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UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH

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HARPER'S ENCYCLOPAEDIA

UNITED STATES HISTORY

From 458 a.d. to 1909 l\'l\]

BASED UPON THE PLAN OF ,' ^ '""

BENSON JOHN LOSSINQ, LL.p.- --;

SOMETIME EDITOR OF 'THE AMERICAN HISTORICAL RECORD" AND AUl^I^OR OF ' ' ' '

" THE PICTORIAL FIELD-BOOK OF THE REVOLUTION " ' ' THE PICTORIAL FIELD- - . > j ,

BOOK OF THE WAR OF l8l2" ETC., ETC., ETC. '/ "/ >>j)3

WITH SPECIAL CONTRIBUTIONS COVERING EVERY PHASE OF AMERICAN 1^'l^TORY fJ^D
DEVELOPMENT BY EMINENT AUTHORITIES, INCLUDING \' ' ", ' ,

JOHN FISKE. WOODROW WILSON, Ph.D., LJ.,I>.

THE AMERICAN HlSTORIAl* PRESIDENT OF PRINCETOiV UNII^IiR'^lTV

WM. R. HARPER, Ph.D., LL.D., D.D. GOLDWIN SMITH, D.C.L., LL.D.

PRESIDENT OF THE UNiyERSITY OF CHICAGO PROF. OF HISTORY U'xi^-, OF Tp'R1>NT0

ALBERT BUSHNELL HART, Ph.D. MOSES COIT TYLER, LL:D.

PROF. OF HISTORY AT HARVARD PROF. OF HISTORY AT Cp,RNF/.L

JOHN B. MOORE. EDWARD G. BOURNE, Ph.D.

PROE. or- INTERNATIONAL LAtV AT COLUMhiA PROF. OF HISTORY AT YALE

JOHN FRYER, A.M., LL.D. R. J. H. GOTTHEIL, Ph.D.

PROF. OF LITERATURE AT UNIV. OF CALIFORNIA PROF. OF SEMITIC LANGUAGES AT CCfLyMBIA

WILLIAM T. HARRIS, Ph.D., LL.D. ALFRED T. MAHAN, D.C.L., LL.D.

U. S. COM.MISSIONER OF EDUCATION CAPTAIN UNITED STATES NAVY I Retired)

ETC.. ETC., ETC.. ETC.

WITH A PREFACE ON THE STUDY OF AMERICAN HISTORY BY

WOODROW WILSON, Ph.D., LL.D.

PRESIDENT OF PRINCETON UNIVERSITY

AUTHOR OF

■'A HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE," ETC., ETC.

WITH ORIGIN' A L DOCUMENTS, PORTRAITS. MAPS, PIANS, <Sr'c.

COMPLETE IN TEN VOLUMES
VOL. V

HARPER & BROTHERS PUBLISHERS
NEW YORK . = o LONDON

Copvriffht, 1905, by Harper & Brothers.

W^/ f'iffhts reserved.

LIST OF PLATES

President Abraham Lincoln Frontispiece

President Andrew Jackson Facing page 96

The Burning of Jamestown " "120

President Thomas Jefferson " " 130

President Andrew Johnson " " 160

Lincoln Making His Famous Speech at Gettys-
burg , , . . ** ** 430

;lS5o(4«-^

HARPERS' ENCYCLOPEDIA

UNITED STATES HISTORY

Iberville, Pierre le Moyne, Sieur d',
founder of Louisiana; born in Montreal,
Canada, July 16, 1661; was one of eleven
brothers who figure in some degree in
French colonial history. Entering the
French navy at fourteen, he became dis-
tinguished in the annals of Canada for
his operations against the English in the
north and east of that province. In 1698
he was sent from France to the Gulf of
Mexico with two frigates (Oct. 22), to
occupy the mouth of the Mississippi and
the region neglected after the death of La
Salle. On finding that stream, he re-
ceived from the Indians a letter left
by De Tonty, in 1686, for La Salle. There
he built Fort Biloxi, garrisoned it, and
made his brother Bienville the King's lieu-
tenant. In May, 1699, he returned to
France, but reappeared at Fort Biloxi in
January, 1700. On visiting France and
returning in 1701, he found the colony
reduced by disease, and transferred the
settlement to Mobile, and began the coloni-
zation of Alabama. Disease had im-
paired his health, and the government
called him away from his work as the
founder of Louisiana. He was engaged in
the naval service in the West Indies,
where he was fatally stricken by yellow
fever, dying in Havana, Cuba, July 9,
1706.

