Valley,  for  it  appeared  probable 
that  Memphis,  one  of  the  strongholds  of 
the  Confederates,  where  they  had  immense 
work-shops  and  armories, 
would  soon  share  the  fate 
of  Columbus,  and  that  Na- 
tional gunboats  would 
speedily  patrol  the  great 
river  from  Cairo  to  New 
Orleans.  Martial  law  was 
jjroclaimed  at  Memphis, 
and  only  by  the  wisdom 
and  firmness  of  the  mayor 
were  the  troops  and  panic- 
stricken  citizens  prevented 
from  laying  the  town  in 
ashes.  Preparations  for 
flight  were  made  at  Vicks- 
burg,  and  intense  alarm 
prevailed  at  New  Orleans 
among  the  disloyal  population.  It  seem- 
ed as  if  the  plan  devised  by  Fremont, 
and  now  partially  executed,  was  about  to 
be  successfully  carried  out.  Curtis  had 
already  broken  the  military  power  of  the 
Confederates  west  of  the  Mississippi,  and 
a  heavy  National  force,  pressing  on  tow- 
ards Alabama  and  Mississippi,  had  just 
achieved  a  triumph   on   the  banks  of  the 



Tennessee,  a  score  of  miles  from  Corinth.        IturlDide,    Augustin    de,    Emperor    of 
See  Fremont,  John  Charles.  Mexico;  born  in  Valladolid,  Mexico,  Sept. 

Isles,  Andre  des,  military  officer;  born  27,  1783.  Leading  in  a  scheme  for  over- 
in  Dieppe,  France,  in  1530 ;  sent  to  Amer-  throwing  the  Spanish  power  in  Mexico  in 
ica  in  1560  by  Coligni  for  the  purpose  of  1821,  he  took  possession  of  the  capital 
erecting  a  society  for  the  settlement  of  with  troops  in  September  in  the  name  of 
French  Huguenots.  He  landed  on  the  the  nation,  and  established  a  regency. 
Florida  coast  near  Cape  San  Juan,  and  He  was  declared  Emperor,  INIay  18,  1822, 
erected  a  wooden  fort,  which  he  left  in  but  rivals  and  public  distrust  caused  him 
charge  of  twenty  men.  Coligni  sent  600  to  abdicate,  and  he  went  to  Europe  in 
Huguenots  and  three  ships,  under  com-  1823.  An  insurrection  in  his  favor  in 
mand  of  Captain  Ribaut,  with  Des  Isles  Mexico  induced  him  to  return  in  1824, 
as  lieutenant.  In  1563  Des  Isles  returned  when  he  was  seized  and  shot,  in  Padilla, 
with  300  additional  emigrants,  but  owing  July  19,  1824.  After  his  execution  Mexico 
to  eternal  strife  between  the  leaders,  granted  his  family  a  pension  of  $8,000 
Ribaut  and  Des  Isles,  on  the  one  hand,  per  year.  Angel,  the  eldest  son  of 
and  Laudonniere,  on  the  other,  the  colony  the  Emperor,  married  Miss  Alice  Green, 
was  greatly  reduced,  and  in  this  condition  of  Georgetown,  D.  C,  and  their  son 
was  attacked  by  the  Spaniard  Menendez,  Augustin  was  adopted  by  the  Emperor 
who  massacred  all  the  French.  Maximilian  as  his  heir.     In  April,   1890, 

Italy.  The  relations  of  the  United  Augustin  Iturbide,  who  had  entered  the 
States  with  Italy,  as  with  other  Conti-  Mexican  army,  published  an  attack  on 
nental  countries,  have  usually  been  har-  the  IMexican  government,  for  which  he 
nionious.     In    1891,  however,   an   incident    was  court-martialled. 

occurred  which  temporarily  strained  the  luka  Springs,  Battle  near.  After 
mutual  good  feelings.  Several  murders  the  evacuation  of  Corinth  (q.  v.),  Gen- 
had  been  committed  in  New  Orleans,  which  eral  Rosecrans  was  placed  in  command 
had  been  attributed  by  many  to  the  influ-  of  the  forces  under  Pope,  who  had  gone 
ence  of  a  secret  Italian  society— the  Mafia,  to  Virginia,  to  occupy  northern  Missis- 
A  number  of  Italians  had  been  arrested,  sippi  and  Alabama,  in  the  vicinity  of  Co- 
but  the  normal  procedure  seemed  to  nu-  rinth,  and  eastward  to  Tuscumbia.  His 
merous  inhabitants  of  New  Orleans  en-  forces  were  known  as  the  Army  of  the 
tirely  inadequate.  On  March  14,  1891,  Mississippi,  with  headquarters  at  Corinth, 
eleven  Italian  prisoners  were  lynched  in  There  were  no  more  stirring  events  in 
the  city  prison  by  an  assemblage  largely  the  region  of  General  Grant's  command 
composed,  so  it  was  stated,  of  the  "  lead-  (under  whom  was  Rosecrans)  than 
ing  citizens  "  of  New  Orleans.  This  event  guerilla  operations,  from  June  until  Sep- 
created  intense  excitement.  The  Italians  tember.  At  the  beginning  of  September 
in  this  country  and  Italy  were  greatly  the  Confederates  under  Price  and  Van 
aroused.  The  comments^  of  Americans  Dorn  moved  towards  the  Tennessee  River, 
varied  from  downright  condemnation  of  and,  when  Bragg  moved  into  Tennessee, 
the  proceedings  to  partial  praise.  The  Price  attempted  to  cut  off  communica- 
Italian  government  recalled  its  minister,  tions  between  Grant  and  Buell.  General 
Baron  Fava.  Eventually,  April  12,  1892,  Armstrong  (Confederate),  with  over 
'the  United  States  government  appropri-  5,000  cavalry,  struck  the  Nationals,  Aug. 
ated  $25,000  for  the  families  of  the  vie-  30,  1862,  at  Bolivar,  with  the  intention 
tims.  and  diplomatic  relations  were  re-  of  severing  the  railway  there.  He  was 
sumed.  repulsed   by   less   than    1,000   men,   under 

Itata,  Chilean  cruiser.  She  put  in  at  Colonel  Leggett.  He  was  repulsed  at 
San  Diego.  Cal.,  April  25,  1891,  for  arms  Jackson  the  next  day,  and  again,  on  Sept. 
and  ammunition,  and  was  seized  by  the  1,  at  Britton's  Lane,  after  a  battle  of  four 
United  States  government  for  violation  of  hours  with  Indiana  troops,  under  Colonel 
neutrality  laws.  She  escaped,  and  was  Dennis.  At  the  latter  place  Armstrong 
pursued  by  the  United  States  ship  left  179  men.  dead  and  wounded,  on  the 
riuirlrsfon.^  On  J\ine  4.  1891.  the  Itafa  field.  Informed  of  this  raid,  at  Tuscum- 
survcndered  to  the  Charleston  at  Iquique.    bia,  Rosecrans  hastened  to  luka,  a  little 



village  celebrated  for  its  fine  mineral 
springs,  about  15  miles  east  of  Corinth, 
where  a  large  amount  of  stores  had  been 
gathered.  There,  with  Stanley's  division, 
he  encamped  at  Clear  Creek,  7  miles  east 
of  Corinth,  and,  at  the  same  time,  Price 
moved  northward  from  Tupelo  with  about 

listening  for  the  sound  of  Ord's  guns,  and 
skirmishing  briskly  by  the  way,  had 
reached  a  point  within  2  miles  of  luka,  on 
densely  wooded  heights.  There  he  formed 
a  line  of  battle.  He  sent  forward  his  skir- 
mishers, who  were  driven  back,  and  a 
severe  battle   immediately  followed.     The 

J^-t  f      cfei:  JLL^  =^--  -^^    -^^ni^x^^ — "-^ 

lUKA    SPRINGS,    1862. 

12,000  Confederate  troops.  Price  struck 
luka,  Sept.  10,  and  captured  the  National 
property  there. 

Grant  at  once  put  two  columns  in  mo- 
tion to  crush  Price — one,  under  Rosecrans, 
to  attack  his  flank  and  rear,  and  another, 
under  General  Ord,  to  confront  him.  These 
movements  began  on  the  morning  of  Sept. 
18.  Ord,  with  5,000  men,  advanced  to 
Burnsville,  followed  by  General  Ross  with 
more,  while  Rosecrans  moved  with  the 
separated  divisions  of  Stanley  and  C.  S. 
Hamilton,  about  9,000  strong,  during  a 
drenching  rain,  to  San  Jacinto,  20  miles 
southward  of  luka.  On  the  next  morning, 
Sept.  19,  they  pushed  on  towards  luka, 
Mizner's  cavalry  driving  a  Confederate 
guard.     Early  in  the  afternoon  Hamilton, 


11th  Ohio  Battery  was,  after  a  severp 
struggle,  placed  in  position  on  the  crest  of 
the  hill.  With  this  battery,  a  few  regi- 
ments of  Iowa,  Missouri,  Minnesota,  and 
Indiana  troops  fought  more  than  three 
times  their  number  of  Confederates,  led 
by  Price  in  person.  Finally,  when  Colonel 
Eddy,  of  an  Indiana  regiment,  was  mor- 
tally wounded,  the  remainder  of  his  regi- 
ment was  hurled  back  in  disorder,  leaving 
the  almost  disabled  battery  to  be  seized 
by  the  Confederates.  For  the  possession 
of  these  guns  desperate  charges  and  coun- 
tercharges were  made,  until  at  length  the 
Confederate  soldiers  dragged  the  guns  off 
the  field.  All  of  the  horses  and  seventy-two 
of  the  artillerymen  had  been  killed.  The 
battle  raged  warmly  elsewhere,  when  the 


Confederates  were  driven  to  the  shelter  of 
the  hollows  near  the  village.  Darkness  end- 
ed the  battle  of  luka.  The  National  loss  was 
nearly  800,  killed,  wound- 
ed, and  missing ;  that  of  the 
Confederates  was  nearly 
1,400.  Ord,  meanwhile, 
whom  Grant  had  sent  co 
assist  Rosecrans,  had  been 
watching  the  movements 
of  Confederates  who  were 
making  feints  on  Corinth. 
Expecting  to  renew  the 
battle  at  luka  in  the 
morning,  Stanley  pressed 
forward  for  the  purpose, 
but  found  that  Price  had 
fled  southward  under  cov- 
er of  the  darkness,  leaving 
behind  the  captured  guns 
of  the  11th  Ohio  Battery. 
Price  was  pursued  all  day, 
but  escaped. 

Ives,  Halsey  Cooley,  artist;  born  in 
Montour  Falls,  K  Y.,  Oct.  27,  1846; 
studied  art;  was  chief  of  the  art  depart- 
ment of  the  World's  Columbian  Exposi- 
tion;  and  Professor  of  Drawing  and  De- 

Izard,  George,  military  officer ;  born  in 
South  Carolina  in  1777;  son  of  Ralph 
Izard.     Having  finished  his  education  and 

'^^^'^)lu  "<"i,'^;"- 


sign,  and  Director  of  the  Museum  and 
School  of  Fine  Arts  in  Washington  Uni- 


made   a   tour   in   Europe,   he   entered   the 
United  States  army,  in   1794,  as  lieuten- 
ant of  artillery.     He  was  appointed  aide 
to  General  Hamilton  in  17D9;  resigned  in 
1803;  commissioned  colonel  of  artillery  in 
the  spring  of  1812;   and  promoted 
to     brigadier  -  general     in    March, 
1813.      He    was    in    command    on 
Lake  Champlain  and  on  the  Niag- 
ara   frontier,    in    1814,    with    the 
rank  of  major-general.    From  1825 
until   his   death   he   was   governor 
of  Arkansas  Territory.     Early  in 
September,    1814,    he    moved    tow- 
ards  Sackett's  Harbor,   under  the 
direction  of  the  Secretary  of  War. 
with  about  4,000  troops,  where  he 
received  a  despatch  from  General 
Brown    at    Fort    Erie,    Sept.     10, 
urging  him  to  move  on  to  his  sup- 
port,   as    he    had    not    more    than 
2,000     effective     men.      The     first 
division  of  Izard's  troops  arrived 
at  Lewiston  on  Oct.  5.     He  moved 
up  to  Black  Rock,  crossed  the  Ni- 
agara  River,   Oct.    10-11,   and   en- 
camped   2    miles    north    of    Fort 
Erie.     Ranking  General  Brown,  he 
took    the    chief    command    of    the 
combined   forces,   then  numbering, 
with   volunteers  and   militia,   about   8,000 
men.      He     prepared     to     march     against 
Drummond,  who,  after  the  sortie  at  Fort 


Erie,  had  moved  down  to  Queenston.  Izard 
moved  towards  Chippewa,  and  vainly  en- 
deavored to  draw  Drummond  out.  He  had 
some  skirmishing  in  an  attempt  to  destroy 
a  quantity  of  grain  belonging  to  the  Brit- 
ish, in  which  he  lost  twelve  men  killed  and 
fifty-four  wounded;  the  British  lost  many 
more.  Drummond  fell  back  to  Fort 
George  and  Burlington  Heights.  Perceiv- 
ing further  operations  in  that  region  to 
be  useless,  and  perhaps  perilous,  Izard 
crossed  the  river  and  abandoned  Canada. 
Knowing  Fort  Erie  to  be  of  little  service, 
ha  caused  it  to  be  mined  and  blown  up, 
Nov.  5.  He  died  in  Little  Rock,  Ark., 
Nov.  22,  1828. 

Izard,  Ralph,  statesman;  born  near 
Charleston,  S.  C,  in  1742;  was  educated 
at  Cambridge,  England,  and  in  1767  mar- 

ried a  daughter  of  Peter  De  Lancey,of  New 
York.  They  spent  some  time  in  Europe, 
and  Mr.  Izard  was  appointed  by  Congress 
commissioner  to  the  Court  of  the  Grand 
Duke  of  Tuscany,  and  resided  in  Paris, 
where  he  took  sides  with  Arthur  Lee 
against  Silas  Deane  and  Franklin  (see 
Deane,  Silas).  He  returned  home  in 
1780;  procured  for  General  Greene  the 
command  of  the  Southern  army,  and 
pledged  his  large  estates  for  the  purchase 
of  ships-of-war  in  Euroj^e.  He  was  in 
Congress  in  1781-83,  and  in  the  United 
States  Senate  in  1789-95.  Two  years 
afterwards  he  was  prostrated  by  paral- 
ysis. His  intellect  was  spared,  and  he 
lived  in  comparative  comfort  about  eight 
years,  without  pain,  when  a  second  shock 
ended  his  life,  May  30,  1804. 


Jackson,  city  and  capital  of  tlie  State  opposition,  and  began  tearing  up  the  rail- 

of   Mississippi;    on   tlie   Pearl   River   and  way  between  that  town  and  the   capital, 

several    important   railroads;     is    a    large  Sherman  was  also  marching  on  Jackson, 

cotton-shipping   centre   and   has   extensive  while   McClernand   was    at   a    point   near 

manufactories;  population  in  1890,  5,920;  Raymond.      The   night    was    tempestuous. 

in  1900,  7,816.  In  the  morning,  Sherman  and  McPherson 

In    1863,   while   the   troops   of   General  pushed  forward,  and  5  miles  from  Jack- 


Grant  were   skirmishing  at  Raymond,   he  son    they    encountered    and    drove    in    the 

learned  that  Gen.  Joseph  E.  Johnston  was  Confederate     pickets.     Two     and     a     half 

hourly    expected    at    Jackson.     To    make  miles  from  the  city  they  were  confronted 

sure  of  that  place,  and  to  leave  no  enemy  by    a    heavy    Confederate    force,     chiefly 

in    his    rear.    Grant    pushed    on    towards  Georgia  and  South  Carolina  troops,  under 

Jackson.     McPherson  entered  Clinton  ear-  General    Walker.     General    Crocker's    di- 

iy  in   the  afternoon   of  May   13,   without  vision  led  the  van  of  the  Nationals,  and 



a   battle  began  at  eleven  o'clock,  while  a  back.      Grant     sent     Sherman     reinforce- 

sbower  of  rain  was  falling.     The  Confed-  ments,  giving  that  leader  an  army  50,000 

erate    infantry    were    in    a    hollow,    with  strong.     With   these   he   crossed   the   Big 

their  artillery  on  the  crest  of  a  hill  be-  Black  River,  during  a  great  drought.     In 

yond  them.     Crocker  pressed  the  Confed-  dust    and    great    heat    the    thirsty    men 

erates  out  of  the  hollow  and  up  the  slopes  and   animals   went   on   to   Jackson,   John- 

to  their  artillery.     Still   onward  the  Na-  ston     retiring    before    them    and    taking 

^^>.«i.—  ^  ^^.-  -- 


tionals  pressed  in  the  face  of  a  severe  fire, 
when  the  Confederates  broke  and  fled  tow- 
ards the  city,  closely  pursued  for  a  mile 
and  a  half  to  their  earthworks.  Under  a 
heavy  storm  of  grape  and  canister  shot 
poured  upon  their  works,  the  Nationals 
reformed  for  the  purpose  of  making  an 
assault;  but  there  was  no  occasion,  for 
the  garrison  had  evacuated  the  fort.  They 
left  behind  them  seventeen  cannon,  and 
tents  enough  to  shelter  a  whole  division. 
The  commissary  and  quartermaster's 
stores  were  in  flames.  The  city  was  taken 
possession  of  by  the  Nationals,  and  the 
stars  and  stripes  were  unfurled  over  the 
State  House  by  the  50th  Indiana  Regiment. 
Entering  Jackson  that  night,  Grant 
learned  that  Johnston  had  arrived,  taken 
charge  of  the  department,  and  had  or- 
dered Gen,  J.  C.  Pemberton  to  march  im- 
mediately out  of  Vicksburg  and  attack 
the  National  rear. 

After  the  fall  of  Vicksburg,  Johnston 
hovered  menacingly  in  Grant's  rear. 
Sherman   had    pushed    out    to    press    him 

position  behind  his  breastworks  there. 
Sherman  invested  Jackson,  July  10,  each 
flank  resting  on  the  Pearl  River.  He 
planted  100  cannon  on  a  hill,  and  open- 
ed on  the  city,  July  12;  but  his  trains 
being  behind,  his  scanty  ammunition  was 
soon  exhausted.  In  the  assault.  General 
Lauman  pushed  his  troops  too  near  the 
Confederate  works,  and  in  the  course  of 
a  few  minutes  500  of  his  men  were  killed 
or  wounded  by  sharp  -  shooters  and  the 
grape  and  canister  from  twelve  cannon. 
Two  hundred  of  his  men  were  made  prison- 
ers. Under  cover  of  a  fog,  Johnston  made 
a  sortie,  July  13,  but  with  no  beneficial 
result,  and  on  the  night  of  July  16-17 
he  withdrew  with  his  25,000  men,  hur- 
ried across  the  Pearl  River,  burned  the 
bridges  behind  him,  and  retreated  to  Mor- 
ton, Sherman  did  not  pursue  far,  his 
object  being  to  drive  Johnston  away  and 
make  Vicksburg  secure.  For  this  purpose 
he  broke  up  the  railways  for  many  miles, 
and  destroyed  everything  in  Jackson  that 
might  be  useful  to  the  Confederates. 


Jackson,  Andrew,  seventh  President  of  from  the  North  of  Ireland,  in  1765,  and 
the  United  States:  born  in  the  Waxhaw  were  of  the  Scotch-Irish,  At  fourteen 
Settlement,  Mecklenburg  eo.,  N.  C,  March  years  of  age,  Andrew  joined  the  Revolu- 
15,     1767.     His    parents    had    emigrated    tionary    forces    in    South    Carolina.      In 



that  service  he  had  two  brothers  killed,  with  a  blue  gauze  veil,  with  a  silver  star 
He  was  with  Sumter  in  the  battle  of  on  her  brow.  These  personated  the  several 
Hanging  Rock  (q.  v.),  and  in  1781  was  States  and  Territories  of  the  Union.  Each 
made  a  prisoner.  He  was  admitted  to  carried  a  basket  filled  with  flowers,  and 
the  practice  of  the  law  in  western  North  behind  each  was  a  lance  stuck  in  the 
Carolina  in  1786;  removed  to  Nashville  ground,  and  bearing  a  shield  on  which 
in  1788:  was  United  States  attorney  for  v»'as  inscribed  the  name  and  legend  of  the 
that  district  in  1790;  member  of  the  con-  State  or  Territory  which  she  represented, 
vention  that  framed  the  State  constitu-  These  were  linked  by  festoons  of  ever- 
tion  of  Tennessee  in  1796;  member  of  the  greens  that  extended  from  the  arch  to  the 
United  States  Senate  in  1797;  and  judge  door  of  the  cathedral.  At  the  appointed 
of  the  Tennessee  Supreme  Court  from  1798  time,  Jackson,  accompanied  by  the  oSicers 
to  1804.  From  1798  until  1814  he  was  of  his  stafl",  passed  into  the  square,  and, 
major-general  of  the  Tennessee  militia,  and  amid  the  roar  of  artillery,  was  conducted 
conducted  the  principal  campaign  against  to  the  raised  floor  of  the  arch.  As  he 
the  Creek  Indians,  which  resulted  in  the  stepped  upon  it,  the  two  little  girls  leaned 
complete  subjugation  of  that  nation  in  the  gently  forward  and  placed  the  laurel 
spring  of  1814.  On  May  31,  1814,  he  was  crowns  upon  his  head.  At  the  same  mo- 
appointed  a  major-general  in  the  regular  nient,  a  charming  Creole  maiden  (Miss 
army  and  given  command  of  the  Depart-  Kerr),  as  the  representative  of  Louisiana, 
ment  of  the  South.  His  victory  at  New  stepped  forward,  and,  with  modesty  in 
Orleans,  Jan.  8,  1815,  gave  him  great  re-  voice  and  manner,  addressed  a  few  con- 
nown.  gratulatory  words  to  the  general,  eloquent 

On  Jan.  21,  with  the  main  body  of  his  with  expressions  of  the  most  profound 
army,  he  entered  the  city.  He  was  met  in  gratitude.  To  these  words  Jackson  made 
the  suburbs  by  almost  the  entire  popula-  a  brief  reply,  and  then  passed  on  towards 
tion,  who  greeted  the  victors  as  their  the  church,  the  pathway  strewn  with  flow- 
saviors.  Two  days  afterwards  there  was  ers  by  the  gentle  representatives  of  the 
an  imposing  spectacle  in  the  city.  At  States.  At  the  cathedral  entrance  he  was 
Jackson's  request,  the  apos- 
tolic prefect  of  Louisiana  ap- 
pointed Jan.  23  a  day  for  the 
public  offering  of  thanks  to 
God  for  the  victory  just  won. 
It  was  a  beautiful  winter 
morning  on  the  verge  of  the 
tropics.  The  religious  cere- 
monies were  to  be  held  in 
the  old  Spanish  cathedral, 
which  was  decorated  with 
evergreens  for  the  occasion. 
In  the  centre  of  the  public 
square  in  front  of  the  cathe- 
dral, a  temporary  triumphal 
arch  was  erected,  supported 
by  six  Corinthian  columns, 
and  festooned  by  flowers  and 
evergreens.  Beneath  this  arch 
stood  two  beautiful  little 
girls,    each    upon    a    pedestal, 

and  holding  in  her  hand  a  civic  crown  received  by  the  apostolic  prefect  (Abbe  du 
of  laurel.  Near  them  stood  two  dam-  Bourg)  in  his  pontifical  robes,  supported 
sels,  one  personifying  Liberty,  the  other  by  a  college  of  priests  in  their  sacerdotal 
Justice.  From  the  arch  to  the  church,  garments.  The  abbe  addressed  the  general 
arranged  in  two  rows,  stood  beautiful  with  eloquent  and  patriotic  discourse,  af- 
girls     dressed     in     white,     each     covered    ter  which  the  latter  was  seated  conspicu- 




ously  near  the  great  altar,  while  the  Tc 
Deum  Laudamus  was  chanted  by  the  choir 
and  the  people.  When  the  pageant  was 
over,  the  general  retired  to  his  quarters 
to  resume  the  stern  duties  of  a  soldier; 
and  that  night  the  city  of  Xew  Orleans 
blazed  with  a  general  illumination.  On 
the  spot  where  the  arch  was  erected,  in 
the  centre  of  the  public  square  in  front 
of  the  cathedral,  has  been  erected  a  bronze 
equestrian  statue  of  Jackson,  by  Clark 

Jackson,  like  a  true  soldier,  did  not 
relax  his  vigilance  after  the  victory  that 
saved  Louisiana  from  British  conquest. 
He  maintained  martial  law  in  New  Or- 
leans rigorously,   even  after   rumors  of  a 

Jackson's  headqcartiirs,  xkw  oklkaxs. 

proclamation  of  peace  reached  that  city. 
When  an  official  announcement  of  peace 
was  received  from  Washington  he  was 
involved  in  a  contention  with  the  civil 
authorities,  who  had  opposed  martial  law 
as  unnecessary.  In  the  legislature  of 
Louisiana  was  a  powerful  faction  opposed 
to  him  personally,  and  when  the  officers 
and  troops  were  thanked  by  that  body 
(Feb.  2,  181.5),  the  name  of  Jackson  was 
omitted.  The  people  were  very  indignant. 
A  seditious  publication  soon  appeared, 
which  increased  their  indignation,  and  as 
this  was  a  public  matter,  calculated  to 
produce  disaflfection  in  the  army,  Jackson 
caused  the  arrest  of  the  author  and  his 

trial  by  martial  law.  Judge  Dominic  A. 
Hall,  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United 
States,  issued  a  writ  of  habeas  corpus  in 
favor  of  the  offender.  Jackson  considered 
this  a  violation  of  martial  law,  and  or- 
dered the  arrest  of  the  judge  and  his  ex- 
pulsion beyond  the  limits  of  the  city.  The 
judge,  in  turn,  when  the  military  law  was 
revoked  (March  13,  1815)  in  consequence 
oi  the  proclamation  of  peace,  required 
Jackson  to  appear  before  him  and  show 
cause  why  he  should  not  be  punished  for 
contempt  of  court.  He  cheerfully  obeyed 
the  summons,  and  entered  the'  crowded 
court-room  in  the  old  Spanish-built  court- 
house in  citizen's  dress.  He  had  almost 
reached  the  bar  before  he  was  recognized, 
when  he  was  greeted  with  huzzas  by  a 
thousand  voices.  The  judge  was  alarmed, 
and  hesitated.  Jackson  stepped  upon  a 
bench,  procured  silence,  and  then,  turning 
to  the  trembling  judge,  said,  "  There  is 
no  danger  here — there  shall  be  none.  The 
same  hand  that  protected  this  city  from 
outrage  against  the  invaders  of  the  coun- 
try will  shield  and  protect  this  court,  or 
perish  in  the  effort.  Proceed  with  your 
sentence."  The  agitated  judge  pronounced 
him  guilty  of  contempt  of  court,  and  fined 
him  $1,000.  This  act  was  greeted  by  a 
storm  of  hisses.  The  general  immediately 
drew  a  check  for  the  amount,  handed  it  to 
the  marshal,  and  then  made  his  way  for 
the  coiirt-house  door.  The  people  were  in- 
tensely excited.  They  lifted  the  hero  upoiv 
their  shoulders,  bore  him  to  the  street,  and 
there  an  immense  crowd  sent  up  a  shout 
that  blanched  the  cheek  of  Judge  Hall. 
He  was  placed  in  a  carriage,  from  which 
the  people  took  the  horses  and  dragged  it 
themselves  to  his  lodgings,  Avhere  he  ad- 
dressed them,  urging  them  to  show  their 
appreciation  of  the  blessings  of  liberty  and 
a  free  government  by  a  willing  submission 
to  the  authorities  of  their  country.  Mean- 
time, $1,000  had  been  collected  by  volun- 
tary subscriptions  and  placed  to  his  credit 
in  a  bank.  The  general  politely  refused  to 
accept  it,  and  begged  his  friends  to  dis- 
tribute it  among  the  relatives  of  those 
who  had  fallen  in  the  late  battles.  Nearly 
thirty  years  afterwards  (1843),  Congress 
refunded  the  sum  with  interest,  amounting 
in  all  to  $2,700. 

In   1817  he  successfully  prosecuted  the 
war   against  the   Seminoles.     In   1819   he 




resigned  his  military  commission,  and  was 
governor  of  newly  acquired  Florida  in 
1821-22.  He  was  again  United  States 
Senator  in  1823-24;  a"nd  in  1828,  and  also 
in  1832,  he  was  elected  President  of  the 
United  States  (see  Cabinet,  Presi- 
dent's). His  warfare  on  the  United 
States  Bank  during  his  Presidency  re- 
sulted in  its  final  destruction. 

President  Jackson  possessed  great  firm- 
ness    and     decision     of     character;     was 

honest  and  true;  not  always  correct  in 
judgment;  often  rash  in  expressions  and 
actions  ;  misled  sometimes  by  his  hot  anger 
into  acts  injurious  to  his  reputation;  of 
unflinching  personal  courage;  possessed 
of  a  tender,  sympathizing  nature,  although 
sometimes  appearing  fiercely  leonine ;  and 
a  patriot  of  purest  stamp.  He  retired 
from  public  life  forever  in  the  spring  of 
1837.  His  administration  of  eight  years 
was  marked  by  great  energy,  and  never 



were  the  affairs  of  the  republic  in  its 
domestic  and  foreign  relations  more  pros- 
perous than  at  the  close  of  his  term  of 
office.  He  died  in  "  The  Hermitage,"  near 
ISiashville,  Tenn.,  June  8,   1845.     In   1852 


an  equestrian  statue  of  Jackson,  in  bronze, 
by  Clark  Mills,  was  erected  at  Washing- 
ton, at  the  expense  of  the  nation. 

Nullification.— On  Sept.  19,  1832,  Presi- 
dent Jackson  issued  the  following  procla- 
mation against  nullification: 

Whereas,  a  convention  assembled  in  the 
State  of  South  Carolina  have  passed  an 
ordinance,  by  which  they  declare  "  that 
the  several  acts  and  parts  of  acts  of  the 
Congress  of  the  United  States,  purport- 
ing to  be  laws  for  the  imposing  of  duties 
and  imposts  on  the  importation  of  for- 
eign commodities,  and  now  having  actual 
operation  and  effect  within  the  United 
States,  and  more  especially "  two  acts 
for  the  same  purposes  passed  on  May  29, 
1828,  and  on  July  14,  1832,  "are  un- 
authorized by  the  Constitution  of  the 
l.nited  States,  and  violate  the  true  mean- 
ing and  intent  thereof,  and  are  null  and 
void,  and  no  law,"  nor  binding  on  the 
citizens  of  that  State  or  its  officers;  and 
by  said  ordinance  it  is  further  declared 
to  be  unlawful  for  any  of  the  constituted 


authorities  of  the  State  or  of  the  United 
States  to  enforce  the  payment  of  the 
duties  imposed  by  the  said  acts  within 
the  same  State,  and  that  it  is  the  duty 
of  the  legislature  to  pass  such  laws  as 
may  be  neces- 
sary to  give 
full  effect  to 
the  said  ordi- 

And  whereas, 
by  the  said 
ordinance,  it  is 
further  ordain- 
ed that  in  no 
case  of  law  or 
equity  decided 
in  the  courts 
of  said  State, 
wherein  shall 
be  drawn  in 
question  the 
validity  of  the 
said  ordinance 
or  of  the  actc 
of  the  legislat- 
ure that  may 
be  passed  to 
give  it  effect,  or 
of  the  said  laws 
of  the  United  States,  no  appeal  shall  be 
allowed  to  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
United  States,  nor  shall  any  copy  of  the 
record  be  permitted  or  allowed  for  that 
purpose,  and  that  any  person  attempting 
to  take  such  appeal  shall  be  punished  as 
for  a  contempt  of  court ; 

And,  finally,  the  said  ordinance  declares 
that  the  people  of  South  Carolina  will 
maintain  the  said  ordinance  at  every 
hazard;  and  that  they  will  consider  the 
passage  of  any  act  by  Congress  abolish- 
ing or  closing  the  ports  of  the  said  State, 
or  otherwise  obstructing  the  free  ingress 
or  egress  of  vessels  to  and  from  the  said 
ports,  or  any  other  act  of  the  federal  gov- 
ernment to  coerce  the  State,  shut  up  her 
ports,  destroy  or  harass  her  commerce, 
or  to  enforce  the  said  acts  otherwise 
than  through  the  civil  tribunals  of  the 
country,  as  inconsistent  with  the  longer 
continuance  of  South  Carolina  in  the 
Union;  and  that  the  people  of  the  said 
Svate  will  thenceforth  hold  themselves 
absolved  from  all  further  obligation  to 
maintain  or  preserve  their  political  con- 



nection  with  the  people  of  the  other 
States,  and  will  forthwith  proceed  to 
organize  a  separate  government,  and  do 
all  other  acts  and  things  which  sovereign 
and  independent  States  may  of  right  do. 
And,  whereas,  the  said  ordinance  pre- 
scribes to  the  people  of  South  Carolina  a 
course  of  conduct  in  direct  violation  of 
their    duty    as    citizens    of    the    United 

must    inevitably    result    from    an    observ- 
ance of  the  dictates  of  the  convention. 

Strict  duty  will  require  of  me  nothing 
more  than  the  exercise  of  these  powers 
with  which  I  am  now,  or  may  hereafter 
be,  invested,  for  preserving  the  peace  of 
the  Union,  and  for  the  execution  of  the 
laws.  But  the  imposing  aspect  which 
opposition   has   assumed   in   this   case,   by 

States,  contrary  to  the  laws  of  their  clothing  itself  with  State  authority,  and 
country,  subversive  of  its  Constitution,  the  deep  interest  which  the  people  of  the 
and  having  for  its  object  the  destruction  United  States  must  feel  in  preventing  a 
of  the  Union :  that  Union  which,  coeval  resort  to  stronger  measures,  while  there 
with  our  political  existence,  led  our  is  a  hope  that  anything  will  be  yielded 
fathers,  without  any  other  ties  to  unite  to  reasoning  and  remonstrance,  perhaps 
them  than  those  of  patriotism  and  a  com-  demand,  and  will  certainly  justify,  a  full 
mon  cause,  through  a  sanguinary  struggle  exposition  to  South  Carolina  and  the  na- 
tion of  the  views  I  entertain  of  this  im- 
portant question,  as  well  as  a  distinct 
enunciation  of  the  course  which  my  sense 
of  duty  will  require  me  to  pursue. 

The  ordinance  is  founded,  not  on  the 
indefeasible  right  of  resisting  acts  which 
are  plainly  unconstitutional,  and  too  op- 

to  a  glorious  independence;  that  sacred 
Union,  hitherto  inviolate,  which,  perfect- 
ed by  our  happy  Constitution,  has 
brought  us,  by  the  favor  of  heaven,  to 
a  state  of  prosperity  at  home,  and  high 
consideration  abroad,  rarely,  if  ever, 
equalled    in    the    history   of    nations.      To 

preserve  this  bond  of  our  political  exist-  pressive  to  be  endured,  but  on  the  strange 
ence  from  de- 
struction, to 
maintain  invio- 
late this  state 
of  national 
honor  and  pros- 
perity, and  to 
justify  the  con- 
fidence my  fel- 
low -  citizens 
have  reposed  in 
me,  I,  Andrew 
Jackson,  Presi- 
dent  of  the 
United  States, 
have  thought 
proper  to  issue 
this  my  procla- 
mation, stating 
my  views  of  the 
and  laws  ap- 
plicable to  the 
measures  adopt- 
ed by  the  con- 
vention of  South  Carolina,  and  to  the  rea-  position  that  any  one  State  may  not  only 
sons  they  have  put  forth  to  sustain  them,  declare  an  act  of  Congress  void,  but  pro- 
declaring  the  course  which  duty  will  re-  hibit  its  execution;  that  they  may  do  this 
quire  me  to  pursue,  and.  appealing  to  the  consistently  with  the  Constitution;  that 
understanding  and  patriotism  of  the  peo-  the  true  construction  of  that  instrument 
pie,  warn  them  of  the  consequences  which  permits  a  State  to  retain  its  place  in  the 
v. — a  97 

THE    HERMITAGE    IN   1861. 


Union,  and  yet  be  bound  by  no  other  of  decision  in  theory,  and  the  practical  illus- 
its  laws  than  those  it  may  choose  to  con-  tration  shows  that  the  courts  are  closea 
sider  as  constitutional.  It  is  true,  they  against  an  application  to  review  it,  botli 
add,  that  to  justify  this  abrogation  of  a  judges  and  jurors  being  sworn  to  decide 
law,  it  must  be  palpably  contrary  to  the  in  its  favor.  But  reasoning  on  this  sub- 
Constitution;  but  it  is  evident  that,  to  jeet  is  superfluous,  when  our  social  corn- 
give  the  right  of  resisting  laws  of  that  pact,  in  express  terms,  declares  that  the 
description,  coupled  with  the  uncontrolled  laws  of  the  United  States,  its  Constitu- 
right  to  decide  what  laws  deserve  that  tion,  and  treaties  made  under  it,  are  the 
character,  is  to  give  the  power  of  resisting  supreme  law  of  the  land;  and  for  greater 
all  laws.  For  as,  by  the  theory,  there  is  caution  adds  "  that  the  judges  in  every 
no  appeal,  the  reasons  alleged  by  the  State  shall  be  bound  thereby,  anything 
State,   good   or   bad,   must   prevail.     If   it    in  the  Constitution  or  laws  of  any  State 

to  the  contrary  not- 
withstanding." And 
it  may  be  assert- 
ed, without  fear  of 
refutation,  that  no 
federal  government 
could  exist  without 
a  similar  provision. 
Look  for  a  moment 
to  the  consequences. 
If  South  Carolina 
considers  the  reve- 
nue laws  unconsti- 
tutional, and  has  a 
right  to  prevent 
their  execution  in 
the  port  of  Charles- 
ton, there  would  be 
a  clear  constitu- 
tional objection  to 
their  collection  in 
every  other  port, 
and  no  revenue 
could  be  collected 
anywhere,  for  all 
imposts  must  bQ 
equal.  It  is  no  an- 
swer to  repeat  that 
an  unconstitutional 
law  is  no  law,  so 
should  be  said  that  public  opinion  is  a  long  as  the  question  of  its  legality  is  to  be 
sufficient  check  against  the  abuse  of  this  decided  In'  the  State  itself;  for  every  law 
power,    it   may   be    asked    why    it    is   not    operating  injuriously  upon   any  local   in- 


deemed  a  sufficient  guard  against  the  pas- 
sage of  an  unconstitutional  act  by  Con- 
gress? There  is,  however,  a  restraint  in 
this  last  case,  which  makes  the  assumed 
power  of  a  State  more  indefensible,  and 
which  does  not  exist  in  the  other.  There 
are  two  appeals  from  an  unconstitutional 
act  passed  by  Congress — one  to  the  ju- 
diciary, the  other  to  the  people  and  the  non-intercourse  law  in  the  Eastern  States, 
States.     There  is  no  appeal  from  the  State    the    carriage    tax    in    Virginia,    were    all 


tcrest  will  be  perhaps  thouglit,  and  cer- 
tainly represented,  ns  unconstitutional, 
and,  as  has  been  shown,  there  is  no  ap- 

If  this  doctrine  had  been  established  at 
an  earlier  day  the  Union  would  have 
been  dissolved  in  its  infancy.  Tho  excise 
law    in    Pennsvlvania,    the    embarsro    and 



deemed  unconstitutional,  and  were  more  of  victory  and  honor,  if  the  States  who 
unequal  in  their  operation  than  any  of  supposed  it  a  ruinous  and  unconstitutional 
the  laws  now  complained  of;  but  fortu-  measure  had  thought  they  possessed  the 
r.ately  none  of  those  States  discovered  right  of  nullifying  the  act  by  which  it 
that  they  had  the  right  now  claimed  by  was  declared,  and  denying  supplies  for 
South  Carolina.  The  war  into  which  we  its  prosecution.  Hardly  and  unequally 
were  forced  to  support  the  dignity  of  the  as  those  measures  bore  upon  several  mem- 
nation  and  the  rights  of  our  citizens  might  bers  of  the  Union,  to  the  legislatures  of 
have  ended  in  defeat  and  disgrace  instead  none  did  this  efficient  and  peaceful  remedy, 



as  it  is  called,  suggest  itself.  The  dis-  proposed  to  form  a  feature  in  our  govern- 
covery  of  this  important  feature  in  our   ment. 

Constitution  was  reserved  to  the  present  In  our  colonial  state,  although  depend- 
day.  To  the  statesmen  of  South  Caro-  ing  on  another  power,  we  very  early  con- 
lina  belongs  the  invention,  and  upon  sidered  ourselves  as  connected  by  common 
the  citizens  of  the  State  will  unfortu-  interest  with  each  other.  Leagues  were 
nately  fall  the  evils  of  reducing  it  to  formed  for  common  defence,  and  before 
practice.  the  Declaration  of  Independence  we  were 

If  the  doctrine  of  a  State  veto  upon  the  known  in  our  aggregate  character  as  the 
laws  of  the  Union  carries  with  it  internal  l^nited  Colonies  of  America.  That  deci- 
evidence    of    its    impracticable    absurdity,    sive  and  important  step  was  taken  jointly. 

We  declared  ourselves  a  nation  by  a  joint, 
not  by  several  acts,  and  when  the  terms 
of  our  confederation  were  reduced  to  form, 
it  was  in  that  of  a  solemn  league  of  sev- 
eral States,  by  which  they  agreed  that 
they  would  collectively  form  one  nation 
for  the  purpose  of  conducting  some  cer- 
tain domestic  concerns  and  all  foreign  re- 
lations. In  the  instrument  forming  that 
Union  is  found  an  article  which  de- 
clares "  that  every  State  shall  abide  by 
the  determinations  of  Congress  on  all 
questions  which,  by  that  confederation, 
should  be  submitted  to  them." 

Under  the  confederation,  then,  no  State 
could  legally  annul  a  decision 
of  the  Congress  or  refuse  to 
submit  to  its  execution;  but 
no  provision  was  made  to  en- 
force these  decisions.  Con- 
gress made  requisitions,  but 
they  were  not  complied  with. 
The  government  could  not  op- 
erate on  individuals.  They 
had  no  judiciary,  no  means  of 
collecting  revenue. 

But   the   defects   of   the   con- 
federation need  not  be  detailed. 
Under  its  operation  we  could  scarcely 
be    called    a   nation.     We    had   neither 
prosperity   at   home   nor   consideration 
abroad.     This    state    of    things    could 
not  be  endured,  and  our  present  happy 
Constitution   was    formed,   but   foi-med 
in  vain,  if  this  fatal  doctrine  prevails. 
It   was   formed    for    important   objects 
that    are    announced    in    the    preamble 
made  in  the  name  and  by  the  authority 
of    the    people    of    the    United    States, 
whose  delegates  framed  and  whose  con- 
ventions   approved    it.     The    most    im- 
portant    among     these     objects,     that 
our  constitutional  history  will  also  afford    which      is     placed      first      in      rank,     on 
abundant   proof  that   it   would   have  been    which    all    the    others    rest,    is    "  to    form 
repudiated   with   indignation   had   it   been    a  more  perfect  Union."     Now,  is  it  pos- 


ANDREW    JACKSON    IN    1814. 


sible  that  even  if  there  were  no  express 
provision  giving  supremacy  to  the  Con- 
stitution and  laws  of  the  United  States 
over  those  of  the  States,  can  it  be  con- 
ceived that  an  instrument  made  for  the 
purpose  of  "  forming  a  more  perfect 
Union "  than  that  of  the  confederation, 
could  be  so  constructed  by  the  assembled 
wisdom  of  our  country  as  to  substitute 
for  that  confederation  a  form  of  govern- 
ment dependent  for  its  existence  on  the 
local  interest,  the  party  spirit  of  a  State, 
or  of  a  prevailing  faction  in  a  State? 
Every  man  of  plain,  unsophisticated  un- 
derstanding, who  hears  the  question,  will 
give  siich  an  answer  as  will  preserve  the 
Union.  Metaphysical  subtlety,  in  pursuit 
of  an  impracticable  theory,  could  alone 
have  devised  one  that  is  calculated  to  de- 
stroy it. 

I  consider,  then,  the  power  to  annul  a 
law  of  the  United  States  assumed  by  one 
State,  incompatible  with  the  existence  of 
the  Union,  contradicted  expressly  by  the 
letter  of  the  Constitution,  unauthorized 
by  its  spirit,  inconsistent  with  every  prin- 
ciple on  which  it  was  founded,  and  de- 
structive of  the  great  object  for  which 
it  was  formed. 

After  this  general  view  of  the  leading 
principle,  we  must  examine  the  particular 
application  of  it  which  is  made  in  the 

The  preamble  rests  its  justification  on 
these  grounds:  It  assumes  as  a  fact  that 
the  obnoxious  laws,  although  they  purport 
to  be  laws  for  raising  revenue,  were  in 
reality  intended  for  the  protection  of  man- 
ufactures, which  purpose  it  asserts  to  be 
unconstitutional ;  that  the  operation  of 
these  laws  is  unequal;  that  the  amount 
raised  by  them  is  greater  than  is  required 
by  the  wants  of  the  government ;  and, 
finally,  that  the  proceeds  are  to  be  applied 
to  objects  unauthorized  by  the  Constitu- 
tion. These  are  the  only  causes  alleged 
to  justify  an  open  opposition  to  the  laws 
of  the  country,  and  a  threat  of  seceding 
from  the  Union  if  any  attempt  should  be 
made  to  enforce  them.  The  first  virtually 
acknowledges  that  the  law  in  question  was 
passed  under  a  power  expressly  given  by 
the  Constitution  to  lay  and  collect  im- 
posts; but  its  constitutionality  is  drawn 
in  question  from  the  motives  of  those 
who   passed    it.      However    apparent   this 


purpose  may  be  in  the  present  case,  noth- 
ing can  be  more  dangerous  than  to  admit 
the  position  that  an  unconstitutional  pur- 
pose, entertained  by  the  members  who  as- 
sent to  a  law  enacted  under  a  constitu- 
tional power,  shall  make  that  law  void; 
foi  how  is  that  purpose  to  be  ascertained? 
Who  is  to  make  the  scrutiny?  How  often 
may  bad  purposes  be  falsely  imputed?  In 
how  many  cases  are  they  concealed  by 
false  professions?  In  how  many  is  no 
declaration  of  motive  made?  Admit  this 
doctrine,  and  you  give  to  the  States  an 
uncontrolled  right  to  decide,  and  every 
law  may  be  annulled  imder  this  pretext. 
If,  therefore,  the  absurd  and  dangerous 
doctrine  should  be  admitted  that  a  State 
may  annul  an  unconstitutional  law,  or 
one  that  it  deems  such,  it  will  not  apply 
to  the  present  case. 

The  next  objection  is  that  the  laws 
in  question  operate  unequally.  This  objec- 
tion may  be  made  with  truth  to  every  law 
that  has  been  or  can  be  passed.  The  wis- 
dom of  man  never  yet  contrived  a  system 
of  taxation  that  would  operate  with  per- 
fect equality.  If  the  unequal  operation  of 
a  law  makes  it  unconstitutional,  and  if  all 
laws  of  that  description  may  be  abrogated 
by  any  State  for  that  cause,  then  indeed  is 
the  federal  Constitution  unworthy  of  the 
slightest  elTort  for  its  preservation.  We 
have  hitherto  relied  on  it  as  the  perpetual 
bond  of  our  Union.  We  have  received  it 
as  the  work  of  the  assembled  wisdom  of 
the  nation.  We  have  trusted  to  it  as  to 
the  sheet-anchor  of  our  safety  in  the 
stormy  times  of  conflict  with  a  foreign 
or  domestic  foe.  We  have  looked  to  it 
with  sacred  awe  as  the  palladium  of  our 
liberties,  and  with  all  the  solemnities  of 
religion  have  pledged  to  each  other  our 
lives  and  fortunes  here  and  our  hopes  of 
happiness  hereafter,  in  its  defence  and 
support.  W^ere  we  mistaken,  my  country- 
men, in  attaching  this  importance  to  the 
Constitution  of  our  country?  Was  our 
devotion  paid  to  the  wretched,  inefficient, 
clumsy  contrivance  which  this  new  doc- 
trine would  make  it?  Did  we  pledge  our- 
selves to  the  support  of  an  airy  nothing — 
a  bubble  that  must  be  blo\ATi  away  by  the 
first  breath  of  disaffection?  Was  this 
self-destroying,  visionary  theory  the  work 
of  the  profound  statesmen,  the  exalted 
patriotism  to  whom  the  task  of  constitu- 


tional  reform  was  intrusted?  Did  the  who  abuse  it,  and  thus  procure  redress 
name  of  Washington  sanction — did  the  Congress  may,  undoubtedly,  abuse  this 
States  deliberately  ratify  such  an  anomaly  discretionary  power,  but  the  same  may  be 
in  the  history  of  fundamental  legislation?  said  of  others  with  which  they  are  vested. 
No.  We  were  not  .mistaken.  The  letter  of  Yet  the  discretion  must  exist  somewhere, 
this  great  instrument  is  free  from  this  The  Constitution  has  given  it  to  the  rep- 
radical  fault;  its  language  directly  con-  resentative  of  all  the  people,  checked  by 
tradicts  the  imiJutation ;  its  spirit,  its  evi-  the  representatives  of  the  States  and  by 
dent  intent,  contradicts  it.  No,  we  do  not  the  executive  power.  The  South  Carolina 
err.  Our  Constitution  does  not  contain  the  construction  gives  it  to  the  legislature  or 
absurdity  of  giving  power  to  make  laws,  the  convention  of  a  single  State,  where 
and  another  power  to  resist  them.  The  neither  the  people  of  the  dilTerent  States, 
sages,  whose  memory  will  always  be  rev-  nor  the  States  in  their  separate  capacity, 
eneed,  have  given  us  a  practical  and,  as  nor  the  chief  magistrate,  elected  by  the 
they  hoped,  a  permanent  constitutional  com-  people,  have  any  representation.  Which 
pact.  The  Father  of  this  country  did  not  is  the  most  discreet  disposition  of  the 
affix  his  revered  name  to  so  palpable  an  power?  I  do  not  ask  you,  fellow-citizens, 
absurdity.  Nor  did  the  States,  when  they  which  is  the  constitutional  disposition; 
severally  ratified  it,  do  so  under  the  im-  that  instrument  speaks  a  language  not 
pression  that  a  veto  on  the  laws  of  the  to  be  misunderstood.  But  if  you  were 
United  States  was  reserved  to  them,  or  assembled  in  general  convention,  which 
that  they  could  exercise  it  by  implica-  would  you  think  the  safest  depository  of 
tion.  Search  the  debates  in  all  their  con-  this  discretionary  power  in  the  last  re- 
ventions;  examine  the  speeches  of  the  most  sort?  Would  you  add  a  clause  giving  it 
zealous  opposers  of  federal  authority;  look  to  each  of  the  States,  or  would  you  sane- 
at  the  amendments  that  were  proposed,  tion  the  wise  provisions  already  made 
They  are  all  silent;  not  a  syllable  uttered,  by  your  Constitution?  If  this  should  be 
not  a  vote  given,  not  a  motion  made  to  the  result  of  your  deliberation  when  pro- 
correct  the  explicit  supremacy  given  to  viding  for  the  future,  are  you,  can  you 
the  laws  of  the  Union  over  those  of  the  be  ready  to  risk  all  that  we  hold  dear 
States,  or  to  show  that  implication,  as  is  to  establish,  for  a  temporary  and  a  local 
now  contended,  could  defeat  it.  No,  we  purpose,  that  which  you  must  acknowledge 
have  not  erred.  The  Constitution  is  still  to  be  destructive,  and  even  absurd,  as  a 
the  object  of  our  reAerence,  the  bond  of  general  provision?  Carry  out  the  conse- 
our  Union,  our  defence  in  danger,  the  quenees  of  this  right  vested  in  the  different 
source  of  our  prosperity  in  peace;  it  shall  States,  and  you  must  perceive  that  the 
descend  as  we  have  received  it,  uncor-  crisis  your  conduct  presents  at  this  day 
rupted  by  sophistical  construction,  to  our  would  recur  whenever  any  law  of  the 
posterity;  and  the  sacrifices  of  local  in-  United  States  displeased  any  of  the  States, 
terest,  of  State  prejudices,  of  personal  and  that  we  should  soon  cease  to  be  a  na- 
animosities,   that  were   made   to   bring   it  tion. 

into  existence,  will  again  be  patriotically        The  ordinance,  with  the  same  knowledge 

offered  for  its  support.  of  the  future  that  characterized  a  former 

The  two  remaining  objections  made  by  objection,   tells  you   that   the   proceeds   of 

the  ordinance  to  these  laws  are  that  the  the  tax  will  be  imconstitutionally  applied, 

sums  intended   to  be  raised   by  them  are  If  this  could  be  ascertained  with  certainty, 

greater   than   are   required,   and   that   the  the  objection  would,  with  more  propriety, 

proceeds    will    be    unconstitutionally    em-  be   reserved  for  the  law  so  applying  the 

ployed.  proceeds,     but     surely    cannot    be     urged 

The    Constitution    has    given    expressly  against  the  laws  levying  the  duty. 
to  Congress  the  right  of  raising  revenue.        These  are   the   allegations   contained  in 

and    of    determining   the   sum    the    public  the   ordinance.     Examine   them    seriously, 

exigencies  will   require.     The  States  have  my   fellow-citizens — judge    for   yourselves, 

no  control  over  the  exercise  of  this  right  I    appeal    to    you    to    determine    whether 

other   than   that   which   results   from   the  they   are    so    clear,    so    convincing,    as    to 

power    of    changing    the    representatives  leave  no  doubt  of  their  correctness;    and 



even  if  you   should  come  to  this  conclu-  these    questions    according    to    its    sound 

sion,    how   far    they   justify   the   reckless,  discretion.      Congress   is   composed  of   the 

destructive  course  which  you  are  directed  representatives   of  all   the  States,   and  of 

to   pursue.     Review   these  objections,   and  all  the  people  of  all  the  States;   but  we, 

the    conclusions    drawn    from    them,    once  part  of  the  people  of  one  State,  to  whom 

more.     What  are  they?     Every  law,  then,  the   Constitution   has   given   no  power   on 

for     raising     revenue,     according    to     the  the  subject,   from  whom  it  has  expressly 

South   Carolina   ordinance,   may  be  right-  taken    it   away;    we,    who   have    solemnly 

fully    annulled,    unless    it    be    so    framed  agreed    that    this    Constitution    shall    be 

as   no    law   ever   will   or    can   be    framed,  our  law;   we,  most  of  whom  have   sworn 

Congress    has    a    right    to    pass    laws    for  to  support  it,  we  now  abrogate  this  law, 

raising  revenue,  and  each  State  has  a  right  and  swear,  and  force  others  to  swear,  that 

to  oppose  their  execution — two  rights  di-  it   shall  not  be  obeyed.     And  we  do  this 

rectly  opposed  to  each  other;   and  yet,  is  not  because  Congress  has  no  right  to  pass 

this   absurdity   supposed   to   be   contained  such    laws — this    we    do    not    allege — but 

in   an   instrument   drawn   for   the   express  because  they  have  passed  them  with   im- 

purpose  of  avoiding  collisions  between  the  proper  views.     They  are  unconstitutional 

States  and  the  general  government  by  an  from    the    motives    of    those    who    passed 

assembly  of  the   most  enlightened   states-  them,  which  we  can  never  with  certainty 

men    and    purest    patriots    ever    embodied  know;    from   their   unequal   operation,   al- 

for  a  similar  purpose?  though  it  is  impossible,  from  the  nature 

In  vain  have  these  sages  declared  that  of  things,  that  they  should  be  equal; 
Congress  shall  have  power  to  lay  and  col-  and  from  the  disposition  which  we  pre- 
lect taxes,  duties,  imposts,  and  excises;  sume  may  be  made  of  their  proceeds,  al- 
in  vain  have  they  provided  that  they  though  that  disposition  has  not  been 
shall  have  power  to  pass  laws  which  declared.  This  is  the  plain  meaning  of 
shall  be  necessary  and  proper  to  carry  the  ordinance  in  relation  to  laws  which 
those  powers  into  execution;  that  those  it  abrogates  for  alleged  unconstitutional- 
laws  and  the  Constitution  shall  be  the  ity.  But  it  does  not  stop  there.  It  re- 
"  supreme  law  of  the  land,  and  that  the  peals,  in  express  terms,  an  important  part 
judges  in  every  State  shall  be  bound  of  the  Constitution  itself,  and  of  laws 
tliereby,  anything  in  the  constitution  or  passed  to  give  it  effect,  which  have  never 
laws  of  any  State  to  the  contrary  not-  been  alleged  to  be  unconstitutional.  The 
withstanding."  In  vain  have  the  people  Constitution  declares  that  the  judicial 
of  the  several  States  solemnly  sanctioned  powers  of  the  United  States  extend  to 
these  provisions,  made  them  their  para-  cases  arising  under  tlie  laws  of  the  Unit- 
mount  law,  and  individually  sworn  to  ed  States,  and  that  such  laws,  the  Con- 
support  them  whenever  they  were  called  stitution  and  the  treaties,  shall  be  para- 
on  to  execute  any  office.  Vain  provisions!  mount  to  the  State  constitution  and 
ineffectual  restrictions!  vile  profanation  laws.  The  judiciary  act  prescribes  the 
of  oaths!  miserable  mockery  of  legisla-  mode  by  which  the  case  may  be  brought 
tion!  if  a  bare  majority  of  the  voters  in  before  a  court  of  the  United  States,  by 
any  one  State  may,  on  a  real  or  sup-  appeal,  when  a  State  tribunal  shall  decide 
posed  knowledge  of  the  intent  with  which  against  this  provision  of  the  Constitu- 
a  law  has  been  passed,  declare  themselves  tion.  The  ordinance  declares  there  shall 
free  from  its  operation — say  here  it  gives  be  no  appeal;  makes  the  State  law 
too  little,  there  too  much,  and  operates  paramount  to  the  Constitution  and  laws 
luicqually;  here  it  suffers  articles  to  be  of  the  United  States;  forces  judges  and 
free  that  ought  to  be  taxed ;  there  it  taxe^  jurors  to  swear  that  they  will  disregard 
those  that  ought  to  be  free;  in  this  case  their  provisions;  and  even  makes  it  penal 
the  proceeds  are  intended  to  be  applied  in  a  suitor  to  attempt  relief  by  appeal, 
to  purposes  which  we  do  not  approve;  It  further  declares  that  it  shall  not  be 
in  that  the  amount  raised  is  more  than  lawful  for  the  authorities  of  the  United 
is  wanted.  States,   or   of   that   State,   to   enforce   the 

Congress,  it  is  true,  is  invested  by  the  payment  of  duties  imposed  by  the  revenue 

Constitution   with   the   right   of   deciding  laws  within  its  limits. 



Here  is  a  law  of  the  United  States,  not 
even  pretended  to  be  unconstitutional,  re- 
pealed by  the  authority  of  a  small  ma- 
jority of  the  voters  of  a  single  State. 
Here  is  a  provision  of  the  Constitution 
which  is  solemnly  abrogated  by  the  same 

On  such  expositions  and  reasonings  the 
ordinance  grounds  not  only  an  assertion 
of  the  right  to  annul  the  laws  of  which  it 
complains,  but  to  enforce  it  by  a  threat 
of  seceding  from  the  Union  if  any  at- 
tempt is  made  to  execute  them. 

This  right  to  secede  is  deduced  from  thr 
nature  of  the  Constitution,  which,  the^ 
say,  is  a  compact  between  sovereign 
States,  who  have  preserved  their  whole 
sovereignty,  and  therefore  are  subject  to 
no  superior;  that,  because  they  made  the 
compact,  they  cannot  break  it,  when,  in 
their  opinion,  it  has  been  departed  from 
by  the  other  States.  Fallacious  as  this 
course  of  reasoning  is,  it  enlists  State 
pride,  and  finds  advocates  in  the  honest 
prejudices  of  those  who  have  not  studied 
the  nature  of  our  government  sufficiently 
to  see  the  radical  error  on  which  it  rests. 

The  people  of  the  United  States  form- 
ed the  Constitution,  acting  through  the 
State  legislatures  in  making  the  compact, 
to  meet  and  discuss  its  provisions,  and 
acting  in  separate  conventions  when  they 
ratified  these  provisions,  but  the  terms 
used  in  its  construction  show  it  to  be  a 
government  in  which  the  people  of  the 
States  collectively  are  represented.  We 
are  one  people  in  the  choice  of  the  Presi- 
dent and  Vice-President.  Here  the  States 
have  no  other  agency  than  to  direct  the 
mode  in  which  the  votes  shall  be  given. 
The  candidates  having  the  majority  of  all 
the  votes  are  chosen.  The  electors  of  a 
majority  of  States  may  have  given  their 
votes  for  one  candidate,  and  yet  another 
may  be  chosen.  The  people  then,  and  not 
the  States,  are  represented  in  the  execu- 
tive branch. 

In  the  House  of  Representatives  there 
is  this  difference,  that  the  people  of  one 
State  do  not,  as  in  the  case  of  President 
and  Vice-President,  all  vote  for  the  same 
officers.  The  people  of  all  the  States  do 
not  vote  for  all  the  members,  each  State 
electing  only  its  o\vn  representatives. 
But  this  creates  no  material  distinction. 
When    chosen,  they    are    all    representa- 

tives of  the  United  States,  not  repre- 
sentatives of  the  particular  State  from 
which  they  come.  They  are  paid  by  the 
United  States,  not  by  the  State,  nor  are 
they  accountable  to  it  for  any  act  done 
in  the  performance  of  their  legislative 
functions;  and  however  they  may  in  prac- 
tice, as  it  is  their  duty  to  do,  consult  and 
prefer  the  interests  of  their  particular 
constituents  when  they  come  in  conflict 
with  any  other  partial  or  local  interest, 
yet  it  is  their  first  and  highest  duty,  as 
representatives  of  the  United  States,  to 
romote  the  general  good. 

The  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
then,  forms  a  government,  not  a  league, 
and  whether  it  be  formed  by  compact  be- 
tween the  States  or  in  any  other  manner, 
its  character  is  the  same.  It  is  a  govern- 
ment in  which  all  the  people  are  repre- 
sented, which  operates  directly  on  the 
people  individually,  not  upon  the  States — 
they  retained  all  the  power  they  did  not 
grant.  But  each  State  having  expressly 
parted  with  so  many  powers  as  to  con- 
stitute, jointly  with  the  other  States,  a 
single  nation,  cannot  from  that  period 
possess  any  right  to  secede,  because  such 
secession  does  not  break  a  league,  but 
destroys  the  unity  of  a  nation,  and  any 
injury  to  that  unity  is  not  only  a  breach 
which  would  result  from  the  contraven- 
tion of  a  compact,  but  it  is  an  offence 
against  the  whole  Union.  To  say  that  any 
State  may  at  pleasure  secede  from  the 
Union  is  to  say  that  the  United  States  are 
not  a  nation,  because  it  would  be  a  sole- 
cism to  contend  that  any  part  of  a  nation 
might  dissolve  its  connection  Avith  the 
other  parts,  to  their  injury  or  ruin,  with- 
out committing  any  offence.  Secession, 
like  any  other  revolutionary  act.  may  be 
morally  justified  by  the  extremity  of  op- 
pression, but  to  call  it  a  constitutional 
right  is  confounding  the  meaning  of  terms, 
and  can  only  be  done  through  gross  error, 
or  to  deceive  those  who  are  willing  to  as- 
sert a  right,  but  would  pause  before  they 
made  a  revolution,  or  incur  the  penalties 
consequent  on  a  failure. 

Because  the  Union  was  formed  by  com- 
pact, it  is  said  the  parties  to  that  com- 
pact may,  when  they  feel  themselves 
aggrieved,  depart  from  it;  but  it  is 
precisely  because  it  is  a  compact  that  they 
cannot.     A  compact  is  an   agreement  or 



binding  obligation.  It  may  by  its  terms 
have  a  sanction  or  penalty  for  its  breach, 
or  it  may  not.  If  it  contains  no  sanction, 
it  may  be  broken  with  no  other  conse- 
quence than  moral  guilt;  if  it  have  a 
sanction,  then  the  breach  insures  the 
designated  or  implied  penalty.  A  league 
between  independent  nations  generally  has 
no  sanction  other  than  a  moral  one,  or  if 
it  should  contain  a  penalty,  as  there  is 
no  common  superior,  it  cannot  be  en- 
forced. A  government,  on  the  contrary, 
always  has  a  sanction,  express  or  implied, 
and  in  our  case  it  is  both  necessarily  im- 
plied and  expressly  given.  An  attempt, 
by  force  of  arms,  to  destroy  a  government 
is  an  offence  by  whatever  means  the  con- 
stitutional compact  may  have  been  formed, 
and  such  government  has  the  right,  by 
the  law  of  self-defence,  to  pass  acts  for 
punishing  the  offender,  unless  that  right 
is  modified,  restrained,  or  resumed  by  the 
constitutional  act.  In  our  system,  al- 
though it  is  modified  in  the  case  of  trea- 
son, yet  authority  is  expressly  given  to 
pass  all  laws  necessary  to  carry  its  powers 
into  effect,  and  under  this  grant  provi- 
sion has  been  made  for  punishing  acts 
which  obstruct  the  due  administration  of 
the  laws. 

It  would  seem  superfluous  to  add  any- 
thing to  show  the  nature  of  that  union 
which  connects  us;  but  as  erroneous  opin- 
ions on  this  subject  are  the  foundation  of 
doctrines  the  most  destructive  to  our 
peace,  I  must  give  some  further  develop- 
ment to  my  views  on  this  subject.  No 
one,  fellow-citizens,  has  a  higher  reverence 
for  the  reserved  rights  of  the  States  than 
the  magistrate  who  now  addresses  you. 
No  one  would  make  greater  personal  sac- 
rifices or  official  exertions  to  defend  them 
from  violation,  but  equal  care  must  be 
taken  to  prevent  on  their  part  an  improper 
interference  with  our  resumption  of  the 
rights  they  have  vested  in  the  nation. 
The  line  has  not  been  so  distinctly  drawn 
as  to  avoid  doubts  in  some  cases  of  the 
exercise  of  power.  Men  of  the  best  in- 
tentions and  soundest  views  may  differ 
in  their  construction  of  some  parts  of  the 
Constitution,  but  there  are  others  on 
which  dispassionate  reflections  can  leave 
no  doubt.  Of  this  nature  appears  to  be 
the  assumed  right  of  secession.  It  treats, 
as  we  haA'e  seen,  on  the  alleged  undivided 


sovereignty  of  the  States,  and  on  their 
having  formed,  in  this  sovereign  capacity, 
a  compact  which  is  called  the  Constitu- 
tion, from  which,  because  they  made  it, 
they  have  the  right  to  secede.  Both  of 
these  positions  are  erroneous,  and  some 
of  the  arguments  to  prove  them  so  have 
been  anticipated. 

The  States  severally  have  not  retained 
their  entire  sovereignty.  It  has  been 
shown  that  in  becoming  parts  of  a  nation, 
not  members  of  a  league,  they  surrendered 
many  of  their  essential  parts  of  sovereign- 
ty. The  right  to  make  treaties,  declare 
war,  levy  taxes,  exercise  exclusive  judicial 
and  legislative  powers,  were  all  of  them 
functions  of  sovereign  power.  The  States, 
then,  for  all  these  purposes  were  no  longer 
sovereign.  The  allegiance  of  their  citi- 
zens was  transferred  in  the  first  instance 
to  the  government  of  the  United  States. 
They  became  American  citizens,  and  owed 
obedience  to  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  and  to  laws  inade  in  con- 
formity with  the  powers  it  vested  in  Con- 
gress. This  last  position  has  not  been 
and  cannot  be  denied.  How,  then,  can 
that  State  be  said  to  be  sovereign  and 
independent  whose  citizens  own  obedience 
to  laws  not  made  by  it,  and  whose 
magistrates  are  sworn  to  disregard  those 
laws  when  they  come  in  conflict  with 
those  passed  by  another?  What  shows 
conclusively  that  the  States  cannot  be 
said  to  have  reserved  an  undivided  sov- 
ereignty is  that  they  expressly  ceded 
the  right  to  punish  treason,  not  treason 
against  their  separate  powers,  but  treason 
against  the  United  States.  Treason  is  an 
offence  against  sovereignty,  and  sovereign- 
ty must  reside  with  the  powers  to  punish 
it.  But  the  reserved  rights  of  the  State 
are  not  less  sacred  because  they  have, 
for  their  common  interest,  made  the  gen- 
eral government  the  depository  of  these 

The  unity  of  our  political  character  (as 
has  been  shown  for  another  purpose)  com- 
menced with  its  very  existence.  Under 
the  royal  government  we  had  no  separate 
character ;  our  opposition  to  its  oppres- 
sion began  as  united  colonies.  We  were 
the  United  States  under  the  confederation, 
and  the  name  was  perpetuated,  and  the 
Union  rendered  more  perfect,  by  the  federal 
Constitution.  In  none  of  these  stages  did 


we  consider  ourselves  in  any  other  light 
than  as  forming  one  nation.  Treaties 
and  alliances  were  made  in  the  name  of 
all.  Troops  were  made  for  the  joint  de- 
fence. How,  then,  with  all  these  proofs 
that,  under  all  changes  of  our  position,  we 
had,  for  designated  purposes  and  defined 
powers,  created  national  governments — 
how  is  it  that  the  most  perfect  of  these 
several  modes  of  union  should  now  be 
considered  as  a  mere  league  that  may  be 
dissolved  at  pleasure?  It  is  from  an 
abuse  of  terms.  Compact  is  used  as  sy- 
nonymous with  league,  although  the  true 
term  is  not  employed,  because  it  would 
at  once  show  the  fallacy  of  the  reason- 
ing. It  would  not  do  to  say  that  our 
Constitution  was  only  a  league,  but  it  is 
fabored  to  prove  it  a  compact  (which  in 
one  sense  it  is ) ,  and  then  to  argue  that 
as  a  league  is  a  compact,  every  compact 
between  nations  must,  of  course,  be  a 
league,  and  that  from  such  an  engage- 
ment every  sovereign  power  has  a  right 
to  recede.  But  it  has  been  shown  that,  in 
this  sense,  the  States  are  not  sovereign, 
and  that  even  if  they  were,  and  the  na- 
tional Constitution  had  been  formed  by 
compact,  there  would  be  no  right  in  any 
one  State  to  exonerate  itself  from  its  ob- 

So  o]bvious  are  the  reasons  which  forbid 
this  secession,  that  it  is  necessary  only 
to  allude  to  them.  The  Union  was  formed 
for  the  benefit  of  all.  It  was  produced 
by  natural  sacrifices  of  interest  and 
opinions.  Can  these  sacrifices  be  recalled? 
Can  the  States,  who  magnanimously  sur- 
rendered their  title  to  the  territories  of 
the  West,  recall  the  grant?  Will  the  in- 
habitants of  the  inland  States  agree  to 
pay  the  duties  that  may  be  imposed  with- 
out their  assent  by  those  on  the  Atlantic 
or  the  Gulf,  for  their  own  benefit?  Shall 
there  be  a  free  port  in  one  State  and 
onerous  duties  in  another?  No  one  be- 
lieves that  any  right  exists  in  a  single 
State  to  involve  all  the  others  in  these 
and  countless  other  evils  contrary  to 
the  engagements  solemnly  made.  Every 
one  must  see  that  the  other  States,  in 
self  -  defence,  must  oppose  it  at  all  haz- 

These  are  the  alternatives  that  are  pre- 
sented by  the  convention:  a  repeal  of  all 
the  acts  for  raising  revenue,  leaving  the 


government  without  the  means  of  sup- 
port, or  an  acquiescence  in  the  dissolution 
of  our  Union  by  the  secession  of  one  of 
its  members.  When  the  first  was  pro- 
posed, it  was  known  that  it  could  not 
be  listened  to  for  a  moment.  It  was 
known,  if  force  was  applied  to  oppose  the 
execution  of  the  laws,  that  it  must  be  re- 
pelled by  force;  that  Congress  could  not, 
without  involving  itself  in  disgrace  and 
the  country  in  ruin,  accede  to  the  propo- 
sition ;  and  yet  if  this  is  not  done  in 
a  given  day,  or  if  any  attempt  is  made  to 
execute  the  laws,  the  State  is,  by  the  or- 
dinance, declared  to  be  out  of  the  Union. 
The  majority  of  a  convention  assembled 
for  the  purpose  have  dictated  these  terms, 
or  rather  this  rejecting  of  all  terms,  in 
the  name  of  the  people  of  South  Caro- 
lina. It  is  true  that  the  governor  of 
the  State  speaks  of  the  submission  of  their 
grievances  to  the  convention  of  all  the 
States,  which,  he  says,  they  "  sincerely  and 
anxiously  seek  and  desire."  Yet  this  ob- 
vious and  constitutional  mode  of  obtain- 
ing the  sense  of  the  other  States  on  the 
construction  of  the  federal  compact,  and 
amending  it,  if  necessary,  has  never  been 
attempted  by  those  who  have  urged  the 
State  on  to  this  destructive  measure.  Tlie 
State  might  have  proposed  the  call  for  a 
general  convention  to  the  other  States, 
and  Congress,  if  a  sufficient  number  of 
them  concurred,  must  have  called  it.  But 
the  first  magistrate  of  South  Carolina, 
Avhen  he  expressed  hope  that,  "  on  a  re- 
view by  Congres's  and  the  functionaries 
of  the  general  government  of  the  merits 
of  the  controversy,"  such  a  convention 
will  be  accorded  to  them,  must  have  known 
that  neither  Congress  nor  any  function- 
ary of  the  general  government  has  au- 
thority to  call  such  a  convention,  unless 
it  be  demanded  by  two-thirds  of  the 
States.  This  suggestion,  then,  is  another 
instance  of  the  reckless  inattention  to 
the  provisions  of  the  Constitution  with 
which  this  crisis  has  been  madly  hurried 
on,  or  of  the  attempt  to  persuade  the 
people  that  a  constitutional  remedy  had 
Ibeen  sought  and  refused.  If  the  legislat- 
ure of  South  Carolina  "  anxiously  de- 
sire "  a  general  convention  to  consider 
their  complaints,  why  have  they  not  made 
application  for  it  in  the  way  the  Consti- 
tution   points    out?      The    assertion    that 


tliey  "  earnestly  seek  it "  is  completely 
negatived  by  the  omission. 

This,  then,  is  the  position  in  which  we 
stand.  A  small  majority  of  the  citizens 
of  one  State  in  the  Union  have  elected 
delegates  to  a  State  convention;  that  con- 
vention has  ordained  that  all  the  revenue 
laws  of  the  United  States  must  be  re- 
pealed, or  that  they  are  no  longer  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Union.  The  governor  of  that 
State  has  recommended  to  the  legislature 
the  raising  of  an  army  to  carry  the  seces- 
sion into  eii'ect,  and  that  he  may  be  em- 
powered to  give  clearances  to  vessels  in 
the  name  of  the  State.  No  act  of  violent 
opposition  to  the  laws  has  yet  been  com- 
mitted, but  such  a  state  of  things  is 
hourly  apprehended,  and  it  is  the  intent 
of  this  instrument  to  proclaim,  not  only 
that  the  duty  imposed  on  me  by  the  Con- 
stitution "  to  take  care  that  the  laws  be 
faithfully  executed,"  shall  be  performed 
to  the  extent  of  the  powers  already  in- 
\  ested  in  me  by  law,  or  of  such  others  as 
the  wisdom  of  Congress  shall  devise  and 
intrust  to  me  for  that  purpose,  but  to 
warn  the  citizens  of  South  Carolina  who 
have  been  deluded  into  an  opposition  to 
the  laws,  of  the  danger  they  will  incur  by 
obedience  to  the  illegal  and  disorganizing 
ordinance  of  the  convention ;  to  exhort 
those  who  have  refused  to  support  it  to 
persevere  in  their  determination  to  iip- 
hold  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  their 
country,  and  to  point  out  to  all  the  peril- 
ous situation  into  which  the  good  people 
of  that  State  ha^'e  been  led,  and  that  the 
course  they  have  been  urged  to  pursue  is 
one  of  ruin  and  disgrace  to  the  very  State 
whose  rights  they  affect  to  support. 