Idaho, the thirtieth State admitted to
the American Union, was first explored by
the whites of the Lewis and Clark ex-
pedition. Within its present limit the
Coeur d'Alene mission was established in
1842. The region was visited almost ex-
V. — A

clusively by hunters and trappers till
1852, when gold was discovered on its
present northern boundary. By act of
Congress of March 3, 1863, the Territory
of Idaho was created from a portion of
Oregon Territory, with an area which in-
cluded the whole of the present State oi

STATE SEAL OF IDABO.

Montana and nearly ail of that of Wyo-
ming. In 1864 the Territory lost a part ol
its area to form the Territory of Montana,
and in 1868 another large portion was cut
from it to form the Territory of Wyo-
ming. On July 3, 1890, the Territory was
admitted into the Union as a State, hav-
ing then a gross area of 84,800 square
miles. Between the dates of its creation
as a Territory and a State it became wide-
ly noted as a most promising field for gold

IDAHO— ILLINOIS AND MICHIGAN CANAL

and silver mining, and for several years
later, Idaho was classed politically as a
silver State. Prospecting, however, de-
veloped a large number of- rich paying
gold properties, and during the copper
excitement of 1898-1901 many veins of
that mineral were found. During the
calendar year !899 the gold mines of Idaho
yielded a combined product valued at
$1,889,000; and the silver mines a pro-
duct having a commercial value of $2,311,-
080. The development of the various min-
ing interests was seriously retarded for
many years by the lack of transporta-
tion facilities, but by 1900 railroads
had been extended to a number of im-
portant centres, and wagon-roads had been
constructed connecting direct with the
chief mining properties. Tlie State also
had a natural resource of inestimable
value in its forests, with great variety of
timber. The chief agricultural productions
are wheat, oats, barley, potatoes, and hay,
and the combined values of these ci-ops in
the calendar year 1903 was $13,921,8.55,
the hay crop alone exceeding in value
$6,800,000. For 1903 the equalized valu-
ation of all taxable property was $65,-
964.785, and the total bonded debt was
$692,500, largely incurred for the construc-
tion of wagon-roads. The population in
1890 was 84,385; in 1900, 161,772. See
United States, Idaho, vol. ix.

UNITED STATES SENATORS.

Name.

George L. Shoup....

Fred. T Dubo.s

Hfury HeilfeUi

Welden B. Heybiirn.
Fred. T. Dubois

No. of Congress.

51st to

51st " 51th
.iStli " 57th

58th "

59th "

Date.

1890
1890 to 1897

1897 '• lyU3

1903 "

1905 "

TERRITORIAL GOVERNORS.

Name.

Date.

Wm. H. Wallace ,

1863 to 1864

18G4 " 1866

David W. B.iUard

1866 " 1867

Samuel Bard

1870
1870 to 1871

Alexander Connor

1871

Thomas M. Bowen

1871

Thomas W. Bennett

1871 to 1876

Miison Bravman

1876 " 1880

.lohn B.Neil

1880 " 1883

1883

Wm. N. Burn

1884 to 1885

Edwin A. Steyens

1885 " 1889

STATE GOVERNORS.

Name.

Date.

George I,. Shoup

N. B. Willev

1890
1890 to 1893

Wm. J. McConnell

1893 " 1897

Frank Stenaenberg

1897 " 1901

Frank W. Hunt

1901 «< 1903

John T. .M orrison

1903 " 1905

Frank R Gooding

1905 "

Ide, George Barton, clergyman; born
in Coventry, Vt., in 1804; graduated at
Middlebury College in 1830; ordained in
the Baptist Church; pastor of the First
Baptist Church of Philadelphia, Pa., in
1838-52, and afterwards had a charge in
Springfield, Mass., for twenty years. He
published ■ Green Hollow ; Battle Echoes,
or Lessons from the War; etc. He died
in Springfield, Mass., April 16, 1872.

Ide, Henry Clay, jurist; born in Bar-
net, Vt., Sept. 18, 1844; graduated at
Dartmouth College in 1866. He was a
member of the Vermont State Senate in
1882-85; president of the Republican
State Convention in 1884; and a delegate
to the National Republican Convention in
1888. In 1891 he was appointed United
States commissioner to Samoa; in 1893-
97 was chief-justice of the islands under
the appointment of England, Germany,
and the United States; in 1900 became a
member of the Philippine Commission;
and in 1901 Secretary of Finance and
Justice of the Philippines. See Samoa.

Ik Marvel. See Mitchell, Donald
Grant.

Illiers, Count Henry Louis, military
officer; born in Luxembourg in 1750; was
one of the French officers who served in
the Revolutionary War; took part in the
battle of the Brandywine, where he saved
Pulaski. He was the author of De la
guerre d'Amerique, etc. He died in Paris
in 1794.

Illinoia, name proposed by Jefferson
for a State of part of the Northwest Ter-
ritory.

Illinois and Michigan Canal. In
1822 Congress granted a right of way,
and in 1827 a grant of land. Work
was begun in 1836 as a lock canal, and
Avas opened for navigation in 1848. In
1865 the canal was improved so as to
drain Chicago, and in 1871 the canal re-
verted to the State. The canal was com-
pleted during 1892-1900, at a cost of
$45,000,000, and will eventually be made
into ship-canal.

ILLINOIS

Illinois is in the upper Mississippi Val-
ley, lying between the parallels 42° 30'
and 36° 59' N., and lon<;itude 87° 35' and
91° 40' W. Its territory extends on the
Ohio and ]\lississippi rivers and Lake
Michigan. Area 50.000 square miles, or
about 35,500,000 acres, divided into 102
counties.

Physical Characteristics. — The surface is
comparatively level, nowhere over 1,000
feet above the ocean -level, gradually
sloping from the north to the south. The
lowest level is at the junction of the Ohio
and Mississippi rivers, about 300 feet.
There are few forests, most of the surface
being open prairie. The soil is rich and
well watered. The chief river is the
Illinois, formed by the junction of the Des
Plaines, from Wisconsin, and the Kanka-
kee, from Indiana, and emptying into the
Mississippi near Alton. Of its 500 miles
about one-half are navigable. The Kas-
kaskia, 250 miles, the Rock River, and the
Big Muddy are also affluents of the Missis-
sippi. The Big Vermilion, Enibarras, and
Little Wabash empty into the Wabash,
which forms a part of the eastern boun-
dary of the State.

ing, freestone, and marble are among the
many other mineral treasures.

Population. — By the United States
Census, 1870, 2,539,891; 1880, 3,077,871;
1890, 3,82G,.351; 1900, 4.821,550. Twenty-
four cities have (United States Census,
1900) from 10,000 to 50.000 inhabitants,
and Chicago had 1,098,575.

^Manufactures. — Tlie reports of the
twelfth United States Census, for 1900,
show a total of 38,300 establishments in
Illinois, -with 395,110 wage-earners, and
products valued at $1,259,730,108. In the
following comparative reports, 23,980
establishments, with 02,239 wage-earners,
producing $138,801,800 (being an average
product of $5,790 per establishment), have
been omitted for the reason that these
represent " neighborhood industries and
hand trades," whereas the comparative
figures are for establishments under what
is known as the " factory " system.