Fellow-citizens  of  my  native  State,  let 
me  not  only  admonish  you,  as  the  first 
magistrate  of  our  common  country,  not 
to  incur  the  penalty  of  its  laws,  but  use 
the  influence  that  a  father  would  over  his 
children  whom  he  saw  rushing  to  certain 
ruin.  In  that  paternal  language,  with 
that  paternal  feeling,  let  me  tell  you,  my 
countrymen,  that  you  are  deluded  by  men 
who  are  either  deceived  themselves  or  wish 
to  deceive  you.  Mark  under  what  pre- 
tences you  have  been  led  on  to  the  brink 
of  insurrection  and  treason  on  which  you 
stand !  First,  a  diminution  of  the  value 
of  your  staple  commodity,  lowered  by  over- 
production in  other  quarters,  and  the  con- 

sequent diminution  in  the  value  of  your 
lands,  were  the  sole  effect  of  the  tariff 

The  effect  of  those  laws  was  confess- 
edly injurious,  but  the  evil  was  greatly 
exaggerated  by  the  unfounded  theory  you 
were  taught  to  believe,  that  its  burdens 
were  in  proportion  to  your  exports,  not  to 
your  consumption  of  imported  articles. 
Your  pride  was  roused  by  the  assertion 
that  a  submission  to  those  laws  was  a 
state  of  vassalage,  and  that  resistance  to 
them  was  equal,  in  patriotic  merit,  to  the 
opposition  our  fathers  offered  to  the  op- 
pressive laws  of  Great  Britain.  You 
were  told  that  this  opposition  might  be 
peaceably,  might  be  constitutionally 
made;  that  you  might  enjoy  all  the  ad- 
vantages of  the  Union,  and  bear  none  of 
its  burdens.  Eloquent  appeals  to  your 
passions,  to  your  State  pride,  to  your 
native  courage,  to  your  sense  of  real  in- 
jury, were  used  to  prepare  you  for  the 
period  when  the  mask  which  concealed  the 
hideous  features  of  disunion  should  be 
taken  off.  It  fell,  and  you  were  made  to 
look  with  complacency  on  objects  which, 
not  long  since,  you  would  have  regarded 
with  horror.  Look  back  to  the  arts 
which  have  brought  you  to  this  state ; 
look  forward  to  the  consequences  to 
which  it  must  inevitably  lead!  Look 
back  to  what  was  first  told  you  as  an  in- 
ducement to  enter  into  this  dangerous 
course!  The  great  political  truth  was  re- 
peated to  you,  that  you  had  the  revolu- 
tionary right  of  resisting  all  laws  that 
were  palpably  unconstitutional  and  in- 
tolerably oppressive;  it  was  added  that 
the  right  to  nullify  a  law  rested  on  the 
same  principle,  but  that  it  was  a  peace- 
able remedy.  This  character  which  was 
given  to  it  made  you  receive,  with  too 
nuich  confidence,  the  assertions  that  were 
made  of  the  unconstitutionality  of  the 
law  and  its  oppressive  effects.  Mark,  my 
fellow-citizens,  that,  by  the  admission  of 
your  leaders,  the  unconstitutionality 
must  be  palpable,  or  it  will  not  justify 
either  resistance  or  nullification!  What 
is  the  meaning  of  the  word  palpable  in 
the  sense  in  which  it  is  here  used?  That 
which  is  apparent  to  every  one;  that 
which  no  man  of  ordinary  intellect  will 
fail  to  perceive.  Is  the  unconstitution- 
ality  of   these   laws   of   that   description? 



Let  those  among  your  leaders,  who  once  tection  so  many  different   States — giving 

approved   and  advocated   the  principle  of  to  all  their  inhabitants  the  proud  title  ot 

protective    duties,    answer    the    question,  American    citizens,   protecting   their   com- 

and  let  them  choose  whether  they  will  be  merce,  securing  their  literature  and  their 

considered   as   incapable   then   of   perceiv-  arts;    facilitating    their    intercommunica- 

ing  that  which  must  have  been  apparent  tion;  defending  their  frontiers;  and  mak- 

to   every  man  of  common  understanding,  ing  their  name  respected  in  the  remotest 

or  as  imposing  upon  your  confidence,  and  parts  of  the  earth.     Consider  the  extent 

endeavoring     to     mislead     you     now.     In  of  its  territory;  its  increasing  and  happy 

either  case  they  are  unsafe  guides  in  the  population;  its  advance  in  arts  which  ren- 

perilous    path    they    urge    you    to    tread,  der  life  agreeable;  and  the  sciences  which 

I'onder    well    on    this    circumstance,    and  elevate  the  mind!      See  education  spread- 

you  will  know  how  to  appreciate  the  ex-  ing  the  lights  of   religion,  morality,  and 

aggerated   language  they  address  to  you.  general  information  into  every  cottage  in 

They  are  not  champions  of  liberty  emu-  this   wide   extent   of   our   Territories   and 

lating    the    fame    of    our    Revolutionary  States!      Behold   it  as  the   asylum  where 

fathers ;    nor   are   you   an   oppressed   peo-  the   wretched    and    the    oppressed    find    a 

pie    contending,    as    they    repeat    to    you,  refuge  and  support!      Look  on  this  pict- 

against  worse   than   colonial   vassalage.  ure  of  happiness  and  honor,  and  say,  we. 

You  are  free  members  of  a  flourishing  too,  are  citizens  of  America!  Carolina  is 
and  happy  Union.  There  is  no  settled  de-  one  of  these  proud  States;  her  arms  have 
sign  to  oppress  you.  You  have,  indeed,  defended,  her  best  blood  has  cemented,  this 
felt  the  unequal  operation  of  laws  which  happy  L^nion !  And  then  add,  if  you 
may  have  been  unwisely,  not  unconstitu-  can,  without  horror  and  remorse,  this  hap- 
tionally,  passed;  but  that  inequality  must  py  Union  we  will  dissolve;  this  picture  of 
necessarily  be  removed.  At  the  very  mo-  peace  and  prosperity  we  will  deface;  this 
ment  when  you  were  madly  urged  on  to  free  intercourse  we  will  interrupt;  these 
the  unfortunate  course  you  have  begun,  fertile  fields  we  will  deluge  with  blood ; 
a  change  in  public  opinion  had  com-  the  protection  of  that  glorious  flag  we 
menced.  The  nearly  approaching  pay-  renounce;  the  very  name  of  Americans 
m.ent  of  the  public  debt,  and  the  conse-  we  discard.  And  for  what,  mistaken  men ; 
quent  necessity  of  a  diminution  of  duties,  for  w^hat  do  you  throw  away  these  ines- 
had  already  produced  a  considerable  re-  timable  blessings?  For  what  would  you 
duction,  and  that,  too,  on  some  articles  exchange  your  share  in  the  advantages 
of  general  consumption  in  your  State,  and  honor  of  the  U^nion?  For  the  dream 
The  importance  of  this  change  was  under-  of  separate  independence — a  dream  inter- 
rated,  and  you  were  authoritatively  told  rupted  by  bloody  conflicts  with  your  neigh- 
that  no  further  alleviation  of  your  bur-  bors,  and  a  vile  dependence  on  a  foreign 
dens  Avas  to  be  expected  at  the  very  time  power.  If  your  leaders  could  succeed  in 
when  the  condition  of  the  country  im-  establishing  a  separation,  what  would  be 
periously  demanded  fuch  a  modification  your  situation?  Are  you  united  at  home ; 
of  the  duties  as  should  reduce  them  to  a  are  you  free  from  the  apprehension  of  civil 
just  and  equitable  scale.  But,  as  if  ap-  discord,  with  all  its  fearful  consequences? 
prehensive  of  the  efl'ect  of  this  change  in  Do  your  neighboring  republics,  every  day 
allaying  your  discontents,  you  were  pre-  suffering  some  new  revolution,  or  contend- 
cipitated  into  the  fearful  state  in  which  ing  with  some  new  insurrection — do  they 
you  now  find  yourselves.  excite  your  envy?     But  the  dictates  of  a 

I  have  urged  you  to  look  back  to  the  high  duty  oblige  me  solemnly  to  announce 

means   that  were   used   to   hurry   you   on  tliat  you  cannot  succeed.     The  laws  of  the 

to  the  position  j^ou  have  now  assumed,  and  LTnited  States  must  be  executed.     I  have 

forward  to  the   consequences   it  will  pro-  no    discretionary   power    on    the    subject; 

duce.     Something  more  is  necessary.    Con-  my   duty    is   emphatically   pronounced    in 

template    the    condition    of    that    country  the    Constitution.      Those    who    told    you 

of  which  you  still  form  an  important  part,  that   you   might   peaceably   prevent   their 

Consider    its   government   uniting    in   one  execution    deceived    you ;    they   could   net 

bond  of  common  interest  and  general  pro-  have  been  deceived  themselves.    They  know 



that  a  forcible  opposition  could  alone  pre- 
vent the  execution  of  the  laws,  and  they 
know  that  such  opposition  must  be  re- 
pelled. Their  object  is  disunion;  but  be 
not  deceived  by  names:  disunion,  by  armed 
force,  is  treason.  Are  you  really  ready  to 
incur  its  guilt?  If  you  are,  on  the  heads 
of  the  instigators  of  the  act  be  the  dread- 
ful consequences;  on  their  heads  be  the 
dishonor,  but  on  yours  may  fall  the  pun- 
ishment. On  your  unhappy  State  will 
inevitably  fall  all  the  evils  of  the  con- 
flict you  force  upon  the  government  of 
your  country.  It  cannot  accede  to  the 
mad  project  of  disunion,  of  which  you 
would  be  the  first  victims;  its  first  magis- 
trate cannot,  if  he  would,  avoid  the  per- 
formance of  his  duty.  The  consequence 
must  be  fearful  for  you,  distressing  to 
your  fellow-citizens  here,  and  to  the 
friends  of  good  government  throughout 
the  world.  Its  enemies  have  beheld  our 
prosperity  with  a  vexation  they  could  not 
conceal ;  it  was  a  standing  refutation  of 
their  slavish  doctrines,  and  they  will  point 
to  our  discord  with  the  triumph  of  malig- 
nant joy.  It  is  yet  in  your  power  to  dis- 
appoint them.  There  is  yet  time  to  show 
that  the  descendants  of  the  Pinckneys, 
the  Sumters,  the  Rutledges,  and  of  the 
thousand  other  names  which  adorn  the 
pages  of  your  Revolutionary  history,  will 
not  abandon  that  Union,  to  support  which 
so  many  of  them  fought,  and  bled,  and 

I  adjure  you,  as  you  honor  their  mem- 
ory, as  you  love  the  cause  of  freedom,  to 
which  they  dedicated  their  lives,  as  you 
prize  the  peace  of  your  country,  the  lives 
of  its  best  citizens,  and  your  own  fair 
fame,  to  retrace  your  steps.  Snatch  from 
the  archives  of  your  State  the  disorgan- 
izing edict  of  its  convention ;  bid  its 
members  to  reassemble,  and  promulgate 
the  decided  expressions  of  your  will  to 
remain  in  the  path  which  alone  can  con- 
duct you  to  safety,  prosperity,  and  honor. 
Tell  them  that,  compared  to  disunion,  all 
other  evils  are  light,  because  that  brings 
with  it  an  accumulation  of  all.  Declare 
that  you  will  never  take  the  field  irnless 
the  star-spangled  banner  of  your  country 
shall  float  over  you ;  that  yoii  will  not 
be  stigmatized  when  dead,  and  dishonored 
and  scorned  while  you  live,  as  the  au- 
thors of  the  first  attack  on  the  Constitu- 


tion  of  your  country.  Its  destroyers  you 
cannot  be.  You  may  disturb  its  peace; 
you  may  interrupt  the  course  of  its  pros- 
perity; you  may  cloud  its  reputation  for 
stability,  but  its  tranquillity  will  be  re- 
stored, its  prosperity  will  return,  and 
the  stain  upon  its  national  character  will 
be  transferred  and  remain  an  eternal  blot 
on  the  memory  of  those  who  caused  the 

Fellow-citizens  of  the  United  States, 
the  threat  of  unhallowed  disunion  —  the 
names  of  those  once  respected,  by  whom 
it  is  uttered — the  array  of  military  force 
to  support  it — denote  the  approach  of  a 
crisis  in  our  affairs  on  which  the  con- 
tinuance of  our  unexampled  prosperity, 
our  political  existence,  and,  perhaps,  that 
of  all  free  governments,  may  depend. 
The  conjuncture  demanded  a  free,  a  full, 
and  explicit  enunciation,  not  only  of  my 
intentions,  but  of  my  principles  of  action; 
and,  as  the  claim  was  asserted  of  a  right 
by  a  State  to  annul  the  laws  of  the  Union, 
and  even  to  secede  from  it  at  pleasure,  a 
frank  exposition  of  my  opinions  in  rela- 
tion to  the  origin  and  form  of  our  gov- 
ernment, and  the  construction  I  give  to 
the  instrument  by  which  it  was  created, 
seemed  to  be  proper.  Having  the  fullest 
confidence  in  the  justness  of  the  legal 
and  constitutional  opinion  of  my  duties, 
which  has  been  expressed,  I  rely,  with 
equal  confidence,  on  your  undivided  sup- 
port in  my  determination  to  execute  the 
laws,  to  preserve  the  Union  by  all  con- 
stitutional means,  to  arrest,  if  possible, 
by  moderate  but  firm  measures,  the  neces- 
sity of  a  recourse  to  force;  and,  if  it  be 
the  will  of  Heaven,  that  the  recurrence 
of  its  primeval  curse  on  man  for  the 
shedding  of  a  brother's  blood  should  fall 
upon  our  land,  that  it  be  not  called  down 
by  an  offensive  act  on  the  part  of  the 
United  States. 

Fellow  -  citizens,  the  momentous  case 
is  before  you.  On  your  undivided  sup- 
port of  your  government  depends  the  de- 
cision of  the  great  question  it  involves, 
whether  your  sacred  Union  will  be  pre- 
served, and  the  blessings  it  secures  to  us 
as  one  people  shall  be  perpetuated.  No 
one  can  doubt  that  the  unanimity  with 
which  that  decision  will  be  expressed  wili 
be  such  as  to  inspire  neAV  confidence  in 
republican  institutions,  and  that  the  pru- 


dence,  the  wisdom,  and  the  courage  which  camped  around  Lawrence,  Kan.,  where  he 

it  will  bring  to  their  defence  will  trans-  took  measures  to  prevent  a  legal  polling 

mit  them  unimpaired  and  invigorated  to  of   votes   at   an   election   for   members   of 

our  children.  the  territorial  legislature,  late  in  March. 

May  the  Great  Ruler  of  nations  grant  His  followers  threatened  to  hang  a  judge 

that   the   signal   blessings  with   which   He  who  attempted  to  secure  an  honest  vote, 

has  favored  ours  may  not,  by  the  madness  and  by  threats   compelled   another   to   re- 

of   party  or   personal   ambition,   be   disre-  ceive  every  vote  offered  by  a  Missourian. 

garded  and  lost;  and  may  His  wise  Provi-  When  the   Civil   War  broke   out,  Jackson 

dence  bring  those  who  have  produced  this  made  strenuous  efforts  to  place  Missouri 

crisis   to   see   their   folly  before   they   feel  on   the   side   of   secession,   but   was   foiled 

the  misery  of  civil  strife,  and  inspire  a  re-  chiefly   through    the    efforts    of    Gen.    Na- 

turning  veneration  for  that  Union  which,  thaniel    Lyon.     He    was    deposed    by    the 

if  we  may  dare  to  penetrate  His  designs,  Missouri  State  convention,  in  July,   1861, 

He  has  chosen  as  the  only  means  of  attain-  when  he  entered  the  Confederate  military 

ing  the  high   destinies   to  which   we  may  service    as    a    brigadier-general.     He    died 

reasonably  aspire.  in  Little  Rock.  Ark.,  Dec.  6,  18G2. 

In  testimony  whereof,  I  have  caused  the        Jackson,     Francis,     social     reformer; 

seal  of  the  United  States  to  be  hereunto  born    in   Newton,   Mass.,   March    7,    1789; 

affixed,  having  signed  the   same  with  my  president   of   the   Anti-Slavery   Society   in 

hand.  Boston  for  many  years.     He  published  a 

Done   at   the   city   of   Washington,   this  IJistory  of  Newton,  and   died   there   Nov. 

10th  day  of  December,  in  the  year  of  our  14,  1861. 

Lord    one    thousand    eight    hundred    and        Jackson,  Fraxcis  James,  British  min- 

thirty-two,  and  of  the  independence  of  the  ister  to  the  United  States,  who  succeeded 

United    States    the   fifty-seventh.  David    M.    Erskine   in    1809.      An   experi- 

Jackson,    Charles  Thomas,  geologist;  enced   diplomatist,   he   had   lately   figured 

born  in  Plymoiith,  Mass.,  June  21,  1805;  discreditably  in  the  affair  of  the  seizure 

graduated  at  Harvard  in  1829,  and  after-  of  the  Danish  fleet  by  British  men-of-war 

wards  studied  in  Paris.     He  Avas  appoint-  at  Copenhagen.     He  had  become  known  as 

ed  State  geologist  of  Maine  and  surveyor  "  Copenhagen  Jackson,"  whose  conduct  did 

of  public  lands  in  1836,  and  of  Rhode  Isl-  not  commend  him  to  the  good-will  of  the 

and  in  1839;  and  subsequently  was  engaged  people  of  the  United  States.     The  impres- 

on   the  geological   survey   of   New   Hamp-  sion  was  that  he  had  come  with  explana- 

shire;  explored  the  southern  shore  of  Lake  tions    of    the    cause    of    the    rejection    of 

Superior  in   1844;   and  was  appointed   to  Erskine's  arrangement.     The  Secretary  of 

survey  the  mineral  lands  of  Michigan  in  State,  finding  he  had  nothing  to  offer,  ad- 

1847.     He  is  author  of  a  large  number  of  dressed  Jackson  in  a  letter  in  which  a  tone 

reports    on    the    geology    of    Maine,    New  of   discontent   was   conspicuous,   declaring 

Hampshire,  Massachusetts,   Rhode  Island,  the  surprise  and  regret  of  the  President 

etc.     He  claimed  to  be  the   discoverer  of  that  he  had  no  explanations  to  offer  as  to 

etherization,    and    received    the    Montyon  the    non-ratification    of    the    Erskine    ar- 

prize     from     the     French     Academy     of  rangement,  or  authority  to  substitute  any 

Sciences.      He   died  in   Somerville,   Mass.,  new  arrangement  for  it.    The  object  of  the 

Aug.  28,  1880.  letter,    probably,   was   to   draw   out   from 

Jackson,    Claiborne    Fox,    statesman ;  Jackson  an  explicit  admission,  as  a  basis 

born    in    Fleming    county,    Ky.,    April    4,  for  an  appeal  to  the  nation,  that  he  had 

1807;     became    conspicuovis    as    a    leader  no    authority    to    treat    except    upon    the 

in  the  efforts  of  pro-slavery  men  to  make  ground    of    Canning's    three    conditions — 

Kansas   a   slave-labor   State.     In   1822   he  namely,    1.    The    repealing    as    to    Great 

went  to  Missouri;   was  a  captain   in  the  Britain,   but   the   keeping   in   force   as   to 

Black  Hawk  War;  served  several  years  in  France,    and    all    countries    adopting    her 

the  State  legislature;  and  was  elected  gov-  decrees,  so  long  as  these  decrees  were  con- 

ornor    of   Missouri   by   the   Democrats    in  tinned,  all  American  non-importation  and 

1860.     In   1855  he  led  a  band  of  lawless  non-intercourse  acts;   2.  The  renunciation 

men  from  Missouri,  who,  fully  armed,  en-  by  the  United  States,  during  the  present 



war,  of  any  pretensions  to  carry  on  any 
trade  with  the  colonies  of  belligerents  not 
allowed  in  time  of  peace;  and  3.  The  allow- 
ing British  ships-of-war  to  enforce,  by 
caj  ture,  the  American  non-intercourse  acts 
wi\.h  France  and  her  allies.  Jackson  de- 
clared that  the  rejection  of  that  part  of 
the  arrangement  of  Erskine  relating  to 
the  affair  of  the  Chesapeake  and  Leopard 
was  owing  partly  to  the  offensive  terms 
employed  in  the  American  note  to  Erskine 
concerning  it.  This  note  had  offended  the 
old  monarch,  with  whom  Admiral  Berkeley 
was  a  favorite.  In  it  Secretary  Smith 
said,  April  17,  1809:  "  I  have  it  in  express 
charge  from  the  President  to  state  that, 
while  he  forbears  to  insist  on  a  further 
punishment  of  the  offending  officer,  he  is 
not  the  less  sensible  of  the  justice  and 
utility  of  such  an  example,  nor  the  less 
persuaded  that  it  would  best  comport  with 
what  is  due  from  his  Britannic  Majesty 
to  his  own  honor."  Jackson's  manner  was 
offensive.  He  had  an  unbounded  admira- 
tion for  the  government  he  represented, 
and  a  pj'ofound  contempt  for  the  Ameri- 
cans as  an  inferior  people.  He  treated  the 
officers  of  the  United  States  government 
with  the  same  haughty  bearing  that  he  did 
those  of  weak  and  bleeding  Denmark,  and, 
after  one  or  two  personal  interviews.  Sec- 
retary Smith  refused  to  have  any  further 
intercourse  with  him  except  in  writing. 
The  insolent  diplomat  was  offended,  and 
wrote  an  impudent  letter  to  the  Secretary. 
He  was  informed  that  no  more  communi- 
cations would  be  received  from  him,  when 
Jackson,  disappointed  and  angry,  left 
Washington  with  every  member  of  the 
diplomatic  family,  and  retired  to  New 
York.  The  United  States  government  re- 
quested his  recall,  and  early  in  1810  he 
was  summoned  to  England.  No  other 
minister  was  sent  to  the  United  States  for 
about  a  year. 

Jackson,  Helen  Maria  Fiske,  author; 
born  in  Amherst,  Mass.,  Oct.  18,  1831; 
daughter  of  Prof.  Nathan  W.  Fiske;  was 
educated  in  the  Ipswich  Female  Semi- 
nary; married  Capt.  Edward  B.  Hunt  in 
18.52.  She  first  became  known  as  an  au- 
thor under  the  letters  "  H.  H."  in  1875, 
when  she  married  William  S.  Jackson. 
In  1879  she  became  deeply  interested  in 
the  condition  of  the  American  Indians  and 
their    treatment    by    the    United    States 


government.  In  1883,  while  a  special 
commissioner  to  inquire  into  the  circum- 
stances of  the  Mission  Indians  of  Cali- 
fornia, she  studied  the  history  of  the  early 
Spanish  missions,  and  a  short  time  prior 
to  her  death  she  wrote  the  President  a 
letter  pathetically  asking  for  the  "  right- 
ing of  the  wrongs  of  the  Indian  race." 
Her  works  include  Verses;  Bits  of  Travel; 
Nelly's  Silver-Mine;  The  Story  of  Boone; 
A  Century  of  Dishonor;  Mammy  Little- 
hack  and  her  Family ;  Ramona;  Glimpses 
of  Three  Coasts;  Hetty's  Strange  History, 
and  others.  She  died  in  San  Francisco, 
Cal.,  Aug.   12,   1885. 

Jackson,  Henry  Bootes,  military  offi- 
cer; born  in  Athens,  Ga.,  June  24,  1820; 
graduated  at  Yale  College  in  1839,  and 
admitted  to  the  bar  in  1840,  when  he 
settled  in  Savannah.  He  was  appointed 
United  States  district  attorney  for 
Georgia  in  1843.  During  the  Mexican 
War  he  was  colonel  of  the  1st  Georgia 
Volunteers.  At  the  close  of  the  war  he 
became  part  proprietor  of  The  Georgian, 
in  Savannah.  In  1853  he  was  sent  to  the 
Court  of  Austria  as  the  United  States 
charge  d'affaires.  In  1854-58  he  was 
minister  to  Austria.  Returning  to  the 
United  States  he  was  commissioned  a 
special  United  States  district  attorney  for 
Georgia,  to  aid  in  trying  notorious  slave- 
trading  cases.  When  the  Civil  War  broke 
out  he  entered  the  Confederate  army  with 
the  rank  of  brigadier-general.  During  the 
battle  of  Nashville,  in  December,  1864,  he 
was  taken  prisoner,  and  was  held  till  the 
close  of  the  war.  Returning  to  Savannah 
he  resumed  law  practice.  In  1875-88  he 
was  a  trustee  of  the  Peabody  Educational 
Fund.  In  1885  he  was  appointed  minister 
to  Mexico,  but  served  only  a  few  months, 
owing  to  his  opposition  to  the  govern- 
ment in  seizing  the  American  ship  Re- 
hecca.  He  published  Tallulah,  and  other 
Poems.  He  died  in  Savannah,  Ga.,  May 
23,  1898. 

Jackson,  Howell  Edmunds,  jurist; 
born  in  Paris,  Tenn..  April  8,  1832;  grad- 
uated at  the  West  Tennessee  College  in 
1848;  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1856;  elected 
United  States  Senator  from  Tennessee  in 
1881,  but  resigned  in  1880,  when  he  was 
appointed  United  States  district  judge  by 
President  Cleveland ;  appointed  justice  of 
the  United  States  Supreme  Court  in  1893. 


He  died  in   West  Meade,   Tenn.,   Aug.   8, 

Jackson,  James,  military  officer;  born 
in  Devonshire,  England,  Sept.  21,  1757; 
removed  to  Savannah,  Ga.,  in  1772;  stud- 
ied law;  entered  the  military  service; 
and  was  brigade-major  of  the  Georgia 
militia  in  1778.  He  took  part  in  the 
defence  of  Savannah;  and,  when  the  Brit- 
ish seized  it  at  the  close  of  1778,  he  fled 
to  South  Carolina,  where  he  joined  Gen- 
eral Moultrie.  His  appearance  was  so 
wretched  while  in  his  flight,  that  he  was 
arrested,  tried,  and  condemned  as  a  spy, 
and  was  about  to  be  executed,  when  a 
reputable  citizen  of  Georgia,  who  knew 
him,  saved  him.     Jackson  fought  a  duel 


in  March,  1780,  with  Lieutenant-Governor 
Wells,  killing  his  antagonist,  and  being 
severely  wounded  himself.  He  joined  Col. 
Elijah  Clarke,  and  became  aide  to  Sum- 
ter. With  Pickens  he  shared  in  the  vic- 
tory at  the  Cowpens.  He  afterwards  did 
good  service  as  commander  of  a  legionary 
corps,  and  was  presented  with  a  dwelling 
in  Savannah  by  the  Georgia  legislature. 
In  1786  he  was  made  brigadier-general, 
and  in  1788  was  elected  governor  of 
Georgia,  but  the  latter  office  he  declined. 
From  1789  to  1791  he  was  a  member  of 
Congress,  and  from  1793  to  1795,  and 
from  1801  to  1806,  United  States  Senator. 
From  1798  to  1801  he  was  governor  of 
the  State.  He  died  in  Washington,  D.  C, 
March   12,   1806. 

Jackson,   Jonathan,   patriot;    born   in 
Boston,  Mass.,  June  4,  1743;  graduated  at 


Harvard  College  in  1761 ;  held  a  seat  in 
the  Provincial  Congress  in  1775;  was 
United  States  marshal  in  1789-91.  He 
wrote  Thoughts  upon  the  Political  Situa- 
tion of  the  United  States.  He  died  in 
Boston,  Mass.,  March  5,  1810. 

Jackson,  Sheldon,  clergyman;  born 
in  Minaville,  N.  Y.,  May  18,  1834;  gradu- 
ated at  Union  College  in  1855,  and  at 
Princeton  Theological  Seminary  in  1858, 
and  was  ordained  a  minister  in  the 
Presbyterian  Church  on  May  5  of  the  lat- 
ter year.  The  same  year  he  went  as  a 
missionary  to  the  Choctaw  Indians.  In 
1859-69  he  was  engaged  in  missionary 
work  in  western  Wisconsin  and  southern 
Minnesota;  in  1869-70  was  superintend- 
ent of  the  Presbyterian  missions  in 
western  Iowa,  Nebraska,  and  the  Rocky 
Mountain  Territories;  and  in  1877  became 
superintendent  of  the  Presbyterian  mis- 
sions in  Alaska.  In  1885  he  was  ap- 
pointed United  States  general  agent  of 
education  for  the  Territory  of  Alaska. 
In  1887  he  organized  at  Sitka  the  Alaskan 
Society  of  Natural  History  and  Ethnol- 
ogy; in  1884  induced  Congress  to  grant 
a  district  organization  to  Alaska;  in  1891 
introduced  reindeer  into  that  region;  and 
in  1898  was  authorized  to  secure  a  colony 
of  Laplanders  for  Alaska.  He  was  sev- 
eral times  a  commissioner  to  the  general 
assembly  of  the  Presbyterian  Church, 
and  moderator  in  1897.  He  gave  $50,000 
to  establish  a  Christian  college  in  Utah 
in  1896.  He  is  a  member  of  the  National 
Geographical  Society,  and  many  other 
similar  organizations.  His  publications 
include  Alaska  and  Missions  on  the 
North  Pacific  Coast;  Education  in 
Alaska,  and  elaborate  reports  on  Alaska 
in  the  annual  reports  of  the  United  States 
Commissioner   of    Education. 

Jackson,  Thouas  Jonathan,  military 
officer;  born  in  Clarksburg,  Va.,  Jan.  21, 
1824;  graduated  at  West  Point  in  1840, 
entering  the  2d  Artillery;  served  in 
the  war  with  Mexico ;  was  brevetted 
captain  and  major;  and  resigned  in  1852 
with  health  impaired,  becoming  profess- 
or in  the  Military  Institute  at  Lexing- 
ton, Va.  He  entered  the  Confederate  ser- 
vice, as  colonel,  in  April,  1861,  and  com- 
manded the  "  Army  of  Observation "  at 
Harper's  Ferry.  His  first  engagement  was 
at  Falling  Waters.  Jackson  commanded 


THOMAS  J.    ("stonewall")  JACKSON. 

a  brigade  in  the  battle  of  Bull  Run,  where  orphan,  at  an  early  age;  At  the  breaking 
he  received  the  name  of  "  Stonewall."  A  out  of  the  Revolutionary  War  he  entered 
furious  clvirge,  made  by  a  New  York  regi-    the   military   service.     He    finally   became 

aide  to  General  Lincoln,  and  was  made  a 
prisoner  at  Charleston  in  1780.  He  was 
secretary  to  Col.  John  Laurens,  special 
minister  to  France,  and  was  in  Washing- 
ton's military  family  as  aide,  with  the 
rank  of  major.  Jackson  was  assistant 
Secretary  of  War  under  Washington,  and 
was  secretary  to  the  convention  that 
framed  the  national  Constitution  in  1787. 
From  1789  to  1792  he  was  aide  and  private 
secretary  to  President  Washington ;  from 
1796  to  1801  was  surveyor  of  the  port  of 
Philadelphia,  and  was  secretary  to  the 
General  Society  of  the  Cincinnati.  He 
died  in  Philadelphia,  Dec.   17,  1828. 

Jackson  and  St.  Philip,  Forts,  two 
fortifications  on  the  Mississippi  River, 
57  miles  southeast  of  New  Orleans,  which 
command  the  lower  approach  to  that 
city.  Both  were  strongly  fortified  by  the 
ment,  under  Col.  Henry  W.  Slocum,  had  Confederates  in  the  early  part  of  the 
shattered  the  Confederate  line,  and  the  Civil  War,  and  were  passed  by  the  fleet 
troops  had  fled  to  a  plateau  whereon  Gen-  under  Farragut,  April  24,  1862. 
eral  Jackson  had  just  arrived 
with  reserves.  "  They  are 
beating  us  back ! "  exclaimed 
Gen.  Bernard  E.  Bee.  "Well, 
sir,"  replied  Jackson,  "  we  will 
give  them  the  bayonet."  Bee 
was        encouraged.  "  Form ! 

form!"  he  cried  to  the  fugi- 
tives; "there  stands  Jackson 
like  a  stone  wall."  The  effect 
of  these  words  was  wonderful. 
The  flight  was  checked,  order 
was  brought  out  of  confusion, 
and  ever  afterwards  the  calm 
general  was  called  "  Stone- 
wall." He  attained  the  rank 
of  lieutenant-general,  and  was 
accidentally  shot  by  his  own 
men,  while  reconnoitring  dur- 
ing the  battle  of  Chancel- 
lorsville;  and,  from  his 
wounds,  and  a  sudden  at-  <  .• 
tack    of    pneumonia,    he 

military  officer;  born  in 
Cumberland,  England, 
March  9.  1759;  was  taken 
to  Charleston,  S.  C,  an 
V — H 

died    in    Guinea    Station.     vAx'H\-^lvi)  r'A,  i'      ''     >  ■'[' 
Va..  May  10,  1863.  "      ^l^^W^  '^-■ 

Jackson,        William,    V^H.^M-i'^'  jf^'-M'' 



II,  T 





Although  Farragut  had  passed  these 
forts,  and  the  Confederate  flotilla  had 
been  destroyed,  the  fortifications  were  still 
lirmly  held.  The  mortar-fleet  under  Por- 
ter was  below  them.  General  Butler,  who 
had  accompanied  the  gunboats  on  their 
perilous  passage  on  the  Saxon,  had  re- 
turned to  his  transports,  and  in  small 
boats  his  troops,  under  the  general  pilot- 
age of  Gen.  Godfrey  Weitzel,  passed 
through  bayous  to  the  rear  of  Fort  St. 
Philip.  When  he  was  prepared  to  assail 
it,  the  garrison  was  surrendered  without 

cer;  born  in  Oldham  county,  Ky.,  in  1825; 
went  to  California  in  1846,  where  he  aided 
Gen.  John  C.  Fremont  in  conquering  that 
section.  In  1862  he  recruited  a  regiment 
of  1,244  cavalry  at  Eminence,  Ky. ;  in 
1863  became  lieutenant-governor  of  Ken- 
tucky. He  was  strongly  opposed  to  Presi- 
dent Lincoln's  emancipation  proclamation, 
holding  that  it  not  only  deprived  those 
loyal  citizens  who  owned  slaves  of  their 
property,  but  it  was  unjust  to  the  friends 
of  the  Union. 

Jacobi,  Mary  Putnam,  physician;  born 



resistance  (April  28),  for  they  had  heard 
of  the  destruction  of  the  Confederate  flo- 
tilla. The  commander  of  Fort  Jackson, 
fearing  that  all  was  lost,  accepted  gener- 
ous terms  of  surrender  from  Commodore 
Porter.  'The  prisoners  taken  in  the  forts 
and  at  the  quarantine  numbered  about 
1 ,000.  The  entire  loss  of  the  Nationals 
from  the  beginning  of  the  contest  until 
New  Orleans  was  taken  was  forty  killed 
and  177  wounded.  See  New  Orleans. 
Jacob,   Piic'iiARD  Taylor,   military  offi- 


in  London,  England,  Aug.  31,  1842; 
daughter  of  George  P.  Putnam,  of  New 
York.  She  studied  in  the  Philadelphia 
Medical  College  for  Women,  and  grad- 
uated at  the  New  York  College  of  Phar- 
macy. She  was  the  first  woman  ma- 
triculated at  the  Ecole  de  Medecine,  in 
Paris,  France,  where  she  graduated  in 
1871.  For  twelve  years  she  was  the  dis- 
pensary physician  at  the  Mount  Sinai 
Hospital,  and  for  ten  years  was  professor 
in  the  Woman's  Medical  College,  both  in 


New  York.  Her  essay,  The  Question  of 
Rest  for  Women  during  Menstruation, 
won  the  Boylston  prize.  She  is  the  au- 
thor of  The  Value  of  Life;  Cold  Pack  and 
Massage  in  Ancemia;  Hysteria;  Brain 
Tumor,  and  other  Essays;  Studies  in  Pri- 
inary  Education ;  Common-Sense  Applied 
to  Woman  Suffrage;  and  numerous  articles 
in  medical  periodicals. 

Jacobs,  Benjamin  Franklin,  philan- 
tiiropist;  born  in  Paterson,  N.  J.,  Sept. 
18,  1834;  received  a  liberal  education; 
and  engaged  in  business  in  Chicago  in 
1854.  At  an  early  age  he  became  deep- 
ly interested  in  Sunday-school  work.  In 
1856  he  was  superintendent  of  the  First 
Baptist  Mission  Sunday-school  of  Chi- 
cago, and  in  1864  director  of  the  First 
Baptist  Sunday  Choir.  During  the  Civil 
War  he  was  secretary  of  the  northwestern 
branch  of  the  United  States  Christian 
Commission.  He  founded  the  Waif's 
Mission  in  Chicago,  and  with  others  or- 
ganized the  Immanuel  Baptist  Church 
there  in  1881,  becoming  superintendent  of 
its  Sunday-school.  He  originated  the 
International  Sunday-school  Lessons  which 
are  used  now  by  all  evangelical  denom- 
inations. In  1872  he  became  a  member 
of  the  international  lesson  committee. 
For  seA'eral  years  he  has  been  chairman 
of  the  executive  committee  of  the  Inter- 
national Sunday-school  Association. 

Jacobs,  Henry  Eyster,  theologian ; 
born  in  Gettysburg,  Pa.,  Nov.  10,  1844; 
graduated  at  Pennsylvania  College  in  1862, 
and  at  the  Lutheran  Theological  Seminary. 
Gettysburg,  in  1865;  became  Professor  of 
Systematic  Theology  at  the  Lutheran 
Theological  Seminary  in  1888.  He  is  the 
author  of  History  of  the  Lutheran  Church 
in  America;  The  German  Emigration  to 
America,  1709-.'i0,  etc. 

Jamaica,  Conquest  of.  When  Crom- 
well had  made  peace  with  the  Dutch 
(1654)  he  declared  war  against  Spain, 
and  sent  a  fleet  under  Admiral  Penn  and 
an  army  imder  General  Venables  to  attack 
the  Spanish  West  Indies.  Edward  Winslow 
went  with  the  fleet  as  one  of  Cromwell's 
commissioners  to  superintend  the  con- 
quered covuitries.  By  volunteers  from 
Barbadoes  and  the  Leeward  Islands  the 
army  was  increased  to  10,000.  Santo  Do- 
mingo was  first  attacked.  The  English 
>vere  repulsed,  and  then  proceeded  to  Ja- 

maica, which  they  easily  took  possession 
of,  for  it  was  inhabited  by  only  a  few  of 
the  enervated  descendants  of  old  Spanish 
colonists  and  some  negro  slaves.  Winslow 
died  at  sea  soon  after  the  repulse  at  Santo 
Domingo,  and  Sedgwick,  of  Massachu- 
setts, was  put  in  his  place.  He  framed  an 
instrument  of  government  for  Jamaica, 
liaving  a  supreme  executive  council,  of 
which  he  was  the  head.  Cromwell,  anx- 
ious to  retain  and  people  the  island  with 
subjects  of  Great  Britain,  ordered  the  en- 
listment in  Ireland  of  1,000  girls  and 
young  men,  and  sent  them  over.  "  Idle, 
masterless  robbers  and  vagabonds,  male 
and  female,"  were  arrested  and  sent  to 
Jamaica;  and  to  have  a  due  admixture  of 
good  morals  and  religion  in  the  new  col- 
ony, Cromwell  sent  agents  to  New  Eng- 
land for  emigrants.  Many  at  New  Haven, 
not  prospering  at  home,  were  disposed  to 
go,  but,  the  magistrates  opposing,  few 
went.  The  island  was  of  great  commercial 
importance  when  the  outbreak  between  the 
English- American  colonies  and  the  mother 
country  occurred.  In  December  its  legis- 
lature interposed.  They  affirmed  the  rights 
of  the  colonies,  enumerated  their  griev- 
ances, and,  enforcing  their  claims  to  re- 
dress, implored  the  King  to  become  the 
mediator  for  peace,  and  to  recognize  the 
title  of  the  Americans  to  the  benefits  of 
the  English  constitution.  They  disclaimed 
any  intention  of  joining  the  American  con- 
federated colonies,  for  they  were  too  weak, 
leing  only  a  small  colony  of  white  inhab- 
itants, with  more  than  200.000  slaves. 
Their  petition  was  received  by  the  King, 
but  no  heed  was  given  to  it. 

James  I.,  King  of  England,  etc.; 
born  in  Edinburgh  Castle,  June  19,  1566; 
son  of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots  and  Henry 
Lord  Darnley.  Of  him  Charles  Dickens 
writes:  "He  was  ugly,  awkward,  and 
shuffling,  both  in  mind  and  person.  His 
tongue  was  much  too  large  for  his  mouth, 
his  legs  were  much  too  weak  for  his  body, 
and  his  dull  google-eyes  stared  and  rolled 
like  an  idiot's.  He  was  cunning,  covet- 
ous, wasteful,  idle,  drunken,  greedy,  dirty, 
cowardly,  a  great  swearer,  and  the  most 
conceited  man  on  earth.  His  figure — what 
was  commonly  called  rickety  from  his 
birth — presented  the  most  ridiculous  ap- 
pearance that  can  be  imagined,  dressed 
in  thick  -  padded  clothes,  as  a  safeguard 

JAMES    I. 

against  being  stabbed    (of  which  he  lived    land,  after  experiencing  many  vicissitudes, 
in  constant  fear),  of  a  grass-green  color    March  24,   1603. 

from  head  to  foot,  with  a  hunting  horn 
dangling  at  his  side  instead  of  a  sword, 
and  his  hat  and  feather  sticking  over  one 
eye  or  hanging  on  the  back  of  his  head, 
as  he  happened  to  toss  it  on.     He  used  to 

loll  on  the  necks  of  his  favorite  courtiers, 

He  was  regarded  as  a  "  Presbyterian 
king,"  and  the  Puritans  expected  not  only 
the  blessings  of  toleration  and  protection 
for  themselves,  but  even  hope  for  suprem- 
acy among  the  religionists  of  the  realm. 
Soon  after  his  accession,  James  called  a 
conference  of  divines  at  Hampton  Court. 
He  was  chief  actor  at  that  conference,  in 
the  rSle  of  "  brute  and  mountebank." 
Some  of  the  Puritan  divines  ranked 
among  the  brightest  scholars  in  the  land. 
They  were  greatly  annoyed  by  the  coarse 
browbeating  of  the  bishop  of  London  and 
the  coarser  jests  of  the  King.  The  ven- 
erable Archbishop  Whitgift  was  present, 
and  bent  the  supple  knee  of  the  courtier 
in  the  presence  of  royalty.  When  the 
vulgar  King  said  to  the  Puritan  ministers, 
"You  want  to  strip  Christ  again;  away 
with  your  snivelling,"  and  much  more  to 
that  effect,  Whitgift,  the  primate,  ex- 
claimed, "  Your  Majesty  speaks  by  the 
special  assistance  of  God's  spirit."  And 
the  bishop  of  London  fell  upon  his  knees 
and  said,  "I  protest  my  heart  melts 
within  me  for  joy  that  Almighty  God,  of 
His  singular  mercy,  has  given  us  such  a 
King  as,  since  Christ's  time,  has  not  been." 
This  was  the  beginning  of  those  royal  and 

and  slobber  their  faces,  and  kiss  and  pinch    prelatical  revilings  and  persecutions  of  the 

Puritans  by  the  Stuarts  and  the  hier- 
archy which  drove  the  Puritans,  in  large 
numbers,  to  seek  asylum  in  the  wilds  of 
North  America. 

The  King's  gross,  ill  manners  and  bad 

their  cheeks;  and  the  greatest  favorite  he 
ever  had  used  to  sign  himself,  in  his  let- 
ters to  his  royal  master,  '  his  Majest/s 
dog  and  slave.'  He  was  the  worst  rider 
CA-er   seen,   and  thought  himself  the  best. 

He  was  one  of  the  most  impertinent  talkers    personal    appearance    made    an    unfavor- 

(of  the  broadest  Scotch)  ever  heard,  and 
boasted  of  being  unanswerable  in  all  man- 
ner of  argument.  He  wrote  some  of  the 
most  turgid  and  most  wearisome  treaties 
ever  read — among  others,  a  book  upon 
witchcraft,  in  which  he  was  a  devout  be- 
liever— and  thought  himself  a  prodigy  of 
authorship.  He  thought,  and  said,  that  a 
king  had  a  right  to  make  and  unmake 
what  laws  he  pleased,  and  ought  to  be  ac- 
countable to  nobody  on  earth.  This  is  the 
plain,  true  character  of  the  personage 
whom  the  greatest  men  about  the  Court 
praised  and  flattered  to  that  degree  that  I 
doubt  if  there  be  anythino-  more  shameful 
in  the  annals  of  human  nature!"  James 
was  the  sixth  King  of  Scotland  of  that 
name,    and    came   to   the   throne   of   Eng- 

able  impression  on  the  English  people. 
He  had  trouble  with  Parliament  and 
with  the  religionists  of  his  realm  from 
the  beginning  of  his  reign.  Glad  to 
get  rid  of  troublesome  subjects,  he  read- 
ily granted  charters  for  settlements  in 
America;  and  in  1612  two  "heretics" 
were  burned  in  England,  the  last  exe- 
cution of  that  kind  that  occurred  in 
that  country.  His  son  Henry,  Prince  of 
Wales,  died  the  same  year,  and  his  daugh- 
ter Elizabeth  was  married  to  the  Elector 
Palatine  in  1613.  His  treatment  of  Sir 
Walter  Raleigh,  whom  he  caused  to  be 
beheaded  (October.  1618).  was  disgrace- 
ful to  human  nature:  his  foreign  policy, 
also,  was  disgraceful  to  the  English  name. 
Fickle,    treacherous,    conceited,    and    arbi- 



trary,  his  whole  life  was  an  example  to  be 
avoided  by  the  good.  Dickens's  portrayal 
of  his  personal  character  is  a  fair  picture 
of  his  reign  so  far  as  the  King  was  con- 
cerned. It  was  during  that  reign  that  a 
new  translation  of  the  Bible  was  author- 
ized (1604) — the  English  version  yet  in 
use.  The  Duke  of  Buckingham  was 
James's  special  favorite  for  a  long  time; 
and  he  and  the  Queen  were  suspected  of 
causing  the  King's  last  illness,  by  poison. 
James  II.,  King  of  England;  born  in 
St.  James's  Palace,  London,  Oct.  14,  1G33; 
son  of  Charles  I.  and  Henrietta  Maria. 
During  the  civil  war,  in  which  his  father 
lost  his  head,  James  and  his  brother 
Gloucester  and  sister  Elizabeth  were  un- 
der the  guardianship  of  the  Duke  of 
Northumberland,  and  lived  in  the  palace. 
When  the  overthrow  of  monarchy  ap- 
peared inevitable,  in  1648,  he  fled  to 
the  Netherlands,  with  his  mother 
and  family,  and  he  was  in  Paris 
when  Charles  I.  was  beheaded.  He 
entered  the  French  service  (1651), 
and  then  the  Spanish  (1655),  and 
was  treated  with  much  consideration 
by  the  Spaniards.  His  brother  as- 
cended the  British  throne  in  1660  as 
Charles  11.,  and  the  same  year  James 
married  Anne  Hyde,  daughter  of  the 
Earl  of  Clarendon.  She  died  in 
1671,  and  two  years  afterwards, 
James  married  Maria  Beatrice  Elea- 
nor, a  princess  of  the  House  of  Este. 
of  INIodena,  twenty-five  years  yoimger 
than  himself.  While  in  exile  James 
had  become  a  Roman  Catholic,  but 
did  not  acknowledge  it  until  1671. 
He  had  become  a  commander  in  the 
British  navy,  but  the  test  -  act  of 
1673  caused  him  to  leave  all  public 
emploj'ments.  Being  sent  to  Scot- 
land as  head  of  the  administration 
there,  he  treated  the  Covenanters 
with  great  cruelty.  WHien  Charles 
died,  James  became  King  (Feb.  6, 
1685).  The  prime  object  of  his  ad- 
ministration was  to  overthrow  the 
constitution  of  England  and  give  the 
control  of  the  nation  to  Roman 
Catholics.  His  rule  was  vigorous — often- 
times tyrannous — and  in  less  than  three 
years  almost  the  whole  of  his  subjects 
detested  him.  The  foreign  policy  of 
the  government  was  made  subservient  to 

that  of  France.  Finally,  the  announce- 
ment that  the  Queen  had  given  birth 
to  a  son  brought  on  a  political  crisis. 
The  people  had  been  restrained  from  revo- 
lution by  the  belief  that  the  government 
would  soon  fall  into  the  hands  of  his  eld- 
est daughter,  who  had  married  the  Prot- 
estant Prince  William  of  Orange.  Now 
that  event  seemed  remote,  and  William 
was  invited  by  leading  men  of  the  realm 
to  invade  England.  He  did  so  in  Novem- 
ber, 1688,  when  the  King  was  abandoned 
by  every  one  but  the  Roman  Catholics — 
even  by  his  daughter  Anne,  who  was  after- 
wards Queen  of  England.  James  fled  to 
France,  where  he  was  received  by  Louis 
XIV.  with  open  arms.  He  made  efforts  to 
regain  his  kingdom,  but  failed,  and  died 
in  St.  Germain,  France,  Sept.  6,  1701. 


James,  Bexjamin,  lawyer;  born  in 
Stafford  county,  Va.,  April  22.  1768;  be- 
came a  lawyer  and  practised  in  Charles- 
ton, S.  C.,"^  till  1796.  Removed  to  his 
native  place  and  followed   his  profession 


till  1808,  when  he  settled  permanently  in 
Laurens  district,  S.  C.  He  published 
Digest  of  the  Statute  and  Common  Law 
of  Carolina.  He  died  in  Laurens  district, 
S.  C,  Nov.  15,  1825. 

James,  Edmund  Janes,  educator;  born 
in  Jacksonville,  111.,  May  21,  1855;  was 
educated  at  the  Illinois  State  Normal 
School  and  at  the  Northwestern  and  Har- 
vard universities.  In  1878-79  he  was 
principal  of  the  High  School  at  Evanston, 
111.;  in  1879-82  principal  of  the  Model 
High  School  at  Normal,  111.;  and  in  1883- 
95  Professor  of  Public  Finance  and  Ad- 
ministration in  the  Wharton  School  of 
Finance  and  Economy  of  the  University  of 
Pennsylvania.  He  was  also  Professor  of 
Political  and  Social  Science  in  the  Univer- 
sity of  Pennsylvania  in  1884-95,  and 
editor  of  Political  Economy  and  Public 
Economy  and  Public  Law  Series,  publish- 
ed by  the  University  of  Pennsylvania,  in 
1886-95.  He  became  president  of  the 
American  Academy  of  Political  and  Social 
Science  in  1889,  and  from  1890  to  1895 
edited  its  Annals.  In  the  latter  year  he 
was  made  associate  editor.  In  1895  he 
was  chosen  Professor  of  Public  Adminis- 
tration and  director  of  the  Extension 
Division  in  the  L^niversity  of  Chicago.  In 
1891-95  he  was  president  of  the  American 
Society  for  the  Extension  of  University 
Teaching.  He  is  the  author  of  Our  Legal- 
Tender  Decisions ;  The  Education  of  Busi- 
ness Men;  The  Relation  of  the  Modern 
Municipality  to  the  Gas  Supply;  and  also 
numerous  papers  and  addresses  on  polit- 
ical and  educational  topics. 

James,  Edwin,  geologist;  born  in  Wey- 
bridge,  Vt.,  Aug.  27,  1797;  graduated  at 
Middlebury  College  in  1816;  and  after- 
wards studied  medicine,  botany,  and  geol- 
ogy in  Boston.  He  is  the  author  of  a 
Report  of  the  Expedition  to  the  Rocky 
Mountains,  1818-19;  Narrative  of  John 
Tanner,  etc.  He  died  in  Burlington,  la., 
Oct,   28,    1861. 

James,  Henry,  author ;  born  in  New 
York  City,  April  15,  1843;  was  educated  in 
France,  Switzerland,  and  in  the  Harvard 
Law  School.  His  literary  career  opened 
in  186)>.  A  year  or  two  later  he  began 
writing  serial  stories,  but  produced  no  ex- 
tended novel  till  1875.  He  has  since  been 
a  prolific  writer,  not  only  of  novels  but 
also    of    contributions    to    the    periodical 


press  on  engrossing  questions  of  the  day. 
Since  1869  he  has  lived  chiefly  in  England. 
His  publications  include  Trans- Atlantic 
Sketches  (1875);  A  Passionate  Pilgrim; 
The  American;  The  Europeans;  An  Inter- 
national Episode;  The  Siege  of  London; 
The  Bostonians;  Poor  Richard;  Watch 
and  Ward;  Life  of  Eaiothorne ;  A  Little 
Tour  in  France;  A  London  Life;  The 
Tragic  Muse;  The  Lesson  of  the  Master; 
Embarrassments ;  Tales  of  Three  Cities; 
Essays  in  London  and  Elsewhere ;  The 
Wheel  of  Time;  What  Maisie  Kneio,  etc.,  Henry  Ammon,  lawyer;  born  in 
Baltimore,  Md.,  April  24,  1854;  graduated 
at  Yale  College  in  1874,  and  at  its  law 
school  in  1878;  began  practice  in  New 
York  City  in  1880.  He  is  the  author  of 
Communism  in  America.,  Lewis  George,  historian;  born 
in  Providence,  R.  L,  Feb.  19,  1844;  grad- 
uated at  Providence  High  School ;  instruc- 
tor in  history  in  the  Adelphia  Academy, 
Brooklyn,  in  1894-95.  He  is  the  author 
of  Samuel  Gorton,  a  Forgotten  Founder 
of  our  Liberties,  etc. 

James,  Thomas,  clergyman ;  born  in 
England  in  1592;  graduated  at  Cambridge 
in  1614;  emigrated  to  the  United  States 
in  1632,  where  he  became  the  first  pastor 
of  the  church  in  Charlestown,  Mass.  In 
consequence  of  dissension  he  removed  to 
New  Haven  and  subsequently  to  Virginia, 
but  was  obliged  to  leave  Virginia  as  he 
refused  to  conform  to  the  English  Church. 
He  returned  to  New  England  in  1643,  but 
went  back  to  England,  where  he  became 
pastor  of  a  church  in  Needham  till  1662, 
when  he  was  removed  for  non- conformity 
after  the  accession  of  Charles  II.  He  died 
in  England  in  1678. 

James,  Thomas,  navigator;  born  in 
England  about  1590.  In  1631  he  was 
sent  out  by  an  association  at  Bristol  to 
search  for  a  northwest  passage.  With 
twenty-one  men,  in  the  ship  Henrietta 
Maria  (named  in  honor  of  the  Queen), 
he  sailed  May  3.  On  June  29  he  spoke 
the  ship  of  Capt.  Luke  Fox.  who  had  been 
sent  on  the  same  errand  by  the  King,  and 
furnished  with  a  letter  to  the  Em{)eror 
of  Japan,  if  he  should  find  that  country. 
Neither  James  nor  Fox  discovered  the  cov- 
eted "  passage,"  but  the  former  made  valu- 
able discoveries  in  Hudson  Bay.  James 
was  a  man  of  science,  and  in  his  Journal 


he  recorded  his  observations  on  rarities  he  History  at  the  University  of  Chicago.     He 

had  discovered,   "  both  philosophical!   and  is  the  author  of  William  Usselinx,  Found- 

mathematical!."     James  and  his  crew  suf-  er  of  the  Dutch  and  Swedish  West  India 

fered  terribly,  for  they  passed  a  winter  in  Companies ;  History  of  Historical  Writing 

those    high    latitudes,     and    returned     in  in  America;  Dictionary  of  United  States 

1632.     In  the  following  year  he  published  History,  etc.     He  is  also  the  editor  of  Es- 

The    Strange    and    Dangerons    Voyage    of  says    on    Constitutional    History    of    the 

Capt.  Thomas  James  for  the  Discovery  %f 
a  Northicest  Passage  to  the  South  Sea. 
James,  Thomas  Lemuel,  journalist; 
born  in  Utica,  N.  Y.,  March  29,  1831; 
proprietor  of  the  Madison  County  Jour- 
nal, published  at  Hamilton,  N.  Y.,  1851- 
61 ;  toolc  an  active  interest  in  polities, 
serving  the  State  and  nation  in  various 
capacities;  was  appointed  postmaster  of 
New  York  City  in  1873;  Postmaster-Gen- 
eral, March  6,  1881;  and  resigned  in  1882, 

United  States;  and  The  Correspondence  of 
John  C.  Calhoun. 

Jamestown.  On  May  13,  1607,  more 
than  100  Englishmen  landed  on  a  sliglitly 
elevated  peninsula  on  the  left  bank  of 
the  "  River  of  Powhatan,"  Virginia,  40 
or  50  miles  from  its  mouth;  chose  the 
spot  for  the  capital  of  a  new  colony; 
cleared  the  trees  from  the  ground;  and 
began  the  building  of  a  village,  which,  in 
compliment    to    their    King     (James    I.), 

when  he  organized  and  became  president  they  named  Jamestown.     They  also  gave 

of  the  Lincoln  National  Bank,  New  York  his  name  to  the  river.     The  spot  is  more 

City.  of    an    island    than    a    peninsula,    for    the 

James,  William,  psychologist;  born  in  marshy  isthmus  that  connects  it  with  the 

New  York  City,  Jan.  11,  1842;  was  edu- 
cated in  private  schools  and  at  the  Law- 
rence Scientific  School.  In  1872  he  became 
Professor  of  Philosophy  at  Harvard  Uni- 
versity.    He   is   the   author   of   Principles 

mainland  is  often  covered  with  water.  The 
Rev.  Robert  Hunt,  the  pastor  of  the  col- 
ony, preached  a  sermon  and  invoked  the 
blessings  of  God  upon  their  undertaking. 
Then,   in  the  warm   sunsliine,   and  among 

of      Psychology;       Psychology:       Briefer    the  shadowy  woods  and  the  delicious  per- 

Course;   The   Will   to   Believe,   and   other    fume  of  flowers,   the   sound   of   the   metal 

Essays  in  Popular 

Philosophy.         He 

was  appointed  Gif- 

ford     lecturer     on 

natural        religion 

in    the    University 

of    Edinburgh    for 


Jameson,  John 
Franklin,  educa- 
tor; born  in  Bos- 
ton, Sept.  19, 
1859;  graduated 
at  Amherst  in 
1879.  In  1895, 
when  the  American 
Historical  Review 
was  founded,  he 
became  its  man- 
aging editor.  In 
the    same    year, 

when  the  Historical  Manuscript  Commis- 
sion was  instituted,  he  was  made  its 
chairman,  and  served  as  such  till  1899. 
He  was  Professor  of  History  at  Brown 
University  in  1888-1900.  In  the  latter 
year   he   accepted   a   call   to   the   chair   of 


-  axe  was  first  heard  in  Virginia.  Th<- 
first  tree  was  felled  for  a  dwelling  on  the 
spot  first  settled,  permanently,  by  English- 
men in  America.  The  Indians  were  at 
first  hostile,  and  the  settlement  built  a 
stockade.     Their  first  church  edifice  there 



was  very  simple.  "  When  I  first  went 
to  Virginia,"  says  Captain  Smith,  "  I 
well  remember  we  did  hang  an  awning 
(which  was  an  old  sail)   to  three  or  four 

(From  Capt.  John  Smith's  Historie  ot  Virginia.) 

trees  to  shadow  us  from  the  sun ;  our 
walls  were  rails  of  wood,  our  seats  un- 
liewed  trees,  till  we  cut  planks;  our  pul- 
pit a  bar  of  wood  nailed  to  two  neighbor- 
ing trees;  in  foul  weather  we  shifted 
into  an  old,  rotten  tent,  for  we  had  few 
better.  .  .  .  This  was  our  church  till 
we  built  a  homely  thing,  like  a  barn,  set 
upon  crotchets,  covered  with  rafts,  sedge, 
and  earth;  so  were  also  the  walls.  The 
best  of  our  houses  were  of  the  like  curios- 
ity, but,  for  the  most  part,  of  far  worse 
workmanship,  that  could  neither  well  de- 
fend wind  nor  rain.  Yet  we  had  daily 
common  prayer  morning  and  evening, 
every  Sunday  two  sermons,  and  every 
ihree  months  comnumion  till  our  minister 
died."     The    church — "  the    homely    thing, 

like  a  barn  " — was  burned  while  Captain 
Smith  was  a  prisoner  among  the  Indians, 
and  he  found  the  settlers  building  a  house 
for  the  president  of  the  council.  When, 
not  long  after,  he  was  installed  in 
that  office,  he  ordered  the  "  building 
of  the  palace  to  be  stayed,  as  a  thing 
needless,"  and  the  church  to  be  re- 
built at  once. 

Commissioners  under  the  new 
charter  arrived  at  Jamestown  in 
the  spring  of  1610.  Of  the  490 
persons  left  there  by  Smith  the 
previous  autumn,  only  sixty  remain- 
ed alive.  They  had  refused  to  fol- 
low the  admonitions  of  Smith  to 
provide  food  for  the  winter,  but 
relied  upon  the  neighboring  Indians 
to  supply  them.  When  Smith  de- 
parted, the  Indians  showed  hostility 
and  withheld  corn  and  game.  They 
matured  a  plan  for  the  destruction 
of  the  settlers  at  Jamestown,  when 
Pocahontas  {q.  v.),  like  an  angel  of 
mercy,  hastened  to  the  settlement  un- 
der cover  of  darkness,  warned  them 
of  their  danger,  put  them  on  their 
guard,  and  saved  them.  Terrible  had 
been  the  sufferings  of  the  colonists 
through  the  winter.  More  than  400 
had  perished  by  famine  and  sickness 
in  the  space  of  six  months.  It  was 
long  after  referred  to  by  the  sur- 
vivors as  "  the  starving  time."  The 
settlers  were  in  the  depths  of  despair 
when  the  commissioners  arrived.  Sir 
Thomas  Gates,  who  was  acting  gov- 
ernor, saw  no  other  way  to  save  the 
lives  of  the  starving  men  than  to  abandon 
the  settlement,  sail  to  Newfoundland,  and 
distribute  them  among  the  fishermen 
there.  They  were  embarked  in  four  pin- 
naces, but,  at  dawn,  they  met  Lord  Dela- 
ware, with  ships,  supplies,  and  emigrants, 
at  the  mouth  of  the  river.  All  turned 
back  and,  landed  at  deserted  Jamestown, 
they  stood  in  silent  prayer  and  thanks- 
giving on  the  shore,  and  then  followed 
Rev.  Mr.  Buckle  (who  had  succeeded  ]\Ir. 
Hunt)  to  the  church,  where  he  preached 
a  sermon  in  the  evening  twilight.  The 
congregation  sang  anthems  of  praise,  and 
were  listened  to  by  crouching  savages  in 
the  adjacent  woods.  In  that  little  chapel 
at  Jamestown  Pocahontas  was  baptized 
and  married  a  few  years  later.     The  fire 




that  consumed  the  first  church  also  de- 
stroyed a  large  portion  of  the  town 
and  surrounding  palisades.  There  seems 
to  have  been  another  destructive  fire 
there  afterwards,  for  Smith,  speaking 
of  the  arrival  of  Governor  Argall,  in 
1617,  says:  "In  Jamestown  he  found 
but  five  or  six  houses,  the  church  down, 
the  palisades  broken,  the  bridge  [across 
the  marsh]  in  pieces,  the  well  of  fresh 
water    spoiled,    and    the    storehouse    used 

colony  was  4,000  strong  and  shipped  tG 
England  40,000  pounds  of  toba<;co.  This 
was  raised  with  the  aid  of  many  bound 
apjjrentices — boys  and  girls  picked  up  in 
the  streets  of  London  and  sent  out — and 
of  many  "  disorderly  persons "  sent  by 
order  of  the   King." 

Suddenly  a  great  calamity  overtook  the 
colony.  Powhatan  was  dead,  and  his  suc- 
cessor, Opechancanough  (q.  V.) ,  always 
hostile,  planned  a  blow  for  the  extermina- 


for  a  church."  In  the  same  year  Smith's 
Genevan  Historic  recalls  a  statement  by 
John  Rolfe :  "  About  the  last  of  August 
came  a  Dutch  man-of-war  and  sold  us 
20  Negars."  A  more  desirable  acces- 
sion came  in  1621  through  the  ship- 
ment by  the  company  of  "  respectable 
young  women  for  wives  of  those  colonists 
who  would  pay  the  cost  of  transporta- 
tion"— at  first  120  lbs.  of  tobacco,  af- 
terwards   150    lbs.      In    July.    1620,    the 


tion  of  the  white  people.  It  fell  with 
terrible  force  late  in  March,  1622,  and 
eighty  plantations  were  reduced  to  eight. 
The  settlers  at  Jamestown  escaped  the 
calamity  throvigh  the  good  offices  of 
Chanco,  a  friendly  Indian,  who  gave  them 
timely  warning  of  the  plot,  and  they  were 
prepared  for  defence.  Jamesto\\Ti  became 
a  refuge  from  the  storm  for  the  western 
settlements.  Sickness  and  famine  en- 
sued, and  the  colony  was  greatly  reduced 


N    <*- 


JAMESTOWN   IN   1622. 

in   number,   for   many   left   through   fear,  having    reached    Bacon    that   the    royalist 

It     soon     recovered,     and     increased     in  tioops  were  coming  upon  him.     The  torch 

strength.     A  new  and  substantial  church  v.'as  applied  just  at  twilight,  and  the  Vir- 

was  built,  with  a  heavy  brick  tower,  prob-  gmia  capital  was  laid  in  ashes.     Nothing 

ably  between  1620  and  1625.     During  Ba-  remained  the  next  morning  but  the  brick 

JAMKSTOWN    IX    19i  2. 

con's  Uobellion,  in  1676,  Jamestown — "the  tower  of  the  church  and  a  few  solitary 
only  village  in  all  Virginia" — was  entered     chimneys. 

by  that  leader,  after  driving  away  the  Janney,  Sami'El  jMacPherson,  author; 
governor,  and,  in  a  council  of  war  it  was  born  in  Loudon  county,  Ya.,  Jan.  11,  1801; 
determined    to    burn    the    town,    a    rumor     became  a  Quaker  preacher;  was  appointed 



a  superintendent  of  Indian  affairs  in  1869. 
His  publications  include  An  Historical 
Sketch  of  the  Christian  Church  during  the 
Middle  Ages;  Life  of  William  Penn;  His- 
tory of  the  Religious  Society  of  Friends 
from  Its  Rise  to  the  Year  1828,  etc.  He 
died  in  Loudon  county,  Va.,  April  30, 

Janvier,  Thomas  Allibone,  author; 
born  in  Philadelphia,  Pa.,  July  16,  1849. 
He  is  the  author  of  The  Aztec  Treasure- 
House;  In  Old  New  York;  Stories  of  Old 
New  Spain,  etc. 

Japan  and  the  United  States.  Japan, 
like  China,  had  always  been  a  sort  of  seal- 
ed kingdom  to  the  commerce  of  the  world. 
The  foundation  of  the  States  of  California 
and  Oregon,  on  the  Pacific  coast,  suggest- 
ed the  .great  importance  of  commercial 
intercourse  with  Japan,  because  of  the 
intimate  relations  which  must  soon  exist 
between  that  coast  and  the  East  Indies. 
This  consideration  caused  an  expedition 
to  be  fitted  out  by  the  United  States  gov- 
ernment in  the  summer  of  1852  to  carry 
a  letter  from  the  President  (Mr.  Fill- 
more) to  the  Emperor  of  Japan  soliciting 
the  negotiation  of  a  treaty  of  friendship 
and  commerce  between  the  two  nations, 
by  which  the  ports  of  the  latter  should  be 
thrown  open  to  American  vessels  for  pur- 
poses of  trade.  For  this  expedition  seven 
ships-of-war  were  employed.  They  were 
placed  under  the  command  of  Commodore 
M.  C.  Perry,  a  brother  of  the  victor  on 
Lake  Erie.  The  diplomatic  portion  of  the 
mission  was  also  intrusted  to  Commodore 
Perry.  He  did  not  sail  until  November, 
1852".  The  letter  which  he  bore  to  the  Em- 
peror was  drafted  by  Mr.  Webster  before 
his  decease,  but  countersigned  by  Edward 
Everett,  his  successor  in  office.  Perry 
carried  out  many  useful  implements  and 
inventions  as  presents  to  "the  Japanese 
government,  including  a  small  railway 
and  equipments,  telegraph,  etc.  He  was 
instructed  to  approach  the  Emperor  in  the 
most  friendly  manner;  to  use  no  violence 
unless  attacked ;  but  if  attacked,  to  let 
the  Japanese  feel  the  full  weight  of  his 
power.  Perry  delivered  his  letter  of  cre- 
dence, and  waited  some  months  for  an 
answer,  without  being  permitted  to  land 
on  the  shores  of  the  empire.  Meanwhile 
he  visited  and  surveyed  the  Loo  Choo  Isl- 

In  February,  1854,  he  returned  to  the 
Uay  of  Jeddo,  and  finally  effected  a  land- 
ing and  commenced  negotiations,  which 
were  happily  successful.  The  treaty  then 
made  stipulated  that  ports  should  be 
thrown  open  to  American  commerce,  to  a 
limited  extent,  in  different  Japanese  isl- 
ands; that  steamers  from  California  to 
China  should  be  furnished  with  supplies 
of  coal ;  and  that  American  sailors  ship- 
wrecked on  the  Japanese  coasts  should  re- 
ceive hospitable  treatment.  So  Japan  was 
first  opened  to  friendly  relations  with  the 
Americans.  Before  this  treaty  the  Dutch 
had  monopolized  the  trade  of  Japan.  Sub- 
sequently a  peculiar  construction  of  the 
treaty  on  the  part  of  the  Japanese  au- 
thorities, in  relation  to  the  permanent 
residence  of  Americans  there,  threatened 
a  disturbance  of  the  amicable  relations 
which  had  been  established.  The  matter 
was  adjusted,  and  in  1860  the  first  em- 
bassy from  Japan  visited  the  United 
States.  It  was  an  imposing  array  of  Jap- 
anese officials.  There  was  great  opposi- 
tion in  the  empire  to  this  intercourse  with 
"  the  barbarians."  Civil  war  ensued.  A 
rapid  change  now  marked  public  opinion 
in  Japan  in  regard  to  foreigners;  and 
from  that  time  the  intimate  relations,  so- 
cial and  commercial,  between  the  United 
States  and  Japan  have  constantly  in- 
creased, with  results  wonderfully  bene- 
ficial to  both  countries.  Early  in  1872  the 
government  of  Japan  sent  another  embas- 
sy to  the  United  States,  this  one  charged 
to  inquire  about  the  renewal  of  former 
treaties.  It  consisted  of  twenty-one  per- 
sons, composed  of  the  heads  of  the  several 
departments  of  the  Japanese  government 
and  their  secretaries.  Among  them  was 
an  imperial  prince — Mori — who  came  to 
represent  Japan  at  Washington  as  charge 
d'affaires,  and  also  twelve  students.  The 
mission  arrived  at  Washington  at  the  be- 
ginning of  March,  and  Mori  had  the  honor . 
of  being  the  first  minister  ever  sent  by 
his  government  to  reside  in  a  foreign 

Jarboe,  John  W.,  inventor;  born  in 
1830.  He  served  through  the  Civil  War 
in  the  71st  New  York  Regiment,  and  was 
later  influential  in  securing  the  display 
of  the  American  flag  over  the  public 
school-houses  of  the  country.  He  was  the 
inventor   of   a    process    of    making    house- 



hold  utensils  from  papier-raaclie  and  sev- 
eral articles  employed  in  the  manufacture 
of  sugar.  He  died  in  New  York  City, 
June  30,   1901. 

Jarnac,  Gaston  Louis  de,  military  offi- 
cer; born  in  Angoiileme,  France,  in  1758; 
served  in  the  French  army  during  the 
Revolutionary  War;  emigrated  to  the 
United  States  in  1795;  returned  to  France 
in  1805,  but,  being  obliged  to  leave  the 
country  on  account  of  his  criticisms  of 
Napoleon,  he  again  came  to  the  United 
States,  where  he  took  service  under  Jean 
Lafitte,  the  Louisiana  buccaneer.  Jarnac 
was  killed  by  the  Indians  in  Texas,  in 

Jarves,  James  Jackson,  author;  born 
in  Boston,  Mass.,  Aug.  20,  1820;  estab- 
lished the  first  newspaper  printed  in  the 
Hawaiian  Islands,  in  1840.  In  1850  he 
was  appointed  b\'  King  Kamehameha  III. 
commissioner  to  the  United  States,  Great 
Britain,  and  France,  for  the  purpose  of 
negotiating  treaties,  and  in  1879  United 
States  vice-consul  in  Florence,  Italy. 
Among  his  works  are  History  of  Haioaii; 
Parisian  Sights  and  French  Principles 
seen  through  American  Spectacles;  Italian 
Sights,  etc.  He  died  in  Terasp,  Switzer- 
land, June  28,  1888. 