The Director of the United States
Census, under date of October 18, 1906,
issued the following comparative sum-
mary between 1900 and 1905 omitting
the " neighborhood industries and hand
trades " :

Number of establishments

Capital

Salaried officials, clerks, etc., number

Salaries

Wage-earners, average number

Total wages

Men 16 years and over

Wages

Women 16 years and over

Wages

Children mider 10 j-ears

Wages

Miscellaneous expenses

Cost of materials used .

Value of products, including custom-work and

repairing

1005

1900

Per cent, of
increase.

14,921

S975,844,799

54,.521

$60,.559,67S

379,436

$208,405,468

314,091

S187,.56S,S96

60,399

.$19,893,-360

4,946

S943,212

§172.185,567

SS40,057,316

81,410,342.129

S732

$40,

$159

$143

$13

$11S
$681

14,374
829,771

40,964
.549,245
332,871
104,179
275,006
714,217

47.922
580,271
9,943
809,691
047,771
450,122

$1,120,868,308

3.8
33.2
33.1
49.3
14.0
31.0
14.2
30.5
26.0
46.5
*50.3
*47.9
45.9
23.3

25.8

Geology. — The greater part of tiie State Railroads and Commerce. — Lake Michi-
belongs to the Carboniferous era. The gan gives an outlet to the other States on
coal-field is nearly 400 miles long and 200 the Great Lakes, and by way of the St.
miles wide. The product is almost wholly Lawrence River with the Atlantic Ocean,
bituminous. In the northern part of the The Ohio and Mississippi ri%-ers, with
State lead, zinc, copper, and iron are various tributary streams in Illinois, fur-
found. Limestone, for burning and build- nish an outlet to the Gulf of Mexico.

ILLINOIS

The two systems are connected by the Il-
linois AND Michigan Canal (q. v.).

STATE SEAL OF ILUNOIS.

Owing to the level surface of the land
and the two grand focal points of trade,
Chicago (q. v.) and St. Louis (q. v.),
most of the grand trunk-lines run through
the State. In 1906 there were over 11,-
000 miles of railroad in the State, being
about twenty miles for every 10,000 in-
habitants. (See Chicago.)

Banks. — In 1906 there were nearly 300
National banks, with a capital of about
$50,000,000, and deposits of over $2,50,-
000,000. The private banks, nearly 200 in
number, had deposits of about $90,000,000.
The savings-banks had deposits of over
$80,000,000.

Education. — In 1900 there were 1,588,-
000 persons in the State between the ages
of six and twenty-one, of whom 960,000
were enrolled in the public schools. There
are five Normal schools and over thirty
colleges and universities. (See Chicago.)

Agriculture. — Practically all the soil of
Illinois is exceedingly fertile, and 91.5
per cent, was in farms, of which 85 per-
cent, were improved. The relative impor-
tance of the different crops is shown by
the following figures for 1900: Corn, 10,-
266,335 acres; oats, 4,570,034; wheat,
1,826,144; hay, 3,343,910; rye, 78,869; bar-
ley, 21,375; potatoes, 136,464. The com-
bined value of these crops in 1904 was
nearly $15,000,000. The farm animals
in the same census were: Dairy cows,
1.007,664; other cattle, 2,096,346; horses.

1,350,219; swine, 5,915,468; sheep, 629,-
150; mules, 127,173.

History. — The site of the present State
was first explored by Louis Joliet and
Father Marquette in 1673. They were fol-
lowed by La Salle, who made his way
down the Illinois and the Mississippi to
the Gulf of Mexico by 1682. In 1680 he
built Fort Crevecceur, near Peoria, but this
was abandoned in 1683 for Fort St. Louis,
built up the river near Ottawa. Within
twenty years missions or settlements were
made at Kaskaskia, Cahokia, and Peoria.
In 1717 these settlements were definitely
included in the province of Louisiana, but
the entire white population, even in 1750,
was only 1,100. By the treaty of 1763
the " Illinois " passed under the jurisdic-
tion of the English. During the Revolu-
tion, George Eogers Clark (q. v.) was
commissioned by Governor Patrick Henry,
of Virginia, to conquer the territory.
Clark captured Kaskaskia in 1778, and
in 1779 he made the famous winter march
across Illinois and captured Vincennes.
By the treaty of 1783 it was ceded to the
United States, and in 1787 formed a part
of the Northwest Territory.