Jasper,  William,  military  hero;  born 
in  South  Carolina,  about  1750;  became  a 

sergeant  in  the  2d  South  Carolina  Regi- 
ment; and  greatly  distinguished  himself 
in  the  attack  on  Fort  Sullivan,  June  28, 
1776,  by  the  British  fleet.  During  the 
hottest  of  the  attack  the  South  Carolina 
flag  that  waved  over  the  fort  fell  to  the 
ground  outside  the  fort,  its  staff  having 
been  cut  in  two  by  a  cannon-ball.  Ser- 
geant Jasper,  seeing  the  flag  fall,  leaped 
down  from  one  of  the  embrasures,  seized 
the  ensign,  climbed  back,  fixed  the  colors 
to  a  sponge-staff,  mounted  the  parapet, 
stuck  the  improvised  flag-staff  in  the 
sand  of  one  of  the  bastions,  and  returned 
to  his  place  in  the  fort.  A  few  days  after- . 
wards  Governor  Rutledge  took  his  own 
sword  from  his  side  and  presented  it  to 
Jasper.  He  also  offered  him  a  lieuten- 
ant's commission,  which  the  young  man 
modestly  declined,  because  he  could 
neither  read  nor  write,  saying,  "I  am  not 
fit  to  keep  officers'  company;  I  am  but  a 
sergeant."  He  was  given  a  sort  of  roving 
commission  by  Colonel  Moultrie,  and, 
with  five  or  six  men,  he  often  brought  in 
prisoners  before  his  commander  was 
aware  of  his  absence.  An  earnest  Whig 
lady  of  Charleston,  Mrs.  Susannah  El- 
liot, presented  Jasper's  regiment  with 
a  stand  of  colors  wrought  with  her  own 
hands.  They  were  shot  down  at  the  as- 
sault on  Savannah   (1779),  and  in  trying 




to  replace  them  on  the  parapet  of  a  re- 
doubt, Jasper  was  mortally  wounded,  but 
brought  them  off.  He  died  Oct.  9,  1779. 
Jay,  John,  diplomatist;  born  in  New 
York  City.  June  23,  1817;  graduated  at 
Columbia  College  in  183G;  admitted  to  the 
bar  in  1839;  appointed  minister  to  Austria 
in  18G9;  chairman  of  the  committee  to 
investigate  the  New  York  custom-house 
in  1877;  and  member  of  the  State  civil 
service  in  1883.  Mr.  Jay  was  a  prominent 
abolitionist  and  author  of  a  number  of 
pamphlets,  among  them  are  The  Dignity  of 
the  Abolition  Cause;  The  American  Church 
and  the  American  Slave-Trade;  The  Great 
Conspiracy  and  England's  Neutrality; 
Caste  and  Slavery  in  the  American 
Church;  America  Free,  or  America  Slave, 
etc.  He  died  in  New  York  City,  May  5, 

Jay,  John,  statesman ;  born  in  New 
York  City,  Dec.  12,  1745;  was  of  Hugue- 
not descent.  Graduated  at  King's  College 
(now  Columbia  University)  in  1764,  he 
was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1768,  and 
formed  a  partnership  with  Robert  R.  Liv- 
ingston. In  1774  he  was  a  delegate  in  the 
first  Continental  Congress,  and  the  same 
year  he  married  a  daughter  of  William 
Livingston,  of  New  Jersey.  In  that  Con- 
gress, though  the  youngest  member  but 
one,  he  took  a  conspicuous  part,  being  the 
author  of  the  Address  to  the  People  of 
Great  Britain.  His  facile  pen  was  often 
employed  in  framing  documents  in  the 
Congress  of  1775.  Early  in  1776  he  left 
Congress  and  engaged  in  the  public  affairs 
of  his  own  State,  being  a  leading  member 
of  the  Provincial  Congress  in  1776.  He 
wrote  the  able  address  of  the  convention 
at  Fishkill  in  December,  1776;  reported  a 
bill  of  rights  to  the  New  York  constitu- 
tional conA-ention  in  March,  1777;  and 
was  the  chief  author  of  the  first  consti- 
tution of  the  State  of  New  York.  After 
assisting  in  putting  in  motion  the  ma- 
chinery of  his  State  government,  and  be- 
ing made  a  judge  he  entered  Congress 
again  late  in  177S  and  became  presi- 
dent of  that  body.  In  September,  1779, 
he  was  sent  to  Spain  to  negotiate  a  loan. 
^Ir.  Jay  was  one  of  the  commissioners  for 
negotiating  a  treaty  of  peace  with  Great 
Lritain.  He  returned  to  New  York  in 
1784,  and  was  secretary  for  foreign 
affairs    from    that   year   until    the   organ- 

ization of  the  government  under  the 
national  Constitution.  Mr.  Jay  was  as- 
sociated with  Hamilton  and  Madison  in 
writing  the  series  of  articles  in  support 
of  the  Constitution  known  collectively  as 
The  Federalist.  Washington  appointed 
Jay  the  first  chief-justice  of  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States. 

On  April  7,  1794,  a  motion  was  made 
in  the  House  of  Representatives  that  all 
commercial  intercourse  with  Great  Brit- 
ain and  her  subjects  be  suspended,  so  far 
as  respected  all  articles  of  the  growth  or 
manufacture  of  Great  Britain  or  Ireland, 
until  the  surrender  of  the  Western  posts 
and  due  compensation  for  all  losses  and 
damages  growing  out  of  British  aggres- 
sions on  our  neutral  rights  should  be 
made.  This  motion,  if  adopted,  would 
lead  directly  to  war.  Its  adoption  seemed 
piobable,  and  Washington,  to  avert  the 
calamitous  consequences,  proposed  to  send 
a  special  minister  to  England  to  negotiate 
an  amicable  settlement  of  the  existing 
disputes.  There  were  grave  charges  of 
violations  of  the  treaty  of  1783  made  by 
the  two  parties  against  each  other.  Wash- 
ington desired  to  send  Hamilton  on  the 
mission.  Violent  opposition  to  this  was 
made  by  his  political  enemies,  whose  ha- 
tred and  jealousy  were  intense.  Fearing 
Hamilton  might  not  have  the  confirmation 
of  the  Senate,  Washington  nominated  Mr. 
Jay  (April  16),  which  nomination  was 
confirmed  April  19.  The  special  minister 
arrived  in  England  in  June,  where  he  was 
received  with  great  courtesy  by  the  Brit- 
ish government.  He  negotiated  a  treaty 
which  was  not  wholly  satisfactory  to  his 
countrymen,  closing  his  labors  on  Nov.  19; 
and  from  1795  to  1801  he  was  governor 
of  New  York,  under  whose  administration 
slavery  was  abolished.  This  was  his  last 
public  office.  He  died  in  Bedford,  N.  Y., 
May  17,  1829.     See  Ames,  Fisher. 

Jay's  Treaty. — After  Mr.  Jay's  formal 
reception  in  London,  Lord  Grenville,  then 
at  the  head  of  foreign  affairs,  expressed 
great  anxiety  to  bring  the  negotiations 
to  a  successful  issue.  There  was  a  wide 
difference  of  views  concerning  matters 
in  dispute.  The  Americans  complained 
that,  contrary  to  the  provisions  of  the 
ixef'^  of  peace  (1783),  a  large  number 
of  negroes  had  been  carried  off  by  the 
evacuatinff  armies;  and  for  this  loss  com- 



pensation  was  demanded  for  the  owners,  dered  on  June  1,  1796,  the  present  resi- 
They  complained,  also,  of  the  detention  dents  to  have  the  option  of  removing  or 
of  the  Western  posts,  which  was  the  main  of  becoming  American  citizens.  There 
cause  of  the  hostility  of  the  Northwestern  vv'as  to  be  a  mutual  reciprocity  of  inland 
tribes.     They  also  alleged  numerous  viola-    trade  and  intercourse  between  the  North 

American  territories  of  the  two  na- 
tions, including  the  navigation  of  the 
Mississippi;  but  it  did  not  extend  to 
the  Hudson  Bay  Company,  nor  to  the 
admission  of  American  vessels  into 
the  harbors  of  the  British  North 
American  colonies,  nor  to  the  naviga- 
tion of  the  rivers  of  those  colonies 
below  the  highest  port  of  entry.  These 
were  the  principal  features  of  the 
first  ten  articles  of  the  treaty,  which 
were  to  be  perpetual.  Eighteen  oth- 
ers, of  the  nature  of  a  treaty  of  com- 
merce, were  limited  to  two  years. 
They  provided  for  the  admission  of 
American  vessels  into  British  ports 
in  Evirope  and  the  East  Indies  on 
teVms  of  equality  with  British  ves- 
sels; but  no  terms  were  made  con- 
cerning the  East  India  coasting  trade, 
or  the  trade  between  Europe  and  the 
British  West  Indies.  There  were  re- 
strictions upon  the  American  trade  to 
the  British  West  Indies;  and  British 
vessels  were  to  be  admitted  to  Ameri- 
joHN  JAY.  can  ports  on  terms   of  the  most   fa- 

vored nations.  Privateers  were  to 
tions  of  their  neutral  rights,  especially  give  bonds  to  respond  to  any  dam- 
on  the  high  seas,  such  as  the  impressment  ages  they  might  commit  against  neu- 
of  seamen  and  the  exclusion  of  American  trals,  and  other  regulations  of  that  ser- 
shipping  from  the  trade  of  the  British  vice  were  made.  The  list  of  contraband 
West  Indies.  There  were  other  complaints  articles  was  clearly  defined.  No  vessel 
on  the  part  of  the  Americans ;  but  the  attempting  to  enter  a  blockaded  port  was 
matters  more  immediately  provocative  to  be  captured  unless  she  had  first  been 
of  war  were  the  disputed  questions  of  notified  and  turned  away.  Neither  nation 
neutral  rights  and  the  detention  of  the  was  to  allow  enlistments  within  its  ter- 
Western  posts.  Deeming  it  wise  to  adjust  ritory  by  any  third  nation  at  war  with 
these  two  important  difficulties.  Jay  the  other;  nor  were  the  citizens  or  sub- 
thought  it  best  to  yield,  temporarily,  other  jects  of  either  to  be  allowed  to  accept 
considerations,  or  leave  them  for  future  commissions  from  such  third  nation,  or 
adjustment,  and  he  was  induced  to  sign  to  enlist  in  its  service,  on  penalty  of 
a  treaty,  Nov.  19,  1794,  defective  in  some  being  treated  as  pirates.  Ships-of-war 
respects  and  objectionable  in  others.  It  of  the  contracting  parties  were  to  be 
provided  for  the  collection  of  British  debts  nuitually  admitted  in  a  friendly  man- 
in  the  United  States  contracted  before  the  ner  into  the  ports  of  each  other,  such 
Revolution,  but  it  did  not  secure  indem-  vessels  to  be  free  from  any  claim  of 
nity  to  those  who  lost  slaves.  It  secured  search,  but  were  to  depart  as  speedily 
indemnity  for  imlawful  captures  on  the  as  might  be.  Other  and  stringent  regu- 
high  seas,  and  the  evacuation  of  the  lations  were  made  concerning  privateers, 
military  posts  on  the  frontiers  yet  held  In  case  of  rupture  or  war,  the  citizens 
by  thg  British.     These  were  to  be  surren-    or   subjects  of  either  nation   resident  in 




the  territories  of  the  other  were  to  be  der  of  American  rights.  In  order  to  pre- 
allowed  to  remain  and  to  continue  their  vent  misrepresentations,  and  to  elicit  the 
trade  so  long  as  they  behaved  peaceably,  expressions  of  the  people,  Washington 
They  might  be  ordered  off,  in  case  of  caused  the  whole  treaty  to  be  published, 
suspicion,  on  twelve  months'  notice,  or  A*  mad,  seditious  cry  went  over  the  land 
without  any  notice,  if  detected  in  viola-  from  the  opposition.  In  several  cities 
tions  of  the  laws.  No  reprisals  were  to  mobs  threatened  personal  violence  to  the 
be  ordered  by  either  party  till  satisfaction  supporters  of  the  treaty.  Hamilton  was 
had  first  been  demanded.  Fugitives  from  stoned  at  a  public  meeting  in  New  York, 
justice  charged  with  murder  or  forgery  while  speaking  in  the  open  air.  The  Brit- 
were  to  be  mutually  given  up.  ish  minister  at  Philadelphia  was  insulted; 
Early  Opposition. — The  treaty  was  con-  and  in  Charleston  the  British  flag  was 
eluded  at  London  on  Nov.  19,  1794.  It  trailed  in  the  dust  of  the  streets.  Jay 
reached  the  President  in  March,  1795,  was  denounced  as  a  traitor;  and  in  Vir- 
after  the  adjournment  of  Congress.  The  ginia  disunion  was  recommended  as  a  cure 
Senate  was  convened,  in  special  session,  for  political  evils.  The  Democratic  socie- 
to  consider  it,  early  in  June,  1795.  After  ties  and  orators  put  forth  claims  for 
a  debate  for  a  fortnight,  in  secret  session,  sympathy  for  France.  "  She  has  a  govern- 
a  vote  of  20  to  10 — precisely  a  constitu-  ment  congenial  to  our  own.  Citizens,  your 
tional  majority — advised  (June  24)  the  security  depends  on  France.  Let  us  unite 
ratification  of  the  treaty,  excepting  the  with  her  and  stand  or  fall  together!" 
article  which  related  to  the  renunciation  shouted  opposition  orators  throughout  the 
by  the  Americans  of  the  privilege  of  trans-  country.  The  Democrats  adorned  their 
portation  of  sugar,  molasses,  coffee,  co-  hats  with  the  French  cockade.  Jay  was 
coa,  and  cotton  in  the  West  India  trade,  burned  in  effigy  in  many  places,  and  long- 
Cotton  was  then  just  promising  to  be  ings  for  the  guillotine  were  freely  express- 
of  vast  importance  in  the  carrying-trade,  ed  in  public  assemblies. 
and  such  an  article  was  wholly  inadmissi-  When  the  President  had  proclaimed  the 
ble.  The  President  had  determined,  before  treaty  as  the  law  of  the  land,  he,  accord- 
the  meeting  of  the  Senate,  to  ratify  the  ing  to  promise,  sent  a  copy  of  it,  March 
treaty;  and  when  it  was  laid  before  the  2,  1796,  to  the  House.  Its  appearance  was 
cabinet  all  agreed  with  him  excepting  the  beginning  of  a  violent  debate  in  that 
the  Secretary  of  State  (Edmund  Ran-  body,  which  turned  upon  the  question 
dolph,  of  Virginia),  who  raised  the  point  whether  the  House  possessed  discretionary 
that  by  the  ratification,  before  an  ob-  power  to  carry  the  treaty  into  execution 
noxious  British  Order  in  Council  concern-  or  not  at  its  pleasure.  The  debate  arose 
ing  neutrals  should  be  repealed,  the  Brit-  on  a  motion  of  Edward  Livingston,  of 
ish  claim  to  the  right,  of  search  and  im-  New  York,  calling  upon  the  President  for 
pressment  would  be  conceded  by  the  his  instructions  to  Jay  and  other  papers 
Americans.  Hamilton,  who  had  been  relating  to  the  treaty.  After  about  thirty 
consulted,  advised  the  ratification,  but  speeches,  in  a  debate  of  three  weeks,  which 
to  withhold  the  exchange  of  ratifications  grew  warmer  and  warmer  the  longer  it 
imtil  that  order  should  be  repealed.  The  lasted,  the  resolution  was  adopted,  March 
Senate  had  removed  the  seal  of  secrecy  24,  by  a  vote  of  62  to  37.  The  President 
from  their  proceedings,  but  had  forbidden  consulted  his  cabinet,  and  they  unanimous- 
any  publication  of  the  treaty  itself.  State-  ly  decided  that  the  House  had  no  right 
ments  concerning  the  provisions  of  the  to  make  such  a  call,  as  they  were  not  a 
treaty  soon  appeared.  The  Democratic  part  of  the  treaty-making  power.  They 
societies  and  newspapers  had  resolved  to  also  decided  that  it  was  not  expedient 
oppose  and  attack  the  treaty  whatever  for  the  President  to  furnish  the  papers, 
might  be  its  provisions.  They  had  opposed  for  the  call  should  be  considered  as  an 
the  mission  to  negotiate  it.  After  it  was  unfounded  claim  of  power  on  the  part 
received  Randolph  revealed  enough  of  its  of  the  House  to  interfere  with  the  privi- 
character  lo  give  a  foundation  for  many  leges  of  the  President  and  Senate.  The 
attacks  upon  it  in  the  newspapers.  It  President,  therefore,  declined  to  comply 
was  denounced  as  a  pusillanimous  surren-    with    the    request    of    the    House,    giving 



his  reasons  in  a  special  message.  Reso- 
lutions asserting  the  majesty  of  the  House 
were  introduced  ( April  6 ) ,  and  were  sup- 
ported by  Madison.  These  resolutions  were 
adopted  bj'  a  vote  of  57  to  35,  and  the 
subject  of  the  "  British  treaty "  was  a 
staple  topic  of  debate  for  some  time  after- 
wards. Finally,  April  30,  the  House  pass- 
ed a  resolution — 51  to  48 — that  it  was 
expedient  to  pass  laws  for  carrying  the 
treaty  into  effect. 

The  discussions  of  the  treaty  were  soon 
transferred  from  public  meetings  and  the 
newspapers  to  the  arena  of  State  legisla- 
tures. Governor  Shelby,  in  his  speech  to 
the  Kentucky  legislature,  attacked  the 
treaty.  The  House  seemed  to  agree  with 
him  (Nov.  4,  1794),  but  the  Senate  evaded 
any  decided  committal.  The  house  of 
delegates  of  Virginia  adopted,  by  a  vote 
of  100  to  50,  a  resolution  appi'oving  the 
conduct  of  their  Senators  in  voting  (Nov. 
20)  against  the  treaty.  A  counter-resolu- 
tion declaring  their  undiminished  confi- 
dence in  the  President  was  lost — 59  to 
79 ;  but  another  resolution  disclaiming 
any  imputation  of  the  President's  motives 
was  passed — 78  to  62.  The  legislature  of 
Marvland  resolved  that  they  felt  a  deep 
concern  at  efforts  to  detach  from  the 
President  the  "  well-earned  confidence  of 
his  fellow-citizens,"  and  declared  their 
"  unabated  reliance  in  his  judgment,  integ- 
rity, and  patriotism."  The  Senate  of  Penn- 
sylvania made  a  similar  declaration.  The 
legislature  of  New  Hampshire  "expressed, 
Dec.  5,  1795,  their  "abhorrence  of  those 
disturbers  of  the  peace  "  who  had  endeav- 
ored to  render  abortive  measures  so  well 
calculated  to  advance  the  happiness  of  the 
country.  The  North  Carolina  legislature, 
by  a  decided  majority,  adopted  a  series  of 
resolutions,  Dec.  8,  reprobating  the  treaty 
and  thanking  their  Senators  for  having 
opposed  it.  In  the  legislature  of  .  South 
Carolina  resolutions  were  introduced  de- 
claring the  treaty  "  highly  injurious  to 
the  general  interests  of  the  United 
States  " ;  when  the  friends  of  the  treaty, 
finding  themselves  in  a  minority,  declared 
the  legislature  had  no  business  to  interfere 
with  the  duties  of  the  President  and  Sen- 
ate of  the  United  States,  and  refused 
to  vote,  the  resolutions  were  adopted  unan- 
imously. The  House  did  not  venture  to 
send  up  these  resolutions   to  the   Senate. 


A  resolution  declaring  the  treaty  uncon- 
stitutional was  defeated.  The  legislature 
of  Delaware  passed,  Jan.  14,  1796,  a  reso- 
lution of  approval.  Gov.  Samuel  Adams, 
of  Massachusetts,  spoke  of  the  treaty 
as  "  pregnant  with  evil,"  suggested  a  con- 
flict of  authority  between  the  President 
and  Senate  and  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives, and  transmitted  to  the  general 
court  the  resolutions  of  Virginia  on  the 
subject  of  amendments  to  the  Constitu- 
tion. The  Massachusetts  Senate  declared 
their  concurrence  in  the  belief  of  the 
governor  that  the  national  government 
was  in  "  honest  hands,"  and  the  house  sug- 
gested "  a  respectful  submission  on  the 
part  of  the  people  to  the  constituted  au- 
thorities as  the  surest  means  of  enjoying 
and  perpetuating  the  invaluable  blessings 
of  our  free  and  representative  govern- 
ment." The  general  court  of  Rhode  Island 
expressed  their  confidence  in  the  genera^ 
government.  So,  also,  did  the  legislature 
of  New  York. 

Jay,  John,  diplomatist;  born  in  New 
York  City,  June  23,  1817;  son  of  William 
Jay;  became  manager  of  the  New  York 
Young  Men's  Anti-slavery  Society  in  1834; 
was  graduated  at  Columbia  College  in 
1836;  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1839;  acted 
as  counsel  without  pay  for  many  fugitive 
slaves;  minister  to  Austria  in  1869-75; 
chairman  of  the  committee  to  investigate 
the  system  of  the  New  York  Custom- 
House  in  1877;  and  president  of  the  New 
York  State  Civil  Service  Commission  in 
1883-88.  He  died  in  New  York  City,  May 
5,  1894. 

Jay,  William,  jurist ;  born  in  New 
York  City,  June  16,  1789;  son  of  John 
Jay;  graduated  at  Yale  in  1807;  appoint- 
ed judge  of  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas  in 
1818;  reappointed  under  the  new  consti- 
tution in  1822;  served  till  1843,  when  he 
was  superseded  on  account  of  his  anti- 
slavery  views.  He  was  the  author  of  Life 
of  Johti  Jay;  The  Action  of  the  Federal 
Government  in  Behalf  of  Slai^erij ;  War 
and  Peace,  in  which  he  suggested  that 
international  disputes  should  be  settled 
by  arbitration;  The  Mexican  War;  etc. 
He  died  in  Bedford,  N.  Y..  Oct.  14,  1858. 

Jayhawkers  and  Red  Legs,  names  ap- 
plied to  Free-State  men  who,  during  the 
Kansas  conflict  in  1854-59,  began  a  series 
of    reprisals    for    outrages    committed    by 


pro-slavery  men,  but  ultimately  practical-  Adelphi    Theatre,    London,    and,   although 

ly   became   bandits.  he  has  since  played  in  many  of  the  most 

Jayne, Horace, biologist;  born  in  Phila-  popular  comedies  of  the  day,  and  in  vari- 

delphia,    March    5,     1859;     graduated    at  ous  parts  of  the  world,  he  will  be  remem- 

the   University   of   Pennsylvania   in    1879,  bered  longest  for  his  presentations  of  that 

and  at  its  medical  school  in  1882;  studied  character.    Mr.   Jefferson  has  also  distin- 

biology  at  Leipzig  and  Jena  in   1883-84;  guished  himself  as  an  orator  and  a  paint- 

and,  returning  to  the  United  States,  was  er,   and   in    1899    he   made   an    exhibition 

first  appointed  lecturer  in  biology  in  the  of     sixteen     of     his     landscape  -  paintings 

University    of    Pennsylvania,    and    subse-  in   oil   in   the   national   capital.     He   pub- 

quently  Professor  of  Vertebrate  Morphol-  lished    an    autobiography    in     1890.      He 

ogy  there.     For  a  number  of  years  he  was  died,  April  23,  1905,  at  West  Palm  Beach, 

dean  of  the  faculty.     In   1900  he  was  di-  Florida. 

rector  of  the  Wistar  Institute  of  the  Uni-  As   the   representative   of   the   dramatic 

versify  of  Pennsylvania.    He  is  the  author  profession,   Mr.   Jefferson   was   invited  by 

of  Mammalian  Anatomy;  Revision  of  the  the  faculty  of  Yale  University  to  deliver 

Dermestidce  of  North  America;  Abnormi-  a    lecture    on    Dramatic    Art,    which    was 

ties  Observed  in  North  American  Coleop-  given  on  April  27,  1892,  in  tlie  course  of 

tera,  etc.  which  he  says: 

Jeannette,    Voyage   of   the.      See   De 

Long.  If  I  am  asked  to  reason  from  my  knowl- 

Jeffers,  William  Nicholson,  naval  edge  and  engraft  it  on  the  history  of 
officer ;  born  in  Gloucester  county,  N.  J.,  the  past,  I  would  unhesitatingly  declare 
Oct.  6,  1824;  joined  the  navy  in  1840;  that  the  stage  is  in  a  much  better  con- 
served in  the  war  with  Mexico,  and  also  dition  now  than  it  ever  was  before.  The 
through  the  Civil  War;  was  promoted  social  and  moral  status  of  the  whole 
commodore  in  February,  1878.  His  pub-  world  has  undoubtedly  improved,  and  gone 
lications  include  Short  Methods  in  Navi-  hand  in  hand  with  scientific  and  material 
gation;  Theory  and  Practice  of  Naval  progress;  and  permit  me  to  assure  you 
Gunnery;  Inspection  and  Proof  of  Can-  that  the  stage  in  this  respect  has  not  been 
non;  Marine  Surveying ;  Ordnance  In-  idle,  but  that,  to  my  knowledge,  it  has 
structions  for  United  States  Navy,  etc.  in  the  march  of  improvement  kept  pace 
He  died  in  Washington,  D.  C,  July  23,  foot  by  foot  with  every  social  advance. 
1883.  Even    the    coarse   dramas    of   the   olden 

Jefferson,    the    name    proposed    to    be  time  were  in  keeping  with  the  conditions 

given  to  what  is  now  the  State  of  Colo-  of  the  social  and  literary  society  tJiat  sur- 

rado,  in  1858,  when  an  attempt  was  made  rounded    it.      Those    plays    that    appealed 

to    establish     a    provisional    government,  to  the  lowest  tastes  were  not  only  welcome 

The  scheme  failed  in  consequence  of  con-  but    demanded   bj^    the    court   of    Charles, 

flicting  claims  on  the  part  of  the  surround-  Old   Pepys,   who   lived   during   this   time, 

ing  Territories.    When,  however.  Congress  says    in    his    diary:    "I   went    last   night 

created    the    new    Territory    in    1861,    the  to   see  A   Midsummer  Night's  Dream;   it 

name  Colorado  was  given  to  it.  was  a  great  waste  of  time,  and  I  hope  I 

Jefferson,  Joseph,  actor ;  born  in  Phila-  shall    never    again    be    condemned    to    see 

delphia.  Pa.,   Feb.   20,   1829;   is  descended  such   a   poor   play.     Ah,   give   me   a   com- 

from  several  generations  of  actors ;   made  edy  of  Ethelridge,  and  let  us  have  no  more 

his    first   appearance   on    the    stage   when  of  this  dull,  vague  Shakespeare."    It  was 

three  years  old;   played  in  the  old  Span-  not,    therefore,    that    there   were   no   good 

ish    theatre    in    Matamoras,    Mexico,    two  plays,  but  that  the  vicious  public  wanted 

days    after    that    city    was    taken    by    the  bad    ones,    and    while   rakes    and    unprin- 

Americans;    and    in    1857    established   his  cipled  gallants  and  vile  women  were  the 

reputation  as  a  comedian  by  his  perform-  heroes    and    heroines    of    the    stage,    the 

ance  as  Asa  Trenchard  in  Our  American  plays  of  Shakespeare  had  been  written  for 

Cousin,   in   New  York  City.     In    1865   he  a   hundred   years.      Such   lovely   creatures 

appeared  for  the  first  time  in  his  inimi-  as  Rosalind,  Desdemoiia.  Beatrice,  Ophelia, 

table    role    of    Rip    Van    Winkle,    in    the  Imogene,  Portia,  and  Juliet,  together  with 
v.— I                                                            129 


their  noble  mates,  Orlando,  Benedict,  Ham-  And  so  the  people  insisted  that  the  actors 

let,  Eomeo,  and  a  host  of  pure  and  mar-  should    give    them    an    exhibition    of    the 

vellous   creations,   were   moulding   on   the  licentious  times  rather  than  the  splendid 

shelves,  because  the  managers  had  suffered  lessons    of    Shakespeare.     As    the    social 

bankruptcy  for   daring   to   produce   them,  world   improved   in   its   tastes   the   drama 

Shakespeare  says  that  the  actors  are  "  the  followed   it — nay,   in   some    instances   has 

abstract  and  brief  chronicles  of  the  times."  led  it. 


Jefferson,  Thomas,  third  President  of 
the  United  States;  born  in  Shadwell,  Va., 
April  2,  1743;  was  educated  at  the  Col- 
lege of  William  and  Mary;  studied  law 
under  George  Wythe;  and  was  admitted 
to  the  bar  in  1767.  From  1769  to  1775 
he  was  an  active  member  of  the  Virginia 
House  of  Burgesses.  In  that  body  he 
introduced  a  bill  empowering  masters  to 
manumit  their  slaves.     On  Jan.   1,   1771, 


he  married  Martha  Skelton,  a  rich  and 
beautiful  young  widow  of  twenty-three. 
He  was  a  member  of  the  committee  of 
correspondence  of  Virginia,  which  he  as- 
sisted in  forming,  and  was  engaged  in 
active  public  life  until  his  retirement 
from  the  Presidency  of  the  United  States. 
In    1774   he   wrote   his   famous   Summary 


View  of  the  Rights  of  British  America, 
which,  it  is  believed,  procured  for  him 
a  place  in  the  list  of  American  traitors 
denounced  by  the  British  Parliament.  He 
had  taken  an  active  part  against  the 
Boston  port  bill.  Mr.  Jefferson  took  his 
seat  in  the  Continental  Congress  in  June, 
1775,  when  he  was  thirty-two  years  of 
age.  In  that  body  he  served  on  the  most 
important  committees,  and  in  drawing  up 
state  papers.  On  the  committee  to  draft 
the  Declaration  of  Independence,  to  Mr. 
Jefferson  was  assigned  the  duty  of  writ- 
ing that  important  paper,  which  he  ad- 
vocated and  signed.  True  to  the  proclivi- 
ties of  his  nature  in  favor  of  human 
liberty,  he  introduced  a  clause  censuring 
slavery,  which  was  stricken  out.  In  Oc- 
tober, 1776,  he  retired  from  Congress  to 
take  part  in  his  o\vn  State  affairs,  and 
for  two  years  and  a  half  was  employed 
in  revising  the  laws  of  Virginia  and  pro- 
curing some  wise  enactments,  such  as 
abolishing  the  laws  of  primogeniture,  giv- 
ing freedom  to  convicts,  etc.  During  the 
entire  Revolutionary  War  Jefferson  was 
very  active  in  his  own  State,  serving  as 
its  governor  from  June,  1779,  to  1781. 
At  the  time  of  his  retirement  from  the 
chair,  Cornwallis,  invading  Virginia,  des- 
olated Jefferson's  estate  at  Elk  Hill,  and 
he  and  his  family  narrowly  escaped  capt- 
ure. Mr.  Jefferson  was  again  in  Con- 
gress in  1783,  and,  as  chairman  of  a 
committee,  reported  to  that  body  the 
definite  treaty  of  peace  with  Great  Brit- 
ain. Assisting  the  suggestions  of  Gouver- 
neur  Morris,  he  proposed  and  carried  a 
bill  establishing  the  decimal  system  of 
currency.  In  1785  he  succeeded  Dr. 
Franklin  as  minister  at  the  French  Court, 
where  he  remained  until  1789,  when  he 
returned  and  took  a  seat  in  Washing- 
ton's cabinet  as  Secretary  of  State. 
In  France  he  had  published  his  Notes 


on  Virginia,  and  he  had  there  become  ed  men  of  his  own  country  and  of  Europe. 
thoroughly  imbued  with  the  spirit  of  In  person  he  was  tall  and  slender,  with 
the  French  revolutionists  previous  to  sandy  hair,  llorid  complexion  in  his  youth, 
the  bloody  era  of  1793.  Not  finding  at  and  brilliant  gray  eyes,  a  little  inclining 
home  the  same  enthusiastic  admiration  to  brown.  He  was  buried  in  a  family 
of  the  French  people  in 
their  struggle  against  "  the 
conspiracy  of  the  kings," 
he  became  morbidly  sus- 
picious of  a  monarchical 
party  in  the  United  States 
that  might  overthrow  the 
government.  He  formed 
and  led  an  active  party 
called  "  Republican  "  or 
"  Democratic,"  and  there 
was  much  acrimonious 
feeling  soon  engendered 
between  that  and  the 
Federal  party,  of  which 
Alexander  Hamilton  was 
the  active  leader.  Mr.  Jef- 
ferson was  an  able  leader 
of  the  Democratic  party, 
and  secured  so  large  a  fol- 
lowing that  in  1800  he  was 
elected  President,  and 
served  eight  years,  retir- 
ing in  March,  1809,  when 
he  withdrew  from  public 
life  and  retired  to  his  seat 
at  Monticello,  near  Char- 
lottesville, Va.  Among  the 
important  events  of  his 
administration  were  the 
purchase  of  Louisiana,  an 
exploration  of  the  conti- 
nent from  the  Mississippi 
Eiver  to  the  Pacific  Ocean, 

and  difficulties  with  France  and  Great  cemetery  near  his  house  at  Monticello 
Britain  on  account  of  their  violation  of  and  over  his  grave  is  a  granite  monument, 
the  rights  of  neutrals.  Mr.  Jefferson  was  bearing  the  inscription,  written  by  him- 
the  founder  of  the  University  of  Virginia  self,  and  found  among  his  papers  after  his 
(1819)  at  Charlottesville,  Va.,  and  was  death,  "Here  lies  buried  Thomas  Jeffer- 
its  rector  until  his  death,  which  occurred  son,  author  of  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
on  the  same  day,  and  almost  at  the  same  pendence,  of  the  Statute  of  Virginia  for 
hour,  as  that  on  which  John  Adams  died,  religious  freedom,  and  father  of  the  Uni- 
who  was  his  associate  in  drafting  the  versity  of  Virginia."  Mr.  Jefferson  ^-e- 
Declaration  of  Independence,  and  sign-  garded  slavery  as  a  moral  and  political 
ing  it,  just  fifty  years  befoi-e  (July  4,  evil,  and  did  much  to  alleviate  its  hard- 
1826).  ships.     His    correspondence   with    men    of 

Jeff'erson  was  a  keen  politician,  though  all  classes  was  voluminous,  for  he  was  a 
no  speaker ;  a  man  of  great  learning  and  fluent  writer  and  had  a  very  wide  ac- 
fine  scholarly  as  well  as  scientific  attain-  quaintance.  Few  men  have  exerted  as 
ments,  and  in  conversation  extremely  at-  much  influence  in  establishing  the  free 
tractive.   His  house  was  the  resort  of  learn-    institutions     of     the     United     States     as 




rhomas  Jefferson.  He  adopted  for  the 
motto  of  his  private  seal  that  of  Oliver 
Cromwell  — "  Rebellion  to  tyrants  is 
obedience  to  God."  See  Lewis,  Meri- 

When,  in  the  early  summer  of  1781, 
Cornwallis  was  overrunning  a  portion  of 
Virginia,  he  sent  Tarleton  with  his  cav- 
alry to  capture  the  Virginia  Assembly 
siting  at  Charlottesville,  and  also  Gov- 
ernor Jefferson,  who  lived  2  miles  from 
that  place.  On  the  way  Tarleton  destroyed 
twelve  wagon-loads  of  clothing  intended 
for  Greene's  army  in  North  Carolina. 
Within  10  miles  of  Charlottesville  Tarle- 
ton detached  Captain  McLeod,  with  a 
party  of  horsemen,  to  capture  Governor 
Jefferson  at  Monticello,  while  he  pressed 
forward.  On  his  way  he  captured  some 
members  of  the  legislature,  but  when  he 
arrived  at  Charlottesville  the  remainder, 
forewarned,  had  fled  and  escaped.  Mc- 
Leod's  expedition  to  Monticello  was  quite 
as  unsuccessful.  Jefferson  was  entertain- 
ing several  members  of  the  legislature,  in- 
cluding the  presiding  officers  of  both 
houses,  when  the  British  cavalry  were 
seen  coming  up  the  winding  road  towards 
the  mansion.  Jefferson  immediately  sent 
his  family  away,  while  he  and  the  others 
escaped  on  horseback.  Jefferson  had  not 
been  gone  ten  minutes  when  McLeod  rode 
up  and  found  the  house  deserted. 

The   leaders    of    the   two   great   parties 

Laws  with  powerful  effect  against  him. 
The  Federalists  were  defeated.  Jefferson 
and  Burr  had  each  seventy-three  votes  in 
the  electoral  college,  and,  according  to 
the  provisions  of  the  Constitution,  the 
election  was  carried  into  the  House  of 
Representatives.  There  exciting  scenes 
occurred.     Two     or    three    members,     too 


Motto:  "Rebellion  to  tyrants  is  obedience  to  God.'" 

sick  to  appear  otherwise,  were  brought  to 
the  House  on  beds.  For  seven  days  the 
balloting  went  on.  After  it  was  ascer- 
tained that  a  Democrat  was  elected,  the 
Federalists  all  voted  for  Burr,  as  being 
less  objectionable  than  Jefferson;  but  the 
friends  of  the  latter  were  stronger  than 
all  opposition,  and  he  was  elected.  The 
whole  Federal  party  were  mortified 
and  humiliated  by  the  triumph  of  Jef- 
ferson, their  arch  -  enemy.  He  was  in- 
augurated March  4,  1801.  See  Cabinet, 
President's;  Louisiana;  Mazzei,  Philip. 
Inaugural  Address. — The  following  is 
the  principal  part  of  the  inaugural  ad- 
dress,  delivered  on  March   4,   1801: 


nominated  their  respective  candidates  for 
the  Presidency  in  1800,  the  Federalists 
choosing  to  be  voted  for  John  Adams  and 
Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney;  the  Demo- 
crats, Thomas  Jefferson  and  Aaron  Burr. 
There  was  a  breach  in  the  Federal  party, 
owing  to  extended  dislike  of  Adams,  and 
the  Democrats  used  the  Alien  and  Sedition 


Friends  and  Fellow  -  citizens, — Called 
upon  to  undertake  the  duties  of  the  first 
executive  officer  of  our  country,  I  avail 
myself  of  the  presence  of  that  portion  of 
my  fellow-citizens  which  is  here  assembled, 
to  express  my  grateful  thanks  for  the 
favor  with  which  they  have  been  pleased 
to  look  towards  me.  to  declare  a  sincere 
consciousness  that  the  task  is  above  my 
talents,  and  that  I  approacli  it  with  those 
anxious  and  awful  presentiments  which 
the  greatness  of  the  charge  and  the  weak- 
ness of  my  powers  so  justly  inspire.  A 
rising  nation,  spread  over  a  wide  and 


fruitful  land,  traversing  all  the  seas  with 
the  rich  productions  of  their  industry, 
engaged  in  commerce  with  nations  who 
feel  power  and  forget  right,  advancing 
rapidly  to  destinies  beyond  the  reach  of 
mortal  eye;  when  I  contemplate  these 
transcendent  objects,  and  see  the  honor, 
the  happiness,  and  the  hopes  of  this  be- 
loved country  committed  to  the  issue  and 
the  auspices  of  this  day,  I  shrink  from 
the  contemplation,  and  humble  myself  be- 
fore the  magnitude  of  the  undertaking. 
Utterly,  indeed,  should  I  despair,  did 
not    the    presence    of    many    whom    I    see 

which  we  have  passed,  the  animation  of 
discussions  and  of  exertions  has  sometimes 
worn  an  aspect  which  might  impose  on 
strangers  unused  to  think  freely,  and  to 
speak  and  to  w'rite  what  they  think;  but 
this  being  now  decided  by  the  voice  of  the 
nation,  announced  according  to  the  rules 
of  the  Constitution,  all  will  of  course  ar- 
range themselves  under  the  will  of  the  law, 
and  unite  in  common  efforts  for  the  com- 
mon good.  All,  too,  will  bear  in  mind 
this  sacred  principle,  that  though  the  will 
of  the  majority  is  in  all  cases  to  prevail, 
that  will,  to  be  rightful,  must  be  reason- 


here  remind  me  that,  in  the  other  high 
authorities  provided  by  our  Constitu- 
tion, I  shall  find  resources  of  wisdom, 
of  virtue,  and  of  zeal,  on  which  to 
rely  under  all  difficulties.  To  you,  then, 
gentlemen,  who  are  charged  with  the  sov- 
ereign functions  of  legislation,  and  to 
those  associated  with  you,  I  look  with  en- 
couragement for  that  guidance  and  sup- 
port which  may  enable  us  to  steer  with 
safety  the  vessel  in  which  we  are  all  em- 
barked, amid  the  conflicting  elements  of 
a  troubled  world. 

During  the  contest  of  opinion  through 


able;  that  the  minority  possess  their 
equal  rights,  which  equal  laws  must  pro- 
tect, and  to  violate  wiiich  would  be  op- 
pression. Let  us  then,-  fellow-citizens, 
unite  with  one  heart  and  one  mind,  let  us 
restore  to  social  intercourse  that  harmony 
and  affection  without  which  liberty  and 
even  life  itself  are  but  dreary  things.  And 
let  us  reflect  that,  having  banished  from 
our  land  that  religious  intolerance  under 
which  mankind  so  long  bled  and  suffered, 
we  have  yet  gained  little,  if  we  counte- 
nance a  political  intolerance  as  despotic, 
as  wicked,  and  as  capable  of  bitter  and 


bloody  persecutions.  During  the  throes  that  this  government,  the  world's  best 
and  convulsions  of  the  ancient  world,  dur-  hope,  may,  by  possibility,  want  energy  to 
ing  the  agonizing  spasms  of  infuriated  preserve  itself  ?  I  trust  not.  I  believe  this, 
man,  seeking  through  blood  and  slaughter  on  the  contrary,  the  strongest  government 
his  long-lost  liberty,  it  was  not  wonderful  on  earth.  I  believe  it  is  the  only  one 
that  the  agitation  of  the  billows  should  where  every  man,  at  the  call  of  the  law, 
reach  even  this  distant  and  peaceful  shore;  would  fly  to  the  standard  of  the  law,  and 
that  this  should  be  more  felt  and  feared  would  meet  invasions  of  the  public  order 
by  some,  and  less  by  others,  and  should  as  his  own  personal  concern.  Sometimes 
divide  opinions  as  to  measures  of  safety;  it  is  said  that  man  cannot  be  trusted  with 
but  every  difference  of  opinion  is  not  a  the  government  of  himself.  Can  he  then 
difference  of  principle.  We  have  called  be  trusted  with  the  government  of  others? 
by  different  names  brethren  of  the  same  Or  have  we  found  angels,  in  the  form  of 
principle.  We  are  all  republicans;  we  kings,  to  govern  him?  Let  history  answer 
are    all     federalists.       If    there     be     any    this  question. 

among  us  who  wish  to  dissolve  this  Let  ns,  then,  with  courage  and  confl- 
Union,  or  to  change  its  republican  form,  dence,  pursue  our  own  federal  and  repub- 
let  them  stand  undisturbed  as  monu-  lican  principles;  our  attachment  to  union 
ments  of  the  safety  with  which  error  and  representative  government.  Kindly 
of  opinion  may  be  tolerated,  where  reason  separated  by  nature  and  a  wide  ocean 
is  left  free  to  combat  it.  I  know,  indeed,  from  the  exterminating  havoc  of  one  quar- 
that  some  honest  men  fear  that  a  republi-  ter  of  the  globe;  too  high-minded  to  en- 
can  government  cannot  be  strong;  that  dure  the  degradation  of  the  others;  pos- 
this  government  is  not  strong  enough.  But  sessing  a  chosen  country,  with  room 
would  the  honest  patriot,  in  the  full  tide  enough  for  our  descendants  to  the  thou- 
of  successful  experiment,  abandon  a  gov-  sandth  generation;  entertaining  a  due 
ernment  which  has  so  far  kept  lis  free  and  sense  of  our  equal  right  to  the  use  of 
firm,  on  the  theoretic  and  visionary  fear    our   own   faculties,   to   the   acquisition   of 

our  own  industry, 
to  honor  and  con- 
fidence from  our  fel- 
low-citizens, result- 
ing not  from  birth, 
but  from  our  actions 
and  their  sense  of 
them;  enlightened 
by  a  benign  religion, 
professed  indeed  and 
practised  in  various 
forms,  yet  all  of 
them  inculcating 
honesty,  truth,  tern 
perance,  gratitude, 
and  the  love  of 
man ;  acknowledging 
and  adoring  an  over- 
ruling  Providence, 
which,  by  all  its  dis- 
pensations, proves 
that  it  delights  in 
the  happiness  of 
man  here,  and  his 
greater  happiness 
hereafter ;  with  all 
these  blessings,  what 
more  is  necessary  to 





make  us  a  happy  and  prosperous  people?  the  general  government  in  its  whole  con- 
Still  one  thing  more,  fellow-citizens — a  stitutional  vigor,  as  the  sheet-anchor  of 
wise  and  frugal  government,  which  shall  our  peace  at  home  and  safety  abroad;  a 
restrain  men  from  injuring  one  another,  jealous  care  of  the  right  of  election  by 
^liall   leave  them   otherwise  free  to   regu-    the  people,  a  mild  and  safe  corrective  of 

abuses  which  are  lopped  by  the  sword  of 
revolution  where  peaceable  remedies  are 
unprovided;  absolute  acquiescence  in  the 
decisions  of  the  majority,  the  vital  princi- 
ple of  republics,  from  Avhich  there  is  no 
appeal  but  to  force,  the  vital  principle 
and  immediate  parent  of  despotism;  a 
well-disciplined  militia,  our  best  reliance 
in  peace,  and  for  the  first  moments  of 
war,  till  regulars  may  relieve  them ;  the 
supremacy  of  the  civil  over  the  military 
authority;  economy  in  the  public  expense, 
that  labor  may  be  lightly  burdened;  the 
honest  payment  of  our  debts,  and  sacred 
preservation  of  the  public  faith;  encour- 
agement of  agriculture,  and  of  commerce 
as  its  handmaid;  the  diffusion  of  informa- 
tion, and  arraignment  of  all  abuses  at  the 
bar  of  the  public  reason ;  freedom  of  re- 
ligion, freedom  of  the  press,  and  freedom 
of  person,  under  the  protection  of  the 
habeas  corpus;  and  trial  by  juries  impar- 
tially selected.  These  principles  form  the 
bright  constellation  which  has  gone  before 
us,  and  guided  our  steps  through  an  age 
of  revolution  and  reformation.  The  wis- 
late  their  own  pursuits  of  industry  and  dom  of  our  sages,  and  blood  of  our  heroes, 
improvement,  and  shall  not  take  from  the    have   been    devoted    to    their    attainment; 


mouth  of  labor  the  bread  it  has  earned. 
This  is  the  sum  of  good  government;  and 
this  is  necessary  to  close  the  circle  of  our 

About  to  enter,  fellow-citizens,  upon  the 
exercise  of  duties  which  comprehend  every- 
thing   dear    and    valuable    to    you,    it    is 

they  should  be  the  creed  of  our  political 
faith,  the  text  of  civic  instruction,  the 
touchstone  by  which  to  try  the  services  of 
those  we  trust;  and  should  we  wander 
from  them  in  moments  of  error  or  of 
alarm,  let  us  hasten  to  retrace  our  steps, 
and  to  regain  the  road  which  leads  alone 

proper  you  should  understand  what  I  deem  to  peace,  liberty,  and  safety.    .    .    , 
the  essential  principles  of  our  government,        The    Jeffersonian    Policy.  —  Soon    after 

and,    consequently,   those   which   ought   to  his   inauguration,   Jefferson   indicated  his 

shape  its  administration.     I  will  compress  policy    in    a    letter    to    Nathaniel    Macon, 

them  within  the  narrowest  compass  they  in  Congress,  as  follows:     "1.  Levees  are 

will    bear,    stating   the   general    principle,  done   away   with.     2.  The   first   communi- 

but  not  all  its  limitations.     Equal  and  ex-  cation  to  the  next  Congress  will  be,  like 

act  justice  to  all  men,  of  whatever  state  all  subsequent  ones,  by  message,  to  which 

or  persuasion,  religious  or  political ;  peace,  no    answer    will    be    expected.     3.  Diplo- 

commerce,  and  honest  friendship  with  all  matic    establishments    in    Europe   will    be 

nations,   entangling   alliances   with   none;  reduced   to   three  ministers.     4.  The  com- 

the  support  of  the  State  governments  in  pensation    of    collectors    depends    on    you 

all    their    rights,    as    the   most    competent  [Congress],  and  not  on  me.     5.  The  army 

administrations  for  our  domestic  concerns,  is    undergoing    a    chaste    reformation.     6. 

and  the  surest  bulwarks  against   anti-re-  The    navy    will    be    reduced    to    the    legal 

publican  tendencies;    the  preservation  of  establishment  by  the  last  of  this  month 




[May,  1801].  7.  Agencies  in  every  de-  he  had  to  abandon  the  undertaking.  Jef- 
partment  will  be  revived.  8.  We  shall  ferson,  then  governor  of  Virginia,  gave 
push  you  to  the  uttermost  in  economiz-  instructions  for  the  occupation  of  a  sta- 
ing.     9.    A    very    early    recommendation    tion  on  the  Mississippi  River  between  the 

mouth  of  the  Ohio 
and  the  parallel  of 
36°  30';  and  in 
the  spring  of  1780 
Clarke  chose  a 
strong  position  5 
miles  below  the 
mouth  of  the  Ohio, 
whereon  he  built 
Fort  Jefferson. 
Here  the  Ameri- 
cans planted  their 
first  sentinel  to 
watch  over  the 
freedom  of  the 
navigation  of 
the  "  Father  of 

Jefferson  and 
Taylor,  Forts.  At 
has  been  given  to  the  Postmaster-General  the  Garden  Key,  one  of  the  Tortugas 
to  employ  no  traitor,  foreigner,  or  Revo-  Islands,  off  the  extremity  of  the  Florida 
lutionary  Tory  in  any  of  his  offices."  Peninsula,  was  Fort  Jefferson;  and  at 
Three  days  after  his  inauguration  he  Key  West  was  Fort  Taylor.  Neither  of 
wrote  to  Monroe:  "I  have  firmly  refused  these  forts  was  quite  finished  at  the  be- 
to  follow  the  counsels  of  those  who  have  ginning  of  1861.  The  Confederates  early 
desired  the  giving  of  offices  to  some  of  the  contemplated  their  seizure,  but  the 
Federalist  leaders  in  order  to  reconcile  laborers  employed  on  them  by  the  United 
them.  I  have  given, 
and  will  give,  only 
to  Republicans  un- 
der existing  cir- 
cumstances." The 
doctrine,  "  To  the 
victor  belong  the 
spoils,"  which  has 
been  accepted  as 
orthodox  in  the 
politics  of  our  re- 
public ever  since, 
was  then  first  pro- 

Jefferson,  Fort, 
a  fortification  built 
by  Col.  George 
Rogers     Clark 
{q.  V.) ,  on  the  west 
side  of  the  Missis- 
sippi.   He  had  designed  to  extend  his  in-    States    government    were    chiefly    slaves, 
vasion  to  Detroit,  but  troops  to  reinforce    and    their    masters    wished    to    reap    the 
him  had  been   added   to  the   force  of  an-    fruit  of  their   labor   as   long  as   possible, 
other  bold  leader  (see  Shelby,  Evan),  and    It    was    believed    these    forts    might    be 




seized  at  any  time  by  the  Floridians.  Cap-  make  laws  to  that  end;  and  when,  in  1689, 
tain  Brannan,  with  a  company  of  artil-  the  Stuarts  were  driven  from  the  throne 
lery,  occupied  barracks  about  half  a  mile  of  England,  these  people  were  pardoned, 
from  Fort  Taylor.  Some  of  the  military  and  the  Virginians  received  them  with 
and  civil  officers  there  were  Confederates,  open  arms  as  brethren.  Sir  George  died 
and  they  determined  to  oppose  Captain  in  London,  April  18,  1689. 
Brannan  if  he  should  attempt  to  take  Jenckes,  Joseph,  colonial  governor; 
possession  of  that  fort.  Finally  Captain  born  on  the  site  of  the  city  of  Pawtucket, 
Brannan  succeeded  by  a  stratagem  in  R.  I.,  in  1656;  held  a  seat  in  the  General 
gaining  possession.  The  steamer  Wyan-  Assembly  of  Rhode  Island  in  1679-93; 
dotte  lay  near  the  fort,  and  her  guns  com-  was  appointed  to  arrange  the  boundary 
manded  the  bridge  that  connected  it  disputes  with  Connecticut  and  Massachu- 
with  the  island.  One  Sunday  morning,  setts,  and  afterwards  those  which  had 
while  the  inhabitants  were  at  church,  arisen  between  Massachusetts  and  New 
Captain  Brannan  marched  his  men  by  a  Hampshire  and  Maine.  He  was  also 
back  road,  crossed  the  bridge,  and  entered  made  commissioner  to  answer  a  letter 
the  fort.  Supplies  had  already  been  for-  of  the  King  regarding  the  "  condition 
warded  by  water.  Both  forts  were  of  affairs  in  Rhode  Island,"  and  to  re- 
strengthened  and  were  lost  to  the  Con-  ply  to  a  number  of  questions  proposed 
federates.  by  the  lords  of  the  privy  council.  He 
Jeffreys,  Sir  George,  jurist;  born  in  was  governor  of  Rhode  Island  in  1727- 
Acton,  Denbighshire,  in  1648;  was  called  32.  He  died  June  15,  1740. 
to  the  bar  in  1668;  became  chief -justice  Jenckes,  Thomas  Allen,  legislator 
of  England  in  1683;  and  was  elevated  to  born  in  Cumberland,  R.  I.,  Nov.  2,  1818 
the  post  of  lord  chancellor  in  1685.  He  graduated  at  Brown  University  in  1838 
was  of  a  blood-thirsty  and  cruel  dispo-  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1840;  served  in 
sition,  delighting  in  the  severe  punishment  Congress  in  1862-71.  He  was  the  author 
of  the  enemies  of  the  King.  After  the  re-  of  the  United  States  bankruptcy  law,  which 
bellion  of  the  Duke  of  Monmouth  (1685)  was  passed  in  1867;  and  was  also  one  of 
was  crushed  he  held  courts  in  the  insur-  the  earliest  and  most  prominent  advocates 
gent  districts  which  are  known  in  history  of  civil  service  reform.  His  bill  in  ad- 
as  the  "  Bloody  Assizes."  The  partisans  vocacy  of  the  same  was  passed  in  1868. 
of  Monmouth  in  arms  were  fully  6,000  in  He  died  in  Cumberland,  R.  I.,  Nov.  4, 
number,  many  of  them  persons  of  great  re-  1875. 

spectability.      They   were   brought    before        Jenkins,  Charles  Jones,  jurist;  born 

the   court   of   the   chief-justice   by   scores,  in  Beaufort  district,  S.  C,  Jan.  6,  1805; 

He   seemed   to   delight   in   convicting   and  settled  in  Jefferson  county,  Ga.,  in  1816; 

punishing    them.      He    caused    320    to    be  graduated  at  Union  College  in  1824;  held 

hanged  or  beheaded,   and  more   than   800  a  seat  in  the  Georgia  legislature  in  1836- 

to  be  sold  as  slaves  in  the  West  Indies  and  50.    He  was  a  Union  delegate  to  the  Geor- 

Virginia.   Many  of  the  latter  were  given  to  gia  convention  in   1850,  and  as  chairman 

court  favorites  that  they  might  sell  them  of  that  body  drafted  the  resolutions  known 

on  speculation  or  extort  money  for  their  as   "  The  Platform  of   1850,"  in  which  it 

pardon  from  those  who  had  any  to  give.   In  was  resolved  "  that  the  State  of  Georgia, 

this    nefarious    business    Lord    Effingham,  even  to  the  disruption  of  every  tie  which 

governor  of  Virginia,  engaged ;  and  many  binds   her   to    the   Union,   resist   any   act 

men  of  culture,  as  well  as  good  mechanics,  of  Congress  abolishing  slavery."     He  was 

were  sent  to  Virginia  to  be  sold  as  slaves,  a   judge   of   the   Supreme   Court  of   Geor- 

and  so  added  excellent  social  materials  for  gia  in  1859  -  65,    and    governor    in    1865- 

society    in    that    colony.      "  Take    care,"  68.     Mr.   Jenkins   received   two   votes   for 

wrote  King  Charles  to  Effingham,  "  that  President    of    the    United    States    in    the 

they  continue  to   serve  for  ten  years  at  electoral    college    of    1872.      He    died    in 

least,  and  that  they  be  not  permitted  in  Summerville,  Ga.,  June  13,  1883. 
any    manner    to    redeem    themselves    by        Jenkins,    James    G.,    jurist;    born    in 

money  or   otherwise   until   that   term   be  Saratoga  Springs,  N.  Y.,  July  18,   1834; 

fully  expired."     The  Assembly  refused  to  was  liberallv  educated  in  New  York  State; 



and  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  New  York  1869-71;   and  has  since  done  much  work 

City  in  1855.    Two  years  later  he  removed  in  bridge-building.     He  was  in  charge  of 

to   Milwaukee,    Wis.,    where   he   practised  the  construction  of  the   Randolph  bridge 

till   1888,  when  he  was  appointed  United  over  the  Missouri  River,  at  Kansas,  Mo., 

States   judge   for   the   district  of   Wiscon-  and    was    employed    on    the    Mississippi 

sin.      In    1893    he    was    promoted    to    the  levees.     He    has    been    chief    engineer    of 

bench  of  the  United  States  Circuit  Court  railroads    in    the    South    and    Southwest, 

of  the  7th  Judicial  Circuit.     In  December,  and   was   also    chief   engineer   of   the   Ar- 

1893,   he  issued  an   injunction   forbidding  ansas    Pass    harbor    and    jetty    works    in 

all  employes  of  the  Northern  Pacific  Rail-  Texas.     In   1898-99  he  was  major  of  the 

road     (which    at    that    time    was    in    the  Volunteer     Engineer     Corps,     and     chief 

hands  of  receivers  appointed  by  the  court)  engineer  officer  of  the  1st  Division  of  the 

from  joining  or  conspiring  with  others  in  2d   Army   Corps.      In    1887    he   became   a 

striking  against  reduced  wages.     The  Cir-  member  of  the  American  Society  of  Civil 

cuit  Court  of  Appeals  sustained  this  in-  Engineers. 

junction  in  a  modified  form.     Upon  this  Jenkinson,    Charles,    English    politi- 

action    the    labor    leaders    endeavored    to  cian;  was  private  secretary  to  Lord  Bute 

have  Judge  Jenkins  impeached,  but  with-  when   he   was   the   English   premier,   and, 

out  result.  when  he   resigned,  Jenkinson   became  the 

Jenkins,    John,   military   officer;    born  principal   secretary  of   the  treasury.     He 

in    New    London,    Conn.,    Nov.    27,    1751;  was  an  Oxford  scholar,  and,  becoming  per- 

served  throughout  the  Revolutionary  War  sonally  acquainted  with  George  III.,  when 

as  a  lieutenant;  and  during  the  Wyoming  he  was  Prince  of  Wales,  became  devoted 

massacre  commanded  Forty  Fort.    He  died  to    his    service.      He    had    great    tact    in 

in  Wyoming,  Pa.,  March  19,  1827.  dealing    with    delicate    personal    matters, 

Jenkins,  John  Stilwell,  author ;  born  and  so  was  fitted  to  please  all ;  or,  rather, 

in    Albany,    N.    Y.,    Feb.    15,    1818;    edu-  not  to  oflfend  any.     He  was  chiefly  instru- 

cated  at  Hamilton  College,  and  began  the  mental    in   pushing   forward    the   English 

practice  of  law  in  Weedsport,  N.  Y.     His  ministry  in  their  schemes  for  taxing  the 

publications  include  Generals  of  the  Last  English  -  American     colonists,     and     was 

War  with  Great  Britain;  a  condensation  really  the  author  of  Townshend's  obnox- 

of  Hammond's  History  of  Neio  York;  Life  ious  bills  and  Grenville's  Stamp  Act.     He 

of  Silas  Wright;  History  of  the  Mexican  held    a    place    with    Lord    North    at    the 

War;    Lives    of    the    Governors    of    Neio  Treasury    board,    in    1768,    and    was    the 

York;  Lives  of  Jackson,   Polk,   and   Gal-  chief    instigator    of    that    minister's   bills 

houn,  etc.     He  died  in  Weedsport,  N.  Y.,  for    asserting    the    absolute    authority   of 

Sept.   20,   1852.  the   Parliament  over  the  American   colo- 

Jenkins,  Thornton  Alexander,  naval  nies. 
officer;  born  in  Orange  county,  Va.,  Dec.  Jenkinson's  Ferry,  Battle  at.  In 
11,  1811;  appointed  midshipman  in  1828;  1864,  General  Steele,  at  Little  Rock,  Ark., 
commissioned  lieutenant  in  1839;  pro-  tried  to  co-operate  with  the  Red  River 
moted  captain  in  1862;  and  rear-admiral  expedition,  but  was  unable  to  do  so  effect- 
in  1870.  In  1834  to  1860  he  was  employed  ually,  for  he  was  confronted  by  a  heavy 
on  the  coast  survey,  and  in  the  light-  body  of  Confederates.  He  started  south- 
house  board.  He  was  fleet  captain,  and  ward,  March  23,  with  8,000  troops, 
commanded  the  Hartford  when  Farragut  cavalry  and  infantry.  He  was  to  be 
passed  Forts  Jackson  and  St.  Philip  be-  joined  by  General  Thayer  at  Arkadelphia, 
low  New  Orleans,  April  24,  1862;  com-  with  5,000  men,  but  this  was  not  then 
manded  the  Richmond  when  Farragut  accomplished.  Steele  pushed  on  for  the 
captured  Mobile  in  1864.  He  died  in  purpose  of  flanking  Camden  and  draw- 
Washington,   D.   C,  Aug.   9,   1893.  ing  out  Price  from  his  fortifications  there. 

Jenkins,  William  Dunbar,  civil  engi-  Early  in  April  Steele  was  joined  by 
neer;  born  in  Adams  county,  Miss.,  Sept.  Thayer,  and  on  the  evening  of  the  15th 
19,  1849;  was  educated  at  military  they  entered  Camden  as  victors.  Serious- 
schools  in  France  and  Belgium;  studied  ly  menaced  by  gathering  Confederates, 
civil    engineering    in    Lexington,    Va.,    in  Steele,  who,  hy  the  retreat  of  Banks,  had 



been  released  from  duty  elsewhere,  moved  Jenney,  William  Le  Baron,  architect; 
towards  Little  Rock.  He  crossed  the  born  in  Fairhaven,  Mass.,  Sept.  25,  1832; 
Washita  on  the  night  of  April  26.  At  was  educated  at  Phillips  Academy,  An- 
Jenkinson's  Ferry,  on  the  Sabine  River,  dover,  Mass.;  graduated  at  the  Ecole 
he  was  attacked  by  an  overwhelming  Centrale  des  Arts  et  Metiers,  Paris,  in 
force,  led  by  Gen.  Kirby  Smith  in  person.  1856.  He  also  studied  art  and  archi- 
Steele's  troops,  though  nearly  famished,  tecture  in  Paris  studios  in  1858-59.  On 
fought  desperately  during  a  most  sangui-  his  return  he  was  commissioned  a  cap- 
nary  battle  that  ensued.  Three  times  the  tain  in  the  United  States  army;  was  as- 
Confederates  charged  heavily,  and  were  signed  to  engineer  duty ;  and  served  on 
repulsed.  The  battle  was  fought  by  in-  the  stafl"  of  Gen.  U.  S.  Grant  from  the 
fantry  alone,  and  the  Nationals  finally  battle  of  Cairo  to  Corinth,  and  then  on 
drove  their  adversaries  and  gained  a  com-  that  of  Gen.  W.  T.  Sherman  until  1866, 
plete  victory.  Then  they  crossed  the  receiving  the  brevet  of  major  in  1864; 
river  and  moved  on  towards  Little  Rock,  he  settled  in  Chicago  as  an  architect  in 
In  the  struggle  at  Jenkinson's  Ferry  the  1868;  was  landscape  engineer  for  the  West 
Confederates  lost  over  3,000  men,  includ-  Chicago  parks  in  1870-71;  invented  the 
ing  more  than  300  officers.  The  Nationals  skeleton  construction  (now  generally  used 
lost  700  killed  and  wounded.  Steele's  in  tall  buildings)  in  1883;  and  was  the 
broken  army  reached  Little  Rock  on  architect  for  the  Union  League  Club  and 
May  2.  the    Siegel    &    Cooper    Building,    in    New 

Jenks,   Jeremiah   Whipple,   educator;  York    City;     The    Fair,    and    the    Horti- 

born   in   St.   Clair,   Mich.,   Sept.   2,    1856;  cultural   Building  at  the  World's  Colum- 

graduated    at    the    University    of    Michi-  bian    Exposition,    in    Chicago,    and    other 

gan   in    1878;     and   was   admitted   to   the  notable  structures. 

bar  of  that  State.     Later  he  taught  Ger-  Jersey  Prison-ship,  one  of  the  prisons 

luan,  Latin,  and  Greek  at  Mount  Morris  used  by  the  British  at  New  York  during 

(111.)    College,      In    1886-89   he  was   Pro-  a  part  of  the  Revolutionary  War.     Noth- 

fessor    of    Political    Science    and    English  ing    could    exceed    the    horrors    of    these 

Literature    at    Knox    College,    Galesburg,  crowded    prisons.    ^  The    sugar-houses    of 

TIL;  in  1889-91  was  Professor  of  Political  New  York  being  large,  were  used  for  the 

Economy  and  Social  Science  in  the  Indiana  purpose,   and   therein   scores   suffered   and 

University;  and  in  1891  became  Professor  died.      But    the    most    terrible    scenes    oc- 

of  Political  Science  in  Cornell  University,  curred  on  board  several  old  hulks,  which 
He  is  the  author  of  Henry  C.  Carey  als 
Nationalokonom;  Road  Legislation  for  the 
American  State,  and  contributions  on 
monopolies,  political  methods,  etc.,  to 
reviews,  magazines,  and  encyclopsedias 
in  the  United  States,  Germany,  and  Eng- 

Jenks,    Joseph,    inventor;    born    near 
London;    came   to   America   in    1645,   and 

is  supposed  to  have  been  the  first  brass-  the  jkrset  prison-ship. 
founder    on    this    continent.     On    May    6, 

1648,  he  secured  a  patent  from  the  Massa-  were  anchored  in  the  waters  around  New 
chusetts  legislature  for  a  water-mill  and  York,  and  used  for  prisoners.  Of  them 
for  a  saw-mill.  In  1652  he  made  the  dies,  the  Jersey  was  the  most  notorious  for  the 
it  is  said,  for  the  silver  coinage — the  sufferings  it  contained,  and  the  brutality 
"  pine-tree  "  money  of  that  province.  In  of  its  officers.  From  these  vessels,  anchor- 
1654  he  made  a  fire-engine  for  Boston,  and  ed  near  the  present  na^y-yard  at  Brook- 
in  1655  he  received  a  patent  for  an  im-  lyn,  almost  11,000  victims  were  carried 
proved  method  of  manufacturing  scythes,  ashore  during  the  war,  and  buried  in 
In  1667  he  had  an  appropriation  for  the  shallow  graves  in  the  sand.  Their  re- 
encouragement  of  wire-drawing.  He  died  mains  were  gathered  in  1808  and  put 
in  Lynn,  Mass.,  in  1683.  in  a  vault  situated  near  the  termination 



of    PVoiit     Street     and     Hudson    Avenue,    to    promote    the    power    and    dominion   ot 
Brooklyn.  Prance  in  America.     Within  three  yeara 

Jerseys,  The.  Collective  name  for  the  after  the  restoration  of  Canada  to  the 
colonies  of  East  and  West  New  Jersey.        French   there   were   fifteen   Jesuit  priests 

Jervis,  John  Bloomfield,  engineer;  in  the  province  (1636).  The  first  most 
born  in  Huntington,  N.  Y.,  Dec.  14,  1795;  noted  of  these  missionaries  were  Brebeuf 
assisted  in  the  construction  of  the  Erie  and  Daniel,  who  were  bold,  aggressive, 
and  the  Delaware  and  Hudson  canals.  He  and  self-sacrificing  to  the  last  degree, 
was  connected  with  railroads  from  their  Then  came  the  more  gentle  Lallemande, 
first  introduction,  and  made  many  im-  who,  with  others,  traversed  the  dark 
provements  in  locomotives;  and  was  chief  wilderness  with  a  party  of  Hurons  who 
engineer  of  the  Croton  aqueduct  in  1836.  lived  far  to  the  westward,  on  the  borders 
He  is  the  author  of  A  Description  of  the  of  one  of  the  Great  Lakes.  They  sufi'ered 
Croton  Aqueduct ;  A  Report  of  the  Hud-  incredible  hardships  and  privations — eat- 
son  River  Railroad;  Railway,  Property;  ing  the  coarsest  food,  sleeping  on  the  bare 
Labor  and  Capital,  etc.  He  died  in  Eome.  earth,  and  assisting  their  red  companions 
N.  Y.,  Jan.  12,  1885.  in   dragging  their   canoes   at   rough   port- 

Jessup,  Henry  Harris,  clergyman;  ages.  On  a  bay  of  Lake  Huron  they 
born  in  Montrose,  Pa.,  April  19,  1832;  erected  the  first  house  of  the  society 
graduated  at  Yale  University  in  1851,  among  the  North  American  Indians.  That 
and  at  Union  Theological  Seminary  little  chapel,  which  they  called  the  cradle 
in  1855;  and  after  ordination  went  to  a  of  the  Church,  was  dedicated  to  St.  Jo- 
missionary  to  Tripoli,  where  he  served  in  seph,  the  husband  of  the  Blessed  Virgin. 
1856-60.  In  the  latter  year  he  went  to  They  told  to  the  wild  children  of  the 
Beirut.  In  1879  he  was  moderator  of  the  forest  the  story  of  the  love  of  Christ  and 
General  Assembly.  He  is  the  author  of  his  crucifixion,  and  awed  them  with  the 
Mohammedan  Missionary  Problem;  The  terrors  of  perdition.  For  fifteen  years 
Women  of  the  Arabs;  The  Greek  Church  Brebeuf  carried  on  his  missionary  labors 
and  Protestant  Missions;  Syrian  Eome  among  the  Hurons,  scourging  his  flesh 
Life;  Ka7nil,  Moslem  Convert,  etc.  twice  a  day  with  thongs;  wearing  an  iron 

Jesuit  Missions.  In  1539  the  Society  girdle  armed  at  all  points  with  sharp  pro- 
of Jesus,  or  Jesuit's,  was  established  by  jections,  and  over  this  a  bristly  hair- 
Ignatius  Loyola.  Its  members  were,  by  shirt,  which  continually .  "  mortified  the 
its  rules,  never  to  become  prelates.  Their  flesh";  fasted  frequently  and  long:  kept 
vows  were  to  be  poor,  chaste,  and  obe-  his  pious  vigils  late  into  the  night,  and 
dient,  and  in  constant  readiness  to  go  on  by  penitential  acts  resisted  every  tempta- 
missions   against   heresy  and   heathenism,    tion  of  the  flesh. 

Their  grand  maxim  was  the  widest  diff'u-  As  missionary  stations  multiplied  in 
sion  of  influence,  and  the  closest  internal  the  western  wilderness,  the  central  spot 
unity.  Their  missions  soon  spread  to  was  called  St.  Mary.  It  was  upon  the 
every  part  of  the  habitable  globe  then  outlet  of  Lake  Superior  into  Lake  Huron, 
known.  They  planted  the  cross  in  Europe,  There,  in  one  year,  3,000  Indians  received 
Asia,  Africa,  and  America,  and  on  the  a  welcome  at  the  hands  of  the  priest, 
islands  of  the  sea;  and  when  Chaniplain  This  mission  awakened  great  sympathy 
had  opened  the  way  for  the  establishment  in  France.  Everywhere  prayers  were  ut- 
of  French  dominion  in  America,  to  the  tered  for  its  protection  and  prosperity. 
Jesuits  was  assigned  the  task  of  bearing  The  King  sent  magnificently  embroidered 
the  Christian  religion  to  the  dusky  in-  garments  for  the  Indian  converts.  The 
habitants  in  North  America.  More  per-  Pope  expressed  his  approbation,  and  to 
severing  and  more  eff"ective  than  the  vo-  confirm  and  strengthen  these  missions  a 
taries  of  commerce  and  trade,  the  Jesuits  college  in  New  France  was  projected.  The 
became  the  pioneers  of  discovery  and  set-  pious  young  Marquis  de  Gaenache,  with 
tlement  in  North  America.  Their  para-  the  assent  of  his  parents,  entered  the  So- 
mount  object  was  the  conversion  of  the  ciety  of  Jesus,  and  with  a  portion  of  their 
heathen  and  an  extension  of  the  Church;  ample  fortune  he  endowed  a  seminary  for 
their  secondary,  yet  powerful,  object  was    education  at  Quebec.     Its  foundation  was 



laid  in  1635,  just  before  the  death  of  and  adventures  of  missionary  life.  On 
Champlain.  That  college  was  founded  his  way  from  Quebec  to  the  Hurons  he 
two  years  before  the  first  high  seminary  was  captured  by  a  roving  band  of  Mo- 
of  learning  was  established  in  the  Protes-  hawks,  and  he  who  was  one  of  the  first  to 
tant  colonies  in  America  by  John  Har- 
vard (see  Harvard  Uni\'ersity).  At 
Ihe  same  time  the  Duchess  d'Acquillon, 
aided  by  her  uncle,  Cardinal  Richelieu, 
endowed  a  public  hospital  at  Quebec, 
open  to  the  afflicted,  whether  white  or 
red  men,  Christians  or  pagans.  It  was 
placed  in  charge  of  three  young  nuns, 
the  youngest  twenty-two,  and  the  oldest 
twenty-nine  years  of  age,  who  came 
from  Paris  for  the  purpose.  In  1640, 
Hochelaga  ( Montreal )  was  taken  pos- 
session of  as  a  missionary  station,  with 
solemn  religious  ceremonies,  and  the 
Queen  of  Angels  was  petitioned  to  take 
the  island  of  Montreal  under  her  protec- 
tion. Within  thirteen  years  the  remote 
wilderness  was  visited  by  forty-two 
Jesuit  missionaries,  besides  eighteen  other 
devoted  men.  These  assembled  two  or 
three  times  a  year  at  St.  Mary's;  the  re- 
mainder of  the  time  they  Avere  scattered 
through  the  forests  in  their  sacred  work. 

A  plan  was  conceived  in  1G38  of  estab- 
lishing missions  among  the  Algon- 
quians,  not  only  on  the  north,  but  .on 
the  south  of  the  Gi'eat  Lakes,  and  at 
Green  Bay.  The  field  of  labor  opened 
to  the  view  of  the  missionaries  a  vast 
expanse  of  wilderness,  peopled  by  many 
tribes,  and  they  prayed  earnestly  for  re- 
cruits. Very  soon  Indians  from  very  re- 
mote points  appeared  at  the  mission 
stations.  The  hostilities  of  the  Five 
Nations  had  kept  the  French  from 
navigating  Lakes  Ontario  and  Erie; 
finally,  in  1640,  Brebeuf  was  sent  to 
the  Neutral  Nation  {q.  v.),  on  the 
Niagara  RiA'er.  The  further  penetra- 
tion of  the  country  south  of  the  Lakes 
was  then  denied,  but  a  glimpse  of  the 
marvellous  field  soon  to  be  entered  upon 
was  obtained.  In  September  and  October, 
1641,  Charles  Raymbault  and  Isaac  Jogues  the  first  to  bear  it  to  the  villages  of  the 
penetrated  to  the  Falls  of  St.  Mary,  in  the  Five  Nations.  At  the  villages  on  the  way 
strait  that  forms  the  outlet  of  Lake  from  the  St.  Lawrence  to  the  Mohawk 
Superior,  where  they  heard  of  the  Sioux,  domain  Father  Jogues  was  compelled  to 
They  yearned  to  penetrate  the  country  of  submit  to  the  horrors  of  running  the 
this  famous  people.  This  favor  was  denied  gantlet,  yet  he  never  repined,  but  re- 
the  missionaries.  Father  Raymbault  re-  joiced  in  his  tribulations,  and  was  made 
turned  to  Quebec  and  died,  but  Father  happy  by  the  conversion,  here  and  there. 
Jogues  was  destined  to  endure  many  trials    of  one  of  the  savages,  whom,  on  one  occa- 



carry   the   cross    'uto   Michigan   was   now 


sion,  he  baptized  with  drops  of  dew.  As 
he  roamed  through  the  forests  of  the  Mo- 
hawk Valley  he  carved  the  name  of  Jesus 
and  the  figure  of  a  cross  on  the  trees,  and 
with  a  chant  took  possession  of  the  coun- 
try in  the  name  of  Christ.  He  was  ran- 
somed by  the  Dutch  at  Albany,  sailed  for 
J^rance,  but  soon  returned  to  Canada. 