In 1800 Ohio was made a separate terri-
tory; and in 1805 Michigan Territory, and
in 1809 Indiana Territory, were set off.
This left the present States of Illinois,
Wisconsin, and a part of Minnesota in the
Illinois Territory. In 1818 Illinois, with
its present limits, was admitted into the
Union, with some 35,000 inhabitants.

On Oct. 14, 1812. Gen. Samuel Hopkins,
with 2,000 mounted Kentucky riflemen,
crossed the Wabash on an expedition
against the Kickapoo and Peoria Indian
villages, in the Illinois country, the former
80 miles from his starting-place, the lat-
ter 120 miles. The army was a free-and-
easy, undisciplined mob, that chafed un-
der restraint. Discontent, seen at the
beginning, soon assumed the forms of
complaint and murmuring. The army
was scarcely saved from perishing in the
burning grass of a prairie, supposed to
have been set on fire by the Indians. The
troops would march no farther. Hopkins
called for 500 volunteers to follow him
into Illinois. Not one responded. They
would not submit to his leadership, and
he followed his army back to Fort Har-
rison, where they arrived Oct. 25. This

ILLINOIS— ILLINOIS INDIANS

march of 80 or 90 miles into the Indian
country had greatly alarmed the Indians,
and so did some good. Another expedi-
tion, under Colonel Russell, composed of
two small companies of United States
regulars, with a small body of mounted
militia under Gov. Ninian Edwards (who
assumed the chief command ) , in all 400
men, penetrated deeply into the Indian
country, but, hearing nothing of Hopkins,
did not venture to attempt much. They
fell suddenly upon the principal Kicka-
poo towns, 20 miles from Lake Peoria,
drove the Indians into a swamp, and made
them fly in terror across the Illinois
River. Probably fifty Indians had per-
ished. The expedition returned after an
absence of eighteen days.

General Hopkins discharged the muti-
neers and organized another expedition of
1,250 men. Its object was the destruction
of Prophetstown. The troops were com-
posed of Kentucky militia, some regulars
under Capt. Zachary Taylor, and two
companies of Rangers, scouts, and spies.
They reached Prophetstown Nov. 19th.
Then a detachment fell upon and burned
a Winnebago town of forty houses, 4
miles below Prophetstown. The latter and
a large Kickapoo village near it were also
laid in ashes. The village contained 160
huts, with all the winter provisions, which
were destroyed. On the 21st a part of
the expedition fell into an Indian am-
bush and lost eighteen men, killed,
wounded, and missing. The troops, espe-
cially the Kentuckians, clad in the rem-
nants of their summer clothing, returned
without attempting anything more. They
suffered dreadfully on their return march.

Among the prominent events of the War
of 1812-15 in that region was the massacre
at Chicago (q. v.). After that war the
population rapidly increased. The cen-
sus of 1829 showed a population of more
than 55,000. The Black Hawk War
(7. V.) occurred in Illinois in 1832. There
the Mormons established themselves in
1840, at Nauvoo (see Mot?mons) ; and
their founder was slain by a mob at
Carthage in 1844. A new State con-
stitution was framed in 1847, and in
July, 1870, the present constitution was
adopted. The Illinois Central Railroad,
completed in 1856, has been a source of
great material prosperity for the State.

During the Civil War Illinois furnished
to the national government (to Dec. 1,
1864) 197,304 troops.

In 1903 the equalized valuations of
taxable property aggregated $1,083,672,-
183, with practically no debt. See
United States, Illinois, vol. ix.

TERRITORIAL GOVERNOR.

Ninian Edwards commissioned. ...April 24,

STATE GOVRRNORS.