Another  missionary  (Bressani),  who 
suffered  horribly,  was  also  ransomed  by 
the  Dutch.  In  the  summer  of  1646  the 
Jesuits  established  a  mission  among  the 
Indians  of  Maine,  and  so  French  out- 
posts were  established  on  the  Kennebec 
and  the  upper  Lakes  fourteen  years  after 
these  missionary  labors  were  begun. 
There  was  then  a  lull  in  hostilities  be- 
tween the  French  and  the  Five  Nations, 
and  Father  Jogues  went  to  the  Mohawks 
as  ambassador  for  Canada.  His  report 
caused    an    effort   to   establish    a   mission 

cast  his  body  into  the  Mohawk  River. 
In  1648,  warriors  from  the  Mohawk  Valley 
feil  upon  the  Hurons,  and  the  Jesuit  mis- 
sions among  them  were  destroyed,  and 
priests  and  converts  were  murdered  after 
horrible  tortures.  Finally,  in  1654,  when 
peace  between  the  French  and  the  Five 
Nations  had  been  restored.  Father  Le 
Moyne  was  sent  as  ambassador  to  the 
Onondagas,  when  he  was  cheered  by  the 
sight  of  many  Hurons  holding  on  to  their 
faith.  Le  Moyne  was  allowed  to  establish 
a  mission  in  the  Mohawk  Valley.  Very 
soon  the  Onondagas  received  Father  Da- 
blon  and  his  companions  kindly,  and 
chiefs  and  followers  gathered  around  the 
Jesuits  with  songs  of  welcome.  A  chapel 
was  built  in  a  day.  "  For  marbles  and 
precious  metals,"  Dablon  wrote,  "  we  em- 
ployed only  bark;  but  the  path  to 
heaven  is  as  open  through  a  roof  of  bark 


among  them,  and  he  alone  understand-  as  through  arched  ceilings  of  silver  and 
ing  their  language,  was  sent,  but  lost  his  gold."  Fifty  French  people  settled  near 
life  among  the  Mohawks,  who  hung  his  the  missionary  station,  and  very  soon 
liead  upon  the  palisades  of  a  village,  and    there  were  Christian  laborers  among  the 



Cayugas  and  Oneidas.  A  change  came.  Aug.  28,  1657,  but  was  recalled  to  Mon- 
War  was  again  kindled,  and  Jesuits  and  treal.  Rene  Menard  was  with  Le  Mercier 
settlers  were  obliged  to  flee  from  the  at  Onondaga  from  1656  to  1658,  and  after- 
bosom  of  the  Five  Nations.  After  that,  wards  among  the  Cayugas.  Julien  Gar- 
the  self-sacri/icing  Jesuits  penetrated  the  nier,  sent  to  the  Mohawks  in  May,  1668, 
western  wilderness  to  the  Mississippi  passed  to  Onondaga,  and  thence  to  the 
River,  carrying  the  cross  as  the  emblem  Senecas,  and  was  engaged  in  this  mission 
of  their  religion,  and  the  lilies  of  France  until  1683.  Claude  Dablon,  at  Onondaga 
as  tokens  of  political  dominion.  In  these  a  few  years  after  1655,  and  was  after- 
labors  they  were  assisted  by  the  votaries  wards  among  the  tribes  of  the  Upper 
of  commerce.  Seeds  of  civilization  were  Lakes.  Jacques  Freniin,  at  Onondaga 
planted  here  and  there,  until  harvests  from  1656  to  1658;  was  sent  to  the  Mo- 
were  beginning  to  blossom  all  along  the  hawks  in  July,  1667;  left  there  for  the 
Lakes  and  the  Mississippi  to  the  Gulf  of  Senecas  in  October,  1668,  where  he  re- 
Mexico.  The  discoveries  of  these  priests  niained  a  few  years.  Pierre  Rafeix,  at 
and  traders  gave  to  France  a  claim  to  Onondaga  from  1656  to  1658;  chaplain  in 
that  magnificent  domain  of  millions  of  Coureelle's  expedition  in  1665;  sent  to 
square  miles,  extending  from  Acadia  the  Cayugas  in  1671,  thence  to  Seneca, 
along  the  St.  Lawrence  and  the  Lakes,  where  he  was  in  1679.  Jacques  Bruyas, 
and  the  establishment  of  French  domin-  sent  to  the  Mohawks,  July,  1667,  and  to 
ion  in  Louisiana,  on  the  borders  of  the  the  Oneidas  in  September,  where  he  spent 
Gulf  of  Mexico.  It  has  been  truthfully  four  years,  and  thence  returned  to  the 
said,  "The  history  of  these  [Jesuit]  Mohawks  in  1672;  was  at  Onondaga  in 
labors  is  connected  with  the  origin  of  1679,  1700,  and  1701.  Etienne  de  Car- 
every  celebrated  town  in  the  annals  of  heil,  sent  to  Cayuga  in  1668,  and  was  ab- 
French  America;  not  a  cape  was  turned  or  sent  in  1671-72;  returned,  and  remained 
a  river  entered  but  a  Jesuit  led  the  way."  until  1684.  Pierre  Milet  was  sent  with 
There  were  twenty-four  different  Jesuit  De  Carheil  to  the  Cayugas  in  1668,  and 
missionaries  among  the  Six  Nations  be-  left  in  1684;  was  at  Niagara  in  1688, 
tween  1657  and  1769.  Their  names  and  and  was  taken  prisoner  at  Cataraqua  in 
places  of  service  were  as  follows:  Paul  1689.  Jean  Pierron  was  sent  to  the  Mo- 
Ragneneau,  at  Onondaga,  from  July,  1657,  hawks  in  July,  1667;  went  among  the 
to  March,  1658.  Isaac  Jogues,  prisoner  Cayugas  in  October,  1668,  and  was  with 
among  the  Mohawks  from  August,  1642,  the  Senecas  after  1672,  where  he  was  in 
to  August,  1643;  a  missionary  to  the  same  1679.  Jean  de  Lamberville  was  at  Onon- 
nation  in  1646,  and  killed  in  October  of  daga  in  1671-72;  was  sent  to  Niagara  in 
the  same  year.  Francis  Joseph  Le  Mer-  1687.  Francis  Boniface  was  sent  to  the 
cier,  at  Onondaga,  from  May  17,  1656,  to  Mohawks  in  1668,  and  was  there  after 
March  20,  1658.  Francis  Duperon,  at  1673.  Francis  Vaillant  de  Gueslis  sue- 
Onondaga,  from  1657  to  1658.  Simon  Le  ceeded  Boniface  among  the  Mohawks  about 
Moyne,  at  Onondaga,  July,  1654;  with  1674:  accompanied  the  expedition  against 
the  Mohawks  from  Sept.  16,  1655,  until  the  Senecas  in  1687 ;  was  sent  to  New  York 
Nov.  9  of  the  same  year;  then  again  in  in  December,  1687.  and  to  the  Senecas  in 
1656,  until  Nov.  5;  again  there  (third  1703.  Pierre  de  Mareuil  was  at  Onon- 
time)  from  Aug.  26,  1657,  until  May,  daga  in  June,  1709,  where  he  surrendered 
1658;  at  Onondaga,  from  July,  1661.  until  himself  to  the  English  in  consequence  of 
September,  1662;  ordered  to  the  Senecas  war  breaking  out  between  the  latter  and 
in  July.  1663,  but  remained  at  Montreal,  the  French,  and  was  courteously  treated 
He  died  in  Canada  in  1665.  Francis  Jo-  at  Albany.  Jacques  d'Heu  was  among 
seph  Bressani,  a  prisoner  among  the  Mo-  the  Onondagas  in  1708.  and  the  Senecas 
hawks  from  April  30  to  Aug.  19,  1644.  in  1709.'  Anthony  Gordon  founded  St.  Re- 
Pierre  Joseph  Mary  Chaumont,  at  Onon-  gis  in  1769,  with  a  colony  from  St.  Louis, 
daga  from  September,  1655.  until  March  There  were  two  "  Sulpieians  "  as  mission- 
20,  1658.  Joseph  Anthony  Poncet  was  a  aries  in  northern  New  York,  Francis 
prisoner  among  the  Iroquois  from  Aug.  Piquet,  who  founded  Oswegatchie  (Ogdens- 
20  to  Oct.  3,  1652;  started  for  Onondaga    burg)  in  1748,  and  his  successor  at  Oswe- 



gatchie,  Pierre  Paul  Francis  de  la  Garde. 
For  Jesuit  missions  in  California,  see 

Jesup,    MoKRis    Ketchum,    philanthro- 
pist;   born  in   Westport,   Conn.,  June  21, 

for  his  services  in  the  battle  of  Lundy'a 
Lane,  or  Niagara,  in  which  he  was  severe- 
ly wounded.  After  the  war,  he  was  pro- 
moted to  adjutant-general  and  quarter- 
master-general of  the  armyin  1818, with  the 

1830;  removed  to  New  York  City;  was  a  rank  of  brigadier-general,  and  was  brevet- 
clerk  in  a  manufacturing  house  till  1852,  ted  major-general  in  1828.  In  1836  he  was  in 
and  thence  till  1884  was  engaged  in  command  of  the  army  in  the  Creek  nation, 
banking  business.  He  was  elected  presi-  and  at  the  close  of  the  year  he  commanded 
dent  of  the  Five  Points  House  of  Industry  the  army  in  Florida.  He  was  wounded 
in  1872,  and  the  same  year  became  a  by  the  Seminoles  in  January,  1838.  He 
founder  and  president  of  the  Young  Men's  died  in  Washington,  D.  C,  June  10,  1860. 
Christian  Association  of  New  York  City.  Jewell,  Marshall,  diplomatist;  born 
In  1881  he  was  elected  president  of  the  in  Winchester,  N.  H.,  Oct.  20,  1825;  learn- 
New  York  City  Mission  and  Tract  Society,  ed  the  tanner's  trade;  and  established  a 
for  which  he  built  the  DeWitt  Memorial  leather  business.    He  was  elected  governor 

Church,  in  memory  of  his  father-in-law, 
and  also  president  of  the  Museum  of 
Natural  History,  to  which  he  presented 
a  collection  of  native  woods  valued  at 
$100,000.  He  was  elected  president  of 
the  New  York  Chamber  of  Commerce  in 
1899.  Besides  the  above  institutions,  he 
has  been  an  officer  in  the  leading  benevo- 
lent and  educational  institutions  in  New 
York  City  and  elsewhere.  Mr.  Jesup  has 
been    exceedingly    liberal    in    his    benefac- 

of  Connecticut  in  1869,  re-elected  in  1871 
and  1872;  appointed  minister  to  Russia 
in  1873;  and  became  Postmaster-General 
in  1874.  He  died  in  Hartford,  Conn.,  Feb. 
10,  1883. 

Jewett,  Sarah  Orne,  author;  born  in 
South  Berwick,  Me.,  Sept.  3,  1849;  was 
educated  at  the  Berwick  Academy.  She 
has  travelled  extensively  in  the  United 
States,  Canada,  and  Europe;  and  is 
widely    known    as    a    short-story    writer. 

tions,  and  has  extended  his  aid  to  a  large  Her  works  include  Decphaven;  Play 
variety  of  interests.  In  1897  he  assumed  Days;  Old  Friends  and  New;  A  White 
the  expense,  estimated  at  from  $50,000  Heron;  A  Marsh  Island;  Betty  Leicester; 
to  $75,000,  of  a  series  of  expeditions  to  Country  By-icays;  The  Mate  of  the  Day- 
secure  anthropological  material  for  the  light,  and  Friends  Ashore;  A  Country 
Museum  of  Natural  History,  with  special  Doctor;  The  Story  of  the  Xormatis;  The 
reference    to    the    origin    of    the    ancient  King  of  Folly  Island,  and  other  People; 

population  of  this  continent  and  its  re- 
lation to  the  ancient  inhabitants  of  the 
Old  World.  This  project  involves  the 
thorough  exploration  of  the  coast  of  the 
north  Pacific  Ocean.  In  1891  he  gave  to 
Yale  Divinity  School  $51,000,  and  the 
Women's  Hospital,  in  New  York  City, 
$100,000;  in  1899  he  erected  Jesup  Hall 
for  Williams  College,  at  a  cost  of  $35,000; 
and  in  1900  he  presented  to  Yale  Univer- 
sity the  collection  of  Arabic  manuscripts 
made  by  Count  Landberg,  a  distinguished 
Swedish  collector  and  traveller,  for  which 

Strangers  and  Wayfarers ;  A  Native  of  Win- 
by,  and  Other  Talcs;  The  Life  of  Nancy; 
The  Country  of  the  Pointed  Firs,  etc. 

Jews.  The  Jewish  citizenship  of  the 
United  States  is  one  of  the  most  substan- 
tial of  all  foreign  constituents  of  our  com- 
plex population.  The  Jews  are  an  exceed- 
ingly law-abiding  people,  and  in  their 
charities  are  unsurpassed  by  any  race 
among  us.  Their  homes,  asylums,  hospi- 
tals, and  educational  establishments  are 
among  the  best  endowed  and  most  pro- 
gressive  institutions  in   the  country,   and 

he  paid  $20,000.     He  also  erected,  for  the    the  benevolent  acts  of  prosperous  Hebrew 

Union    Theological    Seminary,   a    building 
known  as  Jesup  Hall. 

Jesup,  Thomas  Sidney,  military  offi- 
cer; born  in  Virginia,  in  1788;  entered 
the  army  in  1808,  and  was  Hull's  adju- 
tant-general  in   1813.     For  his  good  con- 

men  towards  objects  and  institutions  other 
than  those  of  their  own  people  have  re- 
ceived a  high  and  a  deserved  recognition. 

At  the  fifteenth  annual  meeting  of  the 
Association  of  Jewish  Immigrants,  in 
Philadelphia,  in  1899.  President  Levy's  re- 

duct   at   the  battle  of  Chippewa,   he  was    port  treated  especially  of  the  general  in- 
brevetted  lieutenant-colonel;    also  colonel    crease  in  immigration.    Of  the  312,000  im- 



migrants  to  this  country,  representing  an  "  In  1818  Mordecai  M.  Noah  estimated 
increase  of  3G  per  cent,  over  the  figures  the  Jewish  population  at  3,000.  In  182(1 
of  the  preceding  year,  the  Jewish  con-  Isaac  C.  Harby  placed  the  figures  at  G,000, 
tingent  was  37,000,  an  increase  of  32.1  and  in  1840  these  were  further  increased 
per  cent.  A  large  proportion  of  the  Jew-  by  the  estimate  published  in  the  American 
ish  immigrants  came  from  Russia,  where.  Almanac  to  15,000.  In  1848  M.  A.  Berk 
however,  the  persecutions  to  which  the  made  their  number  50,000.  In  1880  Will- 
Jews  were  subjected  were  being  less  rigor-  iam  B.  Hackenburg  put  the  figures  at 
ously  enforced  than  formerly.  The  fer-  230,257;  in  1888  Isaac  Markens  put  them 
nient  infused  into  the  European  social  at  400,000,  and  in  1897  David  Sulzbero-er 
body  by  the  Dreyfus  affair  appeared  to  estimated  the  total  at  937,800." 
have  had  a  clarifying  effect,  even  the  Pro-  The  following  figures  are  then  given: 

curator  of  the  Russian  Holy  Synod  hav- 
ing in  a  recent  interview  disavowed  anti- 
Semitic  sentiments.  The  actual  storm 
centre  of  Slavic  anti-Semitism  had  moved 
o\'er  the  border  from  Russia  to  Austria 
and  Rumania,  and  in  Bohemia  the  condi- 
tion of  affairs  was  described  as  gravely 
foreboding.  In  Vienna  the  fever  of  anti- 
Semitism  had  passed  its  critical  stage. 
This  had  been,  in  part,  due  to  the  disclos- 
ure of  colossal  frauds  in  the  administra- 
tion of  the  city  finances  by  numerous 
leaders  of  the  anti-Semite  majority.  In 
Germany  and  France  the  conditions  were 
still  more  favorable. 

Turning  to  the  subject  of  Jewish  colo- 
nization. President  Levy  said  that  the 
movement  to  colonize  Jews  in  Palestine 
had  been  stemmed  by  the  interference  of 
the  Turkish  government.  Jewish  colonies 
had  been  established  in  Cyprus,  and  the 
De  Hirsch  colonies  in  Argentine  wei'e 
showing  unmistakable  signs  of  progress. 
Of   the   New   Jersey   colonies,   the   one   at 



New  York. 




















To  July,  1899... 





Immigration  for    1881-84 74,310 

New  York,  1885-99 417,010 

Philadelphia,    1885-99 36,390 

Baltimore,     1885-99 20,140 

Total    547,850 

"  If  we  add  this  immigration  to  the 
estimate  of  Mr.  Hackenburg  made  in 
Woodbine,  under  the  fostering  care  of  the  1880,"  says  Mr.  Adler,  "we  can  secure  a 
American  De  Hirsch  Fund  trustees,  was  total  of  778,107,  without  making  any  al- 
growing  in  importance,  and  left  no  doubt  as  lowance  for  the  natural  increase  in  twenty 
to  its  ultimately  successful  establishment,  years,  nor  for  the  immigration  through 
The  other  colonies  at  Alliance,  Norma,  Car-  Canada  and  other  ports  of  the  United 
mel,  and  Rosenhayn  had  passed  the  prob-  States  than  New  York,  Philadelphia,  and 
lematic  stage  and  gave  promise  of  success.    Baltimore." 

In  the  American-Jewish  Year-Boole  for  P'arly  in  1904  Professor  Haman,  of 
1899-1900  (Hebrew  year,  5660),  Cyrus  Basel,  Switzerland,  calculated  that  there 
Adler,  the  editor,  considering  the  number  were  about  19.000.000  Jews  in  the  world, 
of  Jews  in  the  United  States,  said:  "As  of  whom  nearly  11.000,000  were  in  Europe 
the  census  of  the  United  States  has,  in  and  8,000,000  outside  of  Europe,  including 
accordance  with  the  spirit  of  American  1,000,000  in  the  United  States.  Accord- 
institutions,  taken  no  heed  of  the  religious  ing  to  his  estimates  Russia  had  5,500,000; 
convictions  of  American  citizens,  whether   Austria-IIuncrary.      1,860,000:      Germany, 

native-born  or  naturalized,  all  statements 
concerning  the  number  of  Jews  living  in 
this  country  are  based  upon  estimate, 
though  several  of  the  estimates  have  been 
most  conscientiously  made. 

V. — K 


568.000 ;  Rumania,  300,000  :  Great  Britain, 
22,000;  Turkey,  120,000;  Holland.  97,000; 
France,  77,000:  Italy,  50.000:  Bulgaria, 
31,000;  Switzcrl.and.  12,000;  Greece,  6.000; 
Servia,    5,000;    Denmark,   4,000;    Sweden, 


3,500;   Belgium,  3,000;  Spain,  2,500;  and 
Portugal,  300. 

The  Arnerican  Jewish  Year-Boole  for 
1903-04  stated  the  Jewish  population  of 
the  United  States  at  1,127,268,  which 
would  make  the  United  States  rank  third 
among  the  nations  of  the  world  in  respect 
to  Jewish  citizens.  The  Year-Book  esti- 
mated that  fully  500,000  Jews  were  resi- 
dents of  New  York  State,  the  greater 
part  being  on  Manhattan  Island.  The 
following  States  were  credited  with  hav- 
ing 10,000  or  more  Jews  among  their 
people:  California,  28,000;  Illinois,  75,000; 
Indiana,  25,000;  Kentucky,  12,000;  Loui- 
siana,  12,000;   Maryland,  26,500;  Massa- 

chusetts, 60,000;  Minnesota,  10,000;  Mis- 
souri. 50,000;  New  Jersey,  23,000;  New 
York,  500,000;  Ohio,  50,000;  Pennsylvania, 
05,000;  Tennessee,  10,000;  Texas,  15,000; 
Virginia,  15,000;  Wisconsin,  15,000.  The 
immigration  figures  for  1903  show  that 
in  1902-03,  58,079  Jews  entered  the  port 
of  New  York,  of  whom  30,536  were  Rus- 
sians, 18,113  Austrians,  8,314  Rumanians, 
527  Germans,  271  Turks,  233  English,  35 
Dutch,  28  French,  12  Swedes,  5  Scotch, 
and  5  South  Americans.  From  Aug.  27, 
1902,  to  Aug.  25,  1903,  24  synagogues  were 
dedicated  in  fourteen  of  the  United  States, 
16  hospitals  and  many  other  institutions 
were  opened. 


Jews  and  Judaism.     Professor  Richard    dependent  upon  the  political  conditions  of 

these  countries.  More  than  seventy  years 
ot  the  century  had  passed  before  this 
struggle  had  been  fought  out. 

The   cause    of   Jewish    emancipation    in 

England  sufTered  no  such  sudden  changes 

as  it  did  on  the  continent.     It  proceeded 

For   the  Jew  the  Middle  Ages   did  not    by  regular  stages  through  the  abrogation 

end  with  the  Reformation  and  the  Renais-    of  the  Act  of  Test  in  1828,  the  admission 

sance;  but  only  disappeared  in  the  trans-    of  Jews  as  citizens  of  London  in  1830,  as 

formation  brought  about  gradually  by  the    sheriffs  in   1835,  as  magistrates  in   1845, 

French    Revolution.      During    this    period    and  in  1858  as  members  of  Parliament  by 

J.  H.  Gottheil,  the  scholarly  writer  on 
Jewish  questions,  and  son  of  the  well- 
known  Rabbi  Gottheil,  of  New  York, 
writes  as  follows  regarding  Hebraism  in 

the  Jew  has  passed  through  more  up- 
heavals than  many  nations  have  during 
three  or  four  times  the  number  of  years. 
The  modern  European  and  American  world 

the  removal  of  the  words  "  upon  the  faith 
of  a  Christian  "  in  the  oath  taken  by  the 

There   are   between    10,000.000   and    11,- 

has  had  a  hard  fight  to  find  its  way  into  000,000  Jews  to-day  in  the  world ;  of  these, 

its   present  changed   condition;    but  much  about  9,000.000  live  in  Europe;    1,000.000 

harder  by  far  was  the  task  laid  upon  the  in  the  United  States  and  Canada;  350.000 

Jew;    and,   whether   he   has   succeeded   or  in   Africa:    350,000    in    Asia;    and    16,000 

not,   he   has   made   an   honest   fight.      The  in  Australasia. 

tale  of  the  Jew  of  the  nineteenth  century        In   England   and   America   no   organiza- 

is  a  record  of  his  endeavor  to  do  justice  tion  of  the  Jews  has  been  effected,  as  the 

to  the  two  demands  which  were  made  upon  stat*  does  not  there  take  cognizance  of  the 

him:    the  one  from  the  outside  world — -to  religioiis    belief    of    the    people.      In    both 

fit  himself  to  take  his  place  worthily  and  these  countries  attempts  have  been  made 

do  his  work  side  by  side  with  the  other  by  the  Jews  themselves  to  organize  imder 

citizens  of  the  state  in  which  he  lived;  the  one   head   upon   a   purely   religious   basis, 

otlier  from  within  his  own  ranks  to  har-  but  without  nuich  success.     The  congrega- 

monize  his  religious  belief  with  his  new 
point  of  view  and  to  adapt  his  religious 
exercises  to  modern  social  conditions.  The 
struggle  of  the  Jews  in  the  various  Euro- 
pean countries  for  civil  rights  and  for 
equality   before   the  law  was  long  drawn 

tional  system  has  been  carried  to  its  ut- 
most limits  in  the  United  States,  where 
each  congregation  is  a  law  unto  itself  and 
absolutely  rejects  any  interference  on  the 
part  of  any  larger  body.  From  time  to 
time  a  desire  has  been  manifested  to  super- 

out,  and  was  marked  by  varying  fortunes    sede  this  purelv  congregational  system  by 



some  form  of  union.     The  late  Dr.  Isaac  of  the  French  language  and  of  French  cult- 

M.    Wise,   of    Cincinnati,    had    at   various  ure    in    the    East.      This    one-sidedness    of 

times  attempted  to  bring  the  Jews  of  the  its  work  is  best  seen  in  the  fact  that  by  its 

United  States  "together  with  an  authorita-  side  similar  organizations  have  been  cre- 

tive  synod  at  their  head.     Out  of  this  and  ated   in   other    countries,   "  The   Board   of 

other  attempts  have  come  the  Central  Con-  Delegates  of  American  Israelites  "  in  the 

ference  of  American  Rabbis  and  The  Union  United  States,  "  The  Anglo-Jewish  Associa- 

of    American    Congregations     ( founded    in  tion "   in  England,   the  "  Israelitische  Al- 

1873),  which  now  comprises  about  ninety-  liance  "  in  Austria,  and  the  "  Deutsche  Ge- 

one    congregations.      These    organizations,  meindebund  "  in  Germany.     At  one  point 

however,  do  not  by  any  means  represent  it  was  hoped  that  the  B'nai  B'rith,  estab- 

either  all   of  the  Jewish  ministers  or  all  lished  in  this  country  in   1843,  by  Isidor 

of  the  Jewish  congregations,  and  the 
Union  itself  is  merely  a  deliberative  body 
having  no  power  to  do  anything  in  the  in- 
ternal affairs  of  one  of  its  constituent 
synagogues.  Since  the  union  of  American 
Jewish  congregations  comprises  only  such 

Busch,  Julius  Bien,  and  others,  would 
form  such  a  union  of  Jews,  where  the 
theological  differences  would  be  eliminated. 
But  though  this  order,  which  has  315 
lodges  in  the  United  States  and  Canada, 
has    established    itself    in    such    countries 

as  stand  upon  a  Reform  platform,  a  union  as   Germany,   Rumania,   Austria,   Algeria, 

of  Orthodox  congregations  was  formed  in  Bulgaria,  and  Egypt,  and  despite  the  good 

New  York  two  or  three  years  ago,  and  it  work   it   has   so   far   done,   the   mere   fact 

is   hoped    that   this   organization    will    do  that  it  is  a  secret  organization  prevents  it 

much   towards   binding  together   the  very  from  standing  forth  as  the  representative 

many  congregations  of  those  who  adhere  of  international  Jewry.    Where,  then,  and  in 

strictly  to  traditional  Judaism.  what  manner  is  such  a  body  to  be  found? 

But"^  the    organization    of    Jews    as    a  It  is  a  mistake  to  suppose  that  the  Jews 

church  has  not  been  found  sufficient.     It  as    a    people    are    rich.      The    proletariat 

was  early  felt  that  some  more  secular 
bond  must  be  found  which  should  unite 
the  Jews  of  various  porsuasiojis  for  com- 
mon and  concerted  action.  The  first  at- 
tempt in  this  direction  was  nobly  made 
by  Narcisse  Leven,  Eugene  Emanuel, 
Charles  Netter,  and  a  few  others,  in  found- 
ing (1880)  the  "Alliance  Israelite  Uni- 
verselle  "  in  Paris,  whose  object  it  was  to 
aid  in  removing  Jewish  disabilities  wher- 
ever  they   might   exist,   and   to   raise   the 

among  them  is  proportionately  much 
larger  than  it  is  among  other  people;  and 
thus  it  came  about  that  the  Jewish  quar- 
ters in  all  the  large  cities  were  already 
well  filled  when  they  were  (almost  at  a 
moment's  notice)  called  upon  to  receive 
double  or  triple  the  number  they  already 
held.  The  actual  number  of  the  Jewish 
poor  was  thereby  greatly  increased;  for 
many  a  family  that  had  been  wealthy  or 
in  easv  circumstances  in  Russia,  Galicia, 

spiritual"  condition  of  their  coreligionists  or  Rumania,  had  been  reduced  to  want 
in  northern  Africa,  eastern  Europe,  and  and  been  compelled  to  take  its  place 
western  Asia  by  the  founding  of  schools,  among  those  who  needed  the  help  of  their 
From  these  small  beginnings  the  Alliance  brethren.  This  help  was  freely  and  cheer- 
has  grown  to  be  an  important  factor  in  fully  given  all  the  world  over.  Great 
the  conservation  of  Jewish  interests,  sacrifices  were  made  by  the  richer  Jews 
Faithful  to  its  programme,  it  has  estab-  to  meet  the  pressing  needs  of  the  hour, 
lished  a  large  number  of  elementary  and  and,  with  no  help  from  the  outside  world, 
technical  schools,  and  has  intervened  ac-  excepting  the  London  Mansion  House 
tively  in  Algeria,  Morocco,  the  Turkish  Fund  in  1882,  the  thousands  and  tens  of 
Empire,  and  Persia  whenever  Jews  or  Jew-  thousands  of  immigrants  were  cared  for. 
ish  interests  were  in  any  way  threatened.  The  Jewish  charitable  organizations,  the 
Its  attempt,  however,  to  represent  the  development  of  which  has  been  during  the 
whole  Jewish  people  has  not  been  success-  bitter  half  of  the  nineteenth  century  the 
ful;  for  the  reason  that  it  has  been  allied  brightest  spot  in  Jewish  communal  life, 
too  closely  with  French  national  interests;  rose  to  the  demands  of  the  occasion,  and 
and  side  by  side  with  the  "  Alliance  Fran-  the  more  than  princely  munificence  of 
caise  "  it  has  been  an  active  propagandist    Baron  and  Baroness  Maurice  de  Hirsch, 



in  regard  to  the  Russian  Jews,  may  justly  of  Jews  there  must  be  stopped,   and  the 

be  looked  upon  with  pride.  crowding    into    certain    distinct    fields    of 

New  Ghettos,  however,  were  formed  in  work  must  be  brought  to  an  end.  A  deter- 
nearly  all  the  cities  to  which  these  immi-  mined  effort  has  already  been  made  to 
grants  came;  and  this  name  for  the  habi-  force  the  new  immigrants  into  less  crowded 
tat  of  the  poorer  Jews  became  again  famil-  parts  of  the  land  to  which  they  come.  In 
iar,  aided  by  the  popularity  which  some  this  country  this  is  being  done  by  the 
modern  novelists  had  given  to  it.  In  the  United  Hebrew  Charities,  and  notably  by 
Middle  Ages  and  down  to  our  own  time  the  B'nai  B'rith.  A  distinct  clannish  feel- 
the  Jews  had  been  forced  by  the  state  ing  has,  however,  to  be  overcome,  and  a 
to  live  apart  in  such  Ghettos;  sometimes  fear  of  venturing  into  an  unknown  coun- 
for  their  own  protection,  sometimes  to  try  where  the  immigrant  will  be  surround- 
preserve  the  outside  world  from  contact  ed  by  people  who  do  not  understand  his 
with  them.  The  modern  Ghetto  is  a  volun-  peculiar  social  and  religious  customs, 
tary  gathering  of  the  Jews  for  the  purpose  That  the  Jew  has  taken  by  preference 
of  mutual  help  and  from  a  feeling  of  re-  to  certain  branches  of  trade  and  work  is 
ciprocal  obligations.  To  the  outside  ob-  due  to  the  fact  that  anti-Jewish  legisla- 
server  it  presents  an  unsightly  appear-  tion  has  for  centuries  closed  many  walks 
ance;  it  is  the  abode  of  poor  people,  and  of  life  to  him,  and  the  guild  organization 
its  population  is  usually  strange  in  dress,  excluded  him  rigorously  from  many 
manners,  and  speech.  The  sweating  sys-  spheres  of  activity.  Then,  too,  his  richly 
tem  (which  in  one  form  or  another  is  to  developed  home  life  has  induced  a  certain 
be  found  in  all  these  Ghettos)  has  been  a  distaste  for  occupations  which  take  the 
dreadful  incentive  towards  grinding  the  wage-earner  out  of  his  home  and  away 
face  of  the  poor;  and  the  results  of  too  from  his  family.  That,  however,  these 
great  a  hoarding  are  often  quite  apparent;  inherited  instincts  can  easily  be  overcome 
so  that  the  general  morality  of  the  Jews  is  clearly  seen  whenever  the  occasion 
in  these  Ghettos  has  suffered  in  conse-  offers.  Even  in  Amsterdam,  where  three- 
quence.  A  people  ignorant  of  the  Ian-  fourths  of  the  diamond  inditstry  is  in  the 
guage  of  their  new  home  are  a  prey  to  the  hands  of  Jews,  there  are  to  be  found  Jew- 
evil  -  intended,  who  make  use  of  their  ish  cobblers,  cigar-makers,  plumbers,  car- 
ignorance  for  their  own  commercial  and  pet  -  weavers,  mattress  -  makers,  watch- 
political  advancement.  This  has  been  makers,  etc.  In  the  East  End  of  London 
notably  seen  in  the  city  of  New  York,  there  are,  it  is  true,  10,000  Jews  who 
where  a  lax  city  government  has  permitted  are  engaged  in  the  clothes  -  making 
the  vampires  of  society  to  fasten  their  trades,  but  the  rest  of  40,000  Jewish 
fangs  upon  the  Ghetto  and  to  produce  con-  wage  -  earners  of  this  quarter  are  scat- 
ditions  which  call  for  the  active  interfer-  tered  over  all  possible  branches  of 
ence  of  all  those  forces  which  seek  to  work — masonry,  metal-working,  textile 
stamp  out  crime  and  vice.  But,  on  the  industries,  furniture-making,  cap-making, 
other  hand,  to  one  who  is  acquainted  with  and  the  like.  The  same  is  true  of  New 
the  inner  life  of  the  Ghetto  the  virtues  York,  where,  although  the  number  of  Jews 
which  have  hitherto  characterized  the  employed  in  the  tailoring  indvistries  is 
Jews — industry  and  sobriety — are  still  to  disproportionately  large,  the  following 
be  found  there;  much  more  frequently  list  of  Hebrew  unions  shows  how  far 
than  in  those  parts  where  the  richer  afield  the  Jewish  workman  has  gone: 
classes  congregate,  and  whose  wealth  Cap-Makers,  Cap-Blockers,  Shirt-Makers, 
enables  them  to  withdraw  their  doings  Mattress-Makers,  Purse-Makers,  Liberty 
from  the  public  gaze.  Its  members  are  as  Musical  Union,  Jewish  Chorus  Union, 
industrious  as  bees  in  a  hive ;  and  though  Jewellers'  Union,  Tin-Smithers'  Union, 
axtremely  litigations,  drunkenness  is  un-  Bill-Posters,  Waiters'  Alliance,  Architect- 
known  and  actual  crime  is  comparatively  ural  Ironworkers,  Hebrew  Typographical 
rare.  L'^nion,    Tobacco    Cutters,    Paper  -  Makers, 

In   order   to   correct  the  abuses  of   the  Bookbinders.     The  same  is  relatively  true 

(ghetto,   two   things   are  absolutely   neces-  of  all  other  countries  where  Jews  live  in 

sary — the  increase  of  the  actual  number  large  numbers. 



It  is  a  popular  misconception  that  the 
Jew  has  an  innate  distaste  for  agricult- 
tir«.  His  continued  commercial  life,  forced 
upon  him  for  many  centuries,  has,  it 
is  true,  disaccustomed  the  Jew  to  the 
life  of  a  tiller  of  the  soil.  But  the  Jewish 
state  was  largely  an  agricultural  one;  the 
legislation  of  the  Bible  and  the  later  Law 
Books  was  clearly  intended  for  an  agri- 
cultural people;  and  Jews  have  never 
shown  an  unwillingness  to  return  again 
to  the  soil.  In  Southern  Russia  there  are 
to-day  225  Jewish  colonies  with  a  popula- 
tion of  100,000.  In  Palestine  there  are 
now  more  than  twenty  colonies  with  a 
population  of  more  than  5,000,  and  similar 
agricultural  colonies  have  been  established 
at  various  times  in  the  United  States, 
Canada,  and  the  Argentine  Republic.  In 
many  cases,  it  is  true,  these  colonies  have 
not  yet  become  self-supporting,  but  this 
has  been  due  in  a  large  measure  to  mal- 
administration and  to  the  popular  con- 
ditions under  which  the  colonies  were 

It  cannot  be  denied  that  a  goodly  part 
of  the  Jewish  proletariat  belongs  to  the 
Socialist  party.  The  whole  Biblical  sys- 
tem is  in  itself  not  Avithout  a  Socialist 
tinge;  and  the  two  great  founders  of  the 
iiiodern  system,  Lasalle  and  Marx,  were 
Jews.  But  the  Jew  is  by  nature  peace- 
loving;  and  under  more  favorable  circum- 
stances, and  with  the  opportunity  of  a 
greater  development  of  his  faculties, 
Socialism  in  his  midst  has  no  very  active 
life ;  the  Jew  very  soon  becoming  an  ar- 
dent partisan  of  the  existing  state  of 

The  facility  with  which  the  Jews  attach 
themselves  to  changed  circumstances 
stands  out  characteristically  through  their 
whole  history.  It  might,  indeed,  be  said 
with  some  show  of  truth  that  this  pli- 
ability is  the  weak  side  in  the  Jewish 
character.  The  readiness  of  the  Jew  to  be 
almost  anything  and  not  simply  his  own 
self  has  been  one  of  the  factors  producing 
a  certain  ill  Avill  against  him.  Disraeli 
was  the  most  jingo  of  all  imperialists  in 
England ;  Lasker,  the  most  ardent  advo- 
cate of  the  newly  constituted  German  Em- 
pire. This  pliability  is  the  result  of  the 
v.'andering  life  he  has  led  and  the  various 
cixnlizations  of  which  he  has  been  a  part. 
He  has  to  find  his  way  into  Hellenism  in 

Alexandria,  into  Moorish  culture  in  Spain, 
into  Slavism  in  E,ussia  and  Poland.  When 
the  first  wave  of  the  modern  spirit  com- 
menced to  break  from  France  eastward 
over  the  whole  of  Eiirope,  it  reached  the 
Jew  also.  While  in  France  the  new  spirit 
was  largely  political  in  Germany  it  was 
more  spiritual.  In  its  political  form  as 
well  as  in  its  spiritual  form  it  reacted 
not  only  upon  the  political  condition  of 
the  Jew,  but  especially  upon  his  mental 
attitude.  The  new  spirit  was  intensely 
modern,  intensely  cosmopolitan,  intensely 
Occidental,  and  intensely  inductive.  The 
Jew  had  preserved  to  a  great  degree  his 
deductive,  Oriental,  particularistic,  and 
ancient  mode  of  thought  and  aspect  of 
life.  The  two  forces  were  bound  to  meet. 
As  a  great  oak  is  met  by  the  storm,  so  was 
Israel  set  upon  by  the  fury  of  this  terrible 
onslaught.  It  is  of  interest  to  see  in  what 
manner  he  emerged  from  this  storm — 
whether  he  has  been  able  to  bend  to  its 
fury,  to  lose  perhaps  some  of  his  leaves 
and  even  some  of  his  branches,  but  to 
change  only  in  such  a  way  as  to  be  able 
10  stand  upright  again  when  the  storm 
is  past. 

It  was  in  the  United  States  that  the 
Reform  movement  developed  its  full  ca- 
pacity and  bore  its  most  perfect  fruit. 
In  a  new  land,  which  was  untrammelled 
by  traditions  of  the  past,  and  where  the 
congregational  system  became  the  basis  of 
Jewish  communal  life,  the  ideas  which  the 
Gei-man  Reformers  had  sown  had  a  most 
fruitful  ground  in  which  to  grow.  It  can- 
not be  said  that  the  Reform  movement 
here  was  actually  started  by  the  Ger- 
mans, for  already,  in  1825,  one  of  the 
congregations  in  Charleston,  S.  C,  made 
up  almost  entirely  of  Sefardic  Jews, 
had  developed  "  The  Reformed  Society  of 
Israelites";  and  the  formation  of  the 
society  seems  to  ha^e  been  due,  not  only 
to  the  demand  for  an  a?sthetic  service,  but 
to  an  attempt  to  formulate  a  creed  which 
should  omit  all  reference  to  the  coming  of 
the  Messiah,  the  return  to  Palestine,  and 
the  bodily  resurrection.  This  attempt  at 
formulating  a  Theistic  Church,  however, 
v/as  unsuccessful ;  and  it  was  not  until  the 
advent  from  Germany  in  the  50's  and  60's 
of  rabbis  who  had  been  influenced  hv  the 
moA'ement  in  Germanv  that  reform  com- 
menced  to   make   itself   felt -here.      Merz- 



bacher  in  New  York,  Isaac  M.  Wise  in  Al- 
bany and  Cincinnati,  S.  Hirsch  in  Phila- 
delphia, David  PJinhorn  in  Baltimore,  are 
only  a  few  of  the  names  of  those  who 
fought  in  the  thick  of  the  fight.  About  the 
year  1843  the  first  real  Reform  congrega- 
tions were  established,  the  Temple  Emanu- 
el in  New  York  and  Har  Sinai  in  Balti- 
more. It  cannot  be  my  purpose  here 
to  trace  the  history  of  the  movement  in 
this  country;  suffice  it  to  say  that  the  un- 
trammelled freedom  which  existed  here 
very  soon  played  havoc  with  most  of  the 
institutions  of  the  Jewish  religion.  Each 
congregation  and  each  minister,  being  a 
law  to  itself,  shortened  the  service,  excised 
prayers,  and  did  away  with  observances 
a8  it  thought  best.  Not  that  the  leaders 
did  not  try,  from  time  to  time,  to  regulate 
the  measure  of  reform  to  be  introduced, 
and  to  evolve  a  platform  upon  which  the 
movement  should  stand.  Rabbinical  con- 
ferences were  held  for  that  purpose  in 
Cleveland  (1856),  Philadelphia  (1869), 
Cincinnati  (1871),  and  Pittsburg  (1885). 
While  in  the  earlier  conferences  the  at- 
tempt was  made  to  find  some  authoritative 
statement  upon  which  all  parties  could 
agree,  in  the  subsequent  ones  the  attempt 
was  given  up.  They  became  more  and 
more  meeting-places  simply  for  the  ad- 
vanced Reform  wing  of  the  Jewish  Church. 
The  position  of  this  wing  of  the  Reformed 
synagogue  may  best  be  seen  in  the  declara- 
tion of  principles  which  was  published  by 
the  Pittsburg  conference.  It  declared 
that  Judaism  presents  the  highest  con- 
ception of  the  God  idea;  that  the  Bible 
contains  the  record  cf  the  consecration  of 
the  Jewish  people;  that  it  is  a  potent  in- 
strument of  religious  and  moral  instruc- 
tion; that  it  reveals,  however,  the  primi- 
tive ideas  of  its  own  age;  that  its  moral 
laws  only  are  binding;  and  that  all  cere- 
monies therein  ordained  which  are  not 
ndapted  to  the  views  and  habits  of  modern 
civilization  are  to  be  rejected;  that  all 
Mosaic  and  rabbinical  laws  regulating 
diet,  priestly  functions,  and  dress,  are  for- 
eign to  our  present  mental  state ;  that  the 
Jews  are  no  longer  a  nation,  and  therefore 
do  not  expect  a  return  to  Palestine ;  that 
Judaism  is  a  progressive  religion,  always 
striving  to  be  in  accord  with  the  postulates 
of  reason ;  that  the  belief  in  bodily  resur- 
rection. W  *he  existence  of  a  hell  and  a 


paradise,  are  to  be  rejected ;  and  that  it  is 
the  duty  of  Jews  to  participate  in  the 
great  task  of  modern  times  to  solve  on  the 
basis  of  justice  and  righteousness  the 
problems  presented  by  the  transitions  and 
evils  of  the  present  organization  of  soci- 
ety. Such  a  platform  as  this  could  not 
fail  to  arouse  intense  opposition  on  the 
part  of  the  Orthodox  Jews,  and  to  lose  for 
the  conference  even  some  of  its  more  con- 
servative adherents.  As  in  Charleston,  in 
1825,  a  platform  of  Theism  was  here  postu- 
lated, which  was  bereft  of  all  distinctively 
Jewish  characteristics,  and  which  practi- 
cally meant  a  breaking  away  from  historic 
Judaism.  This  position  of  the  advanced 
Reformers  is  also  manifested  in  the  stand 
which  they  have  taken  in  regard  to  the 
necessity  of  the  Abrahamic  covenant.  At 
a  meeting  of  the  Central  Conference  of 
American  (Reformed)  Rabbis,  held  at 
Baltimore  in  1881,  a  resolution  was  passed 
to  the  effect  that  no  initiatory  rite  or  cere- 
mony was  necessary  in  the  ease  of  one  de- 
siring to  enter  the  Covenant  of  Israel,  and 
that  such  a  one  had  merely  to  declare  his 
or  her  intention  to  worship  the  one  sole 
and  eternal  God,  to  be  conscientiously  gov- 
erned in  life  by  God's  laws,  and  to  adhere 
to  the  sacred  cause  and  mission  of  Israel 
as    marked   out   in   Holy   Writ. 

The  service  in  Reform  synagogues  in  the 
United  States  has  kept  pace  with  this  de- 
velopment of  doctrine,  or  rather  with  this 
sloughing-off  of  so  much  that  is  distinctive- 
ly Jewish.  The  observance  of  the  second-day 
festivals  has  been  entirely  abolished,  as 
well  as  the  separation  of  the  sexes  and  the 
covering  of  the  head  in  prayer.  The  ritual 
has  been  gradually  shortened,  the  ancient 
language  of  prayer  (Hebrew)  has  been 
pushed  further  and  further  into  the  back- 
ground, so  that  in  some  congregations  the 
service  is  altogether  English ;  and  in  a 
few  congregations  an  additional  service 
on  Sunday,  intended  for  those  who  cannot 
attend  upon  the  regular  Sabbath-day,  has 
been  introduced.  Only  one  congregation, 
Sinai  in  Chicago,  has  followed  the  old  Ber- 
lin Reform  sjmagogue  and  has  entirely 
abolished  the  service  on  Friday  night  and 
Saturday  morning.  But  whatever  criti- 
cism one  might  like  to  offer  on  the  Reform 
movement  in  the  United  States,  it  deserves 
great  praise  for  the  serious  attempt  it 
has  made  to  understand  its  own  position 



uiid  to  square  its  observance  with  that 
position.  It  has  also  been  most  active  in 
its  modern  institutional  development.  It 
lias  certainly  beautified  and  spiritualized 
the  synagogue  service:  it  has  founded  a 
Union  of  American  Hebrew  Congregations, 
and  a  seminary  (Hebrew  Union  College  in 


Cincinnati).  It  has  published  a  Union 
Praj'er-book  and  a  Union  Hymn-book,  and 
has  given  great  care  to  the  development  of 
the  Confirmation  and  the  bettering  of  the 
Sunday-school.  It  has  tried  to  make  the 
synagogue  a  centre  for  the  religious  and 
spiritual    development    of    its    members; 


and  it  cannot  be  denied  that  the  very 
large  mass  of  educated  Jews  in  this  coun- 
try, in  so  far  as  they  have  any  affiliation 
with  the  synagogue,  belong  to  the  Re- 
form wing.  But  at  the  same  time 
it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  there  is 
a  very  large  body  of  Orthodox  and 
conservative  Jews,  whose  number  has 
been  greatly  increased  during  the  last 
twenty  years  through  the  influx  of  Rus- 
sian, Galician,  and  Rumanian  Jews. 

Reform  Judaism  without  some  centrif- 
ugal force  is  bound  to  continue  on  the 
road  it  has  once  taken.  The  logical  out- 
come of  the  principles  formulated  at  the 
Pittsburg  conference  is  a  gradual  develop- 
ment into  an  ethical  Theism  without  any 
distinctive  Jewish  coloring.  The  leader  of 
advanced  Reform  Judaism  in  this  country 
has  recently  said  that  Judaism  must  be 
recast  along  the  lines  of  a  universal  ethi- 
cal religion ;  that  then  all  distinctive  Jew- 
ish elements  of  the  synagogue  symbolism 
will  pass  away,  and  that  such  a  denation- 
alized Jewish  temple  will  seek  a  closer  al- 
liance with  Unitarianism  and  Theism,  and 
with  them,  perhaps  in  a  few  decades,  will 
form  a  new  church  and  a  new  religion  for 
united  humanity.  That  such  a  tendency 
is  inherent  in  Reform  Judaism  is  seen  also 
in  the  formation  of  the  Society  of  Ethical 
Culture  in  New  York.  The  leader  of  this 
movement  is  the  son  of  a  former  promi- 
nent rabbi  of  the  leading  Reform  congre- 
gation in  this  country.  In  seeking  to 
bring  out  the  underlying  ethical  prin- 
ciples of  Judaism,  he  has  gone  entirely 
outside  the  pale  of  the  ancient  faith ;  and 
the  movement  would  not  concern  us  here 
were  it  not  that  nearly  all  the  members 
(at  least  of  the  parent  society  in  New 
York)  are  Jews,  whose  evident  desire  it 
is  not  to  be  recognized  as  such,  at  least 
so  far  as  religious  ceremonies  and  social 
affiliations  are  concerned.  The  society 
does  not  even  bear  the  name  Jewish,  but 
with  a  certain  leaning  towards  liberal 
Christianity  tries  to  find  a  basis  for  the 
morality  and  ethics  of  the  old  synagogue 
outside  the  sphere  of  supernatural  re- 
ligion. While  the  Ethical  Culture  Society 
has  been  quite  a  power  in  certain  lines  of 
charitable  and  educational  work,  it  may 
reasonably  be  questioned  whether  it  has 
any  future  as  a  form  of  church  organiza- 
tion.   The  inborn  longing  of  man  for  some 


hold  upon  things  which  are  supernatural 
will  lead  many  of  its  members  to  seek 
satisfaction  elsewhere.  That  they  will 
seek  it  in  the  Jewish  synagogue  is  hardly 
probable,  seeing  how  the  racial  and  other 
ties  have  been  broken  or  at  least  greatly 
loosened.  They  or  their  children  will 
glide  rather  into  some  form  of  the  domi- 
nant church,  possibly,  in  the  swinging  of 
the  pendulum,  into  some  orthodox  form 
of  that  church.  I  cannot  help  quoting  the 
words  of  an  intelligent  outside  observer 
of  the  Jewish  question,  the  Right  Hon. 
James  Bryce,  M.  P. :  "  If  Judaism  be- 
comes merely  Theism,  there  will  be  little 
to  distinguish  its  professors  from  the  per- 
sons, now  pretty  numerous,  who,  while 
Christian  in  name,  sit  loose  to  Christian 
doctrine.  The  children  of  Jewish  theists 
will  be  almost  as  apt  as  the  children  of 
other  theists  to  be  caught  up  by  the  move- 
ment wiiich  carries  the  sons  and  daughters 
of  evangelical  Anglicans  and  of  Noncon- 
formists towards,  or  all  the  way  to,  the 
Church  of  Rome." 

Where,  then,  is  this  centrifugal  force  to 
be  found,  which  will  hold  together  the 
various  elements  in  Israel,  no  matter  what 
their  theological  opinions  may  be?  Before 
attempting  to  answer  this  question,  a  word 
mast  be  said  in  regard  to  the  anti-Semitic 
movement,  the  recrudescence  of  which  has 
so  profoundly  affected  the  Jewish  people 
during  the  last  twenty  years  of  the  nine- 
teenth century.  A  word  only,  because  the 
facts  are  of  too  recent  date  to  need  a  de- 
tailed statement  here.  The  great  master- 
mind, Zunz,  writing  in  Germany  in  1832, 
believed  that  persecution  for  religious  be- 
lief could  not  withstand  the  onslaughts  of 
the  new  era.  Theodore  Reinach,  some 
fifty  years  later,  asserted  that  anti-Semi- 
tism was  impossible  in  France.  How 
sadly  has  a  dementi  been  given  to  the 
hopes  thus  expressed,  especially  in  these 
two  coimtries! 

I  pass  over  the  outbreaks  against  the 
Jews  during  the  early  years  of  the  nine- 
teenth century,  even  the  Damascus  blood- 
accusation  in  1840,  and  the  forcible  bap- 
tism of  little  Edgar  Mortara  in  1S58 ;  they 
were  believed  to  belong  to  the  old  order  of 
things,  with  which  the  new,  at  least  in 
that  direction,  bad  nothing  in  common. 
Starting  in  Germany,  perhaps  as  a  po- 
litical move  on  the  part  of  Bismarck,  it 
52  ^- 


spread  into  Russia,  Galicia,  Austria,  Ru- 
mania, and  France.  In  most  of  these  coun- 
tries it  not  only  found  expression  in  the 
exclusion  of  the  Jews  from  all  social  inter- 
course with  tlicir  fellows,  but  in  Russia 
produced  the  riots  of  1881  and  1882;  in 
Austria  and  Bohemia  the  turbulent  scene 
in  the  Reichstag,  and  even  the  pillaging  of 
Jewish  houses  and  Jewish  synagogues;  in 
Rumania  it  received  the  active  support 
of  the  government  and  reduced  the  Jews 
there  to  practical  penury;  while  in  France 
it  showed  itself  in  accusations  against  the 
Jews  which  for  barbarity  could  match  any 
that  were  brought  against  them  in  the 
Middle  Ages.  The  charges  against  the 
Jews  are  varied  in  their  character.  In 
Germany  they  have  been  blamed  for  ex- 
ploiting the  agricultural  class  and  for 
serving  the  interests  of  the  Liberal  party, 
forgetting  that  Leo  and  Stahl,  the  found- 
ers of  the  Orthodox  party  in  Prussia, 
were  themselves  Jews,  and  that  Disraeli 
iu  England  'U'as  born  of  the  same  race. 
The  most  foolish  accusations  on  almost 
CA'ery  conceivable  subject  have  been  lodged 
against  them  by  such  men  as  Ahlwart, 
Stocker,  Lueger,  and  Drumont;  and  in 
late  years  the  old  and  foolish  charge  that 
the  Jews  use  the  blood  of  Christian  chil- 
dren in  the  making  of  Passover  bread  has 
been  revived,  in  order  to  infuriate  the 
populace ;  despite  the  fact  that  popes, 
ecclesiastics,  and  hosts  of  Christian  pro- 
fessors have  declared  the  accusation  to  be 
purely  imaginary  and  malignant.  The 
false  charge  that  a  Jewish  officer  in  France 

Among  the  few  bright  spots  on  the 
^vorld's  chart  are  those  countries  inhabited 
by  the  Anglo-Saxon  race.  Anti-Semitism 
is  unknown  in  England  (though  the  at- 
tempt has  been  made  to  fix  the  blame  for 
the  Boer  war  on  the  Jews)  ;  and  the  in- 
stitutions of  the  United  States  have  up 
til]  now  prevented  the  entrance  here  of 
the  disease,  though  in  the  mild  form  of 
social  anti-Semitism  which  debars  Jewish 
children  from  private  schools  and  Jewish 
people  from  clubs  and  summer  hotels,  it 
has  insinuated  itself  into  some  of  the 
Eastern  cities,  notably  into  New  York. 

Jogues,  Isaac,  missionary;  born  at 
Orleans,  France,  Jan.  10,  1607;  became  a 
Jesuit  at  Rouen  in  1624;  was  ordained  in 
1636;  and,  at  his  own  request,  was  imme- 
diately sent  to  Canada.  He  was  a  most 
earnest  missionary  among  the  Indians  on 
both  sides  of  the  Lakes.  Caught,  tortured, 
and  made  a  slave  by  the  Mohawks,  he  re- 
mained with  them  until  1643,  when  he  es- 
caped to  Albany,  and  was  taken  to  Man- 
hattan. Returning  to  Europe,  he  was 
shipwrecked  on  the  English  coast.  He 
returned  to  Canada  in  1646,  where  he  con- 
cluded a  treaty  between  the  French  and 
the  Mohawks.  Visiting  Lake  George,  he 
named  it  St.  Sacrament,  and,  descending 
the  Hudson  River  to  Albany,  he  went 
among  the  Mohawks  as  a  missionary,  who 
seized  and  put  him  to  death  as  a  sorcerer, 
at  Caughnawaga,  N.  Y.,  Oct.  18,  1646. 

John  Adams,  The.  The  naval  opera- 
tions on  the  sea  in  1814,  though  not  so 
important  as  in  the  two  preceding  years 


kad  betrayed  secrets  of  his  goveruTnent  was  in  some  respects,  fully  sustained  the  char- 
sufficient  to  unloosen  the  most  savage  at-  acter  of  the  American  navy.  The  John 
lacks  upon  the  Jews  which  the  modern  Adams  frigate  had  been  cut  down  to  a 
world  has  seen.  corvette  of  twenty-eight  guns  in  1813,  and 



was  the  first  that  figured  after  the  open- 
ing of  1814.  She  started  on  a  cruise  from 
Washington  in  January,  and  on  the  niglit 
of  the  18th  passed  the  British  blockading 
squadron  in  Lynn  Haven  Bay,  put  to  sea, 
and  ran  to  the  northeast  to  cross  the  track 
of  the  West  India  merchantmen.  She 
made  a  few  prizes,  and  on  March  25  she 
captured  the  Indiaman  Woodbridge.  While 
taking  possession  of  her  the  commander 
of  the  Adams  (Capt.  Charles  Morris)  ob- 
served twenty-five  merchant  vessels,  with 
two  ships-of-war,  bearing  down  upon  her 
with  a  fair  wind.  Morris  abandoned  his 
prize,  and  gave  the  Adams  wings  for  flight 
from  danger.  In  April  she  entered  the 
harbor  of  Savannah  for  supplies,  and  on 
May  5  sailed  for  the  Manila  Reef  to  watch 
for  the  Jamaica  convoy,  but  the  fleet  pass- 
ed her  in  the  night.  She  gave  chase  in  the 
morning,  but  was  kept  at  bay  by  two  ves- 
sels of  war.  She  crossed  the  Atlantic,  and 
on  July  3  was  off  the  Irish  coast,  where 
she  was  chased  by  British  vessels,  but  al- 
ways escaped.  For  nearly  two  months  the 
weather  was  foggy,  cold,  and  damp,  be- 
cause the  ocean  was  dotted  with  icebergs. 
Her  crew  sickened,  and  Captain  Morris  de- 
termined to  go  into  port.  He  entered 
Penobscot  Bay,  and  was  nearly  disabled 
by  striking  a  rock,  Aug.  17,  1814,  and 
made  his  way  up  the  Penobscot  River  to 
Hampden.  British  vessels  followed,  and 
to  prevent  her  falling  into  the  hands  of 
his  enemy,  Morris  burned  her. 

John  Doe  and  Richard  Roe,  names 
used  in  legal  fictions,  especially  as  stand- 
ing pledges  for  the  prosecution  of  suits. 
In  early  times  real  and  substantial  persons 
were  required  to  pledge  themselves  to 
answer  to  the  crown  for  an  amercement, 
or  fine,  set  upon  the  plaintiff,  for  raising 
a  false  accusation,  if  he  brought  action 
without  cause,  or  failed  in  it;  and  in  1285, 
13  Edward  I.,  sheriffs  and  bailiffs  were, 
before  deliverance  of  a  distress,  to  receive 
pledges  for  pursuing  a  suit,  and  for  the 
return  of  the  property,  if  awarded.     But 

this  becoming  a  matter  of  form,  the  ficti- 
tious names  of  Doe  and  Roe  were  used 
until  the  form  was  abolished  by  the  com- 
mon-law procedure  act,  1852. 

In  the  United  States  these  names  are 
used  in  place  of  the  unknown  real  names 
of  parties  against  whom  legal  proceedings 
have  been  undertaken ;  and  the  form  Jane 
Doe  is  similarly  applied  in  cases  of  women. 

Joh.nes,  Edward  Rodolph,  lawyer;  born 
in  Whitesboro,  N.  Y.,  Sept.  8,  1852;  grad- 
uated at  Yale  College  in  1873  and  at 
Columbia  Law  School  in  1876.  He  was  the 
Venezuelan  representative  in  the  boundary 
dispute  of  that  country  and  also  counsel 
in  the  Nicaragua  and  Costa  Rica  boun- 
dary case.  His  publications  include  The 
Monroe  Doctrine  as  Applied  to  Venezuelan 
Boundary  Question ;  English  and  American 
Bankruptcy  and  Insolvency  Laws,  History 
of  Southampton,  R.  I.,  etc. 

Johns  Hopkins  University,  a  non- 
sectarian  institution  in  Baltimore,  Md. ; 
organized  in  1876  with  funds  provided  by 
Johns  Hopkins  {q.  v.)  ;  coeducational  in 
its  medical  department.  At  the  close  of 
1900  the  university  had  131  professors  and 
instructors;  645  students  in  all  depart- 
ments; 04,000  volumes  in  the  library; 
1,204  graduates;  and  an  endowment  of 
$3,000,000.  Under  the  presidency  of 
Daniel  C.  Oilman  the  institution  achieved 
a  large  measure  of  success  and  influence, 
a  distinctive  feature  being  the  original  re- 
search conducted  by  the  students.  Presi- 
dent Oilman  resigned  his  charge  in  1901, 
and  was  succeeded  by  Ira  Remsen,  LL.D., 
who  had  been  Professor  of  Chemistry  in 
the  university  since  its  opening. 

Johnson,  Alexander  Bryan,  banker; 
born  in  Oosport,  England,  May  29.  1786: 
came  to  the  United  States  in  1801  and 
settled  in  Utica,  N.  Y. ;  was  in  the  banking 
business  over  forty-five  years.  His  pub- 
lications include  The  Nature  of  Value, 
Capital,  etc. ;  Guide  to  Right  Understand- 
ing of  our  American  Union,  etc.  He  died 
in'  Utica,  N.  Y.,  Sept.  9,  1867. 


Johnson,  Andrew,  seventeenth  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States ;  born  in  Ra- 
leigh,  N.   C,   Dec.   29,    1808.     He   learned 

to  read.  After  working  as  a  journeyman 
in  South  Carolina,  he  went  to  Orecnville. 
Tcnn.,   taking  with   him   his   mother,   who 

the  trade  of  a  tailor,  and  taught  himself    was  dependent  on  him.     There  he  worked 



at  his  trade,  married,  and  was  taught  by  Congress  as  an  illegal  body,  deserving  of 

his  wife  to  write;   became  alderman  and  no    respect.     The    tour,    made    wholly    for 

mayor;     a     member     of     the     legislature  political    effect,    extended    to    St.    Louis. 

(1832-33  and   183'J)  ;   presidential  elector  His   conduct   at   Cleveland   and   St.   Louis 

(1840)  ;  State  Senator  in  1841;  and  mem-  was   so  offensive   that   the   common   coun- 

ber  of  Congress  from  1843  to  1853.     From  cils   of   Cincinnati   and   Pittsburg   refused 

1853  to  1857  he  was  governor  of  Tennes-  to  accord  him  a  public  reception.     The  at- 

see,  and  from  1857  to  1863  United  States  tempt    to    establish    a    new    party    with 

Senator.     In  18G2  he  was  appointed  mill-  President  Johnson  as  a  leader  was  a  fail- 

tary  governor  of  Tennessee,   and  in   1864  ure. 

was  elected  Vice-President  of  the  United  When  the  cabinet  of  President  John- 
States.  On  the  death  of  President  Lin-  son  resigned,  the  friends  of  Mr.  Stanton, 
coin  he  succeeded  to  the  office,  in  accord-  Secretary  of  War,  uiged  him  to  retain 
ancb  with  the  provisions  of  the  Constitu-  the  office,  for  it  was  believed  the  chief 
tion,  On  the  morning  of  the  death  of  Mr.  magistrate  was  contemplating  some  revo- 
Lincoin,  April  15,  1865,  the  cabinet  offi-  lutionary  movement.  The  tenure  of  office 
cers,  excepting  Mr.  Seward,  who  was  suf-  act  seemed  to  guarantee  Mr.  Stanton 
fering  from  a  murderous  assault,  ad-  against  removal,  ^^he  Fortieth  Congress 
dressea  a  note  to  the  Vice-President,  offi-  met  immediately  after  the  adjournment 
cially  notifying  him  of  the  decease  of  the  of  the  Thirty-ninth,  and  adjourned  March 
President,  and  that  the  emergency  of  the  31,  1867,  to  rneet  on  the  first  Wednesday 
government  demanded  that  he  should  im-  in  July  following,  for  the  express  pur- 
mediately  enter  upon  the  duties  of  the  pose  of  preventing  the  President  from 
Presidency.  Mr.  Johnson  appointed  ten  doing  serious  mischief.  After  removing 
o'clock  that  morning,  when  he  would  be  obstructions  cast  in  the  way  of  reor- 
ready  to  take  the  oath  of  office.  That  ganization  by  the  President,  Congress 
oath  was  administered  by  Chief-Justice  adjourned,  July  20,  to  meet  Nov.  21, 
Chase,  in  the  presence  of  the  cabinet  offi-  hoping  the  President  would  no  longer 
cers  and  several  members  of  Congress,  disturb  the  public  peace  by  his  conduct. 
Then  the  President  delivered  a  brief  They  were  mistaken.  As  soon  as  Con- 
speech  to  the  gentlemen  present.  There,  gress  adjourned,  in  violation  of  the  ten- 
in  the  midst  of  universal  and  unparalleled  ure  of  office  act  he  proceeded  to  remove 
excitement,  the  authority  of  the  nation  Mr.  Stanton  from  office.  He  first  asked 
was  quietly  transferred  to  other  hands  a  him,  Aug.  5,  to  resign.  "  Grave  public 
few  hours  after  the  death  of  President  considerations,"  he  said,  "  constrain  me 
Lincoln.  Mr.  Johnson  requested  Mr.  Lin-  to  request  your  resignation  as  Secretary 
coin's  cabinet  to  remain,  and  the  govern-  of  War."  Stanton  replied,  "  Grave  public 
ment  went  on  without  a  shock  to  its  considerations  constrain  me  to  continue 
steady  movement.  See  Cabinet,  Presi-  in  the  office  of  Secretary  of  War  until  the 
dent's.  next  meeting  of  Congress."  He  shared 
On  Aug.  14,  1866,  a  convention  was  held  in  the  general  suspicion  that  Johnson 
in  Philadelphia,  composed  largely  of  Con-  was  contemplating  a  revolutionary  move- 
federate  leaders  and  their  sympathizers  ment  in  favor  of  the  Confederates.  A 
in  the  North,  for  the  purpose  of  organ-  week  later  the  President  directed  Gen- 
izing  a  new  political  party,  with  Presi-  oral  Grant  to  assume  the  position  and 
dent  Johnson  as  its  standard  -  bearer,  duties  of  Secretary  of  War.  As  a  duti- 
Whereupon  Johnson  and  a  part  of  his  ful  soldier,  he  obeyed  his  commander-in- 
cabinet  made  a  circuitous  journey  to  Chi-  chief.  Stanton,  knowing  the  firmness 
cago,  ostensibly  for  the  purpose  of  being  and  incorruptible  patriotism  of  Grant, 
present  at  the  dedication  of  a  monument  withdrew  imder  protest.  This  change 
to  Senator  Douglas.  He  harangued  the  was  followed  by  such  arbitrary  acts  on 
people  on  the  way  in  language  so  un-  the  part  of  the  President  that  the  country 
becoming  the  dignity  of  a  chief  magis-  Avas  thoroughly  alarmed.  Even  the  Presi- 
trate  of  the  republic  that  the  nation  felt  dent's  private  friends  were  amazed  anu 
a  relief  from  mortification  after  his  re-  mortified  by  his  conduct.  He  gave  un- 
turn    )i-    September.     He    had    denounced  satisfactory  reasons  for  dismissing  Stan- 



ton.  On  Jan.  13,  1868,  the  Senate  rein- 
stated Stanton,  when  Grant  quietly  with- 
drew. The  enraged  President  reproached 
the  latter  for  yielding  to  the  Senate, 
charged  him  with  having  broken  his 
promises,  and  tried  to  injure  his  reputa- 
tion as  a  citizen  and  a  soldier.  A  ques- 
tion of  veracity  between  them  arose,  when 
the  general-in-chief  felt  compelled  to  say, 
in  a  letter  to  the  President :  "  When  my 
honor  as  a  soldier  and  my  integrity  as  a 
man  have  been  so  violently  assailed,  par- 
don me  for  saying  that  I  can  but  regard 
this  whole  matter,  from  beginning  to  end, 
as  an  attempt  to  involve  me  in  the  resist- 
ance of  law  for  which  you  have  hesitated 
to  assume  the  responsibility  in  orders, 
and  thus  to  destroy  my  character  before 
the  country."  The  President's  condvict 
concerning  Stanton  led  immediately  to 
his    impeachment. 

On  Feb.  22,  1868,  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, by  a  vote  of  126  to  47,  "Re- 
solved, that  Andrew  Johnson,  President 
of  the  United  States,  be  impeached  of 
high  crimes  and  misdemeanors."  A  com- 
mittee presented  nine  articles  of  impeach- 
ment ( see  below ) .  Managers  were  ap- 
pointed, and  on  March  3  they  presented 
two  other  charges.  The  Senate  organized 
as  a  high  court  of  impeachment,  with 
Chief -Justice  Chase  presiding,  on  the  5th; 
the  President  was  summoned  to  the  bar 
on  the  7th,  and  appeared  by  counsel  on 
the  13th;  and  the  trial  was  begun  on  the 
30th.  The  examination  of  -witnesses 
ended  April  22;  the  arguments  of  counsel 
were  concluded  May  6;  and  twenty  days 
were  consumed  in  debates  in  the  Senate. 
The  votes  of  fifty-four  Senators  present 
were  taken  on  the  verdict  on  May  26, 
when  thirty-five  were  for  conviction,  and 
nineteen  for  acquittal.  As  two-thirds  of 
the  votes  were  necessary  for  conviction, 
the  President  was  acquitted  by  one  vote. 

Soon  after  the  expiration  of  his  term 
as  President,  he  was  an  unsuccessful  can- 
didate for  the  United  States  Senate;  in 
1872  he  was  defeated  for  Congressman- 
at-Large;  and  in  January,  187.5,  he  was 
elected  a  United  States  Senator.  He  died 
near  Carter's  Station,  Tcnn.,  July  31, 

Impeachment  Proceedinqn.  —  Articles 
exhibited  by  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives of  the  United  States,  in  the  name 

of  themselves  and  all  the  people  of  tha 
United  States,  against  Andrew  Johnson, 
President  of  the  United  States,  in  main- 
tenance and  support  of  their  impeachment 
against  him  for  high  erimes  and  misde- 


That  said  Andrew  Johnson,  President 
of  the  United  States,  on  the  21st  day  of 
February,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1868, 
at  Washington,  in  the  District  of  Colum- 
bia, unmindful  of  the  high  duties  of  his 
office,  of  his  oath  of  office,  and  of  the  re- 
quirement of  the  Constitution  that  he 
should  take  care  that  the  laws  be  faith- 
fully executed,  did  unlawfully,  and  in 
violation  of  the  Constitution  and  laws  of 
the  United  States,  issue  an  order  in  writ- 
ing for  the  removal  of  Edwin  M.  Stan- 
ton from  the  office  of  Secretary  for  the 
Department  of  War,  said  Edwin  M.  Stan- 
ton having  been  theretofore  duly  appoint- 
ed and  commissioned,  by  and  with  the 
advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States,  as  such  Secretary,  and  said 
Andrew  Johnson,  President  of  the  United 
States,  on  the  12th  day  of  August,  in  the 
year  of  our  Lord  1SG7,  and  during  the 
recess  of  said  Senate,  having  suspended 
by  his  order  Edwin  M.  Stanton  from  said 
office;  and  within  twenty  days  after  the 
first  day  of  the  next  meeting  of  said 
Senate — that  is  to  say,  on  the  12th  day  of 
December,  in  the  year  last  aforesaid — 
having  reported  to  said  Senate  such  sus- 
pension, with  the  evidence  tind  reasons 
for  his  action  in  the  case,  and  the  name 
of  the  person  designated  to  perform  the 
duties  of  such  office  temporarily  until 
the  next  meeting  of  the  Senate,  and  said 
Senate  thcreafterward,  on  the  13th  day 
of  January,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord 
1868,  having  duly  considered  the  evi- 
dence and  reasons  reported  by  said 
Andrew  Johnson  for  said  suspension  and 
having  refused  to  concur  in  said  suspen- 
sion, whereby,  and  by  force  of  the  pro- 
visions of  an  act  entitled  "  An  act  regu- 
lating the  tenure  of  certain  civil  offices." 
passed  March  2,  1867,  said  Edwin  M. 
Stanton  did  forthwith  resume  the  func- 
tions of  his  office,  whereof  the  said  An- 
drew Johnson  had  then  and  there  due 
notice,  and  said  Edwin  M.  Stanton,  by 
reason  of  the  premises,  on  said  21st  day 
of    February,    being   lawfully   entitled   to 



bold  said  office  as  Secretary  for  the  De- 
partment of  War,  which  said  order  for 
the  removal  of  said  Edwin  M.  Stanton  is, 
in  substance,  as  follows — that  is  to  say: 

"  Executive  Mansion, 
"  Washington,  D.  C,  Feb.  21,  1868. 
"  Sir, — By  virtue  of  the  power  aud  au- 
thority vested  iu  me  as  President  by  the 
C'oiiStitutiou  and  laws  of  the  United  States, 
you  are  hereby  removed  from  office  as  Secre- 
tary for  the  Department  of  AYar,  and  your 
function  as  such  will  terminate  upon  re- 
ceipt   of    this    communication. 

"  You  will  transfer  to  Brevet  Maj.-Gen. 
Lorenzo  Thomas,  adjutant-general  of  the 
army,  who  has  this  day  been  authorized  and 
empowered  to  act  as  Secretary  of  War,  ad 
interim,  all  records,  books,  papers,  and  other 
public  property  now  In  your  custody  and 

"  Respectfully   yours, 

"  Andrew    Johnson. 
"  Hon.  Edwin  M.  Stanton,  Washington,  D.  C." 

WTiich  order  was  unlawfully  issued, 
with  intent  then  and  there  to  violate  the 
act  entitled  "  An  act  regulating  the  tenure 
of  certain  civil  offices,"  passed  March  2, 
1SG7;  and,  with  the  further  intent,  con- 
trary to  the  pi'ovisions  of  said  act,  in 
violation  thereof,  and  contrary  to  the  pro- 
visions of  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  and  without  the  advice  and  con- 
sent of  the  Senate  of  the  United  States, 
the  said  Senate  then  and  there  being  in 
session,  to  remove  said  Edwin  M.  Stanton 
from  the  office  of  Secretary  of  the  Depart- 
ment of  War,  the  said  Edwin  M.  Stanton 
being  then  and  there  Secretary  of  War, 
and  being  then  and  there  in  due  and  law- 
ful execution  and  discharge  of  the  duties 
of  said  office,  whereby  said  Andrew  John- 
son, President  of  the  United  States,  did 
then  and  there  commit  and  was  guilty 
of  a  high  misdemeanor  in  office. 


That  on  the  said  21st  day  of  February, 
in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1868,  at  Wash- 
ington, in  the  District  of  Columbia,  said 
Andrew  Johnson,  President  of  the  United 
States,  unmindful  of  the  high  duties  of 
his  office,  of  his  oath  of  office,  and  in  vio- 
lation of  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  and  contrary  to  the  provisions  of 
an  act  entitled  "  An  act  regulating  the 
tenure  of  certain  civil  offices,"  passed 
March  2,  18G7,  without  the  advice  and 
consent  of  the  Senate  of  the  United  States, 
said    Senate    then    and    there    being    in 

session,  and  without  authority  of  law, 
did,  with  intent  to  violate  the  Constitu- 
tion of  the  United  States  and  the  act 
aforesaid,  issue  and  deliver  to  one  Lorenzo 
Thomas  a  letter  of  authority,  in  substance 
as  follows,  that  is  to  say: 

"  Executive  Mansion, 
"  AVashington,  D.  C,  Feb.  21,  18GS. 
"  Sir, — Hon.  Edwin  M.  Stanton  having 
this  day  been  removed  from  office  as  Secre- 
tary for  the  Department  of  War,  you  are 
hereby  authorized  and  empowered  to  act  as 
Secretary  of  War,  ad  interim,  and  will  im- 
mediately enter  upon  the  discharge  of  the 
duties   pertaining  to   that   office. 

"  Mr.  Stanton  has  been  instructed  to  trans- 
fer to  you  all  the  records,  books,  papers,  and 
other  public  property  now  in  his  custody 
and  charge. 

"  Respectfully  yours, 

"  Andrew   Johnson. 
•*  To     Brevet     MaJ.-Gen.     Lorenzo     Thomas, 
Adjutant-General    United    States    Army, 
Washington,  D.  C." 

then  and  there  being  no  vacancy  in  said 
office  of  Secretary  for  the  Department  of 
War;  whereby  said  Andrew  Johnson, 
President  of  the  United  States,  did  then 
and  there  commit  and  was  guilty  of  a 
high  misdemeanor  in  office. 

ARTICLE   in. 