Shadrach Bond .assumes office

Edward Coles " "

Ninian Edwards " "

.lohn Reynolds " "

Willi,\m L. D. Ewing. . .acting

Joseph Duncan assumes office

Thomas Carlin " "

Thomas Ford " "

Augustus C. French.... " "

Joel A. Matteson " "

William H. Bissell " "

John Wood noting March 18,

Richard Yates assumes office January,

Richard J. Oglesby "

John M. Palmer "

Richard J. Oglesby "

.John L. Beveridge. . . .acting March 4,

.Shelby M. Cullnm assumes office. ... January,

John M. Hamilton acting Feb. 7.

Rii^hard J. Oglesby January,

Jo.seph W. Fifer "

John P. Altgeld "

John R. Tanner "

Richard Yates "

C. S. Deneen

1818
1822
1826
1830
1834

1838
1842
1846
1853
1857
1860
1861
1865
1869
1873

1877
1883
1885
1889
1893
1897
1901
1905

UNITED STATES SENATORS.

Name.

Ninian Edwards

Jesse B. Thomas

John McLean

Elias Kent Kane

David J. Raker

John M. Robinson

William L. D. Ewing

Richard M. Young

Samuel McRoberts

Sidney Breese

James Semple

Stephen A. Douglas

Jauies Shields

Lyman Trumbull

Orville H. Browning....
William A. Richardson...

Richard Yates

John A. Logan ,

Richard J. Oglesby

David Davis

John A. Logan

Shelby M. CuUum

Charles B. Farwell ,

John M. Palmer .

William E. Mason

Albert J. Hopkins

No. of Congress.

liith to 18th
15th " 19th
18th " 20th
19th " 23d

21st
21st to 27th

24th
25th to 27th

27th
28th to 31st

2sth
29th to 37th
31st " 33d
34th " 42d

37th
37th to 39th

39th

42d

43d

45th

4t)th

4.sth

.50 th

52d

55th

58th

42d
45th
46tb
47th
49th

51st
551 li
57th

Date.

1818 to

1818 "

1824 "

1826 "

1830

1831 to

1836

1837 to

1841 "

1843 "

1S47 "

1849 "

lSo5 "

1861

1863 to

1865 "

1871 "

1873 "

1877 "

1879 "

18«3 "

18 s7 "

1891 "

1897 "

1903 "

1824
1826
1830
1S35

1841

1843
1843
1849
1846
1861
1855
lb71

1«()5
1871
1877
1878
1883
1886

1891
1897
1903

Illinois Indians, a family of the
Algonquian nation that comprised several

ILLINOIS INDIANS— IMMIGRATION

clans — Peorias, Moing^^enas, Kaskaskias, parties in recent years have made al-
Tamaroas, and Cahokias. At a very early most identical declarations in their na-
period they drove a Dakota tribe west of tional platforms. The Republican JNa-
the Mississippi. There were the Quapaws. tional Convention declared: "For the
In 1640 they almost exterminated the protection of the quality of our Ameri-
Winnebagos; and soon afterwards they can citizenship, and of the wages of our
waged war with the Iroquois and Sioux, working-men against the fatal competi-
Marquette found some of them near Des tion of low - priced labor, we demand
Moines in 1672; also the Peorias and that the immigration laws be thoroughly
Kaskaskias on the Illinois River. The enforced, and so extended as to exclude
Tamaroas and Cahokias were on the Mis- from entrance to the United States those
sissippi. The Jesuits found the chief II- who can neither read nor write. In the
linois town consisting of 8.000 people, in further interest of American Avorkmen we
nearly 400 large cabins. In 1679 they favor a more effective restriction of the
were badly defeated by the Iroquois, immigration of cheap labor from foreign
losing about 1,300, of whom 900 were lands the extension of opportunities of
prisoners ; and they retaliated by assist- education for working children, the rais-
ing the French against the Five Nations, ing of the age limit for child labor, the
The Illinois were converted to Christianity protection of free labor as against con-
by Father Marquette and other mission- tract convict labor, and an effective sys-
aries, and in 1700 Chicago, their gi'eat tem of labor insurance." The Democratic
chief, visited France. When Detroit was National Convention called for the strict
besieged by the Foxes, in 1712, the II- enforcement of the Chinese exclusion act
linois went to its relief. Some were with and its application to the same classes of
the French at Fort Duquesne ; but they all Asiatic races.