That  said  Andrew  Johnson,  President  of 
the  United  States,  on  the  21st  day  of  Feb- 
ruary, in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1868,  at 
Washington,  in  the  District  of  Columbia, 
did  commit  and  was  guilty  of  a  high 
misdemeanor  in  office,  in  this,  that,  Avith- 
out  authority  of  law,  while  the  Senate  of 
the  United  States  was  then  and  there  in 
session,  he  did  appoint  one  Lorenzo 
Tliomas  to  be  Secretary  for  the  Depart- 
ment of  War,  ad  interim,  without  the  ad- 
vice and  consent  of  the  Senate,  and  with 
intent  to  violate  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  no  vacancy  having  hap- 
pened in  said  office  of  Secretary  for  the 
Department  of  War  during  the  recess  of 
the  Senate,  and  no  vacancy  existing  in 
said  office  at  the  time,  and  which  said  ap- 
pointment, so  made  by  said  Andrew  John- 
son, of  said  Lorenzo  Thomas,  is  in  sub- 
stance as  follows,  that  is  to  say: 

(Same  as  in  Article  IL) 


That  said  Andrew  Johnson.  President 
of   the   United   States,   unmindful   of  the 



high  duties  of  his  office,  and  of  his  oath 
of  office,  in  violation  of  the  Constitution 
and  laws  of  the  United  States,  on  the  21st 
day  of  February,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord 
1868,  at  Washington,  in  the  District  of 
Columbia,  did  unlawfully  conspire  with 
one  Lorenzo  Thomas,  and  with  other  per- 
sons, to  the  House  of  Representatives  un- 
known, with  intent  by  intimidation  and 
threats  unlawfully  to  hinder  and  prevent 
Edwin  M.  Stanton,  then  and  there  the 
Secretary  for  the  Department  of  War, 
duly  appointed  under  the  laws  of  the  Unit- 
ed States,  from  holding  said  office  of  Sec- 
retary for  the  Department  of  War,  con- 
trary to  and  in  violation  of  the  Constitu- 
tion of  the  United  States,  and  of  the  pro- 
visions of  an  act  entitled  "  An  act  to  de- 
fine and  pimish  certain  conspiracies,"  ap- 
proved July  31,  1861,  whereby  said  An- 
drew Johnson,  President  of  the  United 
States,  did  then  and  there  commit  and 
was  guilty  of  a  high  crime  in  office. 


That  said  Andrew  Johnson,  President  of 
the  United  States,  unmindful  of  the  high 
duties  of  his  office,  and  of  his  oath  of  office, 
on  the  21st  day  of  February,  in  the  year 
of  our  Lord  1868,  and  on  divers  other  days 
and  times  in  said  year,  before  the  2d  day 
of  March,  a.d.  1868,  at  Washington,  in 
the  District  of  Columbia,  did  unlawfully 
conspire  with  one  Lorenzo  Thomas,  and 
with  other  persons  to  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives unknown,  to  prevent  and  hin- 
der the  execution  of  an  act  entitled  "  An 
act  regulating  the  tenure  of  certain  civil 
offices,"  passed  March  2,  1867,  and  in  pur- 
suance of  said  conspiracy  did  unlawfully 
attempt  to  prevent  Edwin  M.  Stanton, 
then  and  there  being  Secretary  for  the  De- 
partment of  War,  duly  appointed  and  com- 
missioned under  the  laws  of  the  United 
States,  from  holding  said  office,  whereby 
the  said  Andrew  Johnson,  President  of  the 
United  States,  did  then  and  there  commit 
and  was  guilty  of  a  high  misdemeanor  in 


That  said  Andrew  Johnson,  President 
of  the  United  States,  unmindful  of  the 
high  duties  of  his  office  and  of  his  oath  of 
office,  on  the  21st  day  of  February,  in  the 
year  of  our  Lord  1868,  at  Washington,  in 

the  District  of  Columbia,  did  unlawfully 
conspire  with  one  Lorenzo  Thomas  by 
force  to  seize,  take,  and  possess  the  prop- 
erty of  the  United  States  in  the  Depart- 
ment of  War,  then  and  there  in  the  cus- 
tody and  charge  of  Edwin  M.  Stanton, 
Secretary  for  said  Department,  contrary 
to  the  provisions  of  an  act  entitled  "  An 
act  to  define  and  punish  certain  conspir- 
acies," approved  July  31,  1861,  and  with 
intent  to  violate  and  disregard  an  act  en- 
titled "  An  act  regulating  the  tenure  of 
certain  civil  offices,"  passed  March  2,  1867, 
whereby  said  Andrew  Johnson,  President 
of  the  United  States,  did  then  and  there 
commit  a  high  crime  in  office. 


That  said  Andrew  Johnson,  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States,  unmindful  of 
the  high  duties  of  his  office  and  of  his 
oath  of  office,  on  the  21st  day  of  February, 
in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1868,  at  Washing- 
ton, in  the  District  of  Columbia,  did 
unlawfully  conspire  with  one  Lorenzo 
Thomas  with  intent  unlawfully  to  seize, 
take,  and  possess  the  property  of  the 
United  States  in  the  Department  of  War, 
in  the  custody  and  charge  of  Edwin  M. 
Stanton,  Secretary  of  said  department, 
with  intent  to  violate  and  disregard  the 
act  entitled  "  An  act  regulating  the  tenure 
of  certain  civil  offices,"  passed  March  2, 
1867,  whereby  said  Andrew  Johnson,  Pres- 
ident of  the  United  States,  did  then  and 
there  commit  a  high  misdemeanor  in 


That  said  Andrew  Johnson,  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States,  unmindful  of 
the  high  duties  of  his  office  and  of  his 
oath  of  office,  with  intent  unlawfully  to 
control  the  disbursement  of  the  moneys 
appropriated  for  the  military  service  and 
for  the  Department  of  War,  on  the  21st  day 
of  February,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1868, 
at  Washington,  in  the  District  of  Colum- 
bia, did  unlawfully  and  contrary  to  the 
provisions  of  an  act  entitled  "An  act  reg- 
ulating the  tenure  of  certain  civil  offices," 
passed  March  2,  1867,  and  in  violation  of 
Ihe  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and 
without  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Sen- 
ate of  the  United  States,  and  while  the 
Senate   was    then    and    there    in    session, 



there  being  no  vacancy  in  the  office  of  Sec- 
retary for  the  Department  of  War,  with 
intent  to  violate  and  disregard  the  act 
aforesaid,  then  and  there  issue  and  deliver 
to  one  Lorenzo  Thomas  a  letter  of  author- 
ity in  writing,  in  substance  as  follows, 
that  is  to  say: 

(Same  as  in  Article  II.) 

Whereby  said  Andrew  Johnson,  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States,  did  then  and 
there  commit  and  was  guilty  of  a  high 
misdemeanor  in  office. 


That  said  Andrew  Johnson,  President 
of  the  United  States,  on  the  22d  day  of 
February,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1868, 
at  Washington,  in  the  District  of  Colum- 
bia, in  disregard  of  the  Constitution  and 
the  laws  of  the  United  States,  duly  en- 
acted, as  commander-in-chief  of  the  army 
of  the  United  States,  did  bring  before 
himself  then  and  there  William  H.  Emory, 
a  major-general  by  brevet  in  the  army  of 
the  United  States,  actually  in  command  of 
the  Department  of  Washington  and  the 
military  forces  thereof,  and  did  then  and 
there,  as  such  commander-in-chief,  declare 
to  and  instruct  said  Emory  that  part  of  a 
law  of  the  United  States,  passed  March  2, 
1867,  entitled  "  An  act  making  appropria- 
tions for  the  support  of  the  army  for  the 
year  ending  June  30,  1868,  and  for  other 
purposes,"  especially  the  second  section 
thereof,  which  provides,  among  other 
things,  that  "  all  orders  and  instructions, 
relating  to  military  operations,  issued  by 
the  President  or  Secretary  of  War,  shall 
be  issued  through  the  general  of  the  army, 
and.  in  case  of  his  inability,  through  the 
next  in  rank,"'fvas  unconstitutional, and  in 
contravention  of  the  commission  of  said 
Emory,  and  which  said  provisions  of  law 
had  been  theretofore  duly  and  legally  pro- 
mulgated by  general  order  for  the  govern- 
ment and  direction  of  the  army  of  the 
United  States,  as  the  said  Andrew  John- 
son then  and  there  well  knew,  with  intent 
thereby  to  induce  said  Emory,  in  his  offi- 
cial capacity  as  commander  of  the  Depart- 
ment of  Washington,  to  violate  the  pro- 
visions of  said  act,  and  to  take  and  re- 
ceive, act  upon,  and  obey  such  orders  as 
he,  the  said  Andrew  Johnson,  might  make 
and  give,  and  which  should  not  be  issued 
through   the   general   of   the   armv  of   the 


United  States,  according  to  the  provisions 
of  said  act,  and  with  the  further  intent 
thereby  to  enable  him,  the  said  Andrew 
Johnson,  to  prevent  the  execution  of  an 
act  entitled  "  An  act  regulating  the  tenure 
of  certain  civil  offices,"  passed  March  2, 
1867,  and  to  unlawfully  prevent  Edwin 
M.  Stanton,  then  being  Secretary  for  the 
Department  of  War,  from  holding  said 
office  and  discharging  the  duties  thereof, 
whereby  said  Andrew  Johnson,  President 
of  the  United  States,  did  then  and  there 
commit  and  was  guilty  of  a  high  misde- 
meanor in  office. 


That  said  Andrew  Johnson,  President 
of  the  United  States,  unmindful  of  the 
high  duties  of  his  office  and  the  dignity  and 
proprieties  thereof,  and  of  the  harmony 
and  courtesies  which  ought  to  exist  and 
be  maintained  between  the  executive  and 
legislative  branches  of  the  government  of 
the  United  States,  designing  and  intend- 
ing to  set  aside  the  rightful  authority  and 
powers  of  Congress,  did  attempt  to  bring 
into  disgrace,  ridicule,  hatred,  contempt, 
and  reproach  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States  and  the  several  branches  thereof, 
to  impair  and  destroy  the  regard  and  re- 
spect of  all  the  good  people  of  the  United 
States  for  the  Congress  and  legislative 
power  thereof  (which  all  officers  of  the 
government  ovight  inviolably  to  preserve 
and  maintain),  and  to  excite  the  odium 
and  resentment  of  all  the  good  people  of 
the  United  States  against  Congress  and 
the  laws  by  it  duly  and  constitutionally 
enacted ;  and,  in  pursuance  of  said  de- 
sign and  intent,  openly  and  publicly,  and 
before  divers  assemblages  of  the  citizens 
of  the  United  States  convened  in  divers 
parts  thereof  to  meet  and  receive  said 
Andrew  Johnson,  as  the  chief  magistrate 
of  the  United  States,  did,  on  the  18th  day 
of  August,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1866, 
and  on  divers  other  days  and  times,  as 
well  before  as  afterwards,  make  and  de- 
liver, with  a  loud  voice,  certain  intemper- 
ate, inflammatory,  and  scandalous  ha- 
rangues, and  did  therein  utter  loud  threats 
and  bitter  menaces  as  well  against  Con- 
gress as  the  laws  of  the  United  States 
duly  enacted  thereby,  amid  the  cries, 
jeers,  and  laughter  of  the  multitudes  then 
assembled  and  within  hearing,  which  aie 


set    forth    in    the    several     specifications  lating  the  tenure  of  certain  civil  offices," 

liereinafter     written,     in     substance     and  passed  March  2,  1867,  by  vnilawfully  devis- 

effect,  that  is  to  say:  ing    and    contriving,    and    attempting    to 

[Here   are   set  out   three   specifications,  devise   and   contrive,   means  by   which  he 

quoting  parts  of  speeches  alleged  to  have  should   prevent   Edwin   M.    Stanton   from 

been    made    by    the    President,    Aug.    15,  forthwith   resuming  the   functions  of  the 

Sept.   3,  and  Sept.  8,   1866.]  office  of  Secretary  for  the  Department  of 

Which  said  utterances,  declarations.  War,  notwithstanding  the  refusal  of  the 
threats,  and  harangues,  highly  censurable  Senate  to  concur  in  the  suspension  there- 
in any,  are  peculiarly  indecent  and  un-  tofore  made  by  Andrew  Johnson  of  said 
becoming  to  the  chief  magistrate  of  the  Edwin  M.  Stanton  from  said  office  of 
United  States,  by  means  whereof  said  An-  Secretary  for  the  Department  of  War,  and 
drew  Johnson  has  brought  the  high  office  also  by  further  unlawfully  devising  and 
of  the  President  of  the  United  States  into  contriving,  and  attempting  to  devise  and 
contempt,  ridicule,  and  disgrace,  to  the  contrive,  means  then  and  there  to  pre- 
great  scandal  of  all  good  citizens,  whereby  vent  the  execution  of  an  act  entitled  "  An 
said  Andrew  Johnson,  President  of  the  act  making  appropriations  for  the  sup- 
United  States,  did  commit  and  was  then  port  of  the  army  for  the  fiscal  year  end- 
and  there  guilty  of  a  high  misdemeanor  in  ing  June  30,  1868,  and  for  other  pur- 
office,  poses,"  approved  March  2,  1867,  and  also 
ARTICLE  XI  ^^  prevent  the  execution  of  an  act  en- 
titled "  An   act  to   provide  for   the   more 

That  said  Andrew  Johnson,  President  efficient  government  of  the  rebel  States," 
of  the  United  States,  unmindful  of  the  passed  March  2,  1867 ;  weherby  the  said 
high  duties  of  his  office  and  of  his  oath  Andrew  Johnson,  President  of  the  United 
of  office,  and  in  disregard  of  the  Consti-  States,  did  then,  to  wit:  on  the  21st  day 
tution  and  laws  of  the  United  States,  of  February,  1868,  at  the  city  of  Washing- 
did  heretofore,  to  wit:  on  the  18th  day  of  ton,  commit  and  was  guilty  of  a  high  mis- 
August,  1866,  at  the  city  of  Washington,  demeanor  in  office. 

in    the    District    of    Columbia,    by    public        And   the   House   of   Eepresentatives   by 

speech, declare  and  affirm  in  substance  that  protestation,     saving    to    themselves    the 

the   Thirty-ninth   Congress   of   the  United  liberty   of    exhibiting   at   any   time   here- 

States  was  not  a  Congress  of  the  United  after  any  further  articles  or  other  accu- 

States  authorized  by  the  Constitution  to  sation,   or   impeachment  against  the   said 

exercise  legislative  power  under  the  same,  Andrew  Johnson,  President  of  the  United 

but,  on  the  contrary,  was  a  Congress  of  States,    and   also   of   replying   to   his   an- 

only  part  of  the  States,  thereby  denying  swers  which  he  shall  make  imto  the  arti- 

and   intending   to   deny   that   the   legisla-  cles  herein  preferred  against  him,  and  of 

tion  of  said   Congress  Avas  valid  or  obli-  offering    proof    to    the    same    and    every 

gatory  upon  him,  the  said  Andrew  Johnson,  part  thereof,  and  to  all  and  every  other 

except  in  so  far  as  he  saw  fit  to  approve  article,  accusation,  or  impeachment  which 

the     same,     and     also     thereby     denying  shall   be   exhibited  by   them,   as   the   case 

and  intending  to  deny  the  power  of  said  shall    require,    do    demand   that   the    said 

Thirty-ninth   Congress   to  propose  amend-  Andrew   Johnson   may   be   put  to   answer 

nients  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  the  high  crimes  and  misdemeanors  in  of- 

States;    and,  in   pursuance  of  said  decla-  fice  herein  charged  against  him,  and  that 

ration,   the   said   Andrew  Johnson,   Presi-  such     proceedings,     examinations,     trials, 

dent    of    the    United    States,    afterwards,  and  judgments  may  be  thereupon  had  and 

to    wit:    on    the    21st    day    of    February,  given    as    may   be    agreeable    to    law   and 

1868,     at     the     city    of     Washington,     in  justice. 

the   District   of    Columbia,    did    unlawful-        Senate  of  the  United  States,  sitting  as 

ly   and   in   disregard   of   the   requirements  a   court  of  impeachment  for  the  trial   of 

of  the   Constitution,  that  he   should   take  Andrew  Johnson,  President  of  the  United 

care    that    the    laws    be    faithfully    exe-  States. 

cuted,     attempt     to     prevent     the     execu-        The  answer  of  the   said  Andrew  John- 

tion    of    an    act   entitled    "  An    act    regu-  son.    President   of   the   United   States,    to 



the    articles     of     impeachment     exhibited  touching    the    department    aforesaid,    and 

against  hira  by  the  House  of  Representa-  for  whose  conduct  in  such  capacity,  sub- 

tives  of  the  United  States.  ordinate   to   the   President,   the   President 

is,   by  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the 

ANS^VER  TO  ARTICLE  I.  United    states,    made    responsible.      And 

For  answer  to  the  first  article  he  says:  this  respondent,  further  answering,  says 
that  Edwin  M.  Stanton  was  appointed  he  succeeded  to  the  office  of  President  of 
Secretary  for  the  Department  of  War  on  the  United  States  upon,  and  by  reason 
the  loth  day  of  January,  a.d.  18G2,  of,  the  death  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  then 
by  Abraham  Lincoln,  then  President  of  President  of  the  United  States,  on  the 
the  United  States,  during  the  first  term  15th  day  of  April,  1865,  and  the  said 
of  his  Presidency,  and  was  commission-  Stanton  was  then  holding  the  said  office 
ed,  according  to  the  Constitution  and  of  Secretary  for  the  Department  of  War, 
laws  of  the  United  States,  to  hold  the  said  under  and  by  reason  of  the  appointment 
office  during  the  pleasure  of  the  President;  and  commission  aforesaid;  and,  not  hav- 
that  the  office  of  Secretary  for  the  De-  ing  been  removed  from  the  said  office  by 
partment  of  War  was  created  by  an  act  this  respondent,  the  said  Stanton  con- 
of  the  First  Congress,  in  its  first  session,  tinned  to  hold  the  same  under  the  ap- 
passed  on  the  7th  day  of  August,  a.d.  pointment  and  commission  aforesaid,  at 
1789,  and  in  and  by  that  act  it  was  the  pleasure  of  the  President,  until  the 
provided  and  enacted  that  the  said  Sec-  time  hereinafter  particularly  mentioned; 
retary  for  the  Department  of  War  shall  and  at  no  time  received  any  appointment 
perform  and  execute  such  duties  as  shall  or  commission  save  as  above  detailed, 
from  time  to  time  be  enjoined  on  and  in-  And  this  respondent,  further  answering, 
trusted  to  him  by  the  President  of  the  says  that  on  and  prior  to  the  5th  day 
United  States,  agreeably  to  the  Constitu-  of  August,  a.d.  1867,  this  respondent, 
tion,  relative  to  the  subjects  within  the  the  President  of  the  United  States,  re- 
scope  of  the  said  department;  and  fur-  sponsible  for  the  conduct  of  the  Secre- 
thermore,  that  the  said  Secretary  shall  tary  for  the  Department  of  War,  and 
conduct  the  business  of  the  said  depart-  having  the  constitutional  right  to  resort 
ment  in  such  a  manner  as  the  President  to  and  rely  upon  the  person  holding  that 
of  the  LTnited  States  shall,  from  time  to  office  for  advice  concerning  the  great  and 
time,  order  and  instruct.  difficult    public    duties    enjoined    on    the 

And  this  respondent,  further  answer-  President  by  the  Constitution  and  laws 
ing,  says  that,  by  force  of  the  act  afore-  of  the  United  States,  became  satisfied 
said,  and  by  reason  of  his  appointment  that  he  could  not  allow  the  said  Stanton 
aforesaid,  the  said  Stanton  became  the  to  continue  to  hold  the  office  of  Secretary 
principal  officer  in  one  of  the  executive  for  the  Department  of  War,  without 
departments  of  the  government  within  hazard  of  the  public  interest;  that  the 
the  true  intent  and  meaning  of  the  sec-  relations  between  the  said  Stanton  and 
ond  section  of  the  second  article  of  the  the  President  no  longer  permitted  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and  President  to  resort  to  him  for  advice,  or 
according  to  the  true  intent  and  meaning  to  be,  in  the  judgment  of  the  President, 
of  that  provision  of  the  Constitution  of  safely  responsible  for  his  conduct  of  the 
the  United  States;  and  in  accordance  affairs  of  the  Department  of  War,  as  by 
with  the  settled  and  uniform  practice  of  law  required,  in  accordance  with  the 
each  and  every  President  of  the  United  orders  and  instructions  of  the  President; 
States,  the  said  Stanton  then  became,  and  thereupon,  by  force  of  the  Constitu- 
and,  so  long  as  he  should  continue  to  tion  and  laws  of  the  United  States,  which 
hold  the  said  office  of  Secretary  for  the  devolve  on  the  President  the  power  and 
Department  of  War,  must  continue  to  be,  the  duty  to  control  the  conduct  of  the 
one  of  the  advisers  of  the  President  of  business  of  that  executive  department  of 
the  United  States,  as  well  as  the  person  the  government,  and  by  reason  of  the  con- 
intrusted  to  act  for  and  represent  the  stitutional  duty  of  the  President  to  take 
President  in  matters  enjoined  upon  him  care  that  the  laws  be  faithfully  exe- 
or  intrusted  to  him  by  the  President,  cuted,  this  respondent  did  necessarily 
v.— L                                                            161 


consider,  and  did  determine,  that  the  said 
Stanton  ought  no  longer  to  hold  the  said 
office  of  Secretary  for  the  Department  of 
War.  And  this  respondent,  by  virtue  of 
the  power  and  authority  vested  in  him 
as  President  of  the  United  States,  by  the 
Constitution  and  laws  of  the  United 
States,  to  give  effect  to  such  his  decision 
and  determination,  did,  on  the  5th  day 
of  August,  A.D.  1867,  address  to  the  said 
Stanton  a  note,  of  which  the  following  is 
a  true  copy: 

"  SiRj — Public  considerations  of  a  liigh 
character  constrain  me  to  say  that  your 
resignation  as  Secretary  of  War  will  be 

To  which  note  the  said  Stanton  made 
the  following  reply: 

"  War  Department, 
"  Washington,  Aug.  5,  1867. 
"  Sir, — Your  note  of  this  day  has  been 
received,  stating  that  '  public  considerations 
of  a  high  character  constrain  you '  to  say 
'  that  my  resignation  as  Secretary  of  War 
will    be   accepted.' 

"  In  reply  I  have  the  honor  to  say,  that 
public  considerations  of  a  high  character, 
which  alone  have  induced  me  to  continue  at 
the  head  of  this  Department,  constrain  me 
not  to  resign  the  office  of  Secretary  of  War 
before  the  next  meeting  of  Congress. 
"  Very  respectfully   yours, 

"  Edwin  M.  Stanton." 

This  respondent,  as  President  of  the 
United  States,  was  thereon  of  opinion  that, 
having  regard  to  the  necessary  official  re- 
lations and  duties  of  the  Secretary  for  the 
Department  of  War  to  the  President  of  the 
United  States,  according  to  the  Constitu- 
tion and  laws  of  the  United  States,  and 
having  regard  to  the  responsibility  of  the 
President  for  the  conduct  of  the  said  Sec- 
retary, and  having  regard  to  the  para- 
mount executive  authority  of  the  office 
which  the  respondent  holds  under  the  Con- 
stitution and  laws  of  the  United  States, 
it  was  impossible,  consistently  with  the 
public  interests,  to  allow  the  said  Stanton 
to  continue  to  hold  the  said  office  of  Secre- 
tary for  the  Department  of  War ;  and  it 
then  became  the  official  duty  of  the  re- 
spondent, as  President  of  the  United 
States,  to  consider  and  decide  what  act 
or  acts  should  and  might  lawftilly  be  done 
by  him,  as  President  of  the  United  States, 
to  cause  the  said  Stanton  to  sui'render 
the  said  office. 

This  respondent  was  informed  and  verily 


believed  that  it  was  practically  settled 
by  the  First  Congress  of  the  United  States, 
and  had  been  so  considered  and,  uniform- 
ly and  in  great  numbers  of  instances,  act- 
ed on  by  each  Congress  and  President  of 
the  United  States,  in  succession,  from 
President  Washington  to  and  including 
President  Lincoln,  and  from  the  First 
Congress  to  the  Thirty  -  ninth  Congress, 
that  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
conferred  on  the  President,  as  part  of  the 
executive  power,  and  as  one  of  the  neces- 
sary means  and  instruments  of  perform- 
ing the  executive  duty  expressly  imposed 
on  him  by  the  Constitution,  of  taking  care 
that  the  laws  be  faithfully  executed,  the 
power  at  any  and  all  times  of  removing 
from  office  all  executive  officers,  for  cause, 
to  be  judged  by  the  President  alone.  This 
lespondent  had,  in  pursuance  of  the  Con- 
stitution, required  the  opinion  of  each 
principal  officer  of  the  executive  depart- 
ments, upon  this  question  of  constitutional 
executive  power  and  duty,  and  had  been 
advised  by  each  of  them,  including  the 
said  Stanton,  Secretary  for  the  Depart- 
ment of  War,  that  under  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States  this  power  was 
lodged  by  the  Constitution  in  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States,  and  that,  con- 
sequently, it  could  be  lawfully  exercised 
by  him,  and  the  Congress  could  not  de- 
piive  him  thereof;  and  this  respondent, 
in  his  capacity  of  President  of  the  United 
States,  and  because  in  that  capacity  he 
was  both  enabled  and  bound  to  use  his 
best  judgment  upon  this  question,  did,  in 
good  faith,  and  with  an  earnest  desire  to 
arrive  at  the  truth,  come  to  the  conclusion 
and  opinion,  and  did  make  the  same  known 
to  the  honorable  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States,  by  a  message  dated  on  the  2d  day 
of  March,  18G7  (a  true  copy  whereof  is 
hereunto  annexed  and  marked  A),  that 
the  power  last  mentioned  was  conferred 
and  the  duty  of  exercising  it,  in  fit  cases, 
was  imposed  on  the  President  by  the  Con- 
stitution of  the  United  States,  and  that 
the  President  could  not  be  deprived  of 
this  power  or  relieved  of  this  duty,  nor 
could  the  same  be  vested  by  law  in  the 
President  and  the  Senate  jointly,  either 
in  part  or  whole;  and  this  has  ever  since 
remained,  and  Avas  the  opinion  of  this  re- 
spondent at  the  time  when  he  was  forced, 
as  aforesaid,  to  consider  and  decide  what 


act  or  acts  should  and  might  lawfully  be 
done  by  this  respondent,  as  President  of 
the  United  States,  to  cause  the  said  Stan- 
ton to  surrender  the  said  office. 

This  respondent  was  also  then  aware 
that  by  the  first  section  of  "  An  act  regu- 
lating the  tenure  of  certain  civil  offices  " 
passed  March  2,  1807,  by  a  constitutional 
majority  of  both  Houses  of  Congress,  it 
was  enacted  as  follows: 

That  every  person  holding  any  civil  of- 
fice to  which  he  has  been  appointed  by  and 
with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate, 
and  every  person  who  shall  hereafter  be 
appointed  to  any  such  office,  and  shall 
become  duly  qualified  to  act  therein,  is 
and  shall  be  entitled  to  hold  such  office 
until  a  successor  shall  have  been  in  like 
manner  appointed  and  duly  qualified,  ex- 
cept as  herein  otherwise  provided;  Pro- 
vided, that  the  Secretaries  of  State,  of  the 
Treasury,  of  War,  of  the  Navy,  and  of 
the  Interior,  the  Postmaster-General,  and 
the  Attorney-General,  shall  hold  their 
offices  respectively  for  and  during  the  term 
of  the  President  by  whom  they  may  have 
been  appointed,  and  one  month  thereafter, 
subject  to  removal  by  and  with  the  ad- 
vice and  consent  of  the  Senate. 

This  respondent  was  also  aware  that 
this  act  was  understood  and  intended  to 
be  an  expression  of  the  opinion  of  the 
Congress  by  which  that  act  was  passed, 
that  the  power  to  remove  executive  officers 
for  cause  might,  by  law,  be  taken  from  the 
President  and  vested  in  him  and  the  Sen- 
ate jointly;  and  although  this  respondent 
had  arrived  at  and  still  retained  the 
opinion  above  expressed  and  verilybelieved, 
as  he  still  believes,  that  the  said  first 
section  of  the  last-mentioned  act  was  and 
is  wholly  inoperative  and  void  by  reason 
of  its  conflict  with  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States,  yet,  inasmuch  as  the 
same  had  been  enacted  by  the  constitu- 
tional majority  in  each  of  the  two  Houses 
of  that  Congress,  this  respondent  consid- 
ered it  to  be  proper  to  examine  and  decide 
whether  the  particular  case  of  the  said 
Stanton,  on  which  it  was  this  respondent's 
duty  to  act.  was  Avithin  or  without  the 
terms  of  that  first  section  of  the  act;  or. 
if  within  it,  wh'jther  the  President  ha^ 
not  the  power,  according  to  the  terms  of 
the  act,  to  remove  the  said  Stanton  from 
the  office  of  Secretary  for  the  Department 

of  War,  and  having,  in  his  capacity  of 
President  of  the  United  States,  so  ex- 
amined and  considered,  did  form  the 
opinion  that  the  case  of  said  Stanton  and 
his  tenure  of  office  were  not  affected  by 
the  section  of  the  last-named  act. 

And  this  respondent,  further  answer- 
ing, says  that,  although  a  case  thus  ex- 
isted which,  in  his  judgment  as  President 
of  the  United  States,  called  for  the  exer- 
cise of  the  executive  power  to  remove  the 
said  Stanton  from  the  office  of  Secretary 
for  the  Department  of  War,  and  although 
this  respondent  was  of  opinion,  as  is 
above  shown,  that  under  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States  the  power  to  remove 
the  said  Stanton  from  the  said  office  was 
vested  in  the  President  of  the  United 
States;  and  although  this  respondent  was 
also  of  the  same  opinion,  as  is  above 
shown,  that  the  case  of  the  said  Stanton 
was  not  aflTected  by  the  first  section  of  the 
last-named  act;  and  although  each  of  the 
said  opinions  had  been  formed  by  this  re- 
spondent upon  an  actual  case,  requiring 
him,  in  his  capacity  of  President  of  the 
United  States,  to  come  to  some  judgment 
and  determination  thereon,  yet  this  re- 
spondent, as  President  of  the  United 
States,  desired  and  determined  to  avoid, 
if  possible,  any  question  of  the  construc- 
tion and  effect  of  the  said  first  section  of 
the  last-named  act,  and  also  the  broader 
question  of  the  executive  power  conferred 
on  the  President  of  the  United  States  by 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  to 
remove  one  of  the  principal  officers  of  one 
of  the  executive  departments  for  cause 
seeming  to  him  sufficient ;  and  this  re- 
spondent also  desired  and  determined  that 
if,  from  causes  over  which  he  could  exert 
no  control,  it  should  become  absolutely 
necessary  to  raise  and  have  in  some  way 
determined  either  or  both  of  the  said  last- 
named  questions,  it  was  in  accordance 
with  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  and  was  required  of  the  President 
thereby,  that  questions  of  so  much  gravity 
and  importance,  upon  which  the  legisla- 
tive and  executive  departments  of  the 
government  had  disagreed,  which  involved 
powers  considered  by  all  branches  of  the 
government,  during  its  entire  history 
Ao\\n  to  the  year  1867,  to  have  been  con- 
fided by  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  to  the  President  and  to  be  neces- 



sary  for  the  complete  and  proper  execu-  States,  I  am  suspended  from  office  as  Secre- 

tion   of   his   constitutional    duties,    should  ^^^^  ^^  "^^r,  and  will  cease  to  exercise  any 

be  in  some  proper  way  submitted  to  that  ^^   a^'L'SZg  ^^^i^^^o^nc?  t^trSr 

judicial  department  of  the  government  in-  to  Gen.  Ulysses  S.  Grant,  who  has  this  day 

trusted     by     the     Constitution    with     the  been    authorized    and    empowered    to    act    as 

power,   and   subjected   by   it   to   the   duty,  Secretary    of    War,    ad   interim,   all    records, 

, ,„      f    J  ^        •    •         £      11      xi  books,  papers,  and  other  public  property  now 

not  only  of  determining   finally   the  con-  jq   ^jy   custody  and  charge.     Under  a  sense 

struction    and    efi"ect   of   all    acts    of    Con-  of  public  duty,  I  am  compelled  to  deny  your 

gress,    but    of    comparing    them    with    the  right,    under    the    Constitution    and    laws   of 

Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and  ^^Li;l°'*^^  f^f  ^1'  r.'I^°o^*''^-.f ''V'^^''*I 
...  •  ,  ^  1  consent  of  the  Senate,  and  without  legal 
pronouncing  them  inoperative  when  found  cause,  to  suspend  me  from  office  as  Secre- 
in  conflict  with  that  fundamental  law  tary  of  War,  or  the  exercise  of  any  or  all 
which  the  people  have  enacted  for  the  functions  pertaining  to  the  same,  or  without 
iriiii,-  i.  Ajj.  such  advice  and  consent  to  compel  me  to 
government  of  all  their  servants.  And  to  transfer  to  any  person  the  recoMs,  books, 
these  ends,  first,  that,  through  the  action  papers,  and  public  property  in  my  custody 
of  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  the  as  Secretary.  But,  inasmuch  as  the  general 
absolute  duty  of  the  President  to  substi-  commanding  the  armies  of  the  United  States 
"'  .  J.  -,r  oii  bas  been  appointed,  ad  tntertm,  and  has 
tute  some  fit  person  m  place  of  Mr.  Stan-  notified  me  that  he  has  accepted  the  ap- 
ton  as  one  of  his  advisers,  and  as  a  pointment,  I  have  no  alternative  but  to  sub- 
principal  subordinate  officer  whose  official  ^^^'  ^^^^^  protest,  to  superior  force. 
„„  J  i  1-  -ui  j:  J  1,  J  "  To  the  President." 
conduct  he  was  responsible  for,   and  had 

lawful  right  to  control,  might,  if  possible,  And  this  respondent,  further  answering, 
be  accomplished  Avithout  the  necessity  of  gays,  that  it  is  provided,  in  and  by  the 
raising  any  one  of  the  questions  afore-  second  section  of  "An  act  to  regulate 
said;  and,  second,  if  this  duty  could  not  the  tenure  of  certain  civil  offices,"  that 
be  so  performed,  then  that  these  questions,  the  President  may  suspend  an  officer  from 
or  such  of  them  as  might  necessarily  the  performance  of  the  duties  of  the  office 
arise,  should  be  judicially  determined  in  held  by  him,  for  certain  causes  therein 
manner  aforesaid,  and  for  no  other  end  designated,  until  the  next  meeting  of  the 
or  purpose,  this  respondent,  as  President  Senate,  and  until  the  case  shall  be  acted 
of  the  United  States,  on  the  12th  day  of  on  by  the  Senate;  that  this  respondent,  as 
August,  1867,  seven  days  after  the  recep-  President  of  the  United  States,  was  ad- 
tion  of  the  letter  of  the  said  Stanton,  of  y^^ed,  and  he  verily  believed  and  still  be- 
the  5th  of  August,  hereinbefore  stated,  ]jeves,  that  the  executive  power  of  removal 
did  issue  to  the  said  Stanton  the  order  from  office,  confided  to  him  by  the  Consti- 
following,  namely:  tution    aforesaid,    includes    the    power    of 

"  Executive  Mansion  suspension  from  office  at  the  pleasure  of  the 

"Washington,   Avg.    12.    1867.         President,  and  this  respondent,  by  the  or- 

"  Sir,— By  virtue  of  the  power  and  author-    der  aforesaid,  did  suspend  the  said  Stan- 
ity  vested  in  me,  as  President,  by  the  Consti-    j.        ^  a-  a        j.-i  ii  j.  a- 

tution  and  laws  of  the  United  States,  you  *""  ^^'^^  o^^'^^''  ""^  ""^il  the  next  meeting 
are  hereby  suspended  from  office  as  Secre-  of  the  Senate,  or  until  the  Senate  should 
tary  of  War,  and  will  cease  to  exercise  any  have  acted  upon  the  case,  but  bv  force  of 
and  all  functions  pertaining  to  the  same.         ^he    power    and    authority    vested    in    him 

"You     will     at     once     transfer     to     Gen.    ,      ,  '    „        ,.,    ,.  ,  /  .  ,,     tt    -j.  j 

Ulysses  S.  Grant,  who  has  this  day  been  ^Y  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the  United 
authorized  and  empowered  to  act  as  Secre-  States,  indefinitely,  and  at  the  pleasure 
tary  of  War,  ad  interim,  all  records,  books,  of  the  President,  and  the  order,  in  form 
.Zr" custody  IT  ch^a?S  '""'''''  '^'^^  '°  aforesaid,  was  made  known  to  the  Senate 
"  Hon.  Edwin  M.  Stanton,  Secretary  of  War."    of  the  United   States  on  the   12th  day  of 

_,        ,  .  .  December,    a.d.     1867,    as    will    be    moi-e 

To  which   said   order   the   said   Stanton    f^^^iy  hereinafter  stated, 
made   the   following   reply:  ^-^^^    ^,^;g    respondent,    further    answer- 

"  War    Department,  i".^'  ^'^ys  that,  in  and  by  the  act  of  Feb. 

"Washington   City.  Ann.   12,   1867.         13,  1795,  it  was,  among  other  things,  pro- 

"  Sir.— Your    note   of   this    date    has    been     yided  and  enacted  that,  in  case  of  vacancy 
received,    informing    me    that    by    virtue    of     ■      .i       „ai„„  „f  o„«,.„+.,,.„  f^^  +i,«  r»«,^o^f 
the   powers  vested   In   you   as   President,   bv    '"  ^^^  ^^""^  of  Secretary  for  the  Depart- 
the    Constitution    and    laws    of    the    United    ment  of  War,  it  shall  be  lawful  for  the 




President,  in  case  he  shall  think  it  neces-  a  copy  whereof  is  hereunto  annexed  and 
sary,  to  authorize  any  person  to  perform  marked  B,  wherein  he  made  kno^\'n  the 
the  duties  of  that  office  until  a  successor  orders  aforesaid,  and  the  reasons  which 
be  appointed  or  such  vacancy  filled,  but  had  induced  the  same,  so  far  as  this  re- 
not  exceeding  the  term  of  six  months;  spondent  then  considered  it  material  and 
and  this  respondent,  being  advised  and  necessary  that  the  same  should  be  set 
believing  that  such  law  was  in  full  force  forth,  and  reiterated  his  views  concern- 
and  not  repealed,  by  an  order  dated  Aug.  ing  the  constitutional  power  of  removal 
12,  1867,  did  authorize  and  empower  vested  in  the  President,  and  also  ex- 
Uij'sses  S.  Grant,  general  of  the  armies  pressed  his  views  concerning  the  con- 
of  the  United  States,  to  act  as  Secretary  struction  of  the  said  first  section  of  the 
for  the  Department  of  War,  ad  interim,  in  last-mentioned  act,  as  respected  the  power 
the  form  in  which  similar  authority  had  of  the  President  to  remove  the  said  Stan- 
theretofore  been  given,  not  until  the  next  ton  from  the  said  office  of  Secretary  for 
meeting  of  the  Senate,  and  until  the  Sen-  the  Department  of  War,  well  hoping  that 
ate  should  act  on  the  case,  but  at  the  this  respondent  could  thus  perform  what 
pleasure  of  the  President,  subject  only  to  he  then  believed,  and  still  believes,  to  be 
the  limitation  of  six  months,  in  the  said  his  imperative  duty  in  reference  to  the 
last-mentioned  act  contained;  and  a  copy  said  Stanton,  without  derogating  from  the 
of  the  last-named  order  was  made  known  powers  which  this  respondent  believed 
to  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  on  the  were  confided  to  the  President,  by  the 
12th  day  of  December,  a.d.  1867,  as  will  Constitution  and  laws,  and  without  the 
be  hereinafter  more  fully  stated ;  and,  in  necessity  of  raising,  judicially,  any  ques- 
pursuance  of  the  design  and  intention  tion  concerning  the  same, 
aforesaid,  if  it  should  become  necessary.  And  this  respondent,  further  answering, 
to  submit  the  said  questions  to  a  judicial  says  that,  this  hope  not  having  been  real- 
determination,  this  respondent,  at  or  near  ized,  the  President  was  compelled  either 
the  date  of  the  last-mentioned  order,  did  to  allow  the  said  Stanton  to  resume  the 
make  known  such  his  purpose  to  obtain  a  said  office  and  remain  therein  contrary 
judicial  decision  of  the  said  questions,  or  to  the  settled  convictions  of  the  Presi- 
such  of  them  as  might  be  necessary.  dent,  formed  as  aforesaid,  respecting  the 
And  this  respondent,  further  answering,  powers  confided  to  him.  and  the  duties  re- 
says  that,  in  further  pursuance  of  his  in-  quired  of  him  by  the  Constitution  of  the 
tentions  and  design,  if  possible,  to  per-  United  States,  and  contrary  to  the  opinion 
form  what  he  judged  to  be  his  imperative  formed  as  aforesaid,  that  the  first  sec- 
duty,  to  prevent  the  said  Stanton  from  tion  of  the  last  -  mentioned  act  did  not 
longer  holding  the  office  of  Secretary  for  affect  the  case  of  the  said  Stanton,  and 
the  Department  of  War,  and  at  the  same  contrary  to  the  fixed  belief  of  the  Presi- 
time  avoiding,  if  possible,  any  question  re-  dent  that  he  could  no  longer  advise  with 
specting  the  extent  of  the  power  of  re-  or  trust  or  be  responsible  for  the  said 
moval  from  executive  office  confided  to  Stanton,  in  the  said  office  of  Secretary  for 
the  President,  by  the  Constitution  of  the  the  Department  of  War,  or  else  he  was 
United  States,  and  any  question  respect-  compelled  to  take  such  steps  as  might, 
ing  the  construction  and  effect  of  the  first  in  the  judgment  of  the  President,  be  law- 
section  of  the  said  "  act  regulating  the  ful  and  necessary  to  raise,  for  a  judicial 
tenure  of  certain  civil  offices,"  while  he  decison.  the  questions  affecting  the  lawful 
should  not.  by  any  act  of  his,  abandon  right  of  the  said  Stanton  to  resume  the 
and  relinquish,  either  a  power  which  he  said  office,  or  the  power  of  the  said  Stanton 
believed  the  Constitution  had  conferred  to  persist  in  refusing  to  quit  the  said 
on  the  President  of  the  United  States,  to  office,  if  he  should  persist  in  actually  re- 
enable  him  to  perform  the  duties  of  his  fusing  to  quit  the  same:  and  to  this  end, 
office,  or  a  power  designedly  left  to  him  and  to  this  end  only,  this  respondent  did. 
by  the  first  section  of  the  act  of  Congress  on  the  21st  day  of  February.  1868,  issue 
last  aforesaid,  this  respondent  did.  on  the  the  order  for  the  removal  of  the  said  Stan- 
12th  day  of  December.  1867,  transmit  to  ton.  in  the  said  first  article  mentioned 
the  Senate  of  the  United  States  a  message,  and  set  forth,  and  the  order  authorizing 



the  said  Lorenzo  Thomas  to  act  as  Secre- 
tary of  War,  ad  interim,  in  the  said  second 
article  set  forth. 

And  this  respondent,  proceeding  to  an- 
swer specifically  each  substantial  allega- 
tion in  the  said  first  article,  says:  He 
denies  that  the  said  Stanton,  on  the  21st 
day  of  February,  1868,  was  lawfully  in 
possession  of  the  said  office  of  Secretary 
for  the  Department  of  War.  He  denies 
that  the  said  Stanton,  on  the  day  last 
mentioned,  was  lawfully  entitled  to  hold 
the  said  office  against  the  will  of  the 
President  of  the  United  States.  He 
denies  that  the  said  order  for  the  re- 
moval of  the  said  Stanton  was  unlaw- 
fully issued.  He  denies  that  said  order 
was  issued  with  intent  to  violate  the  act 
entitled,  "  An  act  to  regulate  the  tenure 
of  certain  civil  offices."  He  denies  that 
the  said  order  was  a  violation  of  the  last- 
mentioned  act.  He  denies  that  the  said 
order  was  a  violation  of  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States,  or  of  any  law  there- 
of, or  of  his  oath  of  office.  He  denies  that 
the  said  order  was  issued  with  an  intent 
to  violate  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  or  any  law  thereof,  or  this  re- 
spondent's oath  of  office;  and  he  respect- 
fully, but  earnestly,  insists  that  not  only 
was  it  issued  by  him  in  the  performance 
of  what  he  believed  to  be  an  imperative 
official  duty,  but  in  the  performance  of 
what  this  honorable  court  will  consider 
was,  in  point  of  fact,  an  imperative  offi- 
cial duty.  And  he  denies  that  any  and 
all  substantive  matters,  in  the  said  first 
article  contained,  in  manner  and  form 
as  the  same  are  therein  stated  and  set 
forth,  do,  by  law,  constitute  a  high  mis- 
demeanor in  office,  within  the  true  intent 
and  meaning  of  the  Constitution  of  the 
United    States. 

ANSWER     TO     ARTICLE     II. 

And  for  answer  to  the  second  article, 
this  respondent  says  that  he  admits  he 
did  issue  and  deliver  to  said  Lorenzo 
Thomas  the  said  writing  set  forth  in 
said  second  article,  bearing  date  at  Wash- 
ington, District  of  Columbia,  Feb.  21, 
1868,  addressed  to  Brevet  Maj.-Gen. 
Lorenzo  Thomas,  adjutant-general  Unit- 
ed States  army,  Washington,  District  of 
Columbia;  and  he  further  admits  that 
the   same  was   so   issued  without  the  ad- 

vice and  consent  of  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States,  then  in  session ;  but  he 
denies  that  he  thereby  violated  the  Con- 
stitution of  the  United  States,  or  any 
law  thereof,  or  that  he  did  thereby  in- 
tend to  violate  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  or  the  provisions  of  any 
act  of  Congress;  and  this  respondent  re- 
fers to  his  answer  to  said  first  article 
for  a  full  statement  of  the  purposes  and 
intentions  with  which  said  order  was 
issued,  and  adopts  the  same  as  part  of 
his  answer  to  this  article-/  and  he  further 
denies  that  there  was  then  and  there  no 
vacancy  in  the  said  office  of  Secretary 
for  the  Department  of  War,  or  that 
he  did  then  and  there  commit,  or  was 
guilty  of,  a  high  misdemeanor  in  office ; 
and  this  respondent  maintains  and  will 

1.  That  at  the  date  and  delivery  of  said 
writing  there  was  a  vacancy  existing  in 
the  said  office  of  Secretary  for  the  Depart- 
ment of  War. 

2.  That,  notwithstanding  the  Senate  of 
the  United  States  was  then  in  session,  it 
was  lawful  and  according  to  long  and  well- 
established  usage  to  empower  and  author- 
ize the  said  Thomas  to  act  as  Secretary 
of  War,  ad  interim. 

3.  That,  if  the  said  act  regulating  the 
tenure  of  civil  offices  be  held  to  be  a  valid 
law,  no  provision  of  the  same  was  violated 
by  the  issuing  of  said  order,  or  by  the 
designation  of  said  Thomas  to  act  as  Sec- 
retary of  War,  ad  interim. 


And  for  answer  to  said  third  article, 
this  respondent  says  that  he  abides  by  his 
answer  to  said  first  and  second  articles, 
in  so  far  as  the  same  are  responsive  to 
the  allegations  contained  in  the  said  third 
article,  and,  without  here  again  repeating 
the  same  answer,  prays  the  same  be  taken 
as  an  answer  to  this  third  article  as  fully 
as  if  here  again  set  out  at  length ;  and  as 
to  the  new  allegation  contained  in  said 
third  article,  that  this  respondent  did  ap- 
point the  said  Thomas  to  be  Secretary  for 
the  Department  of  War,  ad  interim,  this 
respondent  denies  that  he  gave  any  other 
authority  to  said  Thomas  than  such  as 
appears  in  said  written  authority,  set  out 
in  said  article,  by  which  he  authorized 
and    empowered    said    Thomas    to    act    as 



tary  for  the  Department  of  War  exist- 
ing at  the  date  of  said  written  au- 


And   for  answer  to   said   fourth   article 

Secretary  for  the  Department  of  War,  ad  the  question  could  be  brought  before  that 

interim;    and    he    denies    that    the    same  tribunal. 

amounts  to   an   appointment,   and   insists  This    respondent    did    not    conspire    or 

that  it  is  only  a  designation  of  an  officer  agree  with  the  said  Thomas  or  any  other 

of  that  department  to  act  temporarily  as  person  or  persons,  to  use  intimidation  or 

Secretary  for  the  Department  of  War,  ad  threats  to  hinder  or  prevent  the  said  Stan- 

intcrim,  imtil   an   appointment  should   be  ton  from  holding  the  said  office  of  Secre- 

madc.     But,  whether  the  said  written  au-  tary  for  the  Department  of  War,  nor  did 

thority    amounts    to    an    appointment,    or  this  respondent  at  any  time  command  or 

to  a  temporary  authority  or  designation,  advise  the  said  Thomas  or  any  other  per- 

this   respondent  denies  that  in  any   sense  son  or  persons  to  resort  to  or  use  either 

lie  did  thereby  intend  to  violate  the  Con-  threats  or  intimidation  for  that  purpose, 

stitution  of  tlie  United  States,  or  that  he  The  only  means  in  the  contemplation  of 

thereby   intended   to   give   the   said   order  purpose  of  respondent  to  be  used  are  set 

the  character  or  effect  of  an  appointment  forth    fully    in    the    said    orders    of    Feb. 

in    the    constitutional    or    legal    sense    of  21,    the    first    addressed    to   Mr.    Stanton, 

that  term.     He  further  denies  that  there  and  the  second  to  the  said  Thomas.     By 

was   no   vacancy   in    said   office   of    Secre-  the    first    order    the    respondent    notified 

Mr.  Stanton  that  he  was  removed  from 
the  said  office^  and  that  his  functions  as 
Secretary  for  the  Department  of  War 
were  to  terminate  upon  the  receipt  of  that 
order,  and  he  also  thereby  notified  the 
said  Stanton  that  the  said  Thomas  had 
this  respondent  denies  that  on  the  said  been  authorized  to  act  as  Secretary  for 
21st  day  of  February,  18G8,  at  Washington  the  Department  of  War  ad  interim,  and 
aforesaid,  or  at  any  other  time  or  place,  ordered  the  said  Stanton  to  transfer  to 
he  did  unlawfully  conspire  with  the  said  him  all  the  records,  books,  papers,  and 
Lorenzo  Thomas,  or  with  the  said  Thomas  other  public  property  in  his  custody  and 
and  any  other  person  or  persons,  with  in-  charge;  and  by  the  second  order  this  re- 
tent  by  intimidations  and  threats  unlaw-  spondent  notified  the  said  Thomas  of  the 
fully  to  hinder  and  prevent  the  said  Stan-  removal  from  office  of  the  said  Stanton, 
ton  from  holding  said  office  of  Secretary  and  authorized  him  to  act  as  Secretary 
for  the  Department  of  War,  in  violation  for  the  department,  ad  interim,  and  di- 
of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  rected  him  to  immediately  enter  upon  the 
or  of  the  provisions  of  the  said  act  of  discharge  of  the  duties  pertaining  to  that 
Congress  in  said  article  mentioned,  or  that  office,  and  to  receive  the  transfer  of  all 
he  did  then  and  there  commit  or  was  guilty  the  records,  books,  papers,  and  other  pub- 
of  a  high  crime  in  office.  On  the  con-  lie  property  from  Mr.  Stanton,  then  in 
trary  thereof,  protesting  that  the  said  his  custody  and  charge. 
Stanton  was  not  then  and  there  lawfully  Eespondent  gave  no  instructions  to  the 
the  Secretary  for  the  Department  of  War,  said  Thomas  to  use  intimidation  or 
this  respondent  states  that  his  sole  pur-  threats  to  enforce  obedience  to  these 
puse  in  authorizing  the  said  Thomas  to  act  orders.  He  gave  him  no  authority  to 
as  Secretary  for  the  Department  of  War,  call  in  the  aid  of  the  military,  or  any 
ad  interim  was.  as  is  fully  stated  in  his  other  force  to  enable  him  to  obtain  pos- 
answer  to  the  said  first  article,  to  bring  session  of  the  office,  or  of  the  books, 
the  question  of  the  right  of  the  said  Stan-  papers,  records,  or  property  thereof.  The 
ton  to  hold  said  office,  notwithstanding  only  agency  resorted  to  or  intended  to  be 
his  said  suspension,  and  notwithstanding  resorted  to  was  by  means  of  the  said  ex- 
the  said  order  of  removal,  and"  notwith-  ecutive  orders  requiring  obedience.  But 
standing  the  said  authority  of  the  said  the  Secretary  for  the  Department  of  War 
Thomas  to  act  as  Secretary  of  War.  ad  refused  to  obey  these  orders,  and  still 
interim,  to  the  test  of  a  final  decision  by  holds  undisturbed  possession  and  custody 
the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  State^  of  that  department,  and  of  the  records, 
Jn  the  earliest  practicable  mode  by  which  books,  papers,  and  other  public  property 



therein.  Respondent  further  states  that, 
in  execution  of  the  orders  so  by  this  re- 
spondent given  to  the  said  Thomas,  he, 
the  said  Thomas,  proceeded  in  a  peace- 
ful manner  to  demand  of  the  said  Stan- 
ton a  surrender  to  him  of  the  public 
property  in  the  said  department,  and  to 
vacate  the  possession  of  the  same,  and  to 
allow  him,  the  said  Thomas,  peaceably  to 
exercise  the  duties  devolved  upon  him 
by  authority  of  the  President.  That,  as 
this  respondent  has  been  informed  and 
believes,  the  said  Stanton  peremptorily 
refused  obedience  to  the  orders  so  issued. 
Upon  each  refusal  no  force  or  threat  of 
force  was  used  by  the  said  Thomas,  on 
authority  of  the  President,  or  otherwise, 
to  enforce  obedience,  either  then  or  at  any 
subsequent  time. 

This  respondent  doth  here  except  to 
the  sufficiency  of  the  allegations  contained 
in  said  fourth  article,  and  states  for 
ground  of  exception  that  it  was  not 
stated  that  there  was  any  agreement  be- 
tween this  respondent  and  the  said 
Thomas,  or  any  other  person  or  persons, 
to  use  intimidation  and  threats,  nor  is 
there  any  allegation  as  to  the  nature  of 
said  intimidation  and  threats,  or  that 
tliere  was  any  agreement  to  carry  them 
into  execution,  or  that  any  step  was  taken 
or  agreed  to  be  taken  to  carry  them  into 
execution,  and  that  the  allegation  in  said 
article  that  the  intent  of  said  conspiracy 
was  to  use  intimidation  and  threats  is 
wholly  insufficient,  inasmuch  as  it  is  not 
alleged  that  the  said  intent  formed  the 
basis  or  became  a  part  of  any  agreement 
between  the  said  alleged  conspirators, 
and,  furthermore,  that  there  is  no  allega- 
tion of  any  conspiracy  or  agreement  to 
wse  intimidation  or  threats. 


And  for  answer  to  said  fifth  article, 
this  respondent  denies  that  on  said  21st 
day  of  February,  1868,  or  at  any  other 
time  or  times,  in  the  same  year,  before 
the  said  2d  day  of  March,  1868,  or  at  any 
prior  or  subsequent  time,  at  Washington 
aforesaid,  or  at  any  other  place,  this  re- 
sjjondent  did  unlawfully  conspire  with  the 
said  Thomas,  or  with  any  other  person  or 
persons,  to  prevent  or  hinder  the  execution 
of  the  said  act  entitled  "  An  act  regulat- 
ing the  tenure  of  certain  civil  offices,"  or 


that,  in  pursuance  of  said  alleged  con- 
spiracy, he  did  unlawfully  attempt  to  pre- 
vent the  said  Edwin  M.  Stanton  from 
holding  said  office  of  Secretary  for  the 
Department  of  War,  or  that  he  was  there- 
by guilty  of  a  high  misdemeanor  in  office. 
Respondent,  protesting  that  said  Stanton 
was  not  then  and  there  Secretary  for  the 
Department  of  War,  begs  leave  to  refer  to 
his  answer  given  to  the  fourth  article  and 
to  his  answer  given  to  the  first  article  as 
to  his  intent  and  purpose  in  issuing  the 
orders  for  the  removal  of  Mr.  Stanton, 
and  the  authority  given  to  the  said  Thomas, 
and  prays  equal  benefit  therefrom  as  if 
the  same  were  here  again  repeated  and 
fully  set  forth. 

And  this  respondent  excepts  to  the  suf- 
ficiency of  the  said  fifth  article,  and 
states  his  ground  for  such  exception,  that 
it  is  not  alleged  to  what  means  or  by  what 
agreement  the  said  alleged  conspiracy  was 
formed  or  agreed  to  be  carried  out,  or  in 
what  way  the  same  was  attempted  to  be 
carried  out,  or  what  were  the  acts  done  in 
pursuance  thereof. 


And  for  answer  to  the  said  sixth  article, 
this  respondent  denies  that  on  the  said 
21st  day  of  February,  1868,  at  Washing- 
ton aforesaid,  or  at  any  other  time  or 
place,  he  did  unlawfully  conspire  with 
the  said  Thomas  by  force  to  seize,  take, 
or  possess,  the  property  of  the  United 
States  in  the  Department  of  War,  con- 
trary to  the  provisions  of  the  said  acts 
referred  to  in  the  said  article,  or  either 
of  them,  or  with  intent  to  violate  either 
of  them.  Respondent,  protesting  that 
said  Stanton  was  not  then  and  there  Sec- 
retary for  the  Department  of  War,  not 
only  denies  the  said  conspiracy  as  charged, 
but  also  denies  unlawful  intent  in  refer- 
ence to  the  custody  and  charge  of  the 
property  of  the  United  States  in  the  said 
Department  of  War,  and  again  refers  to 
his  former  answers  for  a  full  statement 
of  his  intent  and  purpose  in  the  premises. 


And  for  answer  to  the  said  seventh  ar- 
ticle, respondent  denies  that  on  the  said 
21st  day  of  February,  1868.  at  Washing- 
ton aforesaid,  or  at  any  other  time  and 
place,  he  did  unlawfully  conspire  with  the 


said    Thomas    with    intent   unlawfully    to  22d  day  of  February,  1868,  the  following 

seize,  take,  or  possess  the  property  of  the  note  was  addressed  to  the  said  Emory  by 

United  States  in  the  Department  of  War,  the  private  secretary  of  the  respondent: 

with    intent    to    violate    or    disregard    the 

said   act    in    the   said   seventh   article   re-  .,  ^      "  Executive  Mansion, 

<         ,    .             4^1    X   u      jj    i^u             J    xu  "Washington,  D.  C,  Feb.  22,  1868. 

ferred  to,  or  that  he  did  then  and  there  «  general,— The    President   directs   me    to 

commit  a  high  misdemeanor  in  office.     Re-  say  that  he  will  be  pleased  to  have  you  call 

spondent,   protesting  that   the   said   Stan--  "Po°  ^'^^  as  early  as  practicable. 

ton  was  not  then  and  there  Secretary  for  "  ^^'^^^  w''^  f"'^  ^'•"'y  y°"Jf. 

.,       T^          ,         i.      ir   T-,7                •          f         X  William  G.  Mooke,  U.  S.  A." 

the   Department  of   War,   again   refers   to 

his  former  answers,  in  so  far  as  they  are  General  Emory  called  at  the  Executive 
applicable,  to  show  the  intent  with  which  Mansion  according  to  this  request.  Th« 
he  proceeded  in  the  premises,  and  prays  object  of  respondent  was  to  be  advised  by 
equal  benefit  therefrom  as  if  the  same  General  Emory,  as  commander  of  the  De- 
were  here  again  fully  repeated.  Respon-  partment  of  Washington,  what  changes 
dent  further  takes  exception  to  the  suf-  had  been  made  in  the  military  affairs  of 
ficiency  of  the  allegations  of  this  article  as  the  department.  Respondent  had  been  in- 
to the  conspiracy  alleged,  upon  the  same  formed  that  various  changes  had  been 
ground  as  stated  in  the  exceptions  set  made  which  in  nowise  had  been  brought 
forth  in  his  answer  to  said  article  fourth,  to  his  notice  or  reported  to  him  from  the 

Department   of   War,   or   from   any   other 

quarter,  and  desired  to  ascertain  the  facts. 

And  for  answer  to  said  eighth  article,  After   the   said   Emory   had   explained   in 

this   respondent   denies   that   on   the   21st  detail  the  changes  which  had  taken  place, 

day    of    February,    1808,    at    Washington  said    Emory    called    the    attention    of    re- 


aforesaid,  or  at  any  other  time  or  place 
he  did  issue  and  deliver  to  the  said 
Thomas  the  said  letter  of  authority  set 
forth  in  the  said  eighth  article,  with  the 
intent  unlawfully  to  control  the  disburse- 
ments of  the  money  appropriated  for  the 
military  service  and  for  the  Department 
of  War.  This  respondent,  protesting  that 
there  was  a  vacancy  in  the  office  of  Secre- 
tary for  the  Department  of  War,  admits  of  all  concerned  : 
that  he  did  issue  the  said  letter  of  author- 
ity, and  he  denies  that  the  same  was  with 
any  unlawful  intent  whatever,  either  to 
violate  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  or  any  act  of  Congress.  On  the 
contrary,  this  respondent  again  affirms 
that  his  sole  intent  was  to  vindicate  his 
authority  as  President  of  the  United 
States,  and  by  peaceful  means  to  bring 
the  question  of  the  right  of  the  said  Stan- 
ton to  continue  to  hold  the  office  of  Secre- 
tary of  War  to  a  final  decision  before  the 
Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  as 
has  been  hereinbefore  set  forth :  and  he 
prays  the  same  benefit  from  his  answer 
in  the  premises  as  if  the  same  were  here 
again  repeated  at  length. 

spondent  to  a  general  order  which  he  re- 
ferred to  and  which  this  respondent  then 
sent  for,  when  it  was  produced.  It  is  as 

"  (General    Orders,   No.    17.) 
"  War      Department,      Adjutant-General's 
"  Washington,  March  14,   1867. 
"  The  following  acts  of  Congress  are  pub- 
lished   for   the    information   and   government 

"  11-PuBLic-No.    85. 
"  An    act    making    appropriations    for    sup- 
port  of   the   army   for   the   year  ending  June 
30,    1868,   and   for   other   purposes. 


And  for  answer  to  the  said  ninth  arti- 

"  Sec.  2.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  that 
the  headquarters  of  the  general  of  the 
army  of  the  United  States  shall  be  at  the 
city  of  Washington,  and  all  orders  and  in- 
structions relating  to  military  operations, 
issued  by  the  President  or  Secretary  of  War, 
shall  be  issued  throuorh  the  general  of  the 
army,  and,  in  case  of  his  inability,  through 
the  next  in  ranlc.  The  general  of  the  army 
shall  not  be  removed,  suspended,  or  relieved 
from  command  or  assigned  to  duty  else- 
where than  at  said  headquarters,  except  at 
his  own  request,  without  the  previous  ap- 
proval of  the  Senate :  and  any  orders  or 
instructions  relating  to  military  operations 
issued  contrary  to  the  requirements  of  this 
section  shall  be  null  and  void ;  and  any 
officer,  who  shall  issue  orders  or  instructions 
contrary    to    the    provisions    of    this    section. 

shall  be  deemed  guilty  of  a  misdemeanor  in 
cle,  the  respondent  states  that  on  the  said    office:  and  anv  officer  of  the  army  who  shall 



transmit,   convey,   or  obey  any   orders   or  In-   obey  any  law  or  any  order  issued  in  con- 

!*f!!fni°''^f  ?H-  '^^"^^-    ^°°t''^^"y    to    the   pro-  formity  with  any  law,  or  intend  to  offer 
visions    of    this    section,    knowing    that    such  •    ■■  t.    j.      A  ■  a     -c  x 

orders  were  so  issued,   shall  be  liable  to  im-  ^P^    inducement    to    the    said    Emory    to 

prisonment   for   not   less   than    two   or   more  violate    any    law.     What    this    respondent 

than   twenty    years,    upon   conviction    thereof  then   said   to   General   Emory   was   simply 

in  any  court  of  competent  jurisdiction.    ^  ^j^^    expression    of    an    opinion    which    he 

"Approved  March  2,  1867.'  *         '  then  fully  believed  to  be  sound,  and  which 

he  yet  believes  to  be  so,  and  that  is  that, 

"By  order  of  the  Secretary  of  War  by  the  express   provisions  of  the   Consti- 

"E.      D.      TowNSEND,     Assistant     Adjutant-  ,,.         .-.i  jj.  t^-jx- 

General  tution,,  this    respondent,    as    President,    is 

"Official :  made     the    commander  -  in  -  chief     of     the 

" ,  Assistant  Adjutant-General."         armies  of  the  United  States,  and  as  such 

General  Emory  not  only  called  the  at-  he   is  to   be   respected,   and   that  his   or- 

tention   of    respondent   to   this   order,    but  <lers,  whether  issued  through  the  War  De- 

to    the    fact    that    it    was    in    conformity  partment  or  through  the  general-in-chief, 

with  a  section  contained  in  an   appropri-  or   by   other   channels   of   communication, 

ation  act  passed  by  Congress.    Respondent,  are  entitled  to  respect  and  obedience,  and 

after   reading  the   order,   observed,   "This  that  such  constitutional  power  cannot  bef 

is   not   in   accordance   with   the   Constitu-  taken   from  him  by  virtue  of  any  act  of 

tion   of   the   United   States,   which   makes  Congress.     Respondent       doth       therefore 

me  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Army  and  deny    that    by    the    expression    of    such 

Navy,  nor  with  the  language  of  the  com-  opinion  he  did  commit  or  was  guilty  of  a 

mission   which    you    hold."     General    Em-  high  misdemeanor  in  office;    and  this  re- 

ory  then  stated  that  this  order  had  met  spondent  doth  further   say  that  the  said 

respondent's    approval.     Respondent    then  article  nine  lays  no  foundations  whatever 

said    in    reply,    in    substance,    "Am    I    to  for    the    conclusion    stated    in    the    said 

understand    that    the    President    of    the  article,  that  the  respondent,  by  reason  of 

United   States   cannot   give   an   order   but  the     allegations     therein     contained,    was 

through  the  general-in-chief?"  General  guilty  of  a  high  misdemeanor  in  office. 
Emory    again    reiterated     the     statement        In  reference  to  the  statement  made  by 

that    it    had    met    respondent's    approval.  General  Emory,  that  this  respondent  had 

and  that  it  was   the   opinion   of   some   of  approved  of  said  act  of  Congress  contain- 

the   leading  lawyers   of   the   country  that  ing  the  section  referred  to,  the  respondent 

this      order      was      constitutional.     With  admits  that  his  forma)  approval  was  given 

some     further     conversation,     respondent  to    said    act,    but    accompanied    the    same 

then   required   the   names   of  the   lawyers  by  the   following  message,   addressed   and 

who  had  given  the  opinion,  and  he  men-  sent  with   the   act  to  the  House  of   Rep- 

tioned    the    names    of    two.     Respondent  resentatives,  in  which  House  the  said  act 

then  said  that  the  object  of  the  law  was  originated,    and    from    which    it    came   to 

very   evident,    referring   to   the    clause   in  respondent: 

the  appropriation  act  upon  which  the  or-  "To  the  House  of  Representatives, — 
der  purported  to  be  based.  This,  accord-  The  act  entitled  'An  act  making  ap- 
ing to  respondent's  recollection,  was  the  propriations  for  the  support  of  the  army 
substance  of  the  conversation  held  with  for  the  year  ending  June  30,  1868,  and 
General  Emory.  for    other    purposes,'    contains    provisions 

Respondent  denies  that  any  allegations  to  which  I  must  call  attention.  These 
in  the  said  article  of  any  instructions  or  provisions  are  contained  in  the  second  sec- 
declarations  given  to  the  said  Emory,  tion,  which,  in  certain  cases,  virtually  de- 
then  or  at  any  other  time,  contrary  to  or  prives  the  President  of  his  constitutional 
in  addition  to  what  is  hereinbefore  set  functions  as  commander  -  in  -  chief  of  the 
forth,  are  true.  Respondent  denies  that,  army,  and  in  the  sixth  section,  which  de- 
in  said  conversation  with  said  Emory,  he  nied  to  ten  States  in  the  Union  their  con- 
had  any  other  intent  than  to  express  the  stitutional  right  to  protect  themselves,  in 
opinions  then  given  to  the  said  Emory,  any  emergency,  by  means  of  their  own 
nor  did  he  then  nor  at  any  other  time  militia.  These  provisions  are  out  of 
request  or  order  the  said  Emory  to  dis-  place  in  an  appropriation  act,  but  I  anj 



compelled  to  defeat  these  necessary  ap-  lieves  substantially  a  correct  report)  is 
propriations  if  I  withhold  my  signature  hereto  annexed  as  part  of  this  answer, 
from  the  act.  Pressed  by  these  consider-  and  marked  Exhibit  C. 
ations,  I  feel  constrained  to  return  the  That,  thereupon,  and  in  reply  to  the 
bill  with  my  signature,  but  to  accompany  address  of  said  committee  by  their  chair- 
it  with  my  earnest  protest  against  the  man,  this  respondent  addressed  the  'said 
sections  which  I  have  indicated.  committee    so    waiting   upon    him    in   one 

"Washington,  D.  C,  March  2,  18G7."  of  the  rooms   of  the  Executive  Mansion; 

Respondent,  therefore,  did  no  more  than  and    this    respondent    believes    that    this, 

to     express     to     said     Emory     the     same  his    address    to    said    committee,    is    the 

opinion  which  he  had  so  expressed  to  the  occasion  referred  to  in  the  first  specifica- 

Ilouse  of  Representatives.  tion    of    the    tenth    article;    but    this    re- 
spondent   does    not    admit    that    the    pas- 

ANSWER   TO  ARTICLE   X.  .  „         xi  •  ^   t      t-u  -t         t         x      / 

sage  therein  set  forth,  as  if  extracts  from 
And  in  answer  to  the  tenth  article  and  a  speech  or  address  of  this  respondent 
specifications  thereof,  the  respondent  upon  said  occasion,  correctly  or  justly  pre- 
says  that,  on  the  14th  and  15th  days  of  sent  his  speech  or  address  upon  said 
August,  in  the  year  186G,  a  political  con-  occasion;  but,  on  the  contrary,  this  re- 
vcntion  of  delegates  from  all,  or  most,  of  spondent  demands  and  insists  that  if 
the  States  and  Territories  of  the  Union  this  honorable  court  shall  deem  the 
was  held  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  said  article  and  the  said  first  specifica- 
under  the  name  and  style  of  the  National  tion  thereof  to  contain  allegation  of 
Union  Convention,  for  the  purpose  of  matter  cognizable  by  this  honorable 
maintaining  and  advancing  certain  polit-  court  as  a  high  misdemeanor  in  office, 
ical  views  and  opinions  before  the  peo-  within  the  intent  and  meaning  of  the 
pie  of  the  United  States,  and  for  their  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and 
support  and  adoption  in  the  exercise  of  shall  receive  or  allow  proof  in  support  of 
the  constitutional  suffrage  in  the  elec-  the  same,  that  proof  shall  be  required  to 
tion  of  representatives  and  delegates  in  be  made  of  the  actual  speech  and  address 
Congress,  which  were  soon  to  occur  in  of  this  respondent  on  said  occasion, 
many  of  the  States  and  Territories  of  which  this  respondent  denies  that  said 
the  Union;  which  said  convention,  in  article  and  specification  contain  or  cor-/^ 
the  course  of  its  proceedings,  and  in  rectly  or  justly  represent, 
furtherance  of  the  objects  of  the  same.  And  this  respondent,  further  answer- 
adopted  a  "  declaration  of  principles "  ing  the  tenth  article  and  specifications 
and  "  an  address  to  the  people  of  the  thereof,  says  that  at  Cleveland,  in  the 
United  States,"  and  appointed  a  com-  State  of  Ohio,  and  on  the  3d  day  of  Sep- 
mittee  of  two  of  its  members  from  each  teinber,  in  the  year  1866,  he  was  attended 
State,  and  of  one  from  each  Territory,  by  a  large  assembly  of  his  fellow-citizens, 
and  one  from  the  District  of  Columbia,  to  and,  in  deference  and  obedience  to  their 
wait  upon  the  President  of  the  United  call  and  demand,  he  addressed  them  upon 
States  and  present  to  him  a  copy  of  the  matters  of  public  and  political  consid- 
proceedings  of  the  convention;  that,  on  eration;  and  this  respondent  believes  that 
the  18th  day  of  the  said  month  of  August,  said  occasion  and  address  are  referred  to 
this  committee  waited  upon  the  Presi-  in  the  second  specification  of  the  tenth 
dent  of  the  United  States,  at  the  Exec-  article;  but  this  respondent  docs  not  ad- 
utive  Mansion,  and  was  received  by  him  mit  that  the  passages  therein  set  forth 
in  one  of  the  rooms  thereof,  and  by  their  as  if  extracts  from  a  speech  of  this  re- 
vhairman,  Hon.  Reverdy  Johnson,  then  spondent  on  said  occasion,  correctly  or 
and  now  a  Senator  of  the  United  States,  justly  present  his  speech  or  address  upon 
acting  and  speaking  in  their  behalf,  pre-  said  occasion;  but,  on  the  contrary,  this 
sented  a  copy  of  the  proceedings  of  the  respondent  demands  and  insists  that,  if 
convention,  and  addressed  the  President  this  honorable  court  shall  deem  the  said 
of  the  United  States  in  a  speech,  of  which  article  and  the  said  second  specification 
a  copy  (according  to  a  published  report  thereof  to  contain  allegation  of  matter 
of  the  same,  and  as  the  respondent   be-  cognizable  by  this  honorable   court  as   a 



high  misdemeanor  in  office,  within  the 
intent  and  meaning  of  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States,  and  shall  recei^  : 
01-  allow  proof  in  support  of  the  same, 
that  proof  shall  be  required  to  be  made 
of  the  actual  speech  and  address  of  this 
respondent  on  said  occasion,  which  this 
respondent  denies  that  said  article  and 
specification  contain  or  correctly  or  justly 

And  this  respondent,  further  answering 
the  tenth  article  and  the  specifications 
thereof,  says  that  at  St.  Louis,  in  the 
State  of  Missouri,  and  on  the  8th  day  of 
September,  in  the  year  18G6,  he  was  at- 
tended by  a  numerous  assemblage  of  his 
fellow-citizens,  and  in  deference  and  obedi- 
ence to  their  call  and  demand  he  addressed 
them  upon  matters  of  public  and  political 
consideration ;  and  this  respondent  be- 
lieves that  said  occasion  and  address  are 
referred  to  in  the  third  specification  of 
the  tenth  article;  but  this  respondent  does 
not  admit  that  the  passages  therein  set 
forth,  as  if  extracts  from  a  speech  of  this 
respondent  on  said  occasion,  correctly  or 
justly  present  his  speech  or  address  upon 
said  occasion;  but,  on  the  contrary,  this 
respondent  demands  and  insists  that  if 
this  honorable  court  shall  deem  the  said 
article  and  the  said  third  specification 
thereof  to  contain  allegation  of  matter 
cognizable  by  this  honorable  court  as  a 
high  misdemeanor  in  office,  within  the  in- 
tent and  meaning  of  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States,  and  shall  receive  or 
allow  proof  in  support  of  the  same,  that 
proof  shall  be  required  to  be  made  of  the 
actual  speech  and  address  of  this  respon- 
dent on  said  occasion,  which  this  respon- 
dent denies  that  the  said  article  and  speci- 
fication contain  or  correctly  or  justly  rep- 

And  this  respondent,  further  answering 
the  tenth  article,  protesting  that  he  has 
not  been  unmindful  of  the  high  duties  of 
his  office,  or  of  the  harmony  or  courtesies 
which  ought  to  exist  and  be  maintained 
between  the  executive  and  legislative 
branches  of  the  government  of  the  United 
States,  denies  that  he  has  ever  intended  or 
designed  to  set  aside  the  rightful  authority 
or  powers  of  Congress,  or  attempted  to 
bring  into  disgrace,  rdicule,  hatred,  con- 
tempt, or  reproach,  the  Congress  of  the 
United   States,   ir   either   branch   thereof, 


or  to  impair  or  destroy  the  regard  or  re- 
spect of  all  or  any  of  the  good  people  of 
the  United  States  for  the  Congress  or  the 
rightful  legislative  power  thereof,  or  to 
excite  the  odium  or  resentment  of  all  or 
any  of  the  good  people  of  the  United 
States,  against  Congress,  and  the  laws  by 
it  duly  and  constitutionally  enacted.  This 
respondent  further  says  that  at  all  times 
he  has,  in  his  official  acts  as  President,  rec- 
ognized the  authority  of  the  several  Con- 
gresses of  the  United  States,  as  constituted 
and  organized  during  his  administration  of 
the  office  of  President  of  the  United  States^ 

And  this  respondent,  further  answering, 
says  that  he  has,  from  time  to  time,  un- 
der his  constitutional  right  and  duty  as 
President  of  the  United  States,  communi- 
cated to  Congress  his  views  and  opinions 
in  regard  to  such  acts  or  resolutions  there- 
of, as,  being  submitted  to  him  as  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States,  in  pursuance 
of  the  Constitution,  seemed  to  this  re- 
spondent to  require  such  communications: 
and  he  has,  from  time  to  time,  in  the  ex- 
ercise of  that  freedom  of  speech  which  be- 
longs to  him  as  a  citizen  of  the  United 
States,  and,  in  his  political  relations  as 
President  of  the  United  States,  to  the 
people  of  the  United  States,  is  upon  fit 
occasions  a  duty  of  the  highest  obligation, 
expressed  to  his  fellow-citizens  his  views 
and  opinions  respecting  the  measures  and 
proceedings  of  Congress;  and  that  in  such 
addresses  to  his  fellow-citizens,  and  in 
such  his  communications  to  Congress,  he 
has  expressed  his  views,  opinions,  and 
judgment  of  and  concerning  the  actual 
constitution  of  the  two  Houses  of  Congress 
without  representation  therein  of  certain 
States  of  the  Union,  and  of  the  eff"ect  that 
in  wisdom  and  justice,  in  the  opinion  and 
judgment  of  this  respondent.  Congress  in 
its  legislation  and  proceedings  shall  give 
to  this  political  circumstance ;  and  what- 
soever he  has  thus  communicated  to  Con- 
gress or  addressed  to  his  fellow-citizens  or 
any  assemblage  thereof,  this  respondent 
says  was  and  is  within  and  according  tq^ 
his  right  and  privilege  as  an  American''' 
citizen,  and  his  right  and  duty  as  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States. 

And  this  respondent  not  waiving  or  at 
all  disparaging  his  right  of  freedom  of 
opinion  and  of  freedom  of  speech,  as 
hereinbefore  or  hereinafter  more  particu- 


larly  set  forth,  but  claiming  and  insist- 
ing upon  the  same,  further  answering  the 
said  tenth  article,  says  that  the  views  and 
opinions  expressed  by  this  respondent  in 
his  said  addresses  to  the  assemblages  of 
his  fellow-citizens,  as  in  said  article  or  in 
this  answer  thereto  mentioned,  are  not 
and  were  not  intended  to  be  other  or  dif- 
/ferent  from  those  expressed  by  him  in  his 
communications  to  Congress — that  the 
eleven  States  lately  in  insurrection  never 
had  ceased  to  be  States  of  the  Union,  and 
that  they  were  then  entitled  to  representa- 
tion in  Congress  by  local  Representatives 
and  Senators  as  fully  as  the  other  States 
of  the  Union,  and  that,  consequently,  the 
Congress,  as  then  constituted,  was  not,  in 
fact,  a  Congress  of  all  the  States,  but  a 
Congress  of  only  a  part  of  the  States. 
This  respondent  always  protesting  against 
the  unauthorized  exclusion  therefrom  of 
the  said  eleven  States,  nevertheless  gave 
his  assent  to  all  laws  passed  by  said  Con- 
gress, which  did  not,  in  his  opinion  and 
judgment,  violate  the  Constitution,  exer- 
cising his  constitutional  authority  of  re- 
turning bills  to  said  Congress  with  his  ob- 
jections when  they  appeared  to  him  to  be 
unconstitutional  or  inexpedient. 

And,  further,  this  respondent  has  also 
expressed  the  opinion,  both  in  his  com- 
munications to  Congress,  and  in  his  ad- 
dresses to  the  people,  that  the  policy 
adopted  by  Congress  in  reference  to  the 
States  lately  in  insurrection  did  not  tend 
to  peace,  harmony,  and  union,  but,  on  the 
contrary,  did  tend  to  disunion  and  the 
permanent  disruption  of  the  States,  and 
that,  in  following  its  said  policy,  laws  had 
been  passed  by  Congress  in  violation  of 
the  fundamental  principles  of  the  govern- 
ment, and  which  tended  to  consolidation 
and  despotism ;  and,  such  being  his  de- 
liberate opinions,  he  would  have  felt  him- 
self unmindful  of  the  high  duties  of  his 
office  if  he  had  failed  to  express  them  in 
his  communications  to  Congress  or  in  his 
addresses  to  the  people  when  called  upon 
by  them  to  express  his  opinions  on  mat- 
ters of  public  and  political  consideration. 

And  this  respondent,  further  answering 
the  tenth  article,  says  that  he  has  always 
claimed  and  insisted,  and  now  claims  and 
insists,  that  both  in  his  personal  and  pri- 
vate capacity  of  a  citizen  of  the  United 
States,  and   in   the  political   relations   o£ 


the  President  of  the  United  States,  to  the 
j)eople  of  the  United  States,  whose  ser- 
vant, under  the  duties  and  responsibilities 
of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
the  President  of  the  United  States  is  and 
should  always  remain,  this  respondent  had 
and  has  the  full  right,  and  in  his  office 
of  President  of  the  United  States  is  held 
to  the  high  duty,  of  forming,  and  on  fit 
occasions  expressing,  opinions  of  and  con- 
cerning the  legislation  of  Congress,  pro- 
posed or  completed,  in  respect  of  its 
wisdom,  expediency,  justice,  worthiness, 
objects,  purposes,  and  public  and  political 
motives  and  tendencies;  and  within  and 
as  a  part  of  such  right  and  duty  to  form, 
and  on  tit  occasions  to  express,  opinions 
of  and  concerning  the  public  character 
and  conduct,  views,  purposes,  objects,  mo- 
tives, and  tendencies  of  all  men  engaged 
in  the  public  service,  as  well  in  Congress 
as  otherwise,  and  under  no  other  rules  or 
limits  upon  this  right  of  freedom  of  opin- 
ion and  of  freedom  of  speech,  or  of  re- 
sponsibility and  amenability  for  the  act- 
ual exercise  of  such  freedom  of  opinion 
and  freedom  of  speech  than  attend  upon 
such  rights  and  their  exercise  on  the 
part  of  all  other  citizens  of  the  United 
States  and  on  the  part  of  all  their  public 

And  this  respondent,  further  answering 
said  tenth  article,  says  that  the  several 
occasions  on  which,  as  is  alleged  in  the 
several  specifications  of  said  article,  this 
respondent  addressed  his  fellow-citizens 
on  subjects  of  public  and  political  consid- 
erations were  not,  nor  was  any  one  of 
them,  sought  or  planned  by  this  respon- 
dent ;  but,  on  the  contrary,  each  of  said 
occasions  arose  upon  the  exercise  of  a 
lawful  and  accustomed  right  of  the  peo- 
ple of  the  United  States  to  call  upon  their 
public  servants,  and  express  to  them  their 
opinions,  wishes,  and  feelings  upon  mat- 
ters of  public  and  political  consideration, 
and  to  invite  from  such,  their  public  ser- 
vants, an  expression  of  their  opinions, 
views,  and  feelings  on  matters  of  public 
and  political  consideration;  and  this  re- 
spondent claims  and  insists  before  this 
honorable  court,  and  before  all  the  people 
of  the  United  States,  that  of  or  concern- 
ing this  his  right  of  freedom  of  opinion, 
and  of  freedom  of  speech,  and  this  his  ex- 
ercise of  such  right  on  all  matters  of 


public  and  political  consideration,  and  in 
respect  of  all  public  servants,  or  persons 
whatsoever  engaged  in  or  connected  there- 
with, this  respondent,  as  a  citizen,  or  as 
President  of  the  United  States,  is  not 
subject  to  question,  inquisition,  impeach- 
ment, or  inculpation,  in  any  form  or  man- 
ner whatsoever. 

And  this  respondent  says  that  neither 
the  said  tenth  article,  nor  any  specification 
thereof,  nor  any  allegation  therein  con- 
tained, touches  or  relates  to  any  official 
act  or  doing  of  this  respondent  in  the 
office  of  President  of  the  United  States, 
or  in  the  discharge  of  any  of  its  constitu- 
tional or  legal  duties  or  responsibilities; 
but  said  article  and  the  specifications  and 
allegations  thereof,  wholly  and  in  every 
part  thereof,  question  only  the  discretion 
oi  propriety  of  freedom  of  opinion  or  free- 
dom of  speech,  as  exercised  by  this  re- 
spondent as  a  citizen  of  the  United  States 
in  his  personal  right  and  capacity,  and 
without  allegation  or  imputation  against 
this  respondent  of  the  violation  of  any 
law  of  the  United  States,  touching  or  re- 
lating to  freedom  of  speech  or  its  exer- 
cise by  the  citizens  of  the  United  States, 
or  by  this  respondent  as  one  of  the  said 
citizens  or  otherwise;  and  he  denies  that, 
by  reason  of  any  matter  in  said  article 
or  its  specifications  alleged,  he  has  said 
or  done  anything  indecent  or  unbecoming 
in  the  chief  magistrate  of  the  United 
States,  or  that  he  has  brought  the  high 
office  of  the  President  of  the  United  States 
into  contempt,  ridicule,  or  disgrace,  or 
that  he  has  committed  or  has  been  guilty 
of  a  high  misdemeanor  in  office. 


And  in  answer  to  the  eleventh  article 
this  respondent  denies  that  on  the  ISth 
day  of  August,  in  the  year  1866,  at  the 
city  of  Washington,  in  the  District  of 
Columbia,  he  did,  by  public  speech  or 
otherwise,  declare  or  affirm,  in  substance 
or  at  all,  that  the  Thirty-ninth  Congress 
of  the  United  States  was  not  a  Congress 
of  the  United  States  authorized  by  the 
Constitution  to  exercise  legislative  power 
under  the  same,  or  that  he  did  then  and 
there  declare  or  affirm  that  the  said 
Thirty-ninth  Congress  was  a  Congress 
of  only  part  of  the  States  in  any  sense 
or    meaning    other    than    that   ten    States 

of  the  Union  were  denied  representation 
therein;  or  that  he  made  any  or  either 
of  the  declarations  or  affirmations  in  this 
behalf,  in  the  said  article  alleged,  as  de- 
nying or  intending  to  deny  that  the  legis- 
lation of  said  Thirty-ninth  Congress  was 
valid  or  obligatory  upon  this  respondent, 
except  so  far  as  this  respondent  saw  fit 
to  approve  the  same;  and  as  to  the  alle- 
gation in  said  article,  that  he  did  thereby 
intend  or  mean  to  be  understood  that  the 
said  Congress  had  not  power  to  propose 
amendments  to  the  Constitution,  this  re- 
spondent says  that  in  said  address  he 
said  nothing  in  reference  to  the  subject 
of  amendments  of  the  Constitution,  nor 
was  the  question  of  the  competency  of 
the  said  Congress  to  propose  such  amend- 
ments, without  the  participation  of  said 
excluded  States,  at  the  time  of  said  ad- 
dress, in  any  way  mentioned  or  con- 
sidered or  referred  to  by  this  respon- 
dent, nor  in  what  he  did  say  had  he  any 
intent  regarding  the  same,  and  he  denies 
the  allegation  so  made  to  the  contrary 
thereof.  But  this  respondent,  in  further 
answer  to,  and  in  respect  of  the  said  alle- 
gations of  the  said  eleventh  article  here- 
inbefore traversed  and  denied,  claims  and 
insists  upon  his  personal  and  official  right 
of  freedom  of  opinion  and  freedom  of 
speech,  and  his  duty  in  his  political  re- 
lations as  President  of  the  United  States, 
to  the  people  of  the  United  States,  in 
the  exercise  of  such  freedom  of  opinion 
and  freedom  of  speech,  in  the  same  man- 
ner, form,  and  eflfect  as  he  has  in  his 
behalf  stated  the  same  in  his  answer  to 
the  said  tenth  article,  and  with  the  same 
effect  as  if  he  here  repeated  the  same; 
and  he  further  claims  and  insists,  as  in 
said  answer  to  said  tenth  article  he  has 
claimed  and  insisted,  that  he  is  not  sub- 
ject to  question,  inquisition,  impeachment, 
or  inculpation,  in  any  form  or  manner, 
of  or  concerning  such  rights  of  freedom 
of  opinion  or  freedom  of  speech,  or  his 
said  alleged  exercise  thereof. 

And  this  respondent  further  denies  that, 
on  the  21st  day  of  February,  in  the  year 
1868.  or  at  any  other  time,  at  the  city 
of  Washington,  in  the  District  of  Co- 
lumbia, in  pursuance  of  any  such  decla- 
ration as  is  in  that  behalf  in  said  eleventh 
article  alleged,  or  otherwise,  he  did  un- 
lawfully, and  in  disregard  of  the  require- 



luent  of  the  Constitution  that  he  should 
lake  care  that  the  laws  should  be  faith- 
fully executed,  attempt  to  prevent  the  exe- 
cution of  an  act  entitled  "  An  act  regu- 
lating the  tenure  of  certain  civil  offices," 
passed  March  2,  1867,  by  unlawfully  de- 
vising or  contriving,  or  attempting  to 
devise  or  contrive,  means  by  which  he 
should  prevent  Edwin  M.  Stanton  from 
forthwith  resuming  the  functions  of  Sec- 
retary for  the  Department  of  War ;  or 
by  unlawfully  devising  or  contriving,  or 
attempting  to  devise  or  contrive,  means 
to  prevent  the  execution  of  an  act  en- 
titled, "  An  act  making  appropriations 
for  the  support  of  the  army  for  the  fiscal 
year  ending  June  30,  18G8,  and  for  other 
purposes,"  approved  March  2,  1867,  or  to 
prevent  the  execution  of  an  act  entitled, 
"  An  act  to  provide  for  the  more  efficient 
government  of  the  rebel  States,"  passed 
March   2,   1867. 

And  this  respondent,  further  answer- 
ing the  said  eleventh  article,  says  that  he 
has,  in  answer  to  the  first  article,  set 
forth  in  detail  the  acts,  steps,  and  pro- 
ceedings done  and  taken  by  this  respon- 
dent to  and  towards  or  in  the  matter  of 
the  suspension  or  removal  of  the  said  Ed- 
win M.  Stanton  in  or  from  the  office  of 
Secretary  for  the  Department  of  War, 
with  the  times,  modes,  circumstances,  in- 
tents, views,  purposes,  and  opinions  of 
official  obligation  and  duty  under  and  with 
which  such  acts,  steps,  and  proceedings 
were  done  and  taken ;  and  he  makes  an- 
swer to  this  eleventh  article,  of  the  mat- 
ters in  his  answer  to  the  first  article, 
pertaining  to  the  suspension  or  removal 
of  said  Edwin  M.  Stanton,  to  the  same 
intent  and  effect  as  if  they  were  here  re- 
peated and  set  forth. 

And  this  respondent  further  answering 
the  said  eleventh  article  denies  that  by 
means  or  reason  of  anything  in  said 
article  alleged  this  respondent,  as  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States,  did  on  the 
21st  day  of  February,  1868,  or  at  any 
other  day  or  time,  commit  or  that  he 
was  guilty  of  a  high  misdemeanor  in  office. 

And  this  respondent,  further  answering 
the  said  eleventh  article,  says  that  the 
same  and  the  matters  therein  contained 
do  not  charge  or  allege  the  commission 
of  any  act  whatever  by  this  respondent, 
in  his  office  of   President   of   the   United 


States,  nor  the  omission  by  this  respon- 
dent of  any  act  of  official  obligation  or 
duty  in  his  oflice  of  President  of  the 
United  States;  nor  does  the  said  article 
nor  the  matters  therein  contained  name, 
designate,  describe,  or  define  any  act  or 
mode  or  form  of  attempt,  device,  con- 
trivance, or  means,  or  of  attempt  at 
device,  contrivance,  or  means,  whereby 
this  respondent  can  know  or  understand 
what  act  or  mode  or  form  of  attempt,  de- 
vice, contrivance,  or  means,  or  of  at- 
tempt at  device,  contrivance,  or  means, 
are  imputed  to  or  charged  against  this 
respondent  in  his  office  of  President  of 
the  United  States,  or  intended  so  to  be, 
or  whereby  this  respondent  can  more  fully 
or  definitely  make  answer  unto  the  said 
article  than  he  hereby  does. 

And  this  respondent,  in  submitting  to 
this  honorable  court  this  his  answer  to 
the  articles  of  impeachment  exhibited 
against  him,  respectfully  reserves  leave 
to  amend  and  add  to  the  same  from  time 
to  time,  as  may  become  necessary  or 
proper,  and  when  and  as  such  necessity 
and   propriety  shall   appear. 

Andrew    Johnson. 

Henry  Stanbery, 

B.  R.  Curtis, 

Thomas  A.  R.  Nelson, 

William  M.  Evarts, 

W.  S.  Groesbeck, 
Of  Counsel. 

Johnson,  Bradley  Tyler,  lawyer; 
born  in  Frederick,  Md.,  Sept.  29,  1829; 
graduated  at  Princeton  in  1849;  studied 
law  at  the  Harvard  Law  School  in  1850- 
51,  and  began  practice  in  Frederick.  In 
1851  he  was  State  attorney  of  Frederick 
county.  In  1860  he  was  a  delegate 
to  the  National  Democratic  Conventions 
in  Charleston  and  Baltimore;  voted  for 
the  States'  Rights  platform;  and,  with 
most  of  the  Maryland  delegates,  with- 
drew from  the  convention,  and  gave  his 
support  to  the  Breckinridge  and  Lane 
ticket.  During  the  Civil  War  he  served 
in  the  Confederate  army,  rising  from  the 
rank  of  captain  to  that  of  brigadier-gen- 
eral. After  the  war  he  practised  law  in 
Richmond,  Va.,  till  1879,  and  then  in 
Baltimore  till  1890.  He  wa?  a  member 
of  the  State  Senate  in  187.5-7t)  His  pub- 
lications include  Chase's  Decxr-.ions ;  The 
Foundation  of  Maryland;  Life  of  General 


Washington ;  Memoirs  of  Joseph  E.  John-  published  in  1G54  under  the  title  of  Won- 
ston;      Confederate     History     of     Mary-    der-working  Providence  of  Zion's  Saviour 

land;  etc.  in    Neio    England.      He    died    in   Woburn, 

Jolmson,  BusHKOD  Rust,  military  ofS-  Mass.,  April  23,   1672. 

cer;    born   in    Belmont   county,    0.,    Sept.  Johnson,    Fort,    a    former    protective 

6,     1817;    graduated    at    West    Point    in  work  on  the  Cape  Fear  River,  near  Wil- 

1840;  he  served  in  the  Florida  and  Mexi-  mington,   N.    C.      On   June    14,    1775,   the 

can   wars ;    and   was   Professor   of   Mathe-  royal  governor,  Joseph  Martin,  took  refuge 

matics  in  military  academies  in  Kentucky  in  the  fort,  as  the  indignant  people  had 

and    Tennessee.      He    joined    the    Confed-  begun   to   rise   in   rebellion   against   royal 

erate  army  in   1861;   was   made   a  briga-  rule.     From  that  stronghold  he  sent  forth 

dier-general  early  in   1862 ;   was  captured  a  menacing  proclamation,  and  soon  after- 

at    Fort    Donelson,    but    soon    afterwards  wards    preparations    for    a    servile    insur- 

escaped;    was   wounded    in    the   battle   of  rection  were  discovered.     The  nlmor  went 

Shiloh;    and   was   made   major-general    in  abroad  that  Martin  had  incited  the  slaves. 

1864.     He  was  in  command  of  a  division  The  exasperated  people  determined  to  drive 

in   Lee's   army   at    the    time   of   the    sur-  him   from   the   fort   and   demolish   it.      A 

render    at    Appomattox    Court-house,    and  body  of  500  men,   led  by  John  Ashe  and 

after  the  war  was  chancellor  of  the  Uni-  Cornelius   Harnett,   marched   to   the   fort, 

versity  of  Xashville.     He  died  in  Brigh-  Martin  had  fled  on  board  a  British  vessel 

ton.  111.,  Sept.  11,   1880.  of   war   in   the   river.      The   munitions   of 

Johnson,  Cave,  jurist;  born  in  Robert-  war  had  all  been  removed  on  board  of  a 

son  county,  Tenn.,  Jan.   11,   1793;   elected  transport,  and  the  garrison  also  had  fled, 

circuit  judge  in  1820;  served  in  Congress,  The  people  burned  the  barracks  and  demol- 

1829-37;    and   appointed   Postmaster-Gen-  ished  the  walls. 

eral  in  1845.  He  died  in  Clarksville,  Tenn.,  Johnson,     Franklin,    educator;     born 

Nov.  23,  1866.  in    Frankfort,    0.,    Nov.    2,    1836;    grad- 

Johnson,     Clifton,     author;     born    in  uated    at    Colgate    Theological    Seminary 

Hadley,  Mass.,  Jan.   25,   1865;   received  a  in  1861.     He  held  pastorates  in  Michigan 

common-school   education.    He   is   the   au-  and  New  Jersey  in  1862-73,  and  in  Cam- 

thor  of  The  Neio  England  Country;  What  bridge,    Mass.,    in    1874-88.      In    1890    he 

They  Say  in  Neto  England;  Studies  of  Nciv  became   president   of   the   Ottawa  Univer- 

England  Life  and   Nature,   etc.  sity,    Kansas,    and    remained    there    two 

Johnson,     Eastman,    artist;     born    in  years,   when   he  was   called   to   the   chair 

Lovell,  Me.,  July  29,   1824;   was  educated  of    History    and    Homiletics    in    the    Uni- 

in    the   public    schools    of   Augusta,    Me.;  versity  of  Chicago. 

studied  in  the  Royal  Academy  of  Diissel-  Johnson,  Guy,  military  officer;  born  in 
dorf  for  two  years,  and  was  elected  an  Ireland  in  1740;  married  a  daughter  of 
academician  of  the  National  Academy  of  Sir  William  Johnson  {q.  v.),  and  in 
Design  in  1860.  He  has  painted  many  1774  succeeded  him  as  Indian  agent.  He 
notable  pictures,  including  The  Kentucky  served-  against  the  French  from  1757  to 
Home;  Husking  Bee;  The  Stage  Coach;  1760.  At  the  outbreak  of  the  Revolution 
Pension  Agent;  Prisoner  of  State,  etc.  he  fled  to  Canada,  and  thence  went  with 
His  portraits  include  Tico  Men,  ex-Presi-  the  British  troops  who  took  possession  of 
dents  Arthur,  Cleveland,  and  Harrison,  New  York  City  in  September,  1776;  he  re- 
Commodore  Vanderbilt,  W.  H.  Vander-  mained  there  some  time,  and  became  man- 
bilt,  Daniel  ^^'ebster,  John  Quincy  Adams,  ager  of  a  theatre.  He  joined  Brant,  and 
John  D.  Rockefeller,  Mrs.  Dolly  Madison,  participated  in  some  of  the  bloody  out- 
Mrs.  August  Belmont,  Mrs.  Hamilton  rages  in  the  Mohawk  Valley.  In  1779  he 
Fish,  and  many  others.  fought  with  the  Indians  against  Sullivan. 

Johnson,     Edward,     author;     born     in  He  died  in  London,  March  5,  1788. 

Heme  Hill,  England,  in   1599;   emigrated  Johnson,      Hale,      lawyer;      born      in 

to    the    United    States    in    1630;    elected  Montgomery  county,  Ind.,  Aug.  21,  1847; 

speaker    of    the    Massachusetts    House    of  admitted  to  the  bar  of  Illinois  in   1875; 

Representatives  in  1655.    He  is  the  author  has     been     actively     identified     with     the 

of  a  history  of  New  England  which  was  Prohibition   party   for    twenty   years,  and 



has  been  its  candidate  for  governor  of  the 
State  of  Illinois  and  for  Vice-President  in 

Johnson,  Helen  Kendrick,  author; 
born  in  Hamilton,  N.  Y.,  Jan.  4,  1843; 
daughter  of  Asahel  C.  Kendrick,  the 
Greek  scholar  and  author;  was  educated 
at  the  Oread  Institute,  Worcester,  Mass. 
She  has  edited  Our  J'amiliar  8oiigs,  and 
Those  Who  Made  Them;  The  American 
Woman's  Journal,  etc.  Her  original  woiks 
are  The  Roddy  Books:  Raleigh  Westgate; 
and  Woman  and  the  Republic.  She  has 
contributed  many  articles  to  periodicals, 
and  is  specially  known  as  an  opponent  of 
woman  suffrage. 

Johnson,  Henry  Phelps,  historian; 
born  in  1842;  became  Professor  of  History 
in  the  College  of  the  City  of  New  York. 
He  is  the  author  of  Loyalist  History  of  the 
Revolution;  The  Campaign  of  1776  Around 
New  York;  The  Yorktown  Campaign; 
Yale  and  the  Honor  Roll  in  the  American 
Revohition,   etc. 

Johnson,  Herschel  Vespasian,  legis- 
lator; born  in  Burke  county,  Ga.,  Sept. 
18,  1812;  graduated  at  the  University  of 
Georgia  in  1834;  appointed  for  an  unex- 
pired term  to  the  United  States  Senate  in 
1848;  elected  judge  of  the  Superior  Court 
of  Georgia  in  1849;  governor  in  1853  and 
185.5.  In  the  Civil  War  he  was  a  member 
of  the  Confederate  Senate;  was  elected 
to  the  United  States  Senate  during  the 
reconstruction  period,  but  was  not  al- 
lowed to  take  his  seat,  and  was  appointed 
judge  of  the  circuit  court  in  1873.  In 
1860  Mr.  Johnson  was  the  candidate  for 
the  Vice  -  Presidency  on  the  ticket  with 
Stephen  A.  Douglas.  He  died  in  Jefferson 
county,  Ga.,  Aug.   16,   1880. 

Johnson,  John,  educator;  born  in 
Bristol,  Me.,  Aug.  23,  1806;  graduated  at 
Bowdoin  College  in  1832;  Professor  of 
Natural  Sciences  at  Wesleyan  University 
in  1837-73,  when  he  was  made  professor 
emeritus.  He  was  the  author  of  A  His- 
tory of  the  Towns  of  Bristol  and  Bremen 
in  the  State  of  Maine,  etc.  He  died  in 
^  Clifton,  S.  I.,  Dec.  2,  1879. 
ft  Johnson,  John,  Indian  agent;  born  in 

-  Ballyshannon,  Ireland,  in  March,  1775; 
came  to  the  United  States  in  1786  and 
settled  in  Cumberland  county,  Pa.  He  par- 
ticipated in  the  campaign  against  the 
Indians  in  Ohio  in  1792-93;  was  agent  of 
V. — M  1 7 

Indian  affairs  for  thirty-one  years;  served 
in  the  War  of  1812,  becoming  quarter- 
master. In  1841-42  he  was  commissioner 
to  arrange  with  the  Indians  of  Ohio  for 
their  emigration  from  that  district.  He 
was  the  author  of  an  Account  of  the  Ind- 
ian Tribes  of  Ohio.  He  died  in  Wash- 
ington, D.  C,  April   19,  1801. 

Johnson,  Sir  John,  military  officer; 
born  in  Mount  Johnson,  N.  Y.,  Nov.  5, 
1742;  son  of  Sir  William  Johnson;  was 
a  stanch  loyalist,  and  in  1776  the  Whigs 
tried  to  get  possession  of  his  person.  He 
fled  to  Canada  with  about  700  followers, 
where  he  was  commissioned  a  colonel,  and 
raised  a  corps  chiefly  among  the  loyalists 
of  New  York,  known  as  the  Royal  Greens. 
He  was  among  the  most  active  and  bitter 
foes  of  the  patriots.  While  investing  Fort 
Stanwix  in  1777,  he  defeated  General 
Herkimer  at  Oriskany,  but  was  defeated 
himself  by  General  Van  Rensselaer  in 
1780.  After  the  war  Sir  John  went  to 
England,  but  returned  to  Canada,  where 
he  resided  as  superintendent  of  Indian 
affairs  until  his  death,  in  Montreal,  Jan. 
4,  1830.  He  married  a  daughter  of  John 
Watts,  a  New  York  loyalist. 

Johnson,  John  Butler,  educator;  born 
in  Marlboro,  0.,  June  11,  1850;  grad- 
uated at  the  University  of  Michigan  in 
1878,  and  became  a  civil  engineer  in  the 
United  States  Lake  and  Mississippi  River 
surveys.  In  1883-98  he  was  Professor  of 
Civil  Engineering  in  Washington  Univer- 
sity, St.  Louis.  Later  he  was  made  dean 
of  the  College  of  Mechanics  and  Engineer- 
ing in  the  University  of  Wisconsin.  He 
was  director  of  a  testing  laboratory  in  St. 
Louis,  where  all  the  United  States  timber 
tests  were  made.  He  also  had  charge  of 
the  index  department  of  the  journal  pub- 
lished by  the  Association  of  Engineering 
Societies,  and  compiled  two  volumes  of 
Iy\dex  Notes  to  Engineering  Literature. 
He  is  author  of  Theory  and  Practice  of 
Surveying ;  Modern  Framed  Structures; 
Engineering  Contracts  and  Specifications; 
itaterials  of  Construction,  etc. 

Johnson,  Josiah  Stoddard,  author ; 
born  in  New  Orleans,  Feb.  10,  1833;  grad- 
uated at  Yale  College  in  1853  and  at  the 
University  Law  School  in  1854.  He  joined 
the  Confederate  army  in  1863,  and  served 
till  the  close  of  the  war.  Later  he  en- 
gaged in  the  practice  of  law  and  in  jour- 



nalism.  He  is  the  author  of  Memorial 
History  of  Louisville;  First  Explorations 
of  Kentucky;  Confederate  History  of  Ken- 
tucky, etc. 

Johnson,  Sir  Nathaniel,  colonial  gov- 
ernor of  South  Carolina  in  1703-9.  Dur- 
ing his  administration  he  defeated  the 
French  who  had  attacked  the  colony  in 
1706.     He  died  in  Charleston  in   1713. 

Johnson,  Oliver,  journalist;  born  in 
Peacham,  Vt.,  Dec.  27,  1809;  was  man- 
aging editor  of  The  Independent  in  1865- 
70;  and  later  was  editor  of  the  Christian 
Union.  He  was  the  author  of  William 
Lloyd  Garrison  and  His  Times,  or  Sketches 
of  the  Anti-Slavery  Movement  in  Amer- 
ica. He  died  in  Brooklyn,  N.  Y.,  Dec.  10, 

Johnson,  Reverdy,  statesman ;  born  in 
Annapolis,   Md.,   May   21,    1796;    was   ad- 
mitted to  the  bar  in  1815.     After  serving 
two    terms    in   his    State    Senate,    he   was 
United  States  Senator  from  1845  to  1849, 
when  he  became  United  States  Attorney- 
General     under     President     Taylor.      Mr. 
Johnson  was  a  delegate  to  the  Peace  Con- 
vention; United  States  Senator  from  1863    dent    Grant    in    1869;    supported    Horace 
to  1868;  and  minister  to  Great  Britain  in    Greeley  in   the   Presidential   campaign   of 
1868-69,  negotiating  a  treaty  for  the  set-    1872.    He  died  in  Annapolis,  Md.,  Feb.  10, 
tlement  of  the  Alabama  Claims    {q.  v.)    1876. 

Johnson,  Richard  Mentor,  Vice-Presi- 
dent    of     the     United     States ;     born     in 
Bryant's     Station,    Ky.,     Oct.     17,     1781; 
graduated    at    Transylvania    University; 
-    .  became  a  lawyer  and  State  legislator,  and 

raised    a    regiment    of    cavalry    in    1812. 
^  With  them  he  served  under  Harrison,  and 

was  in  the  battle  of  the  Thames  in  1813, 
where  he  was  dangerously  wounded.  From 
1807  to  1819  and  1829  to  1837  he  was  a 
member  of  Congress.  He  was  United 
States  Senator  from  1819  to  1829,  and 
Vice-President  of  the  United  States  from 
1837  to  1841.  He  died  in  Frankfort,  Ky., 
Nov.  19,  1850. 

Johnson,  Richard  W.,  military  officer; 
born  in  Livingston  county,  Ky.,  Feb.  7, 
1827;  graduated  at  West  Point  in  1849. 
He  was  a  captain  of  cavalry  in  the 
Civil  War  until  August,  1861,  when  he 
was  made  lieutenant-colonel  of  a  Ken- 
tucky cavalry  regiment.  In  October  he 
was  commissioned  a  brigadier-general  of 
volunteers,  and  served  under  Buell.  In 
question,  which  was  rejected  by  the  United  the  summer  of  1862  he  commanded  a  divi- 
States  Senate.     He  was  recalled  by  Presi-    sion  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee,  and 




afterwards  had  the  same  command  in  the 
Army  of  the  Cumberland.  In  the  battles 
at  Stone  River  and  near  Chickamauga, 
and  in  the  Atlanta  campaign,  he  was  a 
most  useful  officer.  He  was  severely 
wounded  at  New  Hope  Church,  and  com- 
manded a  division  of  cavalry  in  the  battle 
of  Nashville,  in  December,  1864.  He  was 
brevetted  major-general,  U.  S.  V.  and  U.  S. 
A.,  for  gallant  services  during  the  war ; 
was  retired  in  1867;  and  was  Professor 
of  Military  Science  in  the  Missouri  State 
University  in  1868-G9,  and  in  the  Univer- 
sity of  Minnesota  in  1869-71.  He  died  in 
St.  Paul,  Minn.,  April  21,  1897. 

Johnson,  Robert,  colonial  governor; 
born  in  England  in  1682;  was  appointed 
governor  of  South  Carolina  in  1717;  and 
royal  governor  in  1731.  He  died  in 
Charleston,  S.  C,  May  3,   1755. 

Johnson,  Robert  Underwood,  editor; 
born  in  Washington,  D.  C,  Jan.  12, 
1853;  graduated  at  Earlham  College,  Indi- 
ana, in  1871.  He  became  connected  with 
the  editorial  staff  of  the  Century  in  1873 ; 
edited  the  Century  War  Series  (with 
Clarence  Clough  Buel),  and  subsequently 
extended  the  work  by  4  volumes,  covering 
the  battles  and  leaders  of  the  Civil  War. 
It  was  he  who  induced  General  Grant  to 
write  his  Memoirs,  the  first  part  of  which 
was  published  in  the  Century  War  Se7-ies. 
He  originated  the  movement  which  re- 
sulted in  the  establishment  of  the  Yosem- 
ite  National  Park ;  and  was  secretary  of 
the  American  Copyright  League.  His 
works  include  The  Winter  Hour;  Songs 
of  Liberty,  etc. 

Johnson,  Rossiter,  author  and  editor; 
born  in  Rochester,  N.  Y.,  Jan.  27,  1840; 
graduated  at  the  University  of  Roch- 
ester in  1863.  In  1864-68  he  was  an  as- 
sociate editor  of  the  Rochester  Democrat ; 
in  1869-72  was  editor  of  the  Concord 
(N.  H.)  Statesman :  and  in  1873-77  was 
an  associate  editor  of  the  American  Cyclo- 
poedia.  In  1870-80  he  assisted  Sydney 
Howard  Gay  in  preparing  the  last  two 
volumes  of  the  Bryant  and  Gay  History 
of  the  United  States.  Since  1883  he  has 
been  the  sole  editor  of  Appleton^s  Annual 
Cyclopadia.  He  edited  The  .Authorized 
History  of  the  World's  Cohimhian  E.rposi- 
tion  (4  vols..  1898)  ;  and  The  World's 
Great  Boohs  (1898-1901).  He  is  also  an 
associate  editor  of  the  Standard  Diction- 

ary. His  original  books  are  A  History 
of  the  War  Bettoeen  the  United  States 
and  Great  Britain,  lS]:i-15;  A  History 
of  the  French  War,  Ending  in  the  Con- 
quest of  Canada;  A  History  of  the  War 
of  Secession  (1888;  enlarged  and  illus- 
trated, under  the  title  Camp-fire  and  Bat- 
tle-field, 1894);  The  Hero  of  Manila,  etc. 
He  has  been  president  of  the  Quill  Club, 
the  Society  of  the  Genesee,  the  New 
York  Association  of  Phi  Beta  Kappa,  and 
of  the  People's  University  Extension  So- 
ciety. He  received  the  degree  of  Ph.D. 
in  1888,  and  that  of  LL.D.  in  1893. 

Johnson,  Samuel,  jurist;  born  in  Dun- 
dee, Scotland,  Dec.  15,  1733;  was  taken  to 
North  Carolina  by  his  father  when  he  was 
three  years  of  age,  and  was  in  civil  office 
there  under  the  crown  until  he  espoused 
the  cause  of  the  patriots.  In  1773  he 
was  one  of  the  North  Carolina  committee 
of  correspondence  and  an  active  mem- 
ber of  the  Provincial  Congress.  He  was 
chairman  of  the  provincial  council  in 
1775,  and  during  1781-82  was  in  the  Con- 
tinental Congress.  In  1788  he  was  govern- 
or of  the  State,  and  presided  over  the 
convention  that  adopted  the  national  Con- 
stitution. From  1789  to  1793  he  was 
United  States  Senator,  and  from  1800 
to  1803  was  judge  of  the  Supreme  Court. 
He  died  near  Edenton,  N.  C,  Aug.  18, 

Johnson,  Thomas,  jurist;  born  in  St. 
Leonards,  Calvert  co.,  Md.,  Nov.  4,  1732; 
was  an  eminent  lawyer,  and  was  chosen  a 
delegate  to  the  second  Continental  Con- 
gress in  1775.  He  had  the  honor  of  nomi-, 
nating  George  Washington  for  the  post  of 
commander-in-chief  of  the  Continental 
armies.  He  was  chosen  governor  of  the 
new  State  of  Maryland  in  1777,  and  was 
associate-justice  of  the  Supreme  Court  of 
the  United  States  from  1791  to  1793, 
when  he  resigned.  He  was  offered  the  post 
of  chief-justice  of  the  District  of  Colum- 
bia in  1801,  but  declined  it.  He  died  at 
Rose  Hill,  near  Frederickton,  Oct.  26.  1819. 

Johnson,  Thomas  Cary,  clergyman ; 
born  in  Fishbok  Hill.  Va..  July  19,' 1859; 
graduated  at  Hampden-Sidney  College  in 
1881  and  at  Union  Theological  Seminary, 
Va..  in  1887;  was  ordained  in  the  Pres- 
byterian Church :  became  Professor  of 
Ecclesiastical  History  and  Polity  at  Union 
Theological   Seminary,  Va.,  in   1892.     He 



is  the  author  of  A  History  of  the  Southern 
Presbyterian  Church;  A  Brief  Sketch  of  the 
United  Synod  of  the  Presbyterian  Church 
in  the  United  States  of  America,  etc. 

Johnson,  William,  jurist;  born  in 
Charleston,  S.  C,  Dec.  27,  1771;  grad- 
uated at  Princeton  in  1790;  admitted  to 
the  bar  in  1793;  elected  to  the  State  legis- 
lature in  1794;  appointed  an  associate 
justice  of  the  United  States  Supreme 
Court  in  1804;  served  until  his  death, 
in  Brooklyn,  N.  Y.,  Aug.  11,  1834.  He 
is  the  author  of  the  Life  and  Corre- 
spondence of  Maj.-Oen.  Nathanael  Greene. 

Johnson,  William,  lawyer;  born  in 
Middletown,  Conn.,  about  1770;  graduated 
at  Yale  College  in  1788;  reporter  of  the 
Supreme  Court  of  New  York  in  1806-23, 
and  of  the  New  York  Court  of  Chancery 
in  1814-23.  He  was  the  author  of  Neio 
York  Supreme  Court  Reports,  1799-1803; 
Xew  York  Chancery  Reports  18H-22;  and 
Digest  of  Cases  in  the  Supreme  Court  of 
Neiii  York.  He  died  in  New  York  City  in 
July,  1848. 

Johnson,  Sir  William,  military  offi- 
cer; born  in  Smithtown,  County  Meath, 
Ireland,  in  1715;  was  educated  for  a  mer- 
chant, but  an  unfortunate  love  affair 
changed  the  tenor  of  his  life.     He  came  to 


America  in  1738  to  take  charge  of  landed 
property  of  his  uncle,  Admiral  Sir  Peter 
Warren,  in  the  region  of  the  Mohawk 
Valley,  and  seated  himself  the  e,  about  24 
miles   west    of    Schenectady,  (  igaging   in 

the  Indian  trade.  Dealing  honestly  with 
the  Indians  and  learning  their  language, 
he  became  a  great  favorite  with  them. 
He  conformed  to  their  manners,  and,  in 
time,  took  Mary,  a  sister  of  Brant,  the 
famous  Mohawk  chief,  to  his  home  as  his 
wife.  When  the  French  and  Indian  War 
broke  out  Johnson  was  made  sole  super- 
intendent of  Indian  affairs,  and  his  great 
influence  kept  the  Six  Nations  steadily 
from  any  favoring  of  the  French.  He 
kept  the  frontier  from  injury  until  the 
treaty  of  Aix-la-Chapelle    (1748). 

In  1750  he  was  a  member  of  the  pro- 
vincial council.  He  withdrew  from  his 
post  of  superintendent  of  Indian  affairs 
in  1753,  and  was  a  member  of  the  con- 
vention at  Albany  in  1754.  He  also  at- 
tended grand  councils  of  the  Indians,  and 
was  adopted  into  the  Mohawk  tribe  and 
made  a  sachem.  At  the  council  of  gov- 
ernors, convened  by  Eraddock  at  Alex- 
andria in  1755,  Johnson  was  appointed 
sole  superintendent  of  the  Six  Nations, 
created  a  major-general,  and  afterwards 
led  an  expedition  intended  for  the  capture 
of  Crown  Point.  The  following  year  he 
was  knighted,  and  the  King  gave  him  the 
appointment  of  superintendent  of  Indian 
affairs  in  the  North;  he  was  also  made  a 
colonial  agent.  He  continued  in  the 
militaiy  service  during  the  remainder  of 
the  war,  and  was  rewarded  by  his  King 
with  the  gift  of  100,000  acres  of  land 
north  of  the  Mohawk  River,  which  was 
known  as  "  Kingsland,"  or  the  "  Eoyal 
Grant."  Sir  William  first  introduced 
sheep  and  blooded  horses  into  the  Mohawk 
Valley.  He  married  a  German  girl,  by 
whom  he  had  a  son  and  two  daughters ; 
also  eight  children  by  Mary  (or  Mollie) 
Brant,  who  lived  with  him  until  his  death. 
Sir  William  lived  in  baronial  style  and 
exercised  great  hospitality.  He  died  in 
Johnstown,  N.  Y.,  July  11,  1774. 

Johnson,  William  Samuel,  jurist; 
born  in  Stratford,  Conn.,  Oct.  7,  1727; 
graduated  at  Yale  College  in  1744; 
became  a  la^vyer ;  and  was  distinguished 
for  his  eloquence.  He  was  a  delegate  to 
the  Stamp  Act  Coxgress  (7.  v.),  and  for 
five  years  (from  1766  to  1771)  was  agent 
for  Connecticut  in  England.  He  cor- 
responded with  the  eminent  Dr.  Johnson 
several  years.  He  was  a  judge  of  the 
Supreme  Court  of  Connecticut  and  a  com- 



missioner  for  adjusting  the  con- 
troversy between  the  proprie- 
tors of  Pennsylvania  and  the 
Susquehanna  Company.  Judge 
Johnson  was  in  Congress  (1784 
to  1787),  and  was  also  a  mem- 
ber of  the  convention  that 
framed  the  national  Constitu- 
tion, in  which  he  was  the  first 
to  propose  the  organization  of 
the  Senate  as  a  distinct  branch 
of  the  national  legislature.  He 
was  United  States  Senator  from 
1789  to  1791,  and,  with  his  col- 
league, Oliver  Ellsworth,  drew 
up  the  bill  for  establishing  the 
judiciary  system  of  the  United 
States.  He  was  president  of 
Columbia  College  from  1787  to 
1800.  He  died  in  Stratford, 
Nov.  14,  1819. 

Johnson  -  Clarendon  Con- 
vention, the  treaty  negotiated 
by  Reverdy  Johnson,  while 
minister  to  England,  dated  Jan. 
14,  1869.  This  treaty  proposed 
a  mixed  commission  for  the 
consideration  of  all  claims, 
including  the  Alabama  claims. 
The  treaty,  which  was  the  foun- 
dation of  the  subsequent  successful  one, 
was  rejected  by  the  United  States  Senate, 
as  the  provision  made  in  it  for  national 
losses  was  not  satisfactory.  See  JoiiNsox, 

Johnston,  Albert  Sidney,  military 
officer;  born  in  Washington,  Mason  co., 
Ky.,  Feb.  3,  1803;  graduated  at  West 
Point  in  1826;  served  in  the  Black  Hawk 
War,  and  resigned  in  1834.  He  entered 
the  Texan  army  as  a  private  in  1836  and 
v.^as  soon  made  a  brigadier-general,  and 
in  1838  became  commander-in-chief  of  the 
army  and  Secretary  of  War.  He  retired 
to  private  life  in  Texas.  He  served  in 
the  war  with  Mexico,  and  became  pay- 
master in  the  United  States  army  in  1849. 
In  1860-01  he  commanded  the  Pacific  De- 
partment, and.  sympathizing  with  the 
Confederates,  was  superseded  by  General 
Sumner  and  entered  the  Confederate  ser- 
vice, in  command  of  the  Division  of  the 
West.  At  his  death,  in  the  battle  of 
Shiloh.  April  6,  1862,  General  Beauregard 
succeeded  him. 

Johnston,  Alexander,  historian ;  born 



in  Brooklyn,  N.  Y.,  April  2,  1849; 
graduated  at  Rutgers  College,  studied  law. 
and  became  a  few  years  later  Professor 
of  Jurisprudence  and  Political  Economy 
in  Princeton  University.  His  contribu- 
tions to  American  history  were  valuable. 
They  include  a  Ilisionj  of  American  Poli- 
iics,  histories  of  Connecticut  and  the 
United  States,  the  political  articles  in 
T.alor's  Ci/clopcedin  of  PolUical  Science, 
and  the  political  sketch  under  the  article 
'■'  United  States "  in  the  Encyclopaedia 
Britannica.  He  died  in  Princeton,  N.  J., 
July  20,   1889. 

Johnston,  Joseph  Eggleston,  mili- 
tary officer;  born  in  Longwood.  Va..  Feb. 
3,  1809;  graduated  at  West  Point  in 
1829,  and  entered  the  artillery.  He 
served  in  the  wars  with  the  Florida  Ind- 
ians, and  with  Mexico,  in  which  he  was 
twice  wounded.  He  became  lieutenant- 
colonel  of  cavalry  in  IS.").),  and  quarter- 
master-general, with  the  rank  of  briga- 
dier-creneral,  in  June.  1800.  He  joined 
the  Confederates  in  the  spring  of  1861, 
and  Avas  commissioned  a  major-general  in 


the  Army  of  Virginia.  He  was  in  com-  severe  struggle.  The  Confederates  ral- 
mand  at  the  battle  of  Bull  Run,  and  lied,  and,  returning  with  an  overwhelm- 
fought  gallantly  on  the  Virginia  penin-  ing  force,  retook  the  hill.  Palmer,  find- 
sula,  until  wounded  at  the  battle  of  Fair  ing  his  adversaries  gathering  in  force 
Oaks,  or  Seven  Pines  (1862),  when  he  larger  than  his  own,  and  learning  that 
was  succeeded  by  Lee.  He  afterwards  the  object  of  his  expedition  had  been  ac- 
opposed  Grant  and  Sherman  in  the  Mis-  complished,  in  the  calling  back  of  Hardee 
sissippi  Valley.  He  was  in  command  dur-  by  Johnston,  fell  back  and  took  post 
ing  the  Atlanta  campaign  in  1864  until  (March  10)  at  Ringgold.  In  this  short 
July,  when  he  was  superseded  by  General  campaign  the  Nationals  lost  350  killed 
Hood.  and    wounded;     the    Confederates     about 

When  Johnston  heard  of  Sherman's  raid,  200. 
and  perceived  that  Polk  could  not  resist  With  the  surrender  of  Lee,  the  Civil 
him,  he  sent  two  divisions  of  Hardee's  War  was  virtually  ended.  Although  he 
corps,  under  Generals  Stewart  and  Ander-  was  general-in-chief,  his  capitulation  in- 
son,  to  assist  Polk.  Grant,  in  command  eiuded  only  the  Army  of  Northern  Vir- 
at  Chattanooga  (February,  1864),  sent  ginia.  That  of  Johnston,  in  North  Caro- 
General  Palmer  with  a  force  to  counter-  Una,  and  smaller  bodies,  were  yet  in  the 
act  this  movement.  Palmer  moved  with  field.  When  Sherman,  who  confronted 
his  corps  directly  upon  Dalton   (Feb.  22),    Johnston,    heard    of   the   victory   at    Five 

Forks  and  the  evacuation 
of  Petersburg  and  Rich- 
mond, he  moved  on  John- 
ston (April  10,  18  65),  with 
his  whole  army.  The  lat- 
ter was  at  Smithfield,  on 
the  Neuse  River,  with  ful- 
ly 30,000  men.  Jefferson 
Davis  and  the  Confeder- 
ate cabinet  were  then  at 
Danville,  on  the  southern 
border  of  Virginia,  and  had 
just  proposed  to  Johnston 
a  plan  whereby  they  might 
secure  their  own  personal 
safety  and  the  treasures 
they  had  brought  with 
them  from  Richmond.  It 
was  to  disperse  his  army, 
excepting  two  or  three  bat- 
teries of  artillery,  the  cav- 
alry, and  as  many  infan- 
try as  he  could  mount, 
with  which  he  should  form 
a  giiard  for  the  "  govern- 
ment," and  strike  for  the 
Mississippi  and  beyond, 
with  Mexico  as  their  final 
objective.  Johnston  spurn- 
where  Johnston  was  encamped.  The  Con-  ed  the  proposition,  and,  deprecating  the  bad 
federates  were  constantly  pushed  back  and  example  of  Lee  in  continuing  what  he 
there  was  almost  continual  heavy  skirmish-  knew  to  be  a  hopeless  war,  had  the  moral 
ing.  In  the  centre  of  Rocky  Face  Valley,  courage  to  do  his  duty  according  to  the 
on  a  rocky  eminence,  the  Confederates  dictates  of  his  conscience  and  his  nice 
made  a  stand,  but  were  soon  driven  from  sense  of  honor.  He  refused  to  fight 
the    crest    by    General    Turchin,    after    a    any     more,     or     to     basely     desert     his 




army  far  away  from  their  home,  as  forty-eight  hours.  This  notification  was 
the  "  government "  proposed,  and  stated  accompanied  by  a  demand  for  the  sur- 
frankly  to  the  people  of  North  and  render  of  Johnston's  army,  on  the  terms 
South  Carolina,  Georgia,  and  Florida,  in-  granted  to  Lee.  The  capitulation  was 
eluded  within  his  military  department,  agreed  upon  at  the  house  of  James  Ben- 
that  "  war  could  not  be  longer  contin-  nett,  near  Durham's  Station,  April  26. 
ucd  by  them,  except  as  robbers,"  and  About  25,000  troops  were  surrendered, 
that  he  should  take  measures  to  stop  The  capitulation  included  all  the  troops 
it  and  save  the  army  and  people  from  in  Johnston's  military  department.  Gen- 
further  evil,  and  "  avoid  the  crime  of  eral  Taylor  surrendered  at  Citronelle, 
waging  a  hopeless  war."  Sherman  was  Ala.,  to  General  Canby,  on  the  same 
pushing  Johnston  with  great  vigor,  when  terms,  and  the  Confederate  navy  on  the 
the  former  received  a  note  from  the  lat-  1'ombigbee  River  was  surrendered  by 
ter  (April  14,  1865),  asking  if  a  tern-  Commander  Farrand  to  Rear  -  Admiral 
porary  suspension  of 
active  hostilities  might  be 
arranged  to  allow  the 
"  civil  authorities  to  enter 
into  the  needful  arrange- 
ments to  terminate  the 
existing  war."  Sherman 
promptly  replied  that  he 
would  do  so,  and  was  will- 
ing to  hold  a  conference. 
He  said  that,  as  a  basis 
of  action,  he  would  under- 
take to  abide  by  the  terms 
made  by  Grant  and  Lee  at 
Appomattox  Court-house. 
Sherman  and  Johnston 
met  at  Durham's  Station, 
half-way  between  Raleigh 
and  Hillsboro,  at  ten 
o'clock,  April  17.  John- 
ston said  he  regarded  the 
Confederate  cause  as  lost, 

and  admitted  that  Grant's  terms  were  Thatcher.  After  the  war  he  mgaged  in 
magnanimous;  but  he  insisted  upon  con-  the  fire  insurance  business;  was  a  Demo- 
ditions  involving  political  guarantees,  cratic  member  of  Congress  in  1876-78; 
which  Sherman  had  no  authority  to  grant,  and  United  States  commissioner  of  rail- 
At  a  second  conference  the  next  day,  roads  in  188.5-89.  He  died  in  Washington, 
Sherman  consented  to  a  memorandum  of    D.  C,  March  21,  1891. 

agreement  as  a  basis  for  the  considera-  Johnston,  Richard  Malcolm,  author; 
tion  of  the  government,  which,  if  carried  born  in  Powelton,  Ga.,  March  8,  1822; 
out,  would  have  instantly  restored  to  all  graduated  at  Mercer  University,  Geor- 
persons  engaged  in  the  rebellion  every  gia,  in  1841,  and  a  year  later  was 
right  and  privilege,  social  and  political,  admitted  to  the  bar.  In  1857-61  he 
which  they  had  enjoyed  before  the  war,  was  Professor  of  Literature  in  the  Uni- 
without  any  liability  of  punishment.  It  versify  of  Georgia.  He  was  an  officer  in 
was  adroitly  draAvn  up  by  Breckinridge,  the  Confederate  army  throughout  the 
and  was  signed  by  the  respective  com-  Civil  War.  In  1867  he  moved  to  Balti- 
manding  generals.  The  national  govern-  more,  and  engaged  in  authorship.  His 
ment  instantly  rejected  it.  and  General  works  include  Qeorpia  Sketches;  Dukes- 
Grant  was  sent  to  Raleigh  to  declare  that  horoufjh  Tales;  Historical  Sketch  of 
rejection,  which  he  did  April  24,  and  English  Literature  (with  W.  H. 
proclaimed   that  the  truce  would  end   in    Bro^vne)  ;  Old  Mark  Langston;  Ttco  Grai) 




Tourists;  Mr.  Absalom  Billingslea,  and 
Other  Georgia  Folk;  Ogeechee  Gross  Fir- 
i7i,gs;  Widoio  Guthrie;  The  Primes  and 
Their  Neighbors;  Studies:  Literary  and 
Social;  Old  Times  in  Middle  Georgia; 
Pearse  Amerson's  Will,  etc.  He  died  in 
Baltimore,   Md.,   Sept.   23,    1898. 

Johnston,  William,  revolutionist ;  born 
in  Canada,  in  1780;  was  an  American  spy 
on  the  Canada  frontier  during  the  War 
of  1812-15.  He  was  living  at  Clayton, 
N.  Y.,  on  the  bank  of  the  St.  Lawrence, 
when  the  "  patriot "  war  in  Canada  broke 
out  in  1837.  Being  a  bold  and  adventur- 
ous man,  and  cordially  hating  the  British, 
Johnston  was  easily  persuaded  by  the 
American  sympathizers  in  the  movement 
to  join  in  the  strife.  The  leaders  regarded 
him  as  a  valuable  assistant,  for  he  was 
thoroughly  acquainted  with  the  whole  re- 
gion of  the  Thousand  Islands,  in  the  St. 
Lawrence,  from  Kingston  to  Ogdensburg. 
He  was  employed  to  capture  the  steam- 
boat Robert  Peel,  that  carried  passengers 
and  the  mail  between  Prescott  and  To- 
ronto, and  also  to  seize  the  Great  Britain, 
another  steamer,  for  the  use  of  the  "  pa- 
triots." With  a  desperate  band,  Johnston 
rushed   on   board   of   the   Peel   at   Wells's 


Island,  not  far  below  Clayton,  on  the 
night  of  May  29,  1838.  They  were  armed 
with  muskets  and  bayonets  and  painted 
like  Indians,  and  appeared  with  a  shout, 


"Remember  the  Carolina!"  —  a  vessel 
which  some  persons  from  Canada  had  cut 
loose  at  Schlosser  (on  Niagara  River),  set 
on    fire,    and    sent    blazing   over    Niagara 


I'alls.  The  passengers  and  baggage  of  the 
Peel  were  put  on  shore  and  the  vessel  was 
burned,  because  her  captors  could  not 
manage  her.  Governor  Marcy,  of  New 
York,  declared  Johnston  an  outlaw,  and 
offered  a  reward  of  $500  for  his  person. 
The  governor  of  Canada  (Earl  of  Dur- 
ham) offered  $5,000  for  the  conviction  of 
any  person  concerned  in  the  "  infamous 
outrage."  Johnston,  in  a  proclamation 
issued  from  "  Fort  Watson,"  declared  him- 
self the  leader  of  the  band ;  that  his  com- 
panions were  nearly  all  Englishmen ;  and 
that  his  headquarters  were  on  an  island 
within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  United 
States.  Fort  Watson  was  a  myth.  It 
was  wherever  Johnston  was  seated  among 
the  Thousand  Islands,  where  for  a  long 
time  he  was  concealed,  going  from  one 
island  to  another  to  avoid  arrest.  His 
daughter,  a  handsome  maiden  of  eighteen 
years,  who  was  an  expert  rower,  went  to 
his  retreat  at  night  with  food.  At  length 
he  was  arrested,  tried  at  Syracuse  on  a 
charge  of  violating  the  neutrality  laws, 
and  acquitted.  Again  arrested  and  put  in 
jail,  he  managed  to  escape,  when  a  reward 
of  $200  was  offered  for  him.  He  gave  him- 
self up  at  Albany,  was  tried,  convicted, 
and  sentenced  to  one  year's  imprisonment 
in  the  jail  there  and  to  pay  a  fine  of  $250. 
His  faithful  daughter,  who  had  acquired 
the  title  of  "  The  Heroine  of  the  Thousand 


Islands,"  hastened  to  Albany  and  shared 
the  prison  with  her  father.  He  procured 
a  key  that  would  unlock  his  prison-door. 
His  daughter  departed  and  waited  for  him 
at  Rome.  He  left  the  jail,  walked  40 
miles  the  first  night,  and  soon  joined  her. 
They  went  home,  and  Johnston  was  not 
molested  afterwards.  The  "  patriots " 
urged  him  to  engage  in  the  struggle  again. 
He  had  had  enough  of  it.  They  sent  him 
the  commission  of  a  commodore,  dated  at 
"  Windsor,  U.  C,  Sept.  5,  1839,"  and 
signed  "  H.  S.  Hand,  Commander-in-Chief 
of  the  Northwestern  Army,  on  Patriot 
Service  in  Upper  Canada."  On  that  com- 
mission was  the  device  seen  in  the  engrav- 
ing— the  American  eagle  carrying  off  the 
British  lion.  The  maple-leaf  is  an  emblem 
of  Canada.  He  refused  to  serve,  and  re- 
mained quietly  at  home.  President  Pierce 
appointed  him  light-house  keeper  on  Rock 
Island,  in  the  St.  Lawrence,  in  sight  of 
the  place  where  the  Peel  was  burned. 

Johnston,  William  Preston,  educator ; 
born  in  Louisville,  Ky.,  Jan.  5,  1831 ;  son 
of  Gen.  Albert  Sidney  Johnston.  He  grad- 
uated at  Yale  University  in  18.52,  and 
at  the  Louisville  Law  School  in  the  fol- 
lowing year,  and  began  practice  in  Louis- 
ville. When  the  Civil  War  broke  out,  he 
ei'tered  the  Confederate  army  as  major  of 
the  1st  Kentucky  Regiment.  In  1862  he 
was  appointed  by  President  Davis  his 
aide-de-camp  with  the  rank  of  colonel. 
When  Lee  surrendered  Colonel  Johnston 
remained  Avith  the  President,  and  was 
captured  with  him.  After  his  release  he 
lived  a  year  in  Canada  and  then  resumed 
law  practice  in  Louisville.  In  1867,  when 
General  Lee  was  made  president  of  Wash- 
ington and  Lee  University,  Colonel  John- 
ston was  appointed  Professor  of  English 
History  and  Literature  there,  where  he 
remained  till  1877.  During  1880-83  he 
was  president  of  the  Louisiana  State  Uni- 
versity and  the  Agricultural  and  ISIechani- 
oal  College  at  Baton  Rouge.  In  1883,  when 
Tiilane  University,  in  New  Orleans,  was 
founded,  he  was  elected  its  president,  and 
served  as  such  till  his  death,  in  Lexing- 
ton. Va..  July  16.  1899.  His  publications 
include  Life  of  Albert  Sidney  Johnston: 
The  Prototype  of  Hamlet;  The  Johnstons 
of  Salisbury :  also  the  poems.  My  Garden 
Walk;  Pictures  of  the  Patriarchs;  and 
Seekers  After  God. 

Johnstone,  George,  diplomatist;  bom 
in  Dumfries,  Scotland;  entered  the  British 
navy;  became  post-captain  1762,  and  gov- 
ernor of  West  Florida  in  1763;  and  was 
one  of  the  commissioners  sent  to  the  Unit- 
ed States  to  treat  with  Congress  in  1778. 
He  had  been  an  advocate  of  the  Americans 
in  the  House  of  Commons,  and  brought 
letters  of  introduction  to  Robert  Morris, 
Joseph  Reed,  and  other  leading  patriots. 
Finding  the  commissioners  could  do  noth- 
ing, officially,  with  Congress,  Johnstone 
attempted  to  gain  by  bribery  what  could 
not  be  acquired  by  diplomacy.  To  Morris 
and  others  he  wrote  letters,  urging  the  ex- 
pediency of  making  arrangements  with  the 
government,  and  suggesting,  in  some  of  his 
letters,  that  those  persons  who  should  be 
instrumental  in  bringing  it  about  would 
not  fail  of  high  honors  and  rewards  from 
the  government.  An  American  lady  in 
Philadelphia,  whose  husband  was  in  the 
British  service,  and  who  was  a  relative  of 
Ferguson,  the  secretary  of  the  commission, 
was  induced  by  Johnstone  to  approach 
Joseph  Reed  with  a  proposition.  Mrs.  Fer- 
guson was  a  daughter  of  Dr.  Graeme,  of 
Pennsylvania,  a  bright  woman,  in  whose 
prudence  and  patriotism  the  Whigs  had 
such  confidence  that  the  interchange  of 
visits  among  them  and  the  Tories  never 
led  to  a  suspicion  that  she  would  betray 
the  cause  of  her  country.  Johnstone  made 
her  believe  he  was  a  warm  friend  of  the 
Americans,  and  he  entreated  her  to  go  to 
General  Reed  and  say  to  him  that  if  he 
could,  conscientiously,  exert  his  influence 
in  bringing  about  a  reconciliation,  he 
might  command  $50,000  and  the  highest 
post  in  the  government.  "  That,"  said 
Mrs.  Ferguso/i,  "  General  Reed  would  con- 
sider the  offi?r  of  a  bribe."  Johnstone  dis- 
claimed any  such  intention,  and  Mrs.  Fer- 
guson carried  the  message  to  Reed  as  soon 
as  the  British  left  Philadelphia.  Reed  in- 
dignantly replied,  "  I  am  not  worth  pur- 
chasing, but,  such  as  I  am,  the  King  of  Eng- 
land is  not  rich  enough  to  do  it."  These 
facts  being  made  known  to  Congress,  reso- 
lutions were  passed,  Aug.  11,  1778,  accus- 
ing the  commissioner  of  an  attempt  at 
bribery  and  corruption,  and  declining  to 
hold  any  further  communication  with  him. 
He  died  Jan.  8,  1787. 

Johnstown  Flood.    See  Inundations. 

John      the      Painter.     While      Silas 



Deane  (q.  v.),  commissioner  of  the  Conti- 
nental Congress,  was  in  Paris  (1777),  a 
stranger,  advanced  in  years,  called  upon 
him  one  day,  and  requested  a  strictly  pri- 
vate interview.  It  was  granted,  when  the 
stranger  told  Deane  that  he  was  a  native 
of  Scotland,  but  was  an  American  citizen, 
and  had  lived  at  Amboy,  N.  J.,  where  he 
had  a  comfortable  house.  The  British 
troops  stationed  there,  suspecting  him  of 
being  a  Whig,  had  greatly  abused  him, 
and  finally  burned  his  house  to  ashes. 
He  told  Deane  he  had  resolved  on  revenge; 
that  he  had  determined  to  kill  King 
George,  and  had  come  to  Europe  for  the 
purpose.  He  had  been  to  England,  had 
laid  his  plans,  and  was  ready  to  execute 
them.  He  thought  it  right  to  acquaint 
Deane,  the  United  States  minister,  with 
his  scheme.  He  said  he  passed  by  the 
name  of  "  John  the  Painter."  Mr.  Deane 
Disposed  the  assassination  of  the  King  as 
cowardly  and  unjust.  He  was  innocent 
of  wrong  in  the  matter.  If  he  must  have 
revenge,  he  should  take  it  in  a  manly, 
generous  way;  he  should  go  into  the 
American  army,  and  meet  his  enemy  as  a 
soldier,  and  not  as  a  vulgar  assassin; 
and  if  he  could  so  meet  King  George,  at 
the  head  of  his  army,  he  could  kill  him 
with  propriety.  It  would  be  lawful  to 
so  kill  his  generals.  The  man  was  finally 
persuaded  by  Deane  to  abandon  his  regi- 
cidal  plan,  and  left.  He  soon  returned, 
thanked  Deane  for  persuading  him  not  to 
lay  violent  hands  on  "  the  Lord's 
Anointed,"  and  said  he  was  determined  to 
seek  revenge  by  burning  the  naval  stores 
at  Portsmouth,  England.  Deane  said  that 
would  tend  to  weaken  the  enemy  in  carry- 
ing on  the  war,  and  was  legitimate  busi- 
ness. He  was  astonished  at  the  wisdom 
of  the  man's  plans.  He  warned  him,  how- 
ever, that  if  he  should  be  caught  his  life 
would  pay  the  penalty  of  his  crime.  "  I 
am  an  old  man,"  was  the  reply,  "  and  it 
matters  little  whether  I  die  now  or  five 
years  hence."  He  borrowed  a  guinea  from 
Deane,  and  crossed  the  channel. 

At  Portsmouth  he  took  lodgings  at  the 
house  of  a  very  poor  woman  on  the  out- 
skirts of  the  town.  While  he  was  ab- 
sent, she  had  the  curiosity  to  examine  a 
bimdle  which  he  had  brought  with  him. 
It  contained  some  clothing  and  a  tin  box, 
with  some  sort  of  a  machine  inside.     John 

wanted  a  top  to  it,  and  had  one  made  by 
a  tinman.  The  same  evening  the  naval 
storehouses  were  fired  by  this  "  infernal 
machine,"  and  $500,000  worth  of  property 
was  destroyed.  Strict  search  was  made 
for  the  incendiary  in  the  morning  at  every 
house  in  the  town.  The  old  woman  told 
them  of  John  the  Painter  and  his  mys- 
terious tin  box.  The  tinman  reported 
making  a  top  for  it.  John  was  fixed  upon 
as  the  incendiary.  Not  doubting  he  had 
been  sent  by  the  enemy  for  the  purpose, 
and  that  relays  of  horses  had  been  fur- 
nished for  his  escape,  horsemen  were  sent 
out  on  every  road,  with  orders  to  pur- 
sue any  person  they  should  find  riding 
very  fast.  John,  meanwhile,  was  trudg- 
ing on  foot  towards  London.  Men  came 
up  to  him  and  asked  him  if  he  had  seen 
any  person  riding  post-haste.  "  Why  do 
you  inquire?"  asked  John.  He  was  prop- 
erly answered,  when  John  told  the  pur- 
suers they  were  mistaken,  for  he — "  John 
the  Painter  "—was  the  incendiary,  and 
gave  them  his  reasons  for  the  act.  They 
took  him  back  to  Portsmouth,  where  he 
was  recognized  by  the  old  woman  and  the 
tinman.  He  candidly  told  them  that  he 
should  certainly  have  killed  the  King  had 
not  Mr.  Deane  dissuaded  him,  and  that 
he  was  revenged,  and  was  ready  to  die. 
He  was  tried,  condemned,  and  hung.  A 
false  and  unfair  accovmt  of  his  trial  was 
published,  and  no  mention  was  made  of 
Mr.  Deane's  having  saved  the  life  of  the 
King.  The  Gentleman's  Magazine  for 
1777  contains  the  English  account  of  the 
afi'air,  Avith  a  portrait.  The  above  is 
compiled  from  manuscript  notes  made 
from  the  lips  of  Deane  by  Elias  Boudi- 

Joint  High  Commission.  The  gov- 
ernment of  the  United  States,  in  behalf 
of  its  citizens,  claimed  from  Great  Britain 
damages  inflicted  on  the  American  ship- 
ping interests  by  the  depredations  of 
the  Alabama  (q.  v.)  and  other  Anglo- 
Confederate  cruisers.  To  effect  a  peace- 
ful solution  of  the  difficulty,  Eea^rdt 
Johnson  {q.  v.),  of  Maryland,  was  sent 
to  England,  in  1868,  to  negotiate  a  treaty 
for  that  purpose.  His  mission  was  not 
satisfactory.  The  treaty  which  he  nego- 
tiated was  almost  imiversally  condemned 
by  his  countrymen,  and  was  rejected  by 
the     Senate.     His     successor,    John    Lo- 



THROP  Motley  {q.  v.),  appointed  minister  federate  cruisers;  (6)  claims  of  British 
at  the  British  Court,  was  charged  with  subjects  against  the  United  States  for 
the  same  mission,  but  failed  in  that  par-  losses  and  injuries  arising  out  of  acts 
ticular,  and  was  recalled  in  1870.  The  committed  during  the  Civil  War.  A 
matter  was  finally  settled  by  arbitration,  treaty  was  agreed  to,  and  was  signed 
Much  correspondence  succeeded  the  efforts  May  8,  1871,  which  provided  for  the 
to  settle  by  treaty.  Finally,  in  January,  settlement,  by  arbitration,  by  a  mixed 
1S71.  the  British  minister  at  Washing-  commission-,  of  all  claims  on  both  sides 
ton,  Sir  Edward  Thornton,  in  a  letter  to  for  injuries  by  either  government  to  the 
Secretary  Fish,  proposed,  under  instvue-  citizens  of  the  other,  during  the  Civil 
tions  from  his  government,  a  Joint  High  War,  and  for  the  permanent  settlement  of 
Commission,  to  be  appointed  by  the  two  all  questions  in  dispute  between  the  two 
governments,  respectively,  to  settle  dis-  nations  (see  Washington,  Treaty  of). 
putes  of  every  kind  between  the  United  Arbitrators  were  appointed,  who,  at 
States  and  Great  Britain,  and  so  estab-  Geneva,  Switzerland,  formed  w^hat  was 
lish  a  permanent  friendship  between  the  known  as  the  Tribunal  of  Arbitration, 
two  nations.  Mr.  Fish  proposed  that  the  and  reached  a  decision  in  which  both  par- 
commission  should  embrace  in  its  in-  ties  acquiesced.  See  Arbitration,  Tri- 
quiries     the     matter     of     the     "  Alabama  binal  of. 

Claims,"  so  that  nothing  should  remain  Joliet,  Louis,  discoverer ;  born  in  Que- 
to  disturb  amicable  relations.  The  sug-  bee,  Canada,  Sept.  21,  1645;  was  edu- 
gcstion  was  approved,  and  each  govern-  cated  at  the  Jesuit  college  in  his  native 
ment  appointed  commissioners.  The  city,  and  afterwards  engaged  in  the  fur- 
President  appointed,  for  the  United  trade  in  the  Western  wilderness.  In  1673 
States,  Hamilton  Fish,  Secretary  of  Intendant  Talon,  at  Quebec,  with  the 
State;  Samuel  Nelson,  associate-justice  sanction  of  Governor  Frontenac,  selected 
of  the  United  States  Supreme  Court;  Joliet  to  find  and  ascertain  the  direc- 
Robert  C.  Schenck,  minister  to  England ;  tion  of  the  course  of  the  Mississippi  and 
Ebenezer  Rockwood  Hoar,  late  United  its  mouth.  Starting  from  Mackinaw,  in 
States  Attorney-General;  and  George  H.  IMay,  1673,  with  Father  Marquette  and 
Williams,  United  States  Senator  from  five  other  Frenchmen,  they  reached  the 
Oregon.  Queen  Victoria  appointed  Mississippi  June  17.  They  studied  the 
George  Frederick  Samuel,  Earl  de  Gray  country  on  their  route,  made  maps,  and 
and  Earl  of  Ripon ;  Sir  Stratford  Henry  gained  much  information.  After  inter- 
Northcote;  Sir  Edward  Thornton,  her  course  with  Indians  on  the  lower  Missis- 
minister  at  Washington;  Sir  Alexander  sippi,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Arkansas, 
McDonald,  of  the  pri^y  council  of  Can-  who  had  trafficked -with  Europeans,  they 
ada,  and  attorney  -  general  of  that  prov-  were  satisfied  that  the  Mississippi 
ince ;  and  Montague  Bernard,  Profess-  emptied  into  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  and 
or  of  International  Law  in  Oxford  Uni-  made  their  way  back  to  Green  Bay,  where 
versity.  The  commissioners  first  met  in  Joliet  started  alone  for  Quebec  to  report 
\V'ashington,  Feb.  27,  1871.  Lord  Tenter-  to  his  superiors.  His  canoe  was  upset 
den,  secretary  of  the  British  commission,  in  Lachine  Rapids,  above  Montreal,  and 
and  J.  C.  Bancroft  Davis,  assistant  Secre-  his  journals  and  charts  were  lost,  but 
tary  of  State  of  the  United  States,  were  he  wrote  out  his  narrative  from  memory, 
chosen  clerks  of  the  Joint  High  Commis-  which  agreed,  in  essentials,  with  that  of 
sion.  The  commissioners  of  the  United  Marquette,  Joliet  afterwards  went  on  an 
States  were  instructed  to  consider:  (1)  expedition  to  Hudson  Bay,  in  the  service 
the  fisheries;  (2)  the  navigation  of  the  of  his  King,  and  was  rewarded  by  his 
St,  Lawrence  River;  (3)  reciprocal  trade  sovereign  with  the  appointment  of  hydrog- 
between  the  LTnited  States  and  the  Do-  rapher  to  his  Majesty,  and  was  favored 
minion  of  Canada;  (4)  the  Northwest  with  the  seigniory  of  the  island  of  Anti- 
water  boundary  and  the  island  of  San  costi  in  1680,  La  Salle's  pretensions  de- 
Juan;  (5)  the  claims  of  the  United  nicd  him  the  privilege  of  making  explo- 
States  against  Great  Britain  for  com-  rations  in  the  West.  He  dJ°''  in  Canada 
pensation  for  injuries  committed  by  Con-  in  May,  1700. 



Jonathan,  Brother,  the  name  popular- 
ly applied  to  the  United  States,  as  John 
Bull  is  to  Great  Britain;  originated 
in  Washington's  humorous  allusion  to 
Jonathan  Trumbull  (q.  v.) ,  governor  of 
Connecticut,  the  only  colonial  governor 
who  favored  independence. 

Joncaire,  or  Jonquiere,  Jacques 
Pierre  de  Taffanel,  Marquis  de  la, 
naval  officer;  born  in  La  Jonquiere, 
France,  in  1686;  entered  the  navy  in 
1G98,  and  in  1703  was  adjutant  in  the 
French  army.  He  was  a  brave  and  skil- 
ful officer,  and  was  in  many  battles.  He 
became  captain  in  the  navy  in  1736,  and 
accompanied  D'Anville  in  his  expedition 
against  Louisburg  in  1745.  In  1747  he 
was  appointed  governor  of  Canada,  but, 
being  captured  by  the  British,  he  did  not 
arrive  until  1749.  He  died  in  Quebec, 
May  17,  1752. 

Jones,  Charles  Colcock,  clergyman; 
born  in  Liberty  county,  Ga.,  Dec.  20,  1804 ; 
received  his  theological  training  at  An- 
dover  and  Princeton  Theological  Semi- 
naries; was  ordained  in  the  Presbyterian 
Church,  and  became  active  in  the  work 
of  educating  the  negro  race.  His  publi- 
cations include  Religious  Instruction  for 
Negroes  in  the  Southern  States;  Sugges- 
tions on  the  Instruction  of  Negroes  in 
the  South;  and  a  History  of  the  Church 
of  God.  He  died  in  Liberty  county,  Ga., 
March   16,   1863. 

Jones,  Charles  Colcock,  lawyer;  born 
in  Savannah,  Ga.,  Oct.  28,  1831 ;  grad- 
uated at  Princeton  in  1852;  admitted  to 
the  bar  of  Georgia  in  1856;  during  the 
Civil  War  he  served  as  colonel  of  artillery. 
Among  his  historical  works  are  Monumen- 
tal Remains  of  Georgia;  Historical  Sketch 
of  the  Chatham  Artillery;  Life  of  Gen. 
Henry  Lee;  Commodore  Josiah  Tatnall; 
Jean  Pierre  Purry;  Richard  Henry  Wilde; 
Siege  of  Savannah  in  1119 ;  De  Soto  and 
His  March  through  Georgia,  etc. 

Jones,  Horatio  Gates,  lawyer;  born 
in  Philadelphia,  Pa.,  Jan.  9,  1822;  gradu- 
ated at  the  University  of  Pennsylvania  in 
1841 ;  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1847 ; 
became  connected  with  many  historical 
societies.  His  publications  include  History 
of  Roxborough  and  Manayunk;  Report  of 
the  Committee  of  the  Historical  Society 
of  Pennsylvania  on  the  Bradford  Bicen- 
tenary; Andrew  Bradford,  Founder  of  the 


Newspaper  Press  in  the  Middle  States  of 
America,  etc. 

Jones,  Jacob,  naval  officer;  born  near 
Smyrna,  Del.,  in  March,  1768;  gradu- 
ated at  the  University  of  Pennsylvania, 


and  entered  the  navy  as  a  midshipman  in 
1799.  He  was  an  officer  of  the  Phila- 
delphia when  she  was  captured  at  Trip- 
oli. In  1810  he  was  made  commander, 
and  when  the  War  of  1812-15  broke  out 
he  was  in  charge  of  the  sloop-of-war 
Wasp,  in  which  he  gained  a  victory.  He 
commanded  the  Macedonian,  in  Decatur's 
squadron,  as  post-captain.  After  the  war 
he  commanded  the  Mediterranean  squad- 
ron; was  a  commissioner  of  the  navy 
board ;  and  governor  of  the  naval  asylum 
at  Philadelphia.  Congress  voted  him 
thanks  and  a  gold  medal  and  several 
States  presented  him  with  swords.  He 
died  in  Philadelphia.  Aug.  3,  1850. 

Jones,  James  Athearn,  author;  born 
in  Tisbury,  Mass.,  June  4,  1790;  received 
a  common  -  school  education,  and  engaged 
in  journalism  in  Philadelphia  in  1826; 
later  was  editor  in  Baltimore,  Md.,  and 
in  Buffalo,  N.  Y.  His  publications  in- 
clude Traditions  of  the  North  American 
Indians,  or  Tales  of  an  Indian  Camp; 
Letter  to  an  English  Gentleman  on  Eng- 



lish  Libels  of  America;  and  Haverhill,  commander  the  first  salute  ever  given  to 
or  Memoirs  of  an  Officer  in  the  Army  of  the  Ameiican  flag  by  a  foreign  man-of-war. 
Wolfe.  He  died  in  Brooklyn,  N.  Y.,  in  In  April  he  scaled  the  walls  of  White- 
August,   1853.  haven,  in  England,  on  the  borders  of  the 

Jones,  John  Mather,  journalist;  born    Irish    Sea,    and    spiked    thirty-eight    can- 
in   Bangor,   North   Wales,   June   9,    1826;    non. 

came  to  the  United  States  in  1849;  was  In  1779,  while  cruising  up  and  down 
the  founder  of  the  Welsh  town  of  New  the  east  coast  of  Scotland,  between  the 
Cambria,  ]\ro.,  and  also  of  Avonia,  in  Kan-  Solway  and  the  Clyde,  he  tried  to  capture 
sas.  In  1805-74  he  was  the  owner  and  the  Earl  of  Selkirk,  in  order  to  secure  a 
publisher  of  The  Mirror,  the  first  Welsh  notable  prisoner  for  exchange.  He  had 
newspaper  established  in  the  United  been  an  early  friend  of  Jones's  father. 
States.  He  was  the  author  of  a  History  His  seat  was  at  the  mouth  of  the  Dee. 
of  the  Rebellion  (in  Welsh).  He  died 
in  Utica.  N.  Y.,   Dec.   21,   1874. 

Jones,  John  Paul,  naval  officer;  born 
in  Kirkbean,  Scotland,  July  6,  1747.  Be- 
fore he  was  eighteen  years  old  he  com- 
manded a  vessel  that  traded  with  the 
West  Indies.  Jones  came  to  Virginia  in 
1773,  inheriting  the  estate  of  his  brother, 
who  died  there.  Offering  his  services 
to  Congress,  he  was  made  first  lieutenant 
in  the  navj'^  in  December,  1775,  when, 
out  of  gratitude  to  General  Jones,  of 
North  Carolina,  he  assumed  his  name. 
Before  that  he  was  John  Paul.  He  was 
a  bold  and  skilful  sea  -  rover,  gathering 
up  many  prizes.  Made  captain  in  the 
fall  of  1776,  he  raised  the  first  flag  ever 
displayed  on  a  Unite<l  States  ship-of-war 
the  Alfred.  He  destroyed  the  Port  Royal 
(N.  S. )   fisheries,  capturing  all  the  vessels 

and  freight.  In  the  summer  of  1777  he  Jones  anchored  his  vessel,  the  Ran- 
sailed  in  the  Ranger  to  Europe,  and  in  f/er,  in  the  Solway  at  noon,  and  with 
February,    1778,   received   from   a    French    a  few  men,  in  a  single  boat,  he  went  to  a. 





wooded  promontory  on  which  the  earl's 
tine  estate  lay,  where  he  learned  that  his 
lordship  was  not  at  home.  Disappointed, 
he  ordered  his  men  back  to  the  boat,  when 
his  lieutenant,  a  large  and  fiery  man,  pro- 
posed to  go  to  the  mansion  and  plunder 
it  of  the  family  plate.  Jones  would  not 
listen  to  the  proposition,  for  the  memory 
of  old  associations  made  his  heart  tender 
towards  Lady  Selkirk,  who  had  been  very 
kind  to  him.  Again  he  ordered  his  men 
back,  but  they  and  the  lieutenant,  eager 
for  prize-money,  in  defiance  of  his  ex- 
postulations, went  to  the  hovise  and  de- 
manded the  plate.  The  frightened  Lady 
Selkirk  surrendered  it  with  her  own 
hands.     When   the   prizes   of   the   Ranger 

tember,  while  Jones's  squadron  lay  a  few 
leagues  north  of  the  mouth  of  the  Hum- 
ber,  he  discovered  the  Baltic  fleet  of  forty 
merchantmen  (convoyed  by  the  Serapis, 
a  44  -  gun  ship,  and  the  Countess  of 
Scarborough,  of  twenty  -  two  guns ) , 
stretching  out  from  Flamborough  Head. 
Jones  signalled  for  a  chase,  and  all  but 
the  Alliance,  Captain  Landais,  obeyed. 
While  the  opposing  war-ships  were  ma- 
noeuvring for  advantage,  night  fell  upon 
the  scene.  At  seven  o'clock  in  the  even- 
ing of  Sept.  23,  1779,  one  of  the  niost  des- 
perate of  recorded  sea-fights  began.  The 
Bon  Homme  Richard  and  Serapis,  Captain 
Pearson,  came  so  close  to  each  other  that 
their  spars  and  rigging  became  entangled, 


were  sold  Jones  bought  this  plate,  and 
sent  it  back  to  Lady  Selkirk  with  a  letter 
in  which  he  expressed  his  regret  because 
of  the  annoyance  she  had  suffered. 

During  the  spring  and  summer  of  1779, 
American  cruisers  were  very  active,  both 
in  American  and  European  waters.  At 
the  middle  of  August  Jones  was  sent  out 
from  the  French  port  of  L'Orient,  with 
five  vessels,  to  the  coast  of  Scotland.  His 
flag-ship  was  the  Bon  Homme  Richard.  As 
he  was  about  to  strike  some  armed  Brit- 
ish vessels  in  the  harbor  of  Leitli  a  storm 
arose,  which  drove  him  into  the  North 
Sea.  When  it  ceased,  he  cruised  along 
the  Scottish  coast,  capturing  many  prizes 
and  producing  great  alarm.     Late  in  Sep- 

and  Jones  attempted  to  board  his  antago- 
nist. A  short  contest  with  pike,  pistol, 
and  cutlass  ensued,  and  Jones  was  re- 
pulsed. The  vessels  separated,  and  were 
soon  placed  broadside  to  broadside,  so 
close  that  the  muzzles  of  their  gims 
touched  each  other.  Both  vessels  were 
dreadfully  shattered ;  •  and,  at  one  time, 
the  Serapis  was  on  fire  in  a  dozen  places. 
Just  as  the  moon  rose,  at  half-past  nine 
o'clock,  the  Richard,  too,  caught  fire.  A 
terrific  hand  -  to  -  hand  fight  now  ensued. 
Jones's  ship,  terribly  damaged,  could  not 
fioat  much  longer.  The  flames  were 
creeping  up  the  rigging  of  the  Serapis, 
and  by  their  light  Jones  saw  that  his 
double-headed  shot  had  cut  the  mainmast 




of  the  Serapis  almost  in  two.  He  hurled  to  Jones  he  said,  in  a  surly  tone,  "  It  is 
another,  and  the  tall  mast  fell.  Pearson  painful  to  deliver  up  my  sword  to  a  man 
saw  his  great  peril,  hauled  down  his  flac,  who  has  fought  with  a  rope  around  his 
and  surrendered.     As  he  handed  hie  sword    neck!''        (Jones    had     been     declared     a 



pirate  by  the  British  government.)  The 
battle  ceased,  after  raging  three  hours. 
The  vessels  were  disengaged,  and  the  Rich- 
ard soon  went  to  the  bottom  of  the  North 
Sea.  For  this  victory  Congress  gave 
Jones  the  thanks  of  the  nation,  a  gold 
medal  and  a  commission  as  commander  of 


the  America,  which  ship  was  soon  pre- 
sented to  France.  The  King  of  France 
made  Jones  a  knight  of  the  Order  of 
Merit,  and  presented  him  with  a  gold 
sword.  Jones  entered  the  service  of  Rus- 
sia as  rear-admiral  in  1787,  and,  in  conse- 
quence of  a  victory  over  the  Turks,  was 


made  vice  -  admiral  and  knighted.  He 
resigned  from  the  Russian  service, 
and  was  appointed  consul  of  the  United 
States  at  Algiers  in  1792,  but  he  died 
before  the  commission  reached  him. 
He  died  in  Paris,  July  18,  1792.  His 
body  was  brought  back  to  the  United 
States  by  a  squadron  of  war-ships  in  July, 
1905,  for  interment  at  Annapolis. 

Jones,  John  Percival,  United  States 
Senator;  born  in  Hay,  Wales,  in  1830; 
came  to  the  United  States  while  a  child; 
removed  to  California  in  1849;  served 
several  terms  in  the  State  legislature. 
Mr.  Jones  removed  to  Nevada  in  1867, 
and  was  elected  to  the  United  States 
Senate  for  the  term  beginning  March  4, 
1873,  and  several  times  re-elected.  Origi- 
nally a  Republican,  he  was  one  of  the 
founders  of  the  "  Silver "  Republican 
party,  which  acted  with  the  Democratic 
party  in  the  campaigns  of  1896  and  1900. 

Jones,  John  Winston;  born  in 
Chesterfield,  Va.,  Nov.  22,  1791;  grad- 
?iated  at  William  and  Mary  College  in 
1803;  elected  to  Congress  in  1835;  served 
until  March,  1845;  during  his  last  term 
he  was  speaker  of  the  House.  He  died 
Jan.    29,    1848. 

Jones,  Joseph,  jurist;  born  in  Vir- 
ginia in  1727;  elected  a  member  of  the 
House  of  Burgesses;  to  the  Continental 
Congress  in  1778;  also  to  the  convention 
of  1778;  in  1778  he  was  appointed  judge 
of  the  general  court  of  Virginia ;  resigned 
in  1779,  but  accepted  a  reappointment 
the  same  year.  He  died  at  his  home  in 
Virginia,  Oct.  28,  1805. 

Jones,  Leonard  Augustus,  author; 
born  in  Templeton,  Mass.,  Jan.  13,  1832; 
graduated  at  Harvard  College  in  1855,  and 
at  its  Law  School  in  1858;  began  practice 
in  Boston.  His  publications  include  A 
Treatise  on  the  Law  of  Mortgages  of 
Real  Property;  A  Treatise  on  the  Law 
of  Railroads  and  Other  Corporate  Securi- 
ties; Pledges,  including  Collateral  Securi- 
ties; An  Index  to  Legal  Periodical  Liter- 
ature, etc. 

Jones,  Marcus  Eugene,  scientist;  born 
in  JeflFerson,  0.,  April  25,  1852;  grad- 
uated at  Iowa  College,  in  1875;  instructor 
there  in  1876-77;  Professor  of  Natural 
Science  in  Colorado  College  in  1879-80; 
the  same  in  Salt  Lake  City  in  1880-81. 
He  was  appointed  a  special  expert  in  thf 


United  States  Treasury  Department  in 
1889,  and  was  geologist  for  the  Rio 
Grande  Valley  Railroad  in  1890-93.  Sub- 
sequently lie  established  himself  as  an 
expert  in  botany,  geology,  and  mining. 
He  is  author  of  Excursion  Botanique ;  Salt 
Lake  City;  Ferns  of  the  West;  Some 
Phases  of  Mining  in  Utah;  Botany  of  the 
Great  Plateau;  and  Geology  of  Utah. 
Jones,     Samuel     Porter,     clergyman; 

born  in  Chambers  county,  Ala.,  Oct.  16, 
1847;  was  admitted  to  the  Georgia  bar  in 
1SG9;  but  after  beginning  practice  under 
bright  prospects  his  health  failed;  and  in 
1872  he  was  ordained  to  the  ministry  of 
the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church,  South. 
For  eight  years  he  served  in  various  pas- 
torates in  the  North  Georgia  Conference, 
and  for  twelve  years  was  agent  of  the 
North      Georgia      Orphanage.      Popularly 

V. — N 



known  as  "  Sam  Jones,"  he  has  engaged    Atlanta  {q.  v.) ,  on  the  night  of  Aug.  25, 

extensively  in  evangelistic  work  and  in 
lecturing,  in  all  parts  of  the  United 
States.  His  publications  include  Sermons 
and  Sayings  by  Sam  Jones;  Music  Hall 
Sermons;  Quit  Your  Meanness;  St.  Louis 
Series;  Sam  Jones's  Oivn  Book;  and 

Jones,  ThomAvS,  lawyer;  born  in  Fort 
Neck,  L.  I.,  April  30,  1731;  graduated 
at  Yale  in  1750;  admitted  to  the  bar  of 
New  York  in  1755,  and  practised  in  New 
York;  was  recorder  of  New  York  City 
in  1769-73,  when  he  was  appointed  judge 
of  the  Supreme  Court.  He  was  arrested 
a  number  of  times  as  a  loyalist,  and  was 
exchanged  for  General  Silliman  in  1780; 
went  to  England  in  1781;  was  included 
in  the  New  York  State  act  of  attainder 
in  1782.  His  estate  on  Long  Island, 
Tryon  Hall,  descended  to  his  daughter, 
who  had  married  Richard  Floyd,  upon 
condition  that  the  name  Jones  be  added 
to  that  of  Floyd.  The  estate  is,  still  in  the 
Floyd-Jones  family.  Judge  Jones  wrote 
a  History  of  Neto  York  During  the  Revolu- 
tionary War,  a  valuable  contribution  to 
history,  as  it  is  the  only  one  from  the 
view-point  of  a  loyalist  who  participated 
in  the  events  of  that  time.  He  died  in 
England,  July  25,  1792. 

Jones,  Thomas  Ap  Catesby,  naval  of- 
ficer; born  in  Virginia,  in  1789;  entered 
the  navy  in  1805.  From  1808  to  1812  he 
was  engaged  in  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  in  the 
suppression  of  piracy,  smuggling,  and  the 
slave-trade.  He  fought  the  British  flotilla 
on  Lake  Borgne  late  in  1814,  when  he  was 
wounded  and  made  captive.  He  command- 
ed the  Pacific  squadron  in  1842.  He  died 
in  Georgetown,  D.  C,  May  30,  1858. 

Jones,  William;  born  in  Philadelphia, 
Pa.,  in  1760;  served  throughout  the  Revolu- 
tionary War,  at  first  in  the  army  and  later 
in  the  navy;  elected  to  Congress  in  1801; 
appointed  Secretary  of  the  Navy  in  1813. 
He  died  in  Bethlehem,  Pa.,  Sept.  5,  1831. 

Jones,  William  Alfred;  born  in  New 
York  City,  June  26,  1817;  graduated  at 
Columbia  College  in  1836;  appointed  li- 
brarian of  Columbia  College  in  1851.  He 
is  the  author  of  The  Library  of  Columbia 
College;  The  First  Century  of  Columbia 
College,  etc. 

Jonesboro,  Battle  at.  Sherman  began 
his  flanking  when  he  raised  the  siege  of 

1864.  General  Slocum,  with  the  20th 
Corps,  proceeded  to  the  protection  of  the 
sick,  wounded,  and  stores  near  the  Chatta- 
hoochee, and  Howard  and  the  rest  of  the 
army  moved  for  the  West  Point  Railway. 
General  Stanley's  corps  was  on  the  ex- 
treme left,  and  the  armies  of  Ho^tard, 
Thomas,  and  Schofield  pressed  forward  so 
secretly  that  Hood  was  not  informed  of 
the  movement  until  the  Nationals  were  de- 
stroying that  road.  This  was  done,  Aug. 
28,  for  12  miles,  and  the  next  day  they 
struck  the  Macon  road.  Schofield  reached 
the  road  at  Rough-and-Ready  Station,  10 
miles  from  Atlanta.  Thomas  struck  it  at 
Couch's ;  and  Howard,  crossing  the  Flint 
River  half  a  mile  from  Jonesboro,  ap- 
proached it  at  that  point.  There  he  was 
met  by  one-half  of  Hood's  army,  under 
Hardee.  With  the  remainder  Hood  was 
holding  the  defences  of  Atlanta,  but  he 
was  too  weak  to  attempt  to  strike  Scho- 
field. There  was  a  severe  fight  at  the 
passage  of  the  Flint  River,  on  the  morn- 
ing of  Aug.  31,  between  the  forces  of  How- 
ard and  Hardee.  Howard's  army  was  dis- 
posed with  Blair's  corps  in  the  centre,  and 
rude  breastworks  were  cast  up.  The  con- 
test was  renewed  very  soon,  when  Hardee 
attempted  to  crush  Howard  before  he 
could  receive  reinforcements.  He  failed. 
The  Nationals  thus  attacked  were  veterans. 
For  two  hours  there  was  a  desperate  strife 
for  victory,  which  was  won  by  Howard. 
Hardee  recoiled,  and  in  his  hasty  retreat 
left  400  of  his  dead  on  the  field  and  300 
of  his  badly  wounded  at  Jonesboro.  His 
loss  was  estimated  at  2,500  men.  How- 
ard's loss  was  abovit  500.  Meanwhile 
Sherman  had  sent  relief  to  Howard.  Kil- 
patrick  and  Garrard  were  very  active,  and 
General  Davis's  corps  soon  touched  How- 
ard's left.  At  four  o'clock  in  the  after- 
noon Davis  charged  and  carried  the  Con- 
federate works  covering  Jonesboro  on  the 
north,  and  captured  General  Govan  and  a 
greater  part  of  his  brigade.  In  the  morn- 
ing Hardee  had  fled,  pursued  by  the  Na- 
tionals to  Lovejoy's. 

Jordan,  David  Starr,  educator;  born 
in  Gainesville,  N.  Y.,  Jan.  19.  1851; 
graduated  at  Cornell  University  in  1872; 
and  at  the  Indiana  Medical  College  in 
1875.  He  was  Professor  of  Biology  in  But- 
ler University,  Indiana,  in  1875-79;   held 



the  same  chair  in  Indiana  University  in 
1879-85;  and  was  president  there  in  1885- 
91.  In  the  latter  year  he  was  elected  presi- 
dent of  the  Leland  Stanford,.  Jr.,  Uni- 
versity. Since  1877  he  has  held  several 
appointments  under  the  United  States 
government  in  connection  with  the  fisheries 
and  the  fur-seal  industry.  He  is  author  of 
A  Manual  of  Vertebrate  Animals  of  North- 
ern United  States;  Science  Sketches;  Fish- 
eries of  North  and  Middle  America;  Fac- 
tors of  Organic  Evolution;  Matka  and 
Kotik;  Care  and  Cidture  of  Men;  The  In- 
numerahle  Company;  and  many  papers  on 

Jordan,  John  Woolf,  antiquarian; 
born  in  Philadelphia,  Pa.,  Sept.  14,  1840; 
graduated  at  Nazareth  Hall  in  1856;  be- 
came editor  of  the  Pennsylvania  Magazine 
of  History  and  Biography.  He  is  the  au- 
thor of  Friedensthal  and  Its  Stockaded 
Mill;  A  Moravian  Chronicle,  111^9-61; 
Bethlehem  During  the  Revolution;  The 
Military  Hospitals  at  Bethlehem  and  Li- 
titz  During  the  Revolution ;  Occupation  of 
New  York  by  the  British,  1775-83,  etc. 

Jordan,  Thomas,  military  officer ;  born 
in  Luray,  Va.,  Sept.  30,  1819;  graduated 
at  West  Point  in  1840;  took  part  in  the 
Seminole  War,  and  in  the  war  with 
Mexico;  he  entered  the  Confederate  army 
in  1861  as  lieutenant  -  colonel,  but  was 
made  adjutant  -  general ;  served  on  the 
staff  of  General  Beauregard,  and  on  that 
of  General  Bragg.  In  1869  he  joined  the 
Cuban  insurgents,  but  resigned  the  next 
year  and  returned  to  the  United  States. 

Josselyn,  John,  author;  born  in  Eng- 
land early  in  the  seventeenth  century; 
travelled  in  America  in  1638-39  and  1663- 
71.  He  is  the  author  of  New  England's 
Rarities  Discovered;  An  Account  of  Two 
Voyages  to  New  England,  etc. 

Jouett,  James  Edward,  naval  officer; 
born  in  Lexington,  Ky..  Feb.  27,  1828.  He 
Pilfered  the  navy  as  midshipman  in  1841 ; 
fought  in  the  war  with  Mexico,  and 
graduated  at  the  United  States  Naval 
Academy  in  1847.  He  went  with  the  ex- 
pedition to  Paraguay  and  served  in  the 
Berriby  war.  Later  he  was  promoted 
passed  midshipman  and  in  1855  became 
master  and  lieutenant.  In  1861  he  de- 
stroyed the  Confederate  war  vessel  Royal 
Yacht,  in  Galveston  Harbor,  while  in 
command  of  the  frigate  Santee.     For  this 


exploit  he  was  given  command  of  the 
Montgomery.  On  July  16,  1862,  he  was 
promoted  to  lieutenant-commander.  In 
1864  when  the  entrance  to  Mobile  Bay  was 
forced  he  took  a  conspicuous  part.  In 
1866  he  was  promoted  commander;  in 
1874,  captain;  in  1883,  commodore;  in 
1886,  rear-admiral;  and  in  1890  was  re- 
tired. He  had  charge  of  the  operations  on 
the  Isthmus  of  Panama  in  1885  and  suc- 
ceeded in  obtaining  a  free  transit  across 
the  isthmus  and  in  restoring  peace  between 
the  rebels  and  the  government  of  Colom- 
bia, for  which  he  was  thanked  by  the  Pres- 
ident of  that  country.  Congress  voted  him 
full  pay  for  life. 

Journal  of  Congress,  the  official  name 
of  the  authorized  record  of  the  proceed- 
ings of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States; 
has  regularly  been  kept  and  published 
from  the  first  meeting  of  the  Continental 
Congress  at  Philadelphia,  September,  1774. 

Joutel,  Henry,  explorer ;  born  in  Rouen, 
France,  in  the  seventeenth  century;  took 
part  in  La  Salle's  expedition ;  built  Fort 
St.  Louis,  and  was  made  its  commander; 
escaped  assassination  at  the  time  La  Salle 
was  killed;  and  later  returned  to  France 
by  way  of  the  Great  Lakes  and  the  St. 
Lawrence  River.  He  wrote  a  History  of 
the  La  Salle  Expedition,  which  was  pub- 
lished in  Paris  in   1713. 

Juarez,  Benito  Pablo,  statesman;  born 
in  San  Pablo  Guelatao,  Oaxaca,  Mexico, 
March  21,  1806;  was  descended  from  the 
ancient  Indian  race.  Well  educated,  he 
gained  distinction  as  a  la\\'yer.  He  was  a 
legislator,  and  was  governor  of  his  na- 
tive state  from  1848  to  1852.  Banished 
by  Santa  Ana  in  1853,  he  lived  in  New 
Orleans  until  1855,  when  he  returned,  and 
became  minister  of  justice.  Experiencing 
the  vicissitudes  of  public  life  in  that 
country,  he  was  elected  President  of 
Mexico  in  June,  1861.  Then  came  the 
French  usurpation  and  the  short-lived 
empire  of  Maximilian  {q.  v.).  He  de- 
feated the  imperial  forces  in  1867  and 
caused  the  Emperor  to  be  shot.  In  Oc- 
tober Juarez  was  re-elected  President,  and 
for  five  years  Mexico  was  distracted  by 
revolutions.  Peace  was  restored  in  1872. 
but  Juarez,  then  President,  worn  down 
with  perplexities,  died  of  apoplexy  in  the 
city  of  ^Nlexico.  July  18  of  that  year. 

Judaism.     See  Jews. 


Jndd,  Albert  Francis,  jurist;  born  in 
the  Hawaiian  Islands,  Jan.  7,  1838;  grad- 
uated at  Yale  University  in  1862;  elect- 
ed to  the  Hawaiian  legislature  in  1868; 
appointed  attorney  -  general  of  the  Ha- 
waiian Islands  in  1873;  a  justice  of  the 
Supreme  Court  of  the  islands  in  1874; 
chief-justice  in  1881.  He  died  in  Hono- 
lulu, May  20,  1900. 

Judd,  David  Wright,  journalist;  born 
in  Lockport,  N.  Y.,  Sept.  1,  1838;  gradu- 
ated at  Williams  College  in  1860;  later 
became  proprietor  and  editor  of  Hearth 
and  Home.  He  served  in  the  National 
army    during    a    part    of    the    Civil    War. 

ate  was  busy  in  organizing  a  judiciary.  A 
bill  drafted  by  Oliver  Ellsworth,  of  Con- 
necticut, Avhich  embodied  a  plan  of  a  judi- 
ciary, was,  after  several  amendments,  adopt- 
ed by  both  Houses  and  became  a  law. 
It  provided  for  a  Supreme  Court,  having 
one  chief  -  justice  and  five  associate  jus- 
tices, who  were  to  hold  two  sessions  annu- 
ally at  the  seat  of  the  national  capital. 
Circuit  and  district  courts  were  also  es- 
tablished, which  had  jurisdiction  over 
certain  specified  cases.  Each  State  was 
made  a  district,  as  were  also  the  Terri- 
tories of  Kentucky  and  Maine.  The  dis- 
tricts, excepting  Kentucky  and  Maine, 
v/ere  grouped  together  into  three  circuits. 
An  appeal  from  these  lower  courts  to  the 
Supieme  Court  of  the  United  States  was 
allowed,  as  to  points  of  law, 
in    all    civil    cases   where   the 

He  published  Txco  years' 
Campaigning  in  Virginia  and 
Maryland,  and  edited  The 
Life  and  Writings  of  Frank 
Forester,  and  The  Education- 
al Cyclopcfdia.  He  died  in 
New  York  City,  Feb.  6,  1888.  supreme  court  in  session,  Washington. 

Judd,  Sylvester,    author; 
born    in    Westhampton,    Mass.,    April    23, 

1789;  was  a  member  of  the  State  legislat-  matter  in  dispute  amounted  to  $2,000. 
ure  in  1817,  and  owner  of  the  Hampshire  A  marshal  for  each  was  to  be  appointed 
Gazette  in  1822-34.  He  is  the  author  of  by  the  President,  having  the  general  pow- 
Histortj  of  Hadley,  and  Thomas  Judd  and  ers  of  a  sheriff;  and  a  district  attorney. 
His  Descendants.  He  died  in  Northamp-  to  act  for  the  United  States  in  all  cases 
ton.  Mass.,  April  18,  1800.  in   which   the  national  government  might 

Judiciary,  First  National.  Wliile  be  interested,  was  also  appointed.  John 
the  House  of  Representatives  of  the  first  Jay  was  made  the  first  chief-justice  of 
Congress  was   employed  (1789)    in   provid-    the  United  States. 

ing  raeanp  for  a  sufficient  reveiiue,  the  Sen-       Judiciary  of  the  United  States.     Su- 



preme    Court.      Under    the    confederation  lished  and  organized  by  Congress,  consists 

thei'e  was  no  national  judicial  department,  of    one    chief-justice    and    four    associate 

The  Supreme  Court  was  organized  in  1789,  judges;    salary,    $6,000   per    annum.      Su- 

with  one   chief-justice   and   five   associate  preme  Court  of  the  District  of  Columbia, 

judges.      There    are    now    eight    associate  established    and    organized    by    Congress, 

justices.     It  holds  one   term   annually  at  consists  of  one  chief-justice  and  four  as- 

the   seat   of   government,    commencing   on  sociate    judges;     salary    of    chief-justice, 

the  second  Monday  in  October.  The  United  .$0,.500;    associate    judges,    $6,000.      Terri- 

Rtates   are   divided   for   judicial    purposes  lorial    courts,    established    and    organized 

into  nine  circuits,  and  these  circuits  are  by    Congress.      Arizona,    one    chief-justice 

subdivided    into    two    or    more    districts,  and  three  associate  judges;   Indian  Terri- 

The    1st    circuit    consists    of    the    States  tory,  one  judge;    New  Mexico,   one  judge 

of  Maine,  Massachusetts,  New  Hampshire,  and  four  associate  judges ;  Oklahoma,  one 

and  Rhode  Island;    2d,   Connecticut,  New  chief -justice    and    two    associate    judges; 

York,   and   Vermont;    3d,   Delaware,   New  salary,    $4,000    per    annum.      When    any 

Jersey,  and  Pennsylvania;  4th,  Maryland,  judge  o.f   any   court  of  the   United  States 

North  Carolina,  South  Carolina,  Virginia,  resigns   his   office,    after    having   held   his 

and   West  Virginia ;    5th,   Alabama,   Flor-  commission    as    such    at    least    ten   years, 

ida,   Georgia,   Louisiana,   Mississippi,   and  and  having  i-eached  seventy  years  of  age 

Texas ;     6th,    Kentucky,    Michigan,    Ohio,  during  Ids  service,  he  shall  receive  during 

and  Tennessee;  7th,  Illinois,  Indiana,  and  life   the    same    salary   as   at   the   time   of 

Wisconsin;  Sth,  Arkansas,  Colorado.  Iowa,  his   resignation.      This   right    is   given   to 

Kansas,    Minnesota,    Missouri,    Nebi'aska,  no  other   class  of  civil   officers  under  the 

North   Dakota,   South   Dakota,   and   Wyo-  government    of    the    United    States.      The 

ming;  9th,  California,  Idaho,  Nevada,  Ore-  Attorney-General  appears  in  the  Supreme 

gon,    Montana,    and    Washington.      Each  Court  of  the  United   States   in   behalf  of 

judge  of  the  Supreme  Court  is  allotted  a  the  government.     There  is  also  a  United 

circuit,    and    is    required    to    attend    that  States  district  attorney  appointed  for  each 

circuit  at  least  one  term  every  two  years,  district  in  which  circuit  and  district  courts 

Salary    of    chief  -  justice,    $1.3.000;     each  are  held,  to  look  after  the  interest  of  the 

justice,   $12,500    a   year.      Circuit   courts,  government   in   all   cases   that  concern   it. 

established    and    organized    by    Congi-ess.  Women  were  admitted  to  practise  in  the 

Each  of  the  circuits  has  allotted  to  it  one  Supreme   Court   of   the   United   States   by 

of  the  judges  of  the  Supreme  Court,  and  act  of  Congress,  approved  Feb.  15,  1879. 

has  a  local   judge   appointed,   termed   cir-  In    addition    to    the    above,    there    are 

cuit  judge.    There  are  twenty-seven  circuit  special  courts  created  from  time  to  time 

judges,    all    excepting    two    circuits    hav-  for    specific    purposes,    as    the    court    on 

ing   three   judges   each ;    salary,   $7,000   a  Spanish  War  claims. 

year.     Circuit  court  of  appeals,  establish-  In   1900  Congress  established  a  district 

ed   and  organized   by   Congress,    1891,   for  court    for    Alaska,    with    judges    residing 

the  relief  of  the  Supreme  Court.     The  jus-  in  Juneau,  St.  Michael's,  and  Eagle  City, 

tice  of  the  Supreme  Court  presiding  over  and    also    provided    a    civil    code    for    the 

the  circuit,  the  circuit  judge,  and  a  jiidge  Territory.     In   cases  where  constitutional 

appointed  for  this  special  court  constitute  questions  are  involved,  appeals  and  writs 

it;  salary,  $7,000  a  year.     District  courts,  of   error    from    this    court   may   be   taken 

established  and  organized  by  Congress.    Of  to    the    United    States    Supreme    Court; 

these  districts  there   are  eighty-five,  each  where   other   questions   are   involved   they 

presided  over  by  a  judge,  termed  district  may  be  taken   to  the  United   States   Cir- 

judge;    salary,   $6,000   a   year.      Court  of  cuit  Court  of  the   9th   District, 

claims,  established  and  organized  by  Con-  For  a  full  list  of  the  judges  of  the  Su- 

gress,  1855,  to  hear  and  determine  claims  preme     Court,     Circuit     Courts,     District 

against  the  United  States.     It  consists  of  Courts,  Court  of  Claims,  etc.,  see  Federal 

one  chief-justice  and  four  associate  judges.  Go^*ER^'AIENT. 

The   solicitor-general    appears   before   this  Judson,    AnoxiRAjr,    missionary;     born 

court;    salary   of   judges,    $6,000   per    an-  in    ^Maiden,    IMass..    Aug.    9.    1788;    grad- 

nura.    Court  of  private  land  claims,  estab-  uated     at     Brown     University     in     1807, 



and  Andover  Theological  Seminary  in 
1810.  He  was  ordained  on  Feb.  6,  1812, 
and  with  his  wife,  Anne  Hasseltine,  sailed 
for  Calcutta  on  the  19th.  In  Rangoon, 
Burma,  he  toiled  nearly  forty  years, 
gathering  around  him  thousands  of  con- 
verts and  many  assistants,  Americans  and 
Burmese.  He  translated  the  Bible  into 
the  Burmese  language,  and  had  nearly 
completed  a  dictionary  of  that  language 
at  the  time  of  his  death.  His  wife  dying 
in  1826,  he  married  (April,  1834)  the 
widow  of  a  missionary  (Mrs.  Sarah  H. 
Boardman),  who  died  in  September,  1845. 
While  on  a  visit  to  the  United  States  in 
1846,  he  married  Miss  Emily  Chubbuck 
("Fanny  Forester,"  the  poet),  who  ac- 
companied him  back  to  Burma.  His  first 
wife,  Anne  Hasseltine,  was  the  first  Amer- 
ican woman  missionary  in  the  East  Indies. 
He  died  at  sea,  April  12,  18.50. 

Judson,  Edward,  clergyman;  born  in 
Maulmain,  Burma,  Dec.  27,  1844;  son  of 
Adoniram  Judson.  He  was  brought  to 
the  United  States  in  1850;  studied  in 
Hamilton  and  Madison  (now  Colgate) 
universities;  graduated  at  Brown  Uni- 
versity in  1865.  In  1867-74  he  was  Pro- 
fessor of  Latin  and  Modern  Languages  in 
Madison  University;  in  1874-75  travelled 
in  foreign  countries;  and,  returning  to  the 
United  States,  was  ])astor  of  the  North 
Baptist  Church  in  Orange,  N.  J.,  till  1881, 
when  he  resigned  to  take  up  mission  work 
in  New  York.  He  became  pastor  of  the 
Berean  Baptist  Church,  and  afterwards 
built  the  Judson  Memorial  on  Washington 
Square.  In  1897  he  was  appointed  in- 
structor in  pastoral  theology  at  Colgate 
Theological  Seminary,  and  in  1903  was 
called  to  the  University  of  Chicago.  He 
has  published  a  Life  of  Adoniram  Judson. 

Judson,  Harry  Pratt,  educator;  born 
in  Jamestown,  N.  Y.,  Dec.  20,  1849; 
graduated  at  Williams  College  in  1870; 
called  to  the  chair  of  History  at  the  Uni- 
(rersity  of  Minnesota  in  1885;  and  was 
made  head  Professor  of  Political  Science, 
and  dean  of  the  faculties  of  Arts,  Litera- 
ture, and  Science  at  the  University  of 
Chicago  in  1892.  He  is  the  author  of 
Eifitory  of  the  Troy  Citizens'  Corps; 
Casar's  Army;  Europe  in  the  'Nineteenth 
Century;  The  Growth  of  the  Amerienn 
Nation;  The  Eic/her  Education  as  a  Train- 
ing for  Business;  The  Latin  in  English; 

The  Mississippi  Valley  (in  the  United 
States  of  Ameriea,  by  Shaler)  ;  and  The 
Young  American,  etc. 

Julian,  George  Washington,  legis- 
lator; born  near  Centreville,  Ind.,  May 
5,  1817.  He  was  self-educated;  and  was 
admitted  to  the  bar  in  1840.  After  prac- 
tising for  five  years,  he  was  elected  to 
the  legislature,  and  in  1849-51  repre- 
sented the  Free-soil  party  in  Congress, 
and  in  1852  was  the  candidate  for  the 
Vice-Presidency  on  the  Free-soil  ticket. 
He  also  received  five  votes  for  Vice-Presi- 
dent in  the  electoral  college  of  1872.  He 
was  a  strong  ojjponent  of  slavery,  and 
a  stanch  supporter  of  the  homestead 
policy.  He  was  again  a  member  of  Con- 
gress in  1861-71.  During  the  last  period 
be  was  a  member  of  the  committees  on 
conduct  of  the  war,  on  reconstruction, 
and  on  the  preparation  of  articles  of  im- 
peachment against  President  Johnson. 
In  1872  he  joined  the  Liberal  Republican 
party.  In  1885-89  he  was  surveyor-gen- 
eral of  New  Mexico.  His  publications 
include  Speeches  on  Political  Questions ; 
Political  Recollections ;  Later  Speeches; 
and  Life  of  Joshua,  E.  Giddings.  He  died 
in   Irvington,   Ind.,   July   7,   1899. 

Julian,  Isaac  Hoover;  born  in  Centre- 
ville, Ind.,  June  19,  1823;  editor  and  pro- 
prietor of  The  True  Repuhlican  at  Rich- 
mond, Ind.,  and  subsequently  of  the  Peo- 
ple's Era  at  San  Marco,  Texas;  he  is  the 
avithor  of  the  early  history  of  the  White 
Water  Valley. 

Julien,  Alexis  Anastay,  geologist; 
born  in  New  York,  Feb.  13,  1840;  grad- 
uated at  Union  College  in  1859,  and 
the  following  year  went  as  chemist  to 
the  guano  island  of  Sombrero,  where  he 
studied  geology  and  natural  history. 
While  there  he  also  collected  birds  and 
shells  and  made  meteorological  observa- 
tions for  the  Smithsonian  Institution.  Re- 
tixrning  to  New  York  in  1864,  he  soon 
after  became  assistant  in  charge  of  the 
quantitative  laboratory  in  the  newly 
founded  Columbia  School  of  Mines.  In 
1885-97  he  had  charge  of  the  department 
of  biology  in  the  same  institution,  and  irt 
the  latter  year  became  instructor  in  geol- 
ogy. In  1875-78  he  was  connected  with 
the  North  Carolina  Geological  Survey. 
He  is  a  fellow  of  the  American  Geologi- 
cal   Society,    the    Geological    Society    of 



America,    the    American    Society   of    Nat-  California  missions.     He  founded  the  fol- 

uralists,     and     other     organizations,     and  lowing  missions:  San  Diego,  Cal.,  July  16, 

a    past    vice-president   of    the   New   York  1769;    San   Carlos,   at  Monterey,   June   3, 

Academy  of  Sciences.  1770;    San   Antonio,   July    14,    1771;    San 

Julio,   E.   B.   D.   Fabrino,  artist;   born  Gabriel,  near  Los  Angeles,  Sept.  8,  1771; 

on  the  island  of  St.  Helena  in  1843;  edu-  San  Luis  Obispo,  Sept.  1,  1772;  San  Fran- 

cated  in  Paris;  came  to  the  United  States  cisco,    June    27,    1776;    San    Juan    Capis- 

about  1861,  and  after  living  in  the  North  trano,    Nov.    1,    1776;    Santa   Clara,    Jan. 

a    number    of    years    settled    in    New    Or-  18,    1777;    San    Buenaventura,   March    31, 

leans,  where  he  engaged  in  portrait-paint-  1782.      He    died   in   Monterey,    Cal.,   Aug. 

ing.      He    is    principally    known    through  28,   1784. 

his    painting.    The    Last    Meeting    of   Lee  Junius,      Letters     of.       During     the 

and  Jackson.     He  died  in  Georgia,   Sept.  quarrel    between    Great    Britain    and    her 

15,  1879.  colonies   (1765-75),  a  series  of  letters  ad- 
Jumel,    Eliza    Bowen,    society   leader;  dressed  to  King  George  III.,  his  ministers, 

born   at   sea   in    1769.      She   married   Col.  and    other    distinguished    public    men    in 

Peter  Croix  in  1786,  and,  after  his  death,  England,    were    published    in    the    Public 

Stephen    Jumel,    a    wealthy    merchant    in  Advertiser,     and     were     generally     signed 

New  York  City,   in    1801.     Upon  Jumel's  "  Junius  "  or  "  Philo-Junius."    In  the  first 

death   she   married   Aaron   Burr   in    1830,  authorized  collection  of  these  letters  there 

whom  she  sued  for  a  divorce,  which  was  were  forty-four  by  "  Junius  "  and  fifteen 

not  granted.     She  died  in  New  York,  July  by      "  Philo-Junius."     They      treated      of 

16,  1865.  public  men  and  public  measures  of 
Juneau,  Laurent  Solomon,  pioneer;  that  day  in  a  style  that  produced  a  pro- 
born  near  Montreal.  Canada,  Aug.  9,  1793;  found  impression  and  interest  in  the 
was  the  first  white  settler  in  Milwaukee,  public  mind,  and  excited  the  hottest  in- 
where  he  traded  in  furs.  He  was  the  dignation  of  those  who  felt  the  lash.  The 
first  postmaster  and  mayor  of  Milwaukee,  style  was  condensed  but  lucid;  full  of 
He  died  in  Shawano,  Wis.,  Nov.  14,  1856.  studied  epigrammatic  sarcasm,  brilliant 
His  remains  were  removed  to  Milwaukee,  metaphor,  and  fierce  personal  attack. 
Wis.,  in  1887,  and  a  statue  of  heroic  size  The  government  and  those  interested  in 
erected  in  honor  of  his  memory.  the  matter  tried  in  vain  to  ascertain  the 

Jungman,  Jonx  George,  clergyman;  name  of  the  author.  It  was  evident 
born  in  Hockheimer,  Germany,  April  19,  that  he  was  a  man  of  wealth  and  refine- 
1720;  became  a  lay  evangelist  to  the  Ind-  ment,  and  possessing  access  to  minute  in- 
ians  in  1742;  ordained  a  deacon  in  the  formation  respecting  ministerial  measures 
Moravian  Church  in  1770.  Jungman  was  and  intrigues.  The  most  eminent  legal 
one  of  the  earliest  pioneers  in  the  terri-  advisers  of  the  crown  tried  in  vain  to 
lory  of  the  Ohio.  In  1781  Jungman  was  get  a  clew  to  the  secret  of  his  identity; 
taken  prisoner  by  the  Hurons  and  con-  and  the  mystery  which  has  ever  since 
fined  in  the  fort  at  Detroit.  At  the  close  enveloped  the  name  of  the  author  of  the 
of  the  war  of  the  Revolution  Jungman  letters  of  "  Junius "'  has  kept  up  an  in- 
continued  his  missions  among  the  Ind-  terest  in  them,  which,  because  of  the  re- 
ians  in  ]\Iichigan,  but,  broken  in  health,  nioteness  of  their  topics,  could  not  other- 
he  was  obliged  to  give  up  his  labors  in  wise  have  been  kept  alive.  Some  after- 
1785.      He   died   in   Bethlehem,   Pa.,   July  wards  claimed  their  authorship,  but  with- 

17,  1808.  out   a   particle   of   proof   in   favor   of   the 
Junipero,  Miguel  Jose  Serra,  mission-  claim.     The  names  of  more  than  fifty  per- 

ary;  born  in  the  ishmd  of  Majorca,  Nov.  sons  have  been  mentioned  as  the  sus- 
24,  1713;  entered  the  order  of  St.  Francis  pected  authors.  An  array  of  facts,  cir- 
in  1729;  was  sent  to  Mexico  in  1750,  where  cumstances.  and  fair  inferences  has  satis- 
he  was  assigned  to  labor  among  the  Ind-  fied  the  most  careful  inquirers  that  Sir 
ians  of  Sierra  Gorda.  When  the  Jesuits  Philip  Francis  was  "Junius."  The  let- 
were  expelled  from  Lower  California  in  ters  were  chiefly  written  between  1769 
1707,    the    Franciscans,    under    Junipero,  and  1772. 

were  appointed  to  take  charge  of  all  the  Juries.     Trial  by  jury  was  introduced 



into  England  during  the  Saxon  heptarchy,  cases  by  jury,  but  not  of  civil  cases.     This 

six   Welsh   and   six   Anglo-Saxon   freemen  caused     dissatisfaction,     people     claiming 

being    appointed    to    try    causes    between  that  the  omission  was  intended  to  abolish 

Englishmen    and    Welshmen    of    property,  trial    by    jury    in    civil    cases,    hence    the 

and    made    responsible    with    their    whole  Seventh   Amendment   was   adopted   at   an 

estates,   real   and   personal,   for   false  ver-  early  day,  securing  the  rights  of  trial  by 

diets.      By   most   authorities    the    institu-  jury   in   suits   at   common-law   where   the 

tion  is  ascribed  to  Alfred  about  886.     In  value  in  controversy  exceeds  $20.     Grand 

Magna  Charta,  juries  are  insisted  on   as  juries    (of  not  less  than  twelve   or   more 

a  bulwark  of  the  people's  liberty.     An  act  than  twenty-three  persons)  decide  whether 

for  trial  by  jury  in   civil   cases   in   Scot-  sufficient  evidence   is  adduced  to   put  the 

land  was   passed   in   1815.     The   constitu-  accused  on   trial.     In   the  United   States, 

tion  of  1791   established  trial  by  jury  in  owing  to  many  striking  instances  of  the 

France.      An    imperial    decree    abolished  miscarriage  of  justice,  there  has  been  in 

trial    by    jury    throughout    the    Austrian  recent   years   an   influential   sentiment   in 

Empire  Jan.  15,  1852.     Trial  by  jury  be-  favor  of  having  verdicts  of  juries  rendered 

gan   in   Russia   Aug.    8,    1866;    in    Spain,  on  the  majority  vote  of  the  jurors. 

188J).     In  Scotland,  Guernsey,  Jersey,  and  Justice,  Department  of.     See  Cabinet, 

France   juries   decide   by   a   majority;    in  President's. 

France,    since    1831,    a    majority    of    two-  Justices    of   the   Supreme    Court.      A 

thirds    is    required.      Under    the    original  complete    list   of   all    the   justices   will   be 

Constitution    of    the    United    States    pro-  found    in    the    article    on    the    Supreme 

vision  is  made  for  the  trial  of  criminal  Court. 



Kalb,  JouANN,  Baron  de,  military  offi- 
cer; born  in  Hiittendorf,  Bavaria,  June  29, 
1721 ;  entered  the  French  military  service 
in  1743,  and  in  1747  rose  to  the  rank  of 
brigadier-general  under  Marshal  Broglie, 
and  obtained  the  order  of  military  merit 
in  1761.  The  next  year  he  visited  the 
English-American  colonies  as  a  secret 
agent  of  the  French  government,  to  ascer- 
tain their  political  temper.  He  was  a 
brigadier-general  in  the  French  army  when 
{November,  1776)  he  was  engaged  by 
Franklin  and  Deane  to  serve  in  the  Con- 
tinental army.  He  accompanied  Lafayette 
to  America  in  1777,  and  was  appointed 
major-general,  Sept.  15,  1777,  by  the  Con- 
tinental Congress.  He  served  under  the 
immediate  command  of  Washington  until 
after  the  evacuation  of  Philadelphia,  June, 
1778;  then  in  New  Jersey  and  Maryland 
until  April,  1780,  when  he  was  sent  to  as- 
sist Lincoln,  besieged  in  Charleston.  He 
arrived  too  late.  De  Kalb  became  chief 
commander  in  the  South  after  the  fall  of 

bAROK    OE    RAI.B 

Cliarleston,  but  was  soon  succeeded  oy 
General  Gates,  when  he  became  that  offi- 
cer's second   in   command.      In   the   disas- 

trous battle  at  Sander's  Creek,  near  Cam- 
den, S.  C,  he  was  mortally  wounded,  and 
died  three  days  afterwards,  Aug.  19,  1780. 


His  body  was  pierced  with  eleven  wounds. 
It  was  buried  at  Camden.  A  marble  mon- 
ument was  erected  to  his  memory  in  front 
of  the  Presbyterian  Church  "  at  Camden, 
the  corner-stone  of  which  was  laid  by 
Lafayette  in  1825. 

Kanakas.     See  Hawaii. 

Kanawha,  the  name  which  was  pro- 
posed for  the  State  consisting  of  the 
western  portion  of  Virginia,  which  had 
refused  to  ratify  the  State  ordinance  of 
secession.    See  West  Virginia. 

Kanawha,  Battle  of  the  Great.  See 
DuNiioRE,  John  ]Murray. 

Kane,  Elisiia  Kent,  explorer;  born  in 
I'hiladelphia.  Feb.  20,  1820;  was  educated 
at  the  universities  of  Virginia  and  Penn- 
sylvania, taking  his  medical  degree  in 
1843.  Ill-health  led  to  his  entering  the 
navy,  and  he  sailed  as  physician  to  the 
embassy  to  China  in  1843.  He  travelled 
extensively  in  Asia  and  Europe,  traversed 
Greece  on  foot,  explored  western  Africa 
to  some  extent,  was  in  the  war  with  Mex- 




ico,  and  in  May,  1850,  sailed  as  surgeon 
and  naturalist  under  Lieut.  Edwin  J.  De 
Haven,  in  search  of  Sir  John  Franklin. 
Sir  John,  an  English  navigator,  had 
sailed  on  a  voyage  of  discovery  and  ex- 
ploration with  two  vessels,  in  May,  1845. 
Years  passed  by,  and  no  tidings  of  him  or 
his  companions  came. 
Expeditions  were  sent 
from  England  in 
search  of  him.  Pub- 
lic interest  in  the  fate 
of  Sir  John  was  ex- 
cited in  Europe  and 
the  United  States,  and 
in  May,  1850,  Henry 
Grinnell,  a  merchant 
of  New  York,  fitted 
out  two  ships,  the  Ad- 
vance and  Rescue,  and 
placed  them  in  charge 
of  Lieutenant  De  Ha- 
ven, to  assist  in  the 
effort.  These  vessels 
returned,  after  re- 
markable adventures 
in  the  polar  seas,  in 
the  autumn  of  1851, 
without  success.  In 
connection     with    the 

United  States  government,  Mr.  Grinnell 
fitted  out  another  expedition  for  the  same 
purpose  in  1853.  Two  vessels,  under  the 
command  of  Dr.  Kane,  sailed  from  New 
York  in  May.  Kane  and  his  party  made 
valuable  discoveries,  among  others,  of  an 
"  open  polar  sea,"  long  suspected  and 
sought  for  by  scientific  men  and  navi- 
gators. But  they  failed  to  find  Sir  John 
Franklin.  The  companies  of  these  two 
vessels  suft'ered  much,  and  were  finally 
compelled  to  abandon  the  ships  and  make 
their  way  in  open  boats  to  a  Danish  set- 
tlement in  Greenland.  Their  long  absence 
created  fears  for  their  safety,  and  a  relief 
expedition  was  sent  in  search  of  them. 
They  returned  home  in  the  vessels  of  the 
latter  in  the  autumn  of  1855.  Gold  med- 
als were  awarded  Dr.  Kane  by  Congress, 
the  legislature  of  New  York,  and  the  Royal 
Geographical  Society  of  London;  but  his 
own  life  and  those  of  most  of  his  compan- 
ions were  sacrificed.  His  health  failed,  and 
he  went  first  to  London  and  then  to  Ha- 
vana, Cuba,  where  he  died,  Feb.  16,  1857. 



Kansas,  State  of,  was  part  of  the  Lou-  repealed  the  Missouri  Compromise  act. 
isiana  purchase  in  1803.  The  Territories  This  produced  great  agitation  through- 
of  Kansas  and  Nebraska  were  established  out  the  country,  and  great  commotion 
in  1854  by  act  of  Congress,  which  really    among  the   settlers   in   Kansas.     On   Jan. 



29,  1861,  Kansas  was  admitted  into 
the  Union  as  a  State.  During  the  war 
Kansas  furnished  to  the  National  army 
more  than  20,000  soldiers.  It  is  very  rap- 
idly increasing  in  population  and  wealth. 
Its  population  in  1890  was  1,427,090;  in  SL^^^uX.n.; 
1900,  1,470,495.  Much  of  the  Stale  is  a  George  T.  Amijony 
fine  grazing  country,  well  supplied  with 
rivers   and   watered   by   numerous    creeks. 


Charles  Robinson. 
Thomas  Carney. .. 
S.  J.  Crawford... 

John  f.  St.  John. 
George  W.  t;l;ok. 

John  A.  llartin 

Lyman  U.  Humphreys. 

L.  D.  Jewelling 

E.  N.  Morrill 

.Inbii    \V.    I.eeilv 

William  E.  Stanley 

Willis  .T    BaiU'v   

Edward  W.  Ho'ch 


to  18G2 

"  1804 

"  18C,8 

"  1872 

"  1875 

"  1878 

"  1883 

"  1885 

"  1887 

"  1893 

"  1895 

"  1897 

"  1899 

"  1903 

"  1905 

"  1909 




On  its  eastern  border  the  navigable  Mis- 
souri River  presents  a  waterfront  of  al- 
most 150  miles.  It  has  a  coal  -  bear- 
ing region  which  occupies  the  whole  of 
the  eastern  part  of  the  State,  and  em- 
braces about  17,000  square  miles.  The 
climate  of  Kansas  is  beautiful  and  healthy, 
and  probably  no  other  Western  State 
of  the  Union  has  so  many  bright,  sun- 
ny days.  The  raising  of  cattle  is  a 
prominent  industry.  Kansas  is  a  very 
attractive  State  for  enterprising  set- 
tlers, and  promises  to  be  one  of  the 
finest  portions  of  the  Union.  In  1903 
the  aggregate  assessed  valuation  cl  tax- 
able property  was  $388,724,480,  the 
State  tax  rate  was  6.40  per  $1,000;  and 
the  bonded  debt  (July  1)  was  $632,000, 
all  held  in  State  funds.  See  United 
States,  Kansas,  vol.  ix. 


James  H.  Lane 

Samuel  C.  Toineroy 

Kdmuud  G.  lioss 

Ale.\ander  Caldwell 

Kol)ert  Crozicr 

James  M.  Harvey 

John  J.  Ingalls 

I'reston  B.  Plumb 

William  A.  I'efler 

Bishop  \V.  Perkins 

John   Martin 

Liicien  Baker 

William  A.  Harris 

Jospph   Ralph  Burton 

Chester  I. 

No.  o."  Congress. 

37th  to 
37th  " 
39th  " 
43d     to 
43d     " 
45th   " 
52d     " 
54th  to 





Alfred  W.  Benson 59th 


1895  to 
1897  •> 
1901  " 
1903  " 
1905  " 



The  Kansas-Xebrasla  Act. — The  com- 
promise of  1850  (see  Omnibus  Bill)  did 
not  stop  the  agitation  of  the  slavery  ques- 
tion. The  following  resolution  was  intro- 
duced in  Congress  in  1852:  "That  the 
series  of  acts  passed  during  the  first  ses- 
sion of  the  Thirty-first  Congress,  known  as 
compromises,  are  regarded  as  a  final  ad- 
justment and  a  permanent  settlement  of 
the  questions  therein  embraced,  and  should 
be  maintained  and  executed  as  such."  In 
January,  1854,  Senator  Stephen  A.  Doug- 
las, of  Illinois,  presented  a  bill  in  the 
Senate  for  the  erection  of  two  vast  Terri- 
tories in  mid-continent,  to  be  called,  re- 
spectively, Kansas  and  Nebraska. 

The  following  are  some  of  the  principal 
provisions  of  this  act: 


Andrew  H.  Reoder,  Pa. . 

Wilson  Shannon,  O 

.lohn  W.  Gpnrv.  Pa   

Robert  T    Walker,  Miss. 

J  W.  Denver 

Samuel  Medary 

George  M.  Bebee  . 


The  executive  power  is  vested  in  a  gov- 
ernor appointed  by  the  President  and 

A  secretary  of  the  Territory,  appointed 
for  five  years. 

The  legislative  power  to  be  vested  in  the 

1854  to  1855 
18.55  "  18.56 
1856  "  18.57 

18.57  "  1858 

18.58  to  1861    governor  and  a  legislative  Assembly,  con- 
^^''^  sisting  of  a  council  and  a  House  of  Rep- 



resentatives;  the  council  to  consist  of 
thirteen  members,  and  the  House  of 
twenty-six.  The  latter  may  be  increased, 
but  may  not  exceed  thirty-nine. 

The    first    election    of    members    of    the 

one  years  of  age  and  upward,  actual  resi- 
dents of  the  Territory  and  citizens  of  the 
United  States,  or  having  declared  on  oath 
their  intention  to  become  citizens,  were 
entitled  to  vote  at  the  first  election;   the 

i,'M  ij 

OIK  .j    1  fll^'ili  fg   a 

»  >   'Up 


legislature  was  to  be  held  at  such  time 
and  place,  and  was  to  be  conducted  in 
such  manner,  as  the  governor  should  pre- 
scribe, lie  was  also  to  appoint  the  in- 
spectors of  election,  and  to  direct  the  man- 
ner of  making  the  returns. 

All  free  white  male  inhabitants,  twenty- 

qualifications  of  voters  at  subsequent 
elections  to  be  prescribed  by  the  legisla- 
tive  Assembly. 

Bills  passed  by  the  legislature  were  to 
be  submitted  to  the  governor,  but  might 
be  passed  against  the  veto  by  two-thirds 



The  judicial  power  was  to  be  vested  in 
a  supreme  court,  district  courts,  probate 
courts,  and  in  justices  of  the  peace.  The 
supreme  court  to  consist  of  three  judges, 
one  in  each  judicial  district,  and  one  of 
them  to  be  chief- justice.  They  were  to  be 
appointed  by  the  President  and  Senate. 

The  first  election  of  delegates  to  Con- 
jiress,  and  the  time  and  places  of  election, 
were  subject  to  the  appointment  and  direc- 
tion of   the  governor. 

The  act  also  provided  that  the  acts  of 
Congress  for  the  reclamation  of  fugitive 
slaves  should  extend  to  the  Territories. 
Not  the  least  important  was  the  follow- 

"  That  the  Constitution  and  all  the  laws 
of  the  United  States  which  are  not  locally 
inapplicable,  shall  have  the  same  force 
and  effect  within  the  said  Territory  as 
elsewhere  within  the  United  States,  ex- 
cept  the   eighth    section    of   the   act    pre- 

1S20,  either  protecting,  establishing  pro- 
hibiting, or  abolishing  slavery." 

After  long  and  bitter  discussions  in 
both  Houses  of  Congress,  the  bill  was 
])assed,  and  became  a  law  by  receiving 
the  signature  of  the  President,  May  31, 
1354.  From  that  day  the  question  of 
slavery  was  a  subject  of  discussion  and 
sectional  irritation,  until  it  was  abolished 
in  1863. 

Civil  War  in  Kansas. — The  Kansas- 
Nebraska  act  left  all  the  Territories  of 
the  United   States   open   to   the  establish- 


paratory    to    the    admission    of    jMissouri  ment  in  them  of  the  social  institutions  of 

into  the  Union,  approved  ]\Iarch   6,   1820,  every  State  in  the  Union,  that  of  slavery 

which,   being  inconsistent  with   the   prin-  among   others.      It   was   a   virtual    repeal 

ciple    of    non-intervention    by    Congress  of     the     Missouri     Compromise      (q.v.). 

with    slavery    in    the    States    and    Terri-  The  question  immediately  arose.  Shall  the 

turies,  as  recognized  by  the  legislation  of  domain  of  the  repviblic  be  the  theatre  of 

1850,    commonly    called    the    compromise  all  free  or  all  slave  labor,  with  the  corrc- 

measures,   is   hereby   declared    inoperative  spending  civilization  of  each  condition  as 

and    void;    it    being    the    true    intent    and  a    consequence?      This    question    was    suc- 

meaning    of    this    act,    not    to    legislate  ceeded  by  positive  action  by  the  friends  of 

slavery  into  any  Territory  or   State,  nor  each  labor  system.     Those  in  favor  of  the 

to  exclude  it  therefrom,  but  to  leave  the  slave   system,   viewing   the   willingness   of 

people  thereof  perfectly  free  to  form  and  those  in  the  free-labor  States  to  accede  to 

regulate    their    doinestic    institutions    in  the  wishes  of  the  Southern  politicians  so 

their  own   way.  subject  only  to  the  Con-  ns  to  secure  -Southern  trade,  felt  confident 

stitution  of  the  United  States;   Provided,  that    their   supremacy   was   secure.      That 

that    nothing    herein    contained    shall    be  party  sounded  the  trumpet  for  battle,  and 

construed   to   revive   or   put   in   force   any  the  Territory  of   Kansas   was   the   chosen 

law  or  regulation  which  may  have  existed  battle-field.      The   fugitive   slave   law   had 

prior   to    the   act    of   the   6th   of   March,  created  an   intense  and  wide-spread  fed' 



ing  of  hostility  to  slavery  in  the  free-labor 
States,  and  when  the  advocates  of  slavery 
began  to  assert  their  exclusive  right  to 
the  government  of  Kansas,  and  thus  cast 
down  the  gauntlet  before  their  opponents, 
the  latter  gladly  took  it  up.  They  re- 
solved to  carry  on  the  contest  with  the 
peaceful  weapons  of  the  ballot-box.  Sud- 
denly, emigration  began  to  flow  in  a 
steady,  copious,  and  ever-increasing 
stream  from  the  free-labor  States,  espe- 
cially from  New  England,  into  the  new 
Territory.  It  soon  became  evident  that  the 
settlers  from  those  States  in  Kansas 
would  soon  outnTimber  and  outvote  those 
from  the  slave-labor  States. 

The  dominant  power  in  politics  was 
pro-slavery  in  its  proclivities.  Alarmed 
by  this  emigration,  it  proceeded  to  organ- 
ize physical  force  in  Missouri  to  counter- 
act the  moral  force  of  its  opponents  if 
necessary.  Combinations  were  formed 
under  various  names — "  Social  Band," 
"  Friends'  Society,"  "  Blue  Lodge,"  "  The 
Sons  of  the  South,"  etc.  A  powerful  or- 
ganization imder  the  title  of  the  "  Emi- 
grant Aid  Society "  had  been  formed  in 
Boston  under  the  sanction  of  the  legislat- 
ure of  Massachusetts  immediately  after 
the  passage  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill 

(May,  1854)  ;  and  the  Southern  societies 
just  mentioned  were  organized  to  oppose 
this  "  Emigrant  Aid  Society."  At  a  meet- 
ing at  Westport,  Mo.,  early  in  July,  1854, 
it  was  resolved  that  Missourians  who 
formed  the  associations  represented  there 
should  be  ready  at  all  times  to  assist, 
when  called  upon  by  pro-slavery  citizens 
of  Kansas,  in  removing  from  the  Territory 
by  force  every  person  who  should  attempt 
to  settle  under  the  auspices  of  the  Emi- 
grant Aid  Society.  Both  parties  planted 
the  seeds  of  their  respective  systems  in 
Kansas.  They  founded  towns:  those  from 
the  free-labor  States  founded  Lawrence, 
Topeka,  Boston,  Grasshopper  Falls,  Paw- 
nee, and  one  or  two  others.  Those  from 
the  slave-labor  States  founded  Kickapoo, 
Doniphan,  Atchison,  and  others  on  or  near 
the  Missouri  River.  Immediately  after 
the  passage  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill, 
hundreds  of  Missourians  went  to  Kansas 
and  selected  a  tract  of  land,  and  put  a 
mark  upon  it  for  the  purpose  of  estab- 
lishing a  sort  of  pre-emption  title  to  it, 
and  at  a  public  meeting  resolved,  "  That 
we  will  afford  protection  to  no  abolition- 
ist as  a  settler  of  this  Territory;  that  we 
recognize  the  institution  of  slavery  as  al- 
ready existing  in  this  Territory,  and  ad- 





vise  slave-holders  to  introduce  their  prop- 
erty as  soon  as  possible." 

The  national  government  appointed  A. 
H.  Reeder  governor  of  the  new  Territory. 
He  arrived  in  October,  1854,  and  took 
measures  for  the  election  of  a  territorial 
legislature.  With  the  close  of  this  elec- 
tion (March,  1855),  the  struggle  for  su- 
premacy in  Kansas  between  the  friends 
and  opponents  of  the  slave  system  began 
in  dead  earnest.  The  pro-slavery  men 
had  an  overwhelming  majority  in  the 
legislature,  for  Missourians  had  gone  over 
the  border  by  hundreds  and  voted.  When, 
in  November,  1854,  a  delegate  to  Congress 
for  Kansas  was  elected,  of  nearly  2,900 
votes  cast,  over  1,700  were  pvit  in  by 
Missourians  who  had  no  right  there.  At 
the  election  of  the  legislature,  there  were 
only  1,410  legal  votes  in  the  Territory  of 
Kansas:  but  there  were  6,218  votes  polled, 
mostly  illegal  ones  by  Missourians.  Fully 
1,000  men  came  from  Missouri,  armed  with 
deadly  weapons,  two  cannon,  tents,  and 
other  paraphernalia  of  war,  led  by  Clai- 
borne F.  Jackson,  and  encamped  around 
the  little  town  of  Lawrence,  and  in  like 
manner  such  intruders  controlled  every 
poll  in  the  Territory.  Then  a  reign  of 
terror  was  begun  in  Kansas.  All  classes 
of  men  carried  deadly  weapons.  The  il- 
legally chosen  legislature  met  at  a  point 
on  the  border  of  Missouri,  and  proceeded 
to  enact  barbarous  laws  for  upholding 
slavery  in  the  Territory.  These  Governor 
Reeder  vetoed,  and  they  were  instantly 
passed  over  his  veto.  He  was  so  ob- 
noxious to  the  pro-slavery  party  that,  at 
the  request  of  the  latter.  President  Pierce 
removed  him.  and  sent  Wilson  Shannon, 
of  Ohio,  to  fill  his  place. 

The  actiial  settlers  in  Kansas,  who  were 
chiefly  anti-slavery  men.  held  a  convention, 
Sept.  5,  1855,  when  they  resolved  not  to 
recognize  the  laws  of  the  illegal  legislat- 
ure as  binding  upon  them.  They  refused 
to  vote  for  a  delegate  to  Congress  at  an 
election  appointed  by  the  legislature,  and 
they  called  a  delegate  convention  at 
Topeka  on  Oct.  19.  At  that  convention 
Governor  Reeder  was  elected  delegate  to 
Congress  by  the  legal  votes  of  the  Ter- 
ritory. On  the  23d  another  convention 
of  legal  voters  assembled  at  Topeka  and 
framed  a  State  constitution.  It  was  ap- 
proved by  the  legal  vote  of  the  Territory. 

It  made  Kansas  a  free-labor  State,  and 
under  this  constitution  they  asked  for 
admission  into  the  Union,  as  such.  The 
strife  between  freedom  and  slavery  was 
then  transferred  to  the  national  capital. 
Reeder  made  a  contest  for  a  seat  in  Con- 
gress with  the  delegate  chosen  by  the 
illegal  votes.  Meanwhile,  elections  had 
been  held  (Jan.  17,  1856)  in  Kansas  under 
the  legally  adopted  new  State  constitu- 
tion, and  matters  seemed  very  dark  for 
the  pro-slavery  party  in  Kansas,  when 
President  Pierce,  in  a  message  to  Con- 
gress (Jan.  24,  185G),  represented  the  ac- 
tion of  the  legal  voters  in  the  Territory 
in  framing  a  State  constitution  as  re- 
bellion. All  through  the  ensuing  spring 
violence  and  bloodshed  prevailed  in  the 
unhappy  Territory. 

Seeing  the  determination  of  the  actual 
settlers  to  maintain  their  rights,  armed 
men  flocked  into  the  Territory  from  the 
slave-labor  States  and  attempted  to  coerce 
the  inhabitants  into  submission  to  the 
laws  of  the  illegally  chosen  legislature. 
Finally  Congress  sent  thither  a  com- 
mittee of  investigation.  The  majority  re- 
ported, July  1,  1856,  that  every  election 
had  been  controlled  by  citizens  from  Mis- 
souri; that  the  action  of  the  legal  voters 
of  Kansas  was  valid,  and  that  the  State 
constitution  was  the  choice  of  the  major- 
ity of  the  people.  The  canvass  for  a  new 
President  was  now  in  operation,  and  so 
absorbed  public  attention  that  Kansas  had 
rest  for  a  while.  James  Buchanan  was 
elected  by  the  Democratic  party.  At  the 
beginning  of  his  administration  the  Dred 
Scott  case  greatly  intensified  the  strife 
between  the  pro-slavery  and  anti-slavery 
men,  especially  in  Kansas.  Mr.  Buchanan 
favored  the  views  of  the  pro-slavery  men, 
and  his  strong  support  gaA'e  them,  in  Kan- 
sas, renewed  courage.  Then  the  opposing 
parties  were  working  with  energy  for  the 
admission  of  Kansas  as  a  State,  with  op- 
posing ends  in  view.  The  pro-slavery 
party,  in  convention  at  Lecompton  early 
in  September,  1857,  framed  a  constitu- 
tion in  which  was  a  clause  providing  that 
the  "  rights  of  property  in  slaves  now  in 
the  Territory  shall  in  no  manner  be  inter- 
fered with,"  and  forbade  any  amendments 
of  the  instrument  until  1864.  It  was  sub- 
mitted to  the  votes  of  the  people  on  Dec. 
21,  but  bv  the  terms  of  the  election  law 



passed   by   the   illegal    legislature   no   one  up   their    arms   to   the    sheriff.       The   in- 

might     vote     against     that     constitution,  vaders     immediately     entered    the    town, 

The  vote  was   taken^   "  For   the   constitu-  blew  up  and  burned  the  hotel,  destroyed 

tion  mth  slavery,"  or  "  For  the  constitu-  two  printing-offices,  and  plundered  stores 

tion     without     slavery";      so     in     either  and   houses.       The   free-labor   party  were 

case      a    constitution    that    protected    and  furnished  with   arms   from  the   free-labor 

perpetuated    slavery   would   be   voted   for.  States.     Collisions  occurred,  and  on  May 

Meanwhile,  at  an  election  for  a  territorial  2(j  a  fight  took  place  at  Ossawatomie,  in 

iegislature,  the  friends  of  free  labor  sue-  which   the   anti-slavery   men   were   led   by 

ceeded    in    electing    a    delegate    to    Con-  John    Brown     {q.    v.),    where    five    men 

gress.  were  killed.     There  was  another  skirmish 

The  legally  elected  legislature  ordered  at  Black  Jack  (June  2),  which  resulted 
the  Lecompton  constitution  to  be  sub-  in  the  capture  of  Captain  Pots  and  thirty 
mitted  to  the  people  for  adoption  or  re-  of  his  men.  Emigrants  from  the  free- 
jection.  It  was  rejected  by  over  10,000  labor  States,  on  their  way  through  Mis- 
majority.  Notwithstanding  this  strong  souri,  were  turned  back  by  armed  parties, 
popular  condemnation  of  the  Lecompton  On  Aug.  14,  anti  -  slavery  men  captured 
constitution.  President  Buchanan  sent  it  a  fort  near  Lecompton,  occupied  by  Colo- 
in  to  Congress  (Feb.  2,  1858),  wherein  nel  Titus  with  a  party  of  pro  -  slavery 
was  a  large  Democratic  majority,  with  a  men,  and  made  prisoners  the  commander 
message  in  which  he  recommended  its  ac-  and  twenty  of  his  men.  On  Aug.  25 
ceptance  and  ratification.  In  that  mes-  the  acting-governor  (Woodin)  declared 
sage,  referring  to  the  opinion  of  Chief-  the  Territory  in  a  state  of  rebellion.  He 
Justice  Taney,  the  President  said:  "It  and  David  E.  Atchison,  late  United 
has  been  solemnly  adjudged,  by  the  high-  States  Senator  from  Missouri,  gathered  a 
est  judicial  tribunal  known  to  our  laws,  considerable  force,  and,  on  Aug.  29,  a 
that  slavery  exists  in  Kansas  by  virtue  of  detachment  sent  by  the  latter  attacked 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States;  Ossawatomie,  which  was  defended  by  a 
Kansas  is,  therefore,  at  this  moment,  as  small  band  under  John  Bro^vn.  The  lat- 
much  a  slave  State  as  Georgia  or  South  ter  was  defeated,  with  the  loss  of  two 
Carolina."  The  constitution  was  ac-  killed,  five  wounded,  and  seven  made 
eepted  by  the  Senate  by  a  vote  of  32  prisoners.  The  assailants  lost  five  killed, 
against  25,  but  in  the  House  a  substitute  and  thirty  buildings  were  burned.  At 
was  adopted,  which  provided  for  the  re-  the  annual  election  at  Leavenworth,  a 
submission  of  the  Lecompton  constitution,  party  from  Missouri  killed  and  wounded 
It  was  done,  and  that  instrument  was  several  of  the  anti-slavery  men,  burned 
again  rejected  by  10.000  majority,  Aug.  their  houses,  and  forced  about  150  to  em- 
2,  1858.  A  convention  at  Wyandotte  bark  for  St.  Louis.  John  W.  Geary,  who 
adopted  a  new  constitution,  which  was  had  been  appointed  governor,  arrived  in 
framed  by  the  opponents  of  slavery.  This  Kansas  early  in  September,  and  ordered 
was  accepted,  Oct.  4,  1859,  by  a  vote  of  all  armed  men  to  lay  down  their  weap- 
10,421  against  5,530,  under  which,  Jan.  ens;  but  Missouri  men,  in  number  about 
21,  1861,  Kansas  was  admitted  into  the  2,000,  and  forming  three  regiments  of 
Union  as  a  free-labor  State.  artillery,    marched    to    attack    Lawrence. 

During  the  political  excitement  in  Kan-  Geary,  with  United  States  troops,  prevail- 
sas  there  was  actual  civil  war,  and  some  ed  upon  them  to  desist,  and  near  the  close 
blood  was  shed.  Early  in  April,  1856,  of  the  year  (1856)  he  was  enabled  to  re- 
armed men  from  Southern  States,  under  port  that  peace  and  order  prevailed  in 
Colonel    Buford,   arrived   in   Kansas.      The  Kansas. 

United  States  marshal  there  took  Bu-  The  Auihor  on  His  Bill. — The  follow- 
ford's  men  into  the  pay  of  the  govern-  ing  is  the  substance  of  the  speech  of 
ment.  and  armed  them  with  goveriiment  Senator  Stephen  A.  Douglas  on  the  Kan- 
muskets.  Lawrence  was  again  besieged  sas-Nebraska  bill,  delivered  in  the  Sen- 
(May    5),    and    on    the    21st    the    inhabi-  ate  on  March  3,  1854: 

tants,  under  a   promise  of  safety  to  per-  

ions  and   property,  were  induced   to  give        The    principle    which     we     propose    to 



carry  into  effect  by  the  bill  is  this: 
That  Congress  shall  neither  legislate 
slavery  into  any  Territories  or  State, 
nor  out  of  the  same;  but  the  people  shall 
be  left  free  to  regulate  their  domes- 
tic concerns  in  their  own  way,  subject 
only  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United 

In  order  to  carry  this  principle  into 
practical  operation,  it  becomes  necessary 
to  remove  whatever  legal  obstructions 
might  be  found  in  the  way  of  its  free  ex- 
ercise. It  is  only  for  the  purpose  of  carry- 
ing out  this  great  fundamental  principle 
of  self-government  that  the  bill  renders 
the  eighth  section  of  the  Missouri  act  in- 
operative and  void. 

Now,  let  me  ask,  will  these  Senators 
who  have  arraigned  me,  or  any  one  of 
them,  have  the  assurance  to  rise  in  his 
place  and  declare  that  this  great  principle 
was  never  thought  of  or  advocated  as  ap- 
plicable to  territorial  bills,  in  1850;  that 
from  that  session  until  the  present,  no- 
body ever  thought  of  incorporating  this 
principle  in  all  new  territorial  organiza- 
tions ;  that  the  committee  on  Territories 
did  not  recommend  it  in  their  report;  and 
that  it  required  the  amendment  of  the 
Senator  from  Kentucky  to  bring  us  up  to 
that  point?  Will  any  one  of  my  accusers 
dare  to  make  the  issue,  and  let  it  be  tried 
by  the  record?  I  will  begin  with  the  com- 
promises of  1850.  Any  Senator  who  will 
take  the  trouble  to  examine  our  journals, 
will  find  that  on  March  25  of  that  year  I 
reported  from  the  committee  on  Territories 
two  bills  including  the  following  measures: 
the  admission  of  California,  a  territorial 
government  for  New  Mexico,  and  the  ad- 
justment of  the  Texas  boundary.  These 
bills  proposed  to  leave  the  people  of  Utah 
and  New  ^Mexico  free  to  decide  the  slavery 
question  for  themselves,  in  the  precise  lan- 
guage of  the  Nebraska  bill  now  imder  dis- 
cussion. A  few  weeks  afterwards  the  com- 
mittee of  thirteen  took  these  two  bills  and 
put  a  wafer  between  them,  and  reported 
them  back  to  the  Senate  as  one  bill  with 
some  slight  amendments.  One  of  these 
amendments  was  that  the  territorial  legis- 
latures should  not  legislate  upon  the  sub- 
ject of  African  slavery.  I  objected  to 
that  provision  on  the  ground  that  it  siib- 
verted  the  great  principle  of  self-gov- 
ernment   iipon    which    the    bill    had    been 

originally  framed  by  the  territorial  com- 
mittee. On  the  first  trial,  the  Senate  re- 
fused to  strike  it  out,  but  subsequently  did 
so,  after  full  debate,  in  order  to  establish 
that  principle  as  the  rule  of  action  in  ter- 
ritorial organizations.  .  .  .  But  my  ac- 
cusers attempt  to  raise  up  a  false  issue, 
and  thereby  divert  public  attention  from 
the  real  one,  by  the  cry  that  the  Missouii 
Compromise  is  to  be  repealed  or  violated 
by  the  passage  of  this  bill.  Well,  if  the 
eighth  section  of  the  Missouri  act,  which 
attempted  to  fix  the  destinies  of  future 
generations  in  those  Territories  for  all  time 
to  come,  in  utter  disregard  of  the  rights 
and  wishes  of  the  people  when  they  shall 
be  received  into  the  Union  as  States,  be 
inconsistent  with  the  great  principler  of 
self-government  and  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States,  it  ought  to  be  abrogated. 
The  legislation  of  1850  abrogated  the  Mis- 
souri compromise,  so  far  as  the  country 
embraced  within  the  limits  of  Utah  and 
New  INIexico  was  covered  by  the  slavery  re- 
striction. It  is  true  that  those  acts  did 
not  in  terms  and  by  name  repeal  the  act 
of  1820,  as  originally  adopted,  or  as  ex- 
tended by  the  resolutions  annexing  Texas 
in  1845,  any  more  than  the  report  of  the 
committee  on  Territories  proposed  to  re- 
peal the  same  acts  this  session.  But  the 
acts  of  1850  did  authorize  the  people  of 
those  Territories  to  exercise  "  all  right- 
ful powers  of  legislation  consistent  with 
the  Constitution,"  not  excepting  the  ques- 
tion of  slavery;  and  did  provide  that, 
when  those  Territories  should  be  admitted 
into  the  Union,  they  should  be  received 
with  or  without  slavery  as  the  people 
thereof  might  determine  at  the  date  of 
their  admission.  These  provisions  were  in 
direct  conflict  with  a  clause  in  the  former 
enactment,  declaring  that  slavery  should 
be  forever  prohibited  in  any  portion  of  said 
Territories,  and  hence  rendered  such  clause 
inoperative  and  void  to  the  extent  of  such 
conflict.  This  was  an  inevitable  conse- 
quence, resulting  from  the  provisions  in 
those  acts,  which  gave  the  people  the  right 
to  decide  the  slavery  question  for  them- 
selves, in  conformity  with  the  Constitu- 
tion. It  was  not  necessary  to  go  further 
and  declare  that  certain  previous  enact- 
m.ents,  which  were  incompatible  with  the 
exercise  of  the  powers  conferred  in 
the     bills,     are     hereby     repealed.       The 



very  act  of  granting  those  powers 
and  rights  has  the  legal  effect  of  re- 
moving all  obstructions  to  the  exercise 
of  them  by  the  people,  as  prescribed 
in  those  territorial  bills.  Following 
that  example,  the  committee  on  Terri- 
tories did  not  consider  it  necessary  to 
declare  the  eighth  section  of  the  Missouri 
act  repealed.  We  were  content  to  or- 
ganize Nebraska  in  the  precise  language 
of  the  Utah  and  New  Mexico  bills.  Our 
object  was  to  leave  the  people  entirely  free 
to  form  and  regulate  their  domestic  insti- 
tutions and  internal  concerns  in  their  own 
way,  under  the  Constitution ;  and  we 
deemed  it  wise  to  accomplish  that  object 
in  the  exact  terms  in  which  the  same  thing 
had  been  done  in  Utah  and  New  Mexico 
by  the  acts  of  1850.  This  was  the  princi- 
ple upon  which  the  committee  voted;  and 
our  bill  was  supposed,  and  is  now  believed, 
to  have  been  in  accordance  with  it.  When 
doubts  were  raised  whether  the  bill  did 
fully  carry  out  the  principle  laid  down  in 
the  report,  amendments  were  made  from 
time  to  time,  in  order  to  avoid  all  mis- 
construction, and  make  the  true  intent  of 
the  act  more  explicit.  The  last  of  these 
amendments  was  adopted  yesterday,  on 
the  motion  of  the  distinguished  Senator 
from  North  Carolina  (Mr.  Badger),  in 
regard  to  the  revival  of  any  laws  or  regu- 
lations which  may  have  existed  prior  to 
1820.  This  amendment  was  not  intended 
to  change  the  legal  effect  of  the  bill.  Its 
object  was  to  repel  the  slander  which  had 
been  propagated  by  the  enemies  of  the 
measure  in  the  North — that  the  Southern 
supporters  of  the  bill  desired  to  legislate 
slavery  into  these  Territories.  The  South 
denies  the  right  of  Congress  either  to 
legislate  slavery  into  any  Territory  or 
State,  or  out  of  any  Territory  or  State. 
Non-intervention  by  Congress  with  slavery 
in  the  States  or  Territories  is  the  doctrine 
of  the  bill,  and  all  the  amendments  which 
have  been  agreed  to  have  been  made  with 
the  view  of  removing  all  doubt  and  cavil 
as  to  the  true  meaning  and  object  of  the 
measure.  .  .  . 

Well,  sir,  what  is  this  Missouri  Compro- 
mise, of  which  we  have  heard  so  much  of 
late?  It  has  been  read  so  often  that  it  is 
not  necessar,y  to  occupy  the  time  of  the 
Senate  in  reading  it  again.  It  was  an 
act   of    Congress,    passed    on    the    6th    of 


March,  1820,  to  authorize  the  people  of 
Missouri  to  form  a  constitution  and  a 
State  government,  preparatory  to  the  ad- 
mission of  such  State  into  the  Union.  The 
first  section  provided  that  slavery  should 
be  "  forever  prohibited  "  in  all  the  terri- 
tory which  had  been  acquired  from  France 
north  of  36°  30',  and  not  included  within 
the  limits  of  the  State  of  Missouri.  There 
is  nothing  in  the  terms  of  the  law  that 
purports  to  be  a  compact,  or  indicates 
that  it  was  anything  more  than  an  ordi- 
nary act  of  legislation.  To  prove  that  it 
was  more  than  it  purports  to  be  on  its 
face,  gentlemen  must  produce  other  evi- 
dence, and  prove  that  there  was  such  an 
understanding  as  to  create  a  moral  obli- 
gation in  the  nature  of  a  compact.  Have 
they  shown  it? 

NoAV,  if  this  was  a  compact,  let  us 
see  how  it  was  entered  into.  The  bill 
originated  in  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives, and  passed  that  body  without  a 
Southern  vote  in  its  favor.  It  is  proper 
to  remark,  however,  that  it  did  not  at 
that  time  contain  the  eighth  section,  pro- 
hibiting slavery  in  the  Territories;  but, 
in  lieu  of  it,  contained  a  provision  pro- 
hibiting slavery  in  the  proposed  State  of 
Missouri.  In  the  Senate,  the  clause  pro- 
hibiting slavery  in  the  State  was  stricken 
out,  and  the  eighth  section  added  to  the 
end  of  the  bill,  by  the  terms  of  which 
slavery  was  to  be  forever  prohibited  in 
the  territory  not  embraced  in  the  State 
of  Missouri  north  oi  36°  30'.  The  vote 
on  adding  this  section  stood,  in  the  Sen- 
ate, 34  in  the  affirmative,  and  10  in  the 
negative.  Of  the  Northern  Senators,  20 
voted  for  it,  and  2  against  it.  On  the 
question  of  ordering  the  bill  to  a  third 
reading,  as  amended,  which  was  the  test 
vote  on  its  passage,  the  vote  stood  24 
yeas  and  20  nays.  Of  the  Northern  Sen- 
ators, 4  only  voted  in  the  affirmative,  and 
18  in  the  negative.  Thus  it  will  be  seen 
that  if  it  was  intended  to  be  a  compact, 
the  North  never  agreed  to  it.  The  North- 
ern Senators  voted  to  insert  the  prohi- 
bition of  slavery  in  the  Territories;  and 
then,  in  the  proportion  of  more  than  four 
to  one.  voted  against  the  passage  of  the 
bill.  The  North,  therefore,  never  signed 
the  compact,  never  consented  to  it,  never 
agreed  to  be  bound  by  it.  This  fact  be- 
comes very  important  in  vindicating  the 


character  of  the  North  for  repudiating  tories,  Missouri  was  to  be  admitted  into 
this  alleged  compromise  a  few  months  the  Union,  in  conformity  with  the  act 
afterwards.  The  act  was  approved  and  of  1820,  that  compact  was  repudiated  by 
became  a  law  on  the  6th  of  March,  1820.  the  North,  and  rescinded  by  the  joint 
In  the  summer  of  that  year,  the  people  action  of  the  two  parties  within  twelve 
of  Missouri  formed  a  constitution  and  months  from  its  date.  Missouri  was 
State  government  preparatory  to  admis-  never  admitted  under  the  act  of  the 
sion  into  the  Union,  in  conformity  with  6th  of  March,  1820.  She  was  refused 
the  act.  At  the  next  session  of  Congress,  admission  under  that  act.  She  was  voted 
the  Senate  passed  a  joint  resolution  de-  out  of  the  Union  by  Northern  votes,  not- 
claring  Missouri  to  be  one  of  the  States  withstanding  the  stipulation  that  she 
of  the  Union,  on  an  equal  footing  with  should  be  received;  and,  in  consequence 
the  original  States.  This  resolution  was  of  these  facts,  a  new  compromise  was 
sent  to  the  House  of  Representatives,  rendered  necessary,  by  the  terms  of  which 
where  it  was  rejected  by  Northern  votes,  Missouri  was  to  be  admitted  into  the 
and  thus  Missouri  was  voted  out  of  the  Union  conditionally — admitted  on  a  con- 
Union,  instead  of  being  received  into  the  dition  not  embraced  in  the  act  of  1820, 
Union  imder  the  act  of  the  6th  of  March,  and  in  addition  to  a  full  compliance 
1820,  now  known  as  the  Missouri  COm-  with  all  the  provisions  of  said  act.  If, 
promise.  Now,  sir,  what  becomes  of  our  then,  the  act  of  1820,  by  the  eighth  sec- 
plighted  faith,  if  the  act  of  the  6th  of  tion  of  which  slavery  was  prohibited  in 
March,  1820,  was  a  solemn  compact,  as  Missouri,  was  a  compact,  it  is  clear  to 
we  are  now  told?  They  have  all  rung  the  comprehension  of  every  fair-minded 
the  changes  upon  it,  that  it  was  a  sacred  man  that  the  refusal  of  the  North  to 
and  irrevocable  compact,  binding  in  admit  Missouri,  in  compliance  with  its 
honor,  in  conscience,  and  morals,  which  stipulations,  and  without  further  condi- 
could  not  be  violated  or  repudiated  with-  tions,  imposes  upon  us  a  high  moral  obli- 
out  perfidy  and  dishonor!  ,  .  .  Sir,  gation  to  remove  the  prohibition  of 
if  this  was  a  compact,  what  must  be  slavery  in  the  Territories,  since  it  has 
thought  of  those  who  violated  it  almost  been  shown  to  have  been  procured  upon 
inmiediately  after  it  was  formed?  I  say  a  condition  never  performed.  .  .  . 
it  is  a  calumny  upon  the  North  to  say  The  Declaration  of  Independence  had 
tliat  it  was  a  compact.  I  should  feel  a  its  origin  in  the  violation  of  that  great 
flush  of  shame  upon  my  cheek,  as  a  fundamental  principle  which  secured  to 
Northern  man,  if  I  were  to  say  that  it  the  colonies  the  right  to  regulate  their 
was  a  compact,  and  that  the  section  of  own  domestic  affairs  in  their  own  way; 
the  country  to  which  I  belong  received  and  the  Revolution  resulted  in  the  tri- 
the  consideration  and  then  repudiated  umph  of  that  principle  and  the  recogni- 
the  obligation  in  eleven  months  after  it  tion  of  the  right  asserted  by  it.  Abo- 
was  entered  into.  I  deny  that  it  was  a  litionism  proposes  to  destroy  the  right 
compact,  in  any  sense  of  the  term.  But  and  extinguish  the  principle  for  which 
if  it  was,  the  record  proves  that  faith  our  forefathers  waged  a  seven  years' 
was  not  observed;  that  the  contract  was  bloody  war,  and  upon  which  our  whole 
never  carried  into  effect;  that  after  the  system  of  free  government  is  founded. 
North  had  procured  the  passage  of  the  They  not  only  deny  the  application  of  this 
act  prohibiting  slavery  in  the  Territories,  principle  to  the  Territories,  but  insist 
with  a  majority  in  the  House  large  upon  fastening  the  prohibition  upon  the 
enough  to  prevent  its  repeal,  Missouri  abolitionists;  the  doctrine  of  the  oppo- 
was  refused  admission  into  the  Union  as  nents  of  the  Nebraska  and  Kansas  bill, 
a  slave-holding  State,  in  conformity  with  and  the  advocates  of  the  Missouri  restric- 
the  act  of  March  6,  1820.  If  the  propo-  tion  demands  congressional  interference 
sit  ion  be  correct,  as  contended  for  by  the  with  slavery  not  only  in  the  Territories, 
opponents  of  this  bill — that  there  was  a  but  in  all  the  new  States  to  be  formed 
solemn  compact  between  the  North  and  therefrom.  It  is  the  same  doctrine,  when 
the  South  that,  in  the  consideration  of  applied  to  the  Territories  and  new  States 
the  prohibition   of  slavery  in  the  Terri-  of  this  Union,  which  the  British  govern 



ment  attempted  to  enforce  by  the  sword 
upon  the  American  colonies.  It  is  this 
fundamental  principle  of  self-government 
which  constitutes  the  distinguishing  feat- 
ure of  the  Nebraska  bill.  The  opponents 
of  the  principle  are  consistent  in  oppos- 
ing the  bill.  I  do  not  blame  them  for 
their  opposition.  I  only  ask  them  to  meet 
the  issue  fairly  and  openly  by  acknowl- 
edging that  they  are  opposed  to  the  prin- 

until  the  swelling  tide  of  emigration 
should  burst  through  and  accomplish  by 
violence  what  it  is  the  part  of  wisdom  and 
statesmanship  to  direct  and  regulate  by 
law.  How  long  could  you  have  postponed 
action  with  safety?  How  long  could  you 
maintain  that  Indian  barrier  and  restrain 
the  onward  march  of  civilization,  Chris- 
tianity, and  free  government  by  a  bar- 
barian  wall?     Do   you   suppose   that   you 

ciple  which  it  is  the  object  of  the  bill  to    could   keep   that  vast   country  a   howling 

carry  into  operation.  It  seems  that  there 
is  no  power  on  earth,  no  intellectual 
power,  no  mechanical  power,  that  can 
bring  them  to  a  fair  discussion  of  the 
true  issue.  If  they  hope  to  delude  the 
people  and  escape  detection  for  any  con- 
siderable length  of  time  under  the  catch- 
words, "  Missouri  Compromise "  and 
"  faith  of  compacts,"  they  wnll  find  that 
the  people  of  this  country  have  more  pene- 
tration and  intelligence  than  they  have 
given  them  credit  for. 

Mr.  President,  there  is  an  important 
fact  connected  with  this  slavery  regula- 
tion which  should  never  be  lost  sight  of. 

wilderness  in  all  times  to  come,  roamed 
over  by  hostile  savages,  cutting  off  all 
safe  communication  between  our  Atlantic 
and  Pacific  possessions?  I  tell  you  that 
the  time  for  action  has  come  and  cannot 
be  postponed.  It  is  a  case  in  which  the 
"  let-alone "  policy  would  precipitate  a 
crisis  which  must  inevitably  result  in  vio- 
lence, anarchy,  and  strife. 

You  cannot  fix  bounds  to  the  onward 
inarch  of  this  great  and  growing  country. 
You  cannot  fetter  the  limbs  of  the  young 
giant.  He  will  burst  all  your  chains.  He 
will  expand,  and  grow,  and  increase,  and 
extend  civilization,   Christianitv.    and  lib- 

It   has   always   arisen   from   one   and   the    eral  principles.     Then,  sir,  if  you  cannot 

same  cause.  Whenever  that  cause  has 
been  removed,  the  agitation  has  ceased ; 
and  whenever  the  cause  has  been  renewed, 
the  agitation  has  sprung  into  existence. 
That  cause  is,  and  ever  has  been,  the  at- 

check  the  growth  of  the  country  in  that 
direction,  is  it  not  the  part  of  wisdom  to 
look  the  danger  in  the  face,  and  provide 
for  an  event  which  you  cannot  avoid  ?  I  tell 
you,   sir,   you    must   provide   for   lines   of 

tempt  on  the  part  of  Congress  to  interfere  continuous  settlement  from  the  Mississippi 

with  the  question  of  slavery  in  the  Terri-  Valley  to  the  Pacific  Ocean.     And  in  mak- 

tories  and  new  States   formed  therefrom,  ing  this  provision,  you  must  decide  upon 

Is  it  not  wise,  then,  to  confine  our  action  what   principles    the   Territories    shall    be 

within  the  sphere  of  our  legitimate  duties  organized ;    in    other    words,    whether    the 

and  leave  this  vexed  question  to  take  care 
of  itself  in  each  State  and  Territory,  ac- 
cording to  the  wishes  of  the  people  thereof, 
in  conformity  to  the  forms  and  in  sub- 
jection to  the  pi'ovisions  of  the  Constitu- 

The  opponents  of  the  bill  tell  us  that 
agitation  is  no  part  of  their  policy;  that 
their  great  desire  is  peace  and  harmony; 
and  they  complain  bitterly  that  I  should 

people  shall  be  allowed  to  regulate  their 
domestic  institutions  in  their  own  way, 
according  to  the  provisions  of  this  bill,  or 
whether  the  opposite  doctrine  of  congres- 
sional interference  is  to  prevail.  Post- 
pone it,  if  you  will ;  but  whenever  you  do 
act,  this  question  must  be  met  and  de- 
cided.  .   .   . 

There  is  another  reason  why  I  desire  tt 
see  this  principle  recognized  as  a  rule  ol 

have  disturbed  the  repose  of  the  country    action  in  all  time  to  come.     It  will  have 

by  the  introduction  of  this  measure.  Let 
me  ask  these  professed  friends  of  peace, 
and  avowed  enemies  of  agitation,  how  the 
issue  could  have  been  avoided?  They  tell 
me  that  I  should  have  let  the  question 
alone;    that    is,   that   I    should   have    left 

the  effect  to  destroy  all  sectional  parties 
and  sectional  agitations.  If,  in  the  lan- 
guage of  the  report  of  the  committee,  you 
withdraw  the  slavery  question  from  the 
halls  of  Congress  and  the  political  arena, 
and  commit  it  to  the  arbitrament  of  those 

Nebraska  unorganized,  the   people   unpro-    who    are    immediately    interested    in    and 
tected,  and  the  Indian  barrier  in  existence    alone    responsible    for    its    consequences, 



there  is  nothing  left  out  of  which  sectional  The  Crime  Against  Kansas. — On  May 
parties  can  be  organized.  It  never  was  19-20,  185G,  Charles  Sumner  delivered  the 
done,  and  never  can  be  done,  on  the  bank,  following  speech  in  the  United  States  Sen- 
tariff,  distribution,  or  any  party  issue  ate  on  what  he  declared  to  be  a  crime 
which  has  existed  or  may  exist,  after  this  against  Kansas: 
slavery   question   is   drawn   from   politics. 

On  every  other  political  question  these  Mr.  President,  you  are  now  called  to 
have  always  supporters  and  opponents  in  redress  a  great  transgression.  Seldom  in 
every  portion  of  the  Union — in  each  State,  the  history  of  nations  has  such  a  question 
county,  village,  and  neighborhood — resid-  been  presented.  Tariffs,  army  bills,  navy 
ing  together  in  harmonj^  and  good-fellow-  bills,  land  bills,  are  important,  and  justly 
ship,  and  combating  each  other's  opinions  occupy  your  care;  but  these  all  belong 
and  correcting  each  other's  errors  in  a  to  the  course  of  ordinary  legislation.  As 
spirit  of  kindness  and  friendship.  These  means  and  instruments  only,  they  are  nec- 
differences  of  opinion  between  neighbors  essarily  subordinate  to  the  conservation 
and  friends,  and  the  discussions  that  grow  of  government  itself.  Grant  them  or  deny 
out  of  them,  and  the  sympathy  which  each  them,  in  greater  or  less  degree,  and  you 
feels  with  the  advocates  of  his  own  opin-  will  inflict  no  shock.  The  machinery  of 
ions  in  every  portion  of  this  widespread  government  will  continue  to  move.  The 
republic,  add  an  overwhelming  and  irre-  state  will  not  cease  to  exist.  Far  other- 
sistible  moral  weight  to  the  strength  of  wise  is  it  with  the  eminent  question  now 
the  confederacy.  Affection  for  the  Union  before  you,  involving,  as  it  does,  liberty 
can  never  be  alienated  or  diminished  by  in  a  broad  territory,  and  also  involving 
any  other  party  issues  than  those  which  the  peace  of  the  whole  country,  with  our 
are  joined  upon  sectional  or  geographical  good  name  in  history  forevermore. 
lines.  When  the  people  of  the  North  shall  Take  down  your  map,  sir,  and  you  will 
be  rallied  under  one  banner,  and  the  whole  find  that  the  Territory  of  Kansas,  more 
South  marshalled  under  another  banner,  than  any  other  region,  occupies  the  mid- 
and  each  section  excited  to  frenzy  and  die  spot  of  North  America,  equally  dis- 
madness  by  hostility  to  the  institutions  tant  from  the  Atlantic  on  the  east,  and 
of  the  other,  then  the  patriot  may  well  the  Pacific  on  the  west;  from  the  frozen 
tremble  for  the  perpetuity  of  the  Union,  waters  of  Hudson  Bay  on  the  north,  and 
Withdraw  the  slavery  question  from  the  the  tepid  Gulf  Stream  on  the  south,  eon- 
political  arena,  and  remove  it  to  the  States  stituting  the  precise  territorial  centre  of 
and  Territories,  each  to  decide  for  itself,  the  whole  vast  continent.  To  such  ad- 
and  such  a  catastrophe  can  never  happen,  vantages  of  situation,  on  the  very  high- 
Then  you  will  never  be  able  to  tell,  by  any  waj--  between  two  oceans,  are  added  a 
Senator's  vote  for  or  against  any  meas-  soil  of  unsurpassed  richness,  and  a  fas- 
ure,  from  Avhat  State  or  section  of  the  cinating,  undulating  beauty  of  surface. 
Union  he  comes.  with  a  health-giving  climate,  calculated  to 
Why,  then,  can  we  not  withdraw  this  nurture  a  powerful  and  generous  people, 
vexed  question  from  politics?  Why  can  worthy  to  be  a  central  pivot  of  American 
we  not  adopt  the  principle  of  this  bill  institutions.  A  few  short  months  only 
OS  a  rule  of  action  in  all  new  territorial  have  passed  since  this  spacious  and  medi- 
organizations?  Why  can  we  not  deprive  terranean  country  was  open  only  to  the 
these  agitators  of  their  vocation  and  ren-  savage  who  ran  wild  in  its  woods  and 
der  it  impossible  for  Senators  to  come  prairies,  and  now  it  has  already  drawn 
here  upon  bargains  on  the  slavery  ques-  to  its  bosom  a  population  of  freemen 
tion?  I  believe  that  the  peace,  the  har-  larger  than  Athens  crowded  within  her 
mony,  and  perpetuity  of  the  Union  require  historic  gates,  when  her  sons,  under 
us  to  go  back  to  the  doctrines  of  the  Miltiades.  won  liberty  for  mankind  on  the 
Eevolution,  to  the  principles  of  the  Com-  field  of  Marathon;  more  than  Sparta  con- 
promise  of  1850.  and  leave  the  people,  tained  when  she  ruled  Greece,  and  sent 
under  the  Constitution,  to  do  as  they  may  forth  her  devoted  children,  quickened  by  a 
see  proper  in  respect  to  their  own  in-  mother's  benediction,  to  return  with  their 
ternal  affairs.  shields,    or    on    them :    more    than    Rome 



gathered  on  her  seven  hills,  when,  under  of  popular  institutions,  more  sacred  than 

her  kings,  she  commenced  that  sovereign  any  heathen  altar,  have  been  desecrated; 

sway,     which     afterwards     embraced     the  where  the  ballot-box,  more  precious  than 

whole  earth;  more  than  London  held  when,  any  work,   in   ivory  or  marble,   from  the 

on  the  fields  of  Crecy  and  Agincourt,  the  cunning  hand  of  art,  has  been  plundered; 

English    banner   was    carried   victoriously  and  where  the   cry,   "  I   am  an  American 

over  the  chivalrous  hosts  of  France.  citizen,"     has    been     interposed    in    vain 

Against  this  Territory,  thus   fortunate  against  outrage  of  every  kind,  even  upon 

in  position   and  population,   a   crime  has  life    itself.       Are   you    against    sacrilege? 

been  committed,  which  is  without  example  I    present   it   for   your    execration.       Are 

in  the  records  of  the  past.     Not  in  plun-  you    against    robbery?     I    hold    it   up    to 

dered  provinces  or  in  the  cruelties  of  self-  your  scorn.    Are  you  for  the  protection  of 

ish  governors  will  you   find   its  parallel;  American  citizens?     I  show  you  how  their 

and    yet    there    is    an    ancient    instance,  dearest    rights    have    been    cloven    down, 

which  may  show  at  least  the  path  of  jus-  while  a  tyrannical  usurpation  has  sought 

tice.       In    the    terrible    impeachment    by  to  install  itself  on  their  very  necks ! 

which  the  great  Roman  orator  has  blasted  But  the  wickedness  which  I  now  begin 

through    all    time    the    name    of    Verres,  to  expose  is  immeasurably  aggravated  by 

amid    charges    of    robbery    and    sacrilege,  the   motive   which    prompted    it.     Not   in 

the    enormity    which    most    aroused    the  any  common  lust  for  power  did  this  un- 

indignant  voice  of  his  accuser,  and  which  common   tragedy   have    its    origin.     It    is 

still  stands  forth  with  strongest  distinct-  the  rape  of  a  virgin  Territory,  compelling 

ness,   arresting   the   sympathetic   indigna-  it  to  the  hateful  embrace  of  slavery;  and 

tion  of   all   who   read   the   story,   is   that  it   may  be   clearly   traced   to   a   depraved 

away   in   Sicily   he   had   scourged   a   citi-  longing  for  a  new  slave  State,  the  hide- 

zen    of    Rome — that    the    cry,    "  I    am    a  ous  offspring  of  such  a  crime,  in  the  hope 

Roman   citizen,"   had   been    interposed    in  of  adding  to  the  power  of  slavery  in  the 

vain  against  the  lash  of  the  tyrant  gov-  national  government.     Yes,  sir;  when  the 

ernor.     Other   charges   were   that   he   had  whole   world    alike.    Christian    and   Tui-k, 

carried  away  productions  of  art,  and  that  is  rising  up  to  condemn  this  Avrong,  and 

he    had    violated    the    sacred    shrines.     It  to  make  it  a  hissing  to  the  nations,  here 

was  in  the  presence  of  the  Roman  senate  in   our   republic,    force — ay,    sir,    force — 

that    this    arraignment    proceeded;    in    a  has   been   openly   employed   in   compelling 

temple   of   the    Forum;    amidst   crowds —  Kansas  to  this  pollution,  and  all  for  the 

such  as  no  orator  had  ever  before  drawn  sake    of    political    power.     There    is    the 

together  —  thronging    the    porticoes    and  simple   fact,   which   you   will   in   vain   at- 

colonnades,    even    clinging    to    the    house-  tempt   to   deny,   but  which   in   itself  pre- 

tops    and   neighboring   slopes — and   under  sents  an  essential  wickedness  that  makes 

the  anxious  gaze  of  witnesses  summoned  other     public     crimes     seem     like    public 

from   the   scene   of   crime.     But   an   audi-  virtues. 

ence  grander  far — of  higher  dignity — of  But  this  enormity,  vast  beyond  corn- 
more  various  people,  and  of  wider  intelli-  parison,  swells  to  dimensions  of  wicked- 
gence — the  countless  multitude  of  sue-  ness  which  the  imagination  toils  in  vain 
ceeding  generations,  in  every  land,  where  to  grasp,  when  it  is  understood  that  for 
eloquence  has  been  studied,  or  where  the  this  purpose  are  hazarded  the  horrors 
Roman  name  has  been  recognized,  has  of  intestine  feud  not  only  in  this  distant 
listened  to  the  accusation,  and  throbbed  Territory,  but  every^vhere  throughout  the 
with  condemnation  of  the  criminal.  Sir,  country.  Already  the  muster  has  begun, 
speaking  in  an  age  of  light,  and  a  land  The  strife  is  no  longer  local,  but  na- 
of  constitutional  liberty,  where  the  safe-  tional.  Even  now,  while  I  speak,  portents 
guards  of  elections  are  justly  placed  hang  on  all  the  arches  of  the  horizon 
among  the  highest  triumphs  of  civiliza-  threatening  to  darken  the  broad  land, 
tion,  I  fearlessly  assert  that  the  wrongs  which  already  yawns  with  the  mutterings 
of  much-abused  Sicily,  thns  memorable  of  civil  war.  The  fury  of  the  propagan- 
in  history,  were  small  by  the  side  of  the  dists  of  slavery,  and  the  calm  determina- 
wrongs  of  Kansas,  where  the  very  shrines  tion  of  their  opponents,  are  now  diffused 



from  the  distant  territory  over  widespread 
communities,  and  the  whole  country,  in  all 
its  extent — marshalling  hostile  divisions, 
and  foreshadowing  a  strife  which,  unless 
happily  averted  by  the  triumph  of  free- 
dom, will  become  war — fratricidal,  parri- 
cidal war — with  an  accumulated  wicked- 
ness bej'ond  the  wickedness  of  any  war 
in  human  annals;  justly  provoking  the 
avenging  judgment  of  Providence  and  the 
avenging  pen  of  history,  and  constituting 
a  strife,  in  the  language  of  the  ancient 
writer,  more  than  foreign,  more  than 
social,  more  than  civil;  but  something 
compounded  of  all  these  strifes,  and  in 
itself  more  than  war;  sed  j}otius  commune 
quoddam  ex  omnibus,  et  plus  quam  helium. 
Such  is  the  crime  which  you  are  to 
judge.  But  the  criminal  also  must  be 
dragged  into  day,  that  you  may  see  and 
measure  the  power  by  which  all  this  wrong 
is  sustained.  From  no  common  source 
could  it  proceed.  In  its  perpetration  was 
needed  a  spirit  of  vaulting  ambition  which 
would  hesitate  at  nothing;  a  hardihood 
of  purpose  which  was  insensible  to  the 
judgment  of  mankind;  a  madness  for 
slavery  which  would  disregard  the  Consti- 
tution, the  laws,  and  all  the  great  exam- 
ples of  our  history;  also  a  consciousness 
of  power  such  as  comes  from  the  habit 
of  power;  a  combination  of  energies  found 
only  in  a  hundred  ai-ms  directed  by  a  hun- 
dred eyes;  a  control  of  public  opinion 
through  venal  pens  and  a  prostituted 
press ;  an  ability  to  subsidize  crowds  in 
every  vocation  of  life — the  politician  with 
his  local  importance,  the  laA^'j'er  with  his 
subtle  tongue,  and  even  the  authority  of 
the  judge  on  the  bench ;  and  a  familiar 
use  of  men  in  places  high  and  low,  so  that 
none,  from  the  President  to  the  lowest 
border  postmaster,  should  decline  to  be  its 
tool ;  all  these  things  and  more  were  need- 
ed, and  they  were  found  in  the  slave-power 
of  our  republic.  There,  sir,  stands  the 
criminal,  all  unmasked  before  you — heart- 
less, grasping,  and  tyrannical — with  an 
audacity  beyond  that  of  Verres,  a  subtlety 
beyond  that  of  ^fachiavelli.  a  meanness  be- 
yond thnt  of  Bacon,  and  an  ability  beyond 
that  of  Hastings.  Justice  to  Kansas  can 
be  secured  only  by  the  prostration  of  this 
influence:  for  this  is  the  power  behind — 
greater  than  any  President — which  succors 
and  sustains  the  crime.    Nay,  the  proceed- 

ings I  now  arraign  derive  their  fearful 
consequences  only  from  this  connection. 

In  now  opening  this  great  matter,  I 
am  not  insensible  to  the  austere  demands 
of  the  occasion ;  but  the  dependence  of  the 
crime  against  Kansas  upon  the  slave- 
power  is  so  peculiar  and  important  that  I 
trust  to  be  pardoned  while  I  impress  it 
with  an  illustration,  which  to  some  may 
seem  trivial.  It  is  related  in  Northern 
mythology  that  the  god  of  Force,  visiting 
an  enchanted  region,  was  challenged  by 
his  royal  entertainer  to  what  seemed  an 
humble  feat  of  strength — merely,  sir,  to 
lift  a  cat  from  the  ground.  The  god 
smiled  at  the  challenge,  and  calmly  plac- 
ing his  hand  under  the  belly  of  the  animal, 
with  superb ilman  strength  strove  while 
the  back  of  the  feline  monster  arched  far 
upward,  even  beyond  reach,  and  one  paw 
actually  forsook  the  e^rth,  until  at  last 
the  discomfited  divinity  desisted;  but  he 
was  little  surprised  at  his  defeat  when 
he  learned  that  this  creature,  which 
seemed  to  be  a  cat,  and  nothing  more, 
was  not  merely  a  cat,  but  that  it  belonged 
to  and  was  a  part  of  the  great  terrestrial 
serpent,  which,  in  its  innumerable  folds,  en- 
circled the  whole  globe.  Even  so  the 
creature,  whose  paws  are  now  fastened 
upon  Kansas,  whatever  it  may  seem  to  be, 
constitutes  in  reality  a  part  of  the  slave- 
power,  which,  in  its  loathsome  folds,  is 
now  coiled  about  the  whole  land.  Thus 
do  I  expose  the  extent  of  the  present  con- 
test, where  we  encounter  not  merely  local 
resistance,  but  also  the  unconquered  sus- 
taining arm  behind.  But  out  of  the  vast- 
ness  of  the  crime  attempted,  with  all  its 
woe  and  shame,  I  derive  a  well-foimded  as- 
surance of  a  commensurate  vastness  of 
effort  against  it  by  the  aroused  masses  of 
the  country,  determined  not  only  to  vindi- 
cate right  against  wrong,  but  to  redeem 
the  republic  from  the  thraldom  of  thai 
oligarchy  which  prompts,  directs,  and 
concentrates  the  distant  wrong.  .  .  . 

But,  before  entering  upon  the  argu- 
ment, I  must  say  something  of  a  general 
character,  particularly  in  response  to 
what  has  fallen  from  Senators  who  have 
raised  themselves  to  eminence  on  this  floor 
in  championship  of  human  wrongs.  I 
mean  the  Senator  from  South  Carolina 
(Mr.  Butler)  and  the  Senator  from 
Illinois    (Mr.  Douglas),  who,  though  un- 



like  as  Don  Quixote  and  Sancho  Panza,  over  the  republic,  and  yet,  with  a  ludicrous 
yet,  like  this  couple,  sally  forth  together  ignorance  of  his  own  position — unable  to 
in  the  same  adventure.  I  regret  much  to  see  himself  as  others  see  him — or  with  an 
miss  the  elder  Senator  from  his  seat;  but  effrontery  which  even  his  white  head 
the  cause,  against  which  he  has  run  atilt  ought  not  to  protect  from  rebuke,  he  ap- 
with  such  activity  of  animosity,  demands  plies  to  those  here  who  resist  his  section- 
that  the  opportunity  of  exposing  him  alisra  the  very  epithet  which  designates 
should  not  be  lost;  and  it  is  for  the  cause  himself.  The  men  who  strive  to  bring 
that  I  speak.  The  Senator  from  South  back  the  government  to  its  original  policy, 
Carolina  has  read  many  books  of  chivalry,  when  freedom  and  not  slavery  was  sec- 
and  believes  himself  a  chivalrous  knight,  tional,  he  arraigns  as  sectional.  This  will 
with  sentiments  of  honor  and  courage,  not  do.  It  involves  too  great  a  perversion 
Of  course,  he  has  chosen  a  mistress  to  of  terms.  I  tell  that  Senator  that  it  is  to 
whom  he  has  made  his  vows,  and  who,  himself,  and  to  the  "  organization "  of 
though  ugly  to  others,  is  always  lovely  which  he  is  the  "  committed  advocate," 
to  him;  though  polluted  in  the  sight  of  the  that  this  epithet  belongs.  I  now  fasten  it 
world,  is  chaste  in  his  sight — I  mean  the  upon  them.  For  myself,  I  care  little  for 
harlot.  Slavery.  For  her,  his  tongue  is  names;  but  since  the  question  has  been 
always  profuse  in  words.  Let  her  be  im-  raised  here,  I  affirm  that  the  Republican 
peached  in  character,  or  any  proposition  party  of  the  Union  is  in  no  just  sense 
made  to  shut  her  out  from  the  extension  sectional,  but,  more  than  any  other  party, 
of  her  wantonness,  and  no  extravagance  national;  and  that  it  now  goes  forth  to 
of  manner  or  hardihood  of  assertion  is  dislodge  from  the  high  places  of  the  gov- 
then  too  great  for  this  Senator.  The  ernment  the  tyrannical  sectionalism  of 
frenzy  of  Don  Quixote,  in  behalf  of  his  which  the  Senator  from  South  Carolina 
wench,  Dulcinea  del  Toboso,  is  all  sur-  is  one  of  the  maddest  zealots.  .  .  . 
passed.  The  asserted  rights  of  slavery,  As  the  Senator  from  South  Carolina  is 
which  shock  equality  of  all  kinds,  are  the  Don  Quixote,  the  Senator  from  Illinois 
cloaked  by  a  fantastic  claim  of  equality.  (Mr.  Douglas)  is  the  squire  of  slavery. 
If  the  slave  States  cannot  enjoy  what,  in  its  very  Sancho  Panza,  ready  to  do  all  its 
mockery  of  the  great  fathers  of  the  re-  humiliating  offices.  This  Senator,  in  his 
public,  he  misnames  equality  under  the  labored  address,  vindicating  his  labored 
Constitution — in  other  words,  the  full  report — piling  one  mass  of  elaborate  error 
power  in  the  national  Territories  to  com-  upon  another  mass — ^constrained  himself, 
pel  fellow-men  to  unpaid  toil,  to  separate  as  you  will  remember,  to  unfamiliar  de- 
husband  and  wife,  and  to  sell  little  chil-  ceiicies  of  speech.  Of  that  address  I  have 
dren  at  the  auction  block — then,  sir,  the  nothing  to  say  at  this  moment,  though  be- 
chivalric  Senator  will  conduct  the  State  of  fore  I  sit  down  I  shall  show  something  of 
South  Carolina  out  of  the  Union!  Heroic  its  fallacies.  But  I  go  back  now  to  an 
knight!  Exalted  Senator!  A  second  Moses  earlier  occasion,  when,  true  to  his  native 
come  for  a  second  exodus!  impulses,  he  threw  into  this  discussion. 
But  not  content  with  this  poor  menace,  "  for  a  charm  of  powerful  trouble,"  per- 
which  we  have  been  twice  told  was  "  meas-  sonalities  most  discreditable  to  this  body, 
ured,"  the  Senator,  in  the  unrestrained  I  will  not  stop  to  repel  the  imputations 
chivalry  of  his  nature,  has  undertaken  to  which  he  cast  upon  myself:  but  I  mention 
apply  opprobrious  words  to  those  ■who  them  to  remind  you  of  the  "  sweltered 
differ  from  him  on  this  floor.  He  calls  venom  sleeping  not,"  which,  with  other 
them  "  sectional  and  fanatical  ";  and  oppo-  poisoned  ingredients,  he  cast  into  the 
sition  to  the  usurpation  in  Kansas  he  de-  caldron  of  this  debate.  Of  other  things  I 
nounces  as  "  an  uncalculating  fanaticism."  speak.  Standing  on  this  floor,  the  Sen- 
To  be  sure,  these  charges  lack  all  grace  of  ntor  issued  his  rescript,  requiring  sub- 
originality,  and  all  sentiment  of  truth;  mission  to  the  usurped  power  of  Kansas; 
but  the  adventurous  Senator  does  not  hesi-  and  this  was  accompanied  by  a  manner — 
tate.  He  is  the  uncompromising,  unblush-  all  his  own — such  as  befits  the  tyrannical 
ing  representative  on  this  floor  of  a  fla-  threat.  Very  well.  Let  the  Senator  try. 
grant  sectionalism,  which  now  domineers  I  tell  him  now  that  he  cannot  force  any 



such  submission.     The  Senator,  with  the  miliar  with  the  life  of  Franklin;  and  yet 

slave-power  at  his  back,  is  strong;  but  he  he   referred   to   this   household    character, 

is  not  strong  enough  for  this  purpose.    He  while  acting  agent  of  our  fathers  in  Eng« 

is  bold.     He  shrinks  from  nothing.     Like  land,    as    above    suspicion;    and    this   was 

Danton,  he  may  cry,  "  L'audacel  Vaudace!  done  thsvt  he  might  give  a  point  to  a  false 

toujours  Vaudace.'"  but  even  his  audacity  contrast   with   the   agent   of   Kansas — not 

cannot  compass   this  work.     The  Senator  knowing  that,  however  they  may  differ  in 

copies  the  British  officer  who,  with  boast-  genius  and   fame,  in  this  experience  they 

ful    swagger,   said   that   with   the   hilt   of  are  alike:   that  Franklin,  when  intrusted 

his  sword   he  would   cram  the  "stamps"  with  the  petitions  of  Massachusetts  Bay, 

down  the  throats  of  the  American  people,  was  assaulted  by  a  foul-mouthed  speaker, 

and  he  will   meet  with  a  similar  failure,  where  he  could  not  be  heard  in   defence, 

He    may    convulse    this    country    with    a  and  denounced  as  a  "  thief,"  even  as  the 

civil  feud.     Like  the  ancient  madman,  he  agent   of   Kansas   has   been    assaulted   on 

may   set   lire   to   this   temple   of   constitu-  this   floor,   and  denounced  as  a  "  forger." 

tional  liberty,  grander  than  the  Ephesian  And  let  not  the  vanity  of  the  Senator  be 

dome;  bvit  he  cannot  enforce  obedience  to  inspired  by  the  parallel  with  the  British 

that  tyrannical  usurpation.  statesman  of  that  day;   for  it  is  only  in 

The  Senator  dreams  that  he  can  subdue  hostility  to  freedom  that  any  parallel  can 

the  North.     He  disclaims  the  open  threat,  be  recognized. 

but  his  conduct  still  implies  it.     How  lit-        But  it  is  against  the  people  of  Kansas 

tie    that    Senator    knows    himself    or    the  that   the   sensibilities  of  the   Senator   are 

strength  of  the  cause  which  he  persecutes!  particularly  aroused.     Coming,  as  he  an- 

He  is  but  a  mortal  man ;   against  him  is  nounees,   "  from   a   State  " — ay,   sir,    from 

an  immortal  principle.     With  finite  power  South  Carolina' — he  turns  with  lordly  dis- 

he  wrestles  with  the  infinite,  and  he  must  gust  from  this  newly  formed  community, 

fall.    Against  him  are  stronger  battalions  which    he    will    not    recognize    even    as    a 

than  any  marshalled  by  mortal  arm — the  "  body  politic."     Pray,   sir,  by  what  title 

inborn,  ineradicable,  invincible  sentiments  does  he  indulge  in  this  egotism?     Has  he 

of  the  human  heart ;  against  him  is  nature  read  the  history  of  "  the  State  "  which  he 

in   all   her   subtle   forces;    against  him   is  represents?      He   cannot   surely  have   for- 

God.     Let  him  try  to  subdue  these.  gotten   its   shameful   imbecility   from   sla- 

With  regret,  I  come  again  upon  the  very,  confessed  thi'oughout  the  Revolution, 
Senator  from  South  Carolina  (Mr.  But-  followed  by  its  more  shameful  assump- 
ler),  who,  omnipresent  in  this  debate,  over-  tions  for  slavery  since.  He  cannot  have 
flowed  with  rage  at  the  simple  suggestion  forgotten  its  wretched  persistence  in  the 
that  Kansas  had  applied  for  admission  as  slave-trade  as  the  very  apple  of  its  eye, 
a  State ;  and,  with  incoherent  phrases,  dis-  and  the  condition  of  its  participation  in 
charged  the  loose  expectoration  of  his  the  Union.  He  cannot  have  forgotten  its 
speech,  now  upon  her  representative,  and  constitution,  which  is  republican  only  in 
then  upon  her  people.  There  was  no  ex-  name,  confirming  power  only  in  the  hands 
travagance  of  the  ancient  parliamentary  of  the  few,  and  founding  the  qualifications 
debate  which  he  did  not  repeat;  nor  was  of  its  legislators  on  a  "settled  free- 
there  any  possible  deviation  from  truth  hold  estate  and  ten  negroes."  And  yet 
which  he  did  not  make,  with  so  much  of  the  Senator,  to  whom  that  "  State  "  has 
passion,  I  am  glad  to  add,  as  to  save  him  in  part  committed  the  guardianship  of  its 
from  the  suspicion  of  intentional  aberra-  good  name,  instead  of  moving,  with  back- 
tion.  But  the  Senator  touches  nothing  ward  treading  steps,  to  cover  its  naked- 
which  he  does  not  disguise  with  error,  ness,  rushes  forward  in  the  very  ecstasy 
sometimes  of  principle,  sometimes  of  fact,  of  madness,  to  expose  it  by  provoking  a 
He  shows  an  incapacity  of  accuracy,  comparison  with  Kansas.  South  Carolina 
whether  in  stating  the  Constitution,  or  in  is  old;  Kansas  is  young.  South  Carolina 
stating  the  law,  whether  in  the  details  of  counts  by  eentiiries  where  Kansas  counts 
statistics  or  the  diversions  of  scholarship,  by  years.  But  a  beneficent  example  may 
He  cannot  open  his  mouth,  but  out  there  be  born  in  a  day:  and  I  venture  to  say 
flies  a  blunder.     Surely  he  ought  to  be  fa-  that,  against  the  two  centuries  of  the  olde? 



*  State,"  may  be  already  set  the  two  years  Frederick  the  Great  and  the  United  States, 

of  trial,  evolving  corresponding  virtue,  in  He    died    in    Berlin,    Germany,    Oct.    27, 

the   younger   community.      In   the   one   is  1884. 

the  long  wail  of  slavery;  in  the  other,  Kaskaskia.  The  Illinois  country  under 
the  hymns  of  freedom.  And  if  we  glance  the  rule  of  the  French  contained  six  dis- 
at  special  achievements,  it  will  be  difficult  tinct  settlements,  one  of  which  was  Kas- 
to  find  anything  in  the  history  of  South  kaskia,  situated  upon  the  Kaskaskia 
Carolina  which  presents  so  much  of  heroic  River,  5  miles  above  its  mouth,  and  with- 
spirit  in  an  heroic  cause  as  appears  in  in  2  miles  of  the  Mississppi  River.  Kas- 
tliat  repulse  of  the  Missouri  invaders  by  kaskia,  under  the  French  regime,  was, 
the  beleaguered  town  of  Lawrence,  where  comparatively  speaking,  a  large  town,  con- 
even  the  women  gave  their  effective  efforts  taining  from  2,000  to  3,000  inhabitants, 
to  freedom.  .  .  .  When  the  French  were  expelled  from  this 

Already    in    Lawrence    alone    there    are  region  by  the  British  and  Americans,  the 

newspapers  and  schools,  including  a  high  population    rapidly    decreased.      On    July 

school,  and  throughout  this  infant  Terri-  5,    1778,   the   town   was   captured   by   the 

tory    there    is    more    mature    scholarship  Americans  under  George  Rogers  Clarke 

far,  in  proportion  to  its  inhabitants,  than  (g.  v.),  who  was  acting  under  authoriza- 

in  all  South  Carolina.     Ah,  sir,  I  tell  the  tion  of  Patrick  Henry,  at  that  time  gov- 

Senator  that  Kansas,  welcomed  as  a  free  ernor  of  Virginia. 

State,  will  be  a  "ministering  angel"   to  Kasson,      John      Adam,      diplomatist; 

the  republic  when  South  Carolina,  in  the  born    in    Charlotte,    Vt.,    Jan.    11,    1822; 

cloak  of  darkness  which   she  hugs,  "  lies  graduated  at  the  University  of  Vermont 

howling."  ...  in  1842;  and  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in 

To  overthrow  this  usurpation  is  now  Massachusetts.  Removing  to  St.  Louis, 
the  special,  importunate  duty  of  Congress,  Mo.,  he  practised  till  1857,  when  he  set- 
admitting  of  no  hesitation  or  postpone-  tied  in  Des  Moines,  la.  In  1861-62  he 
ment.  To  this  end  it  must  lift  itself  from  was  first  assistant  Postmaster-General ;  in 
the  cabals  of  candidates,  the  machinations  1863-67  was  a  member  of  Congress,  and 
of  party,  and  the  low  level  of  vulgar  in  1863  and  1867  the  United  States 
strife.  It  must  turn  from  that  slave  commissioner  to  the  international  postal 
oligarchy  and  refuse  to  be  its  tool.  Let  the  Congress.  He  again  served  in  Congress 
power  be  stretched  forth  towards  this  in  1873-77,  and  in  the  latter  year  was  ap- 
distant  Territory,  not  to  bind,  but  to  un-  pointed  United  States  minister  to  Aus- 
bind ;  not  for  the  oppression  of  the  weak,  tria,  where  he  remained  till  1881,  when  he 
but  for  the  subversion  of  the  tyrannical;  was  again  elected  to  Congress.  In  1884- 
not  for  the  prop  and  maintenance  of  a  re-  85  he  was  minister  to  Germany,  and  in 
vol  ting  visurpation,  but  for  the  confirma-  1893  envoy  to  the  Samoan  international 
tion  of  liberty.  .  .  .  conference.        President      McKinley      ap- 

Kansas-Nebraska  Bill.     See  Kansas,  pointed   him   United   States   special   com- 

Kapp,     Friedrich,     author;     born     in  missioner  plenipotentiary  to  negotiate  rec- 

Hamm,  Prussia,  April   13,  1824;  educated  iprocity  treaties  in  1897,  imder  the  Ding- 

at  the  University  of  Heidelberg,   and  be-  ley  tariff  act;   and  in   1898  he  became  a 

came  a  lawyer;  came  to  the  United  States  member     of     the     Anglo-American     Joint 

in   1850,   and   practised  in  New  York  till  High  Commission.     He  resigned  the  office 

1870,  when  he  returned  to  Germany.     His  of    reciprocity    commissioner    in    March, 

publications    include    The    Slave   Question  1901,   owing  to  the   failure  of  the   Fifty- 

in  the  United  States;  Life  of  the  Ameri-  sixth  Congress  to  act  on  several  commer- 

can  General  Friedrich  Wilhelm  von  Steu-  cial  treaties  he  had  negotiated. 

ben;    History    of    Slavery    in    the    United  Katipiman    League,     a    revolutionary 

States  of  America;  The   Tradiufi  in   Sol-  organization    in    the    Pliilippine    Islands. 

diers  of  the  German  Princes  irith  Amer-  The  aim  of  the  society  was  to  expel   the 

ica;  A  History  of  the  German  Migration  Spaniards  and   the  monastic  orders   from 

into    America;    On   Immigration   and    the  the  islands.     The  most  inhuman  atrocities 

Commission   of   Emigration;    Life   of    the  were  committed  by  both  the  Spanish  troops 

American  General  Joh^nn  de  Kalb;  and  and   the  Katipunan  insurgents.     The  re- 



volt  was  brought  to  an  end  by  a  compact  this    meeting    he    issued    a    proclamation 

made    Dec.    14,    1897,    between   Aguinaldo  in    which    he   declared    that    the   so-called 

and  thirty-four  other  leaders,  who  agreed  provisional     government     under     Mataafa 

to  quit  the  Philippine  Islands,  not  to  re-  was    without    legal    status,    according    to 

turn  until  authorized  by  the  Spanish  gov-  the    terms    of    the     Berlin    treaty.       He, 

ernment;    the   Spanish   government  agree-  therefore,    ordered    Mataafa    and    his    fol- 

ing    to    pay    $1,700,000    in     instalments,  lowers  to  lay  down  their  arms  and  return 

provided    the    rebellion   was   not    renewed  to     their     homes.     The     German     consul, 

within  a  certain  time.     A  first  instalment  however,  would  not  agree  to  this  procla- 

of   $400,000   was   paid,   but   the   promised  mation,  and  issued  a  counter  one,  which 

reform    was    not     carried    out    and    the  was  translated  into  the  Samoan  language, 

families  of  the   former   leaders  were  per-  and   circulated   among   the   supporters   of 

secuted  by  the  Spanish  authorities.  Mataafa.     This  proclamation   was  as  fol- 

Kaufman,    Theodore,    artist;    born    in  lows: 
Nelsen,   Hanover,   Dee.    18,    1814;    studied 

painting  in  Munich  and  Hamburg;    came  "Notice  to  all  Savwans: 

to  the  United  States  in  1855,  and  served  ,u''f/;^^^\r°.''^^T}^TJ^  the  admiral   of 

J      .         ,1       y-,.    .1    TTT        •       ^1       -KT  i-        1  the  United  States,  dated  March  11,  was  made 

during    the    Civil    War    m    the    National  known   that  the  three  consuls  of  the   signa- 

army.      Later   he   settled   in   Boston.      His  tory  powers  of  the  Berlin  treaty,  as  well  as 

works  include   General  Sherman   near  the  ^^^    ^^^'^^    commanders    of    men-of-war,    had 

-n7„j  7  ^         /^      -.      r  -I,     J         A    n      -^     r>     1  been    unanimous    to    no    more    recognize    the 

Watchfire;  On  to  Liberty;  A  Pacific  Rail-  provisional  government,  composed  of  Mataafa 

way    Train    attacked    by   Indians;    Slaves  and  the  thirteen  chiefs. 

seeking    Shelter    under    the    Flag    of    the        "  I.  therefore,  make  known  to  you  that  this 

Union;   Admiral   Farragut   entering   Ear-  Proclamation   is  quite  false      I,   the  German 

,  /.  y      m  7  ■,      T^  consul-general,     continue     to     recognize     the 

bor    through     Torpedoes;    and    Farragut  provisional    government    of    Samoa    until    I 

in  the  Rigging.  receive  contrary  instructions  from  my  govern- 

Kautz,   Albert,  naval  officer;    born  in  ment. 

r- J.  r\       T         on.     loon  J.       J  "Rose,  German  Consul-General. 

Georgetown,    0.,    Jan.    29,    1839;    entered        «  Apia,  MarcTi  13,  1S99." 
the  navy  as  acting  midshipman  in  1854; 

graduated     at     the     Naval     Academy     in        This  notice  resulted  in  hostilities  which 

1859;    promoted    to    passed    midshipman,  lasted  for  several  days.    About  175  sailors 

master,  and  lieutenant,  in  1861;   and  was  were  landed  from  the  American  and  Brit- 

a  prisoner  of  war  in  North  Carolina,  and  ish  war-ships.     Before  order  was  restored, 

at  Richmond,  Va.,  in  June-October,  1861.  several  American  and  British  officers  and 

In   1862  he  was  flag-lieutenant  to  Farra-  sailors  were  killed,   and  others   wounded, 

gut,  on  the  Hartford,  and,  after  the  sur-  The  loss  of  the  natives  was  supposed  to 

render   of   New    Orleans,    he    entered    the  have     been     very     heavy     (see     Samoa). 

city,  removed  the  "  Lone  Star "  flag  from  Admiral   Kautz   was   retired   in   January, 

the   city   hall,    and   raised   the    stars   and  1901. 

stripes  over  the  custom-house.  He  was  Kautz,  August  Valentine,  military 
also  on  the  Hartford  when  that  ship  took  officer;  born  in  Ispringen,  Germany,  Jan. 
part  in  the  engagement  with  the  batteries  5,  1828;  brother  of  Admiral  Kautz.  His 
of  Vicksburg.  He  was  promoted  to  lieu-  parents  came  to  the  United  States  the 
tonant-commander  in  1865;  commander  year  of  his  birth,  and  in  1832  settled  in 
in  1872;  captain  in  1885;  commodore  in  Ohio.  He  graduated  at  the  United  States 
1897:  and  rear-admiral  in  1898;  and  in  Military  Academy  in  1852;  commis- 
the  latter  year  was  placed  in  command  of  sioned  second  lieutenant  in  the  4th  In- 
the  Pacific  station.  In  1899  Admiral  fantry  in  1853;  promoted  first  lieuten- 
Kautz  figured  prominently  in  settling  the  ant  in  1855;  captain  in  the  6th  Cavalry 
troubles  at  Samoa.  In  March  of  that  in  1861;  colonel  8th  Infantry  in  1874; 
year,  after  he  arrived  at  the  scene  of  the  brigadier-general  in  1891;  and  was  re- 
trouble,  on  board  the  Philadelphia,  he  tired  Jan.  5,  1892.  In  the  volunteer  ser- 
spent  two  days  in  making  inquiries,  and  vice  he  was  commissioned  colonel  of  the 
then  called  a  meeting  of  all  the  consuls  2d  Ohio  Cavalry,  Sept.  2,  1862;  promoted 
and  the  senior  officers  of  the  English  and  to  brigadier  -  general,  May  7,  1864;  and 
German   war-ships   in   the   harbor.     After  brevetted  major  -  general,  Oct.  28,  follow- 



ing.  During  the  CiA'il  War  he  distinguish-  from  the  Chinese  authorities  the  recogni- 
ed  himself  at  Monticello,  Ky. ;  at  Peters-  tion  of  the  right  of  Americans  to  trade 
burg,  Va. ;  in  the  action  on  the  Darby-  there,  and  the  same  protection  and  facili- 
to\vn  road  in  Virginia ;  in  the  pursuit  and  ties  to  our  merchants  as  were  about  being 
capture  of  John  Morgan,  the  Confederate  granted  by  treaty  to  Great  Britain.  He 
raider;  and  in  the  final  Richmond  cam-  died  in  Perth  Amboy,  Nov.  29,  1868. 
paign.  After  the  war  he  served  in  Ari-  Kearny,  Philip,  military  officer;  born 
zona,  California,  and  Nebraska.  General  in  New  York  City,  June  2,  1815;  studied 
Kautz  published  The  Company  Clerk;  law,  but,  preferring  the  military  pro- 
Customs  of  Service  for  Non-commissioned  fession,  entered  the  army  at  twenty- 
Officers  and  Soldiers;  and  Customs  of  two  years  of  age  as  lieutenant  of 
Service  for  Officers.  He  died  in  Seattle,  dragoons.  Soon  afterwards  the  govern- 
Wash.,  Sept.  4,  1895.  ment   sent   him   to   Europe   to   study   and 

Kean,  John,  legislator;  born  in  Ursino,  report  upon  French  cavalry  tactics. 
N.  J.,  Dec.  4,  1852;  was  educated  at  Yale  While  there  he  fought  in  the  French 
College;  graduated  at  the  Law  School  of 
Columbia  College  in  1875;  admitted  to 
the  New  Jersey  bar  in  1877,  but  never 
practised;  was  a  member  of  Congress  in 
188,3-85  and  1887-89;  and  a  Eepublican 
United  States  Senator  in  1889-1905. 

Keaue,  John  Joseph,  clergyman;  born 
in  Ballyshannon,  Ireland,  Sept.  12,  1839; 
came  to  the  United  States  in  1846;  was 
educated  in  St.  Charles's  College  and  St. 
Mary's  Seminary,  Baltimore;  ordained  a 
priest  of  the  Boman  Catholic  Church  in 
186G,  and  assigned  to  St.  Patrick's 
Church,  Washington.  He  remained  there 
till  Aug.  25,  1878,  when  he  was  conse- 
crated Bishop  of  Bichmond,  Va.  He  was 
rector  of  the  Catholic  University  of  Amer- 
ica, Washington,  D.  C,  in  1886-97,  when 
he  resigned  and  went  to  Eome.  In  1900 
he  was  appointed  Archbishop  of  Dubuque. 

Kearns,  Thomas,  legislator;  born  near 
Woodstock,  Ontario,  Canada,  April  11, 
1862;  removed  to  Utah,  where  he  worked 
in  a  mine,  later  becoming  owner  of  two 
mines.  He  was  a  delegate  to  the  Republi- 
e'an  National  Convention  in  1896  and  1900; 
and  a  Republican  United  States  Senator 
in    1901-05. 


army  in  Africa  as  a  volunteer,  and  re- 
turned in  1840  with  the  cross  of  the  Le- 
gion of  Honor.  Aide  to  General  Scott 
(1841-44),  he  was  made  captain  in  the 
LTnited  States  army,  and  served  on  the 
staff  of  Scott  in  the  war  with  Mexico,  re- 
ceiving great  applause.  Near  the  city  of 
Kearny,  Lawrence,  naval  officer;  born  Mexico  he  lost  his  left  arm  in  battle. 
in  Perth  Amboy,  N.  J.,  Nov.  30,  1789;  After  serving  a  campaign  on  the  Pacific 
entered  the  navy  in  1807 ;  performed  im-  coast  against  the  Indians,  he  went  to  Eu- 
portant  services  on  the  coast  of  South  rope,  and  served  on  the  staff  of  the  French 
Carolina  and  adjoining  States  during  the  General  Maurier  in  the  Italian  War 
War  of  1812-15;  and  after  the  war,  in  (1859).  He  received  from  the  French  gov- 
command  of  the  schooner  Enterprise,  as-  crnment  a  second  decoration  of  the  Legion 
sisted  with  efficiency  in  ridding  the  West  of  Honor.  He  hastened  home  when  the 
Indies  and  Gulf  of  Mexico  of  pirates.  Civil  War  broke  out ;  was  made  brigadier- 
He  also,  in  the  Warren,  drove  the  Greek  general  of  volunteers  just  after  the  bat- 
pirates  from  the  Levant  in  1827,  and  tie  of  Bull  Run,  and  commanded  a  brigade 
broke  up  their  nests.  In  command  of  the  of  New  Jersey  troops  in  Franklin's  di- 
East  India  squadron  in   1851,  he  secured    vision.   Army   of   the   Potomac.     He   com- 



manded  a  division  in  Heintzelraan's  corps;  Washington,  from  Aug.  25  till  his  death, 

behaved    gallantly    during    the    Peninsula  near    Chantilly,    Va.,    Sept.    1,    1862.     He 

campaign ;     was    made    major-general    of  had  placed  his  division  in  preparation  for 

volunteers    in   July,    1862;    was   the    first  battle,   and  after   dark   was  reconnoitring 

to    reinforce   Pope;    and    was    engaged    in  within  the  enemy's  lines  when  he  was  dis- 

the  battles  between  the  Rappahannock  and  covered  and  shot  dead. 


Kearny,  Stephen  Watts,  military  escort  of  fifteen  men,  to  bear  the  intelli- 
officer;  born  in  Newark,  N.  J.,  Aug.  30,  gence  overland  to  Washington,  as  soon  as 
1794;  uncle  of  Gen.  Philip  Kearny.  When  possible.  Just  as  he  had  crossed  the 
the  War  of  1812-15  broke  out  young  desert  and  was  approaching  the  American 
Kearny  left  his  studies  at  Columbia  Col-  frontier,  he  was  met  by  General  Kearny, 
lege,  entered  the  army  as  lieutenant  of  with  a  small  force  of  dragoons,  marching 
infantry,  and  distinguished  himself  in  the  westward,  under  instructions  from  his 
battle  of  Queenston  Heights.  In  April,  government  to  conquer  California  and  or- 
1813,  he  was  made  captain,  and  rose  to  ganize  a  civil  government  in  the  terri- 
brigadier  -  general  in  June,  1846.  He  was  tory,  a  work  Avhieh  had  already  been  sue- 
in  command  of  the  Army  of  the  West  cessfully  accomplished, 
at  the  beginning  of  the  war  with  Mexico,  Upon  learning  what  had  occurred, 
and  with  that  army  marched  to  California,  Kearny  insisted  upon  Carson's  returning 
conquering  Xew  Mexico  on  the  way.  He  with  him,  as  his  guide,  to  California, 
established  a  provisional  government  at  having  forwarded  the  despatches  to 
Santa  Fe,  pressed  on  to  California,  and  Washington  by  another  messenger  of  his 
was  twice  wounded  in  battle.  For  a  few  own  selection.  Upon  the  general's  arrival 
n)onths  in  1847  he  was  governor  of  Cali-  at  Los  Angeles,  the  capital  of  California, 
fornia ;  joined  the  army  in  Mexico ;  in  and  the  seat  of  the  new  government,  the 
March,  1848,  was  governor,  military  and  contest  soon  arose  between  himself  and 
civil,  of  Vera  Crviz,  and  in  May  of  the  Commodore  Stockton.  The  process  by 
same  year  was  made  governor  of  the  city  which  Colonel  Fremont  became  involved 
of  Mexico.  In  August,  1848.  he  was  in  this  controA'ersy  is  obvious.  He  held 
brevetted  major-general,  and  died  in  St.  a  commission  in  the  army  as  lieutenant 
Louis,   Mo.,   on   Oct.    31,   following.  of  topographical   engineers,  and,  as  such. 

The  Kearny-Stockt07i  Controversy. —  was,  primarily,  subject  to  the  orders  of 
The  differences  between  General  Kearny  his  superior  general  officer  of  the  army, 
and  Commodore  Stockton,  after  the  occu-  He  had  since  yielded  to  the  exigencies  of 
pation  of  California,  originated  primarily  the  occasion,  and,  from  motive  and  for 
in  the  indefiniteness  of  the  instructions  reasons  which  cannot  be  impeached, 
which  were  issued  from  the  seat  of  govern-  waived  any  privileges  he  might  have 
ment.  Those  addressed  to  the  naval  com-  claimed,  as  the  real  conqueror  of  North 
manders  on  the  Pacific,  in  their  judgment,  California,  and,  in  point  of  rank,  the  su- 
justified  the  organization  of  a  military  perior  representative  of  the  army  on  the 
force  and  a  civil  government  in  California,  Pacific  coast,  and.  with  his  men,  volun- 
and  under  those  instructions  Commodore  teered  to  serve  under  Commodore  Stock- 
Stockton  authorized  Colonel  Fremont  to  ton  in  the  further  prosecution  of  the  war 
organize  the  California  battalion  and  take  in  South  California,  the  subjugation  of 
its  command  with  the  title  of  major.  By  which  could  not  be  so  successfully  effected 
virtue  of  those,  he  likewise  took  the  neces-  without  the  aid  of  a  fieet.  By  accepting 
sary  steps  for  the  organization  of  a  civil  the  governorship  of  California,  a  vacancy 
government  for  California  and  invested  had  been  created  in  the  command  of  the 
Fremont  with  the  title  and  responsibilities  California  battalion,  and  other  changes 
of  governor.  }iad  become  necessary.     The   first  intima- 

As    soon    as    these    results    were    com-  tion   which    Colonel    Fremont   received   of 

summated.  Kit  Carson  was  sent,  with  an  General    Kearny's    intention    to    test    the 



validity    of    Commodore    Stockton's    acts,  this  morning  to  make  such  a  reply  as  the 

through  him,  was  conveyed  in  the  follow-  brief  time  allowed  for  reflection  will   en- 

ing  note:  able  me. 

.  xTtT  "  I  found  Commodore  Stockton  in  pos- 

"  Headquarters,  Army  of  the  West,  .         ,  , ,  ^  •         ..i,    ^ 

,j  „  T         A  o  session  oi  the  country,  exercising  the  tunc- 

OlUDAD   DE   -LiOS    ixNGELES,  ^.  „  .,.,  "  ,,  I'-i 

,,  ,        ^^    yo/'v  tions   OI   ruilitarv   commandant   and   civil 
"Jan.  16,  I84I.  -.  -,   ,        i  ,     i 

governor,  as  early  as  July  of   last  year; 

«  By    direction    of    Brigadier  -  General  ^^^^  ^-^^^.^^^  thereafter  I  received  from  him 

Kearny,    I    send    you    a    copy    of    a    com-  ^j^^  commission  of  military  commandant, 

munication  to  him  from  the  Secretary  of  ^j^^  ^^^.^^  ^^  ^^^^^^  j  immediately  entered 

War,   dated   June    18,    1846,    m   which    is  ^  ^^^  j^^^,^   continued  to   exercise  to 

the    following:    'These    troops,    and    such  the  present  moment. 

as   may   be   organized   in   California,   wil         .j   f^,^^^   ^j^^^   ^^  ^^   ^^.^j^^j   ^^   ^^^^ 

be    under    your    command.'      The    general  ^j^^^^  ^^^^^^  ^j^^.^^  ^^  ^^^^.  ^^^^  ^^^^^^  ^^^_ 

directs   that   no   change   will   be   made   in  ^^^^^^.^  Stockton  still  exercising  the  func- 

the    organization    of    your    battalion    of  ^^^^^  ^^  ^.^,jj  ,^^^  military  governor,  with 

volunteers,    or    officers    appointed    m    it,  ^^^  ^^^^  apparent  deference  to  his  rank 

without    his    sanction    or    approval    being  on  the  part  of  all  officers  (including  your- 

first  obtained.  Wm.  F.  Emort,  ^^^^^   ^^  ^^  maintained  and  required  when 

"  Lieutenant  and   Acting  Assistant  ^^  assumed  them  in  July  last. 

"  Adjutant-General."  «  j    learned   also,    in   conversation   with 

This  note  at   once   raised   the  question  J""'  that  on  the  march  from  San  Diego, 

whether  he  was  to  obey  General  Kearny,  recently,  to  this  place,  you  entered  upon 

and  thereby,  so  far  as  his  example  could  and    discharged    duties    implying    an    ac- 

go,    invalidate    the    acts    of    Commodore  knowledgment  on  your  part  of  supremacy 

Stockton,  in  which  he  had  co-operated,  or  to  Commodore  Stockton. 
obey    Commodore    Stockton,    and,    so    far        "  I  feel,  therefore,  with  great  deference 

as    his    decision    would    go,    sustain    the  to  your  professional  and  personal  charac- 

validity  of  those  proceedings  which  he  be-  ter,  constrained  to  say  that,  until  you  and 

lieved  to  be  both  legal  and  patriotic.     If  Commodore  Stockton  adjust  between  your- 

he   took    the    former    course,   he   incurred  selves   the  question  of  rank,  where  I   re- 

the  liability  to  be