refused to join Pontiac in his conspiracy. Immigration Stotistics. — During the

They favored the English in the war of period 1789-1820, when no thorough over-

the Revolution, and joined in the treaty sight was exercised it is estimated that

at Greenville in 1795. They ceded their the number of immigrants into the United

lands and a portion of them went to States aggregated 250.000; and during

Kansas, where they remained until 1867, the period 1820-1900 the aggregate was

when they were removed to a reservation 19.765,155. Since 1900 the yearly totals

of 72.000'acres southwest of the Quapaws. have been 1901, 487,918; 1902. 648.743:

Iloilo, the principal city and capital 1903, 857,046; 1904. 812.870; 1905,

of the island of Panay, and one of the 1.027.421. Of these 275.000 came from

three ports of entry in the Philippine Austria - Hungary. 220.000 from Itah^,

group opened to commerce in 1899. It is 185.000 from Russia. 137.000 from Great

situated 225 miles south of Manila, at Britain. 40.000 from Germany. For 1906

the southeastern extremity of Panay. and the estimate is nearly 1,250,000. These

is built on low, marshy ground. The figures do not take into consideration the

population in 1900 was over 10,000. movement of population between the

Ilpendam, Jan Jaxsex vax. merchant; United States, Canada, and Mexico,

appointed custom-house officer on the Immigralion Act of 1891. — This meas-

Delaware. and put in command of Fort ure " in amendment of the various acts

Nassau in 1640 by the Dutch governor relative to immigration and the importa-

of New York. He tried to keep the Eng- tion of aliens under contract or agree-

lish colony from trading on the Delaware, ment to perform labor," was introduced

He died at IMarcus Hook, Pa., in 1685. in the House by Mr. Owen, of Indiana,

Imlay, Gilbert, author ; born in New and referred to the committee on inimi-
Jersey in 1750; served throughout the gration and naturalization. It was re-
Revolutionary War; was the author of ported back, discussed, and amended, and
A Topographical Description of the West- passed the House Feb. 25, 1891, as fol-
ern Territory of yorth America; The Emi- lows:

grants, or the History of an Exiled "Be it enacted, etc., that the follow-

Family. ine classes of aliens shall be excluded

Immigration. The leading political from admission into the United States,

IMMIGRATION

in accordance with the existing acts regu-
lating immigration, other than those con-
cerning Chinese laborers: All idiots, in-
sane persons, paupers or persons likely
to become a public charge, persons suffer-
ing from a loathsome or dangerous con-
tagious disease, persons who have been
convicted of a felony or other infamous
crime or misdemeanor involving moral
turpitude, polygamists, and also any per-
son whose ticket or passage is paid for
with money of another or who is assisted
by others to come, unless it is affirma-
tively and satisfactorily shown on special
inquiry that such person does not belong
to one of the foregoing excluded classes,
or to the class of contract laborers ex-
cluded by the act of Feb. 9.Q, 1885. But
this section shall not be hold to exclude
persons living in the United States from
sending for a relative or friend who is
not of the excluded classes, under such
regulations as the Secretary of the Treas-
ury may prescribe ; Provided, that noth-
ing in this act shall be construed to
apply to exclude persons convicted of a
political offence, notwithstanding said po-
litical offence may be designated as a
' felony, crime, infamous crime or mis-
demeanor involving moral turpitude ' by
the laws of the land whence he came or
by the court convicting.

" Sec. 2. That no suit or proceeding for
violations of said act of Feb. 26, 1885,
prohibiting the importation and migra-
tion of foreigners under contract or agree-
ment to perform labor, shall be settled,
compromised, or discontinued without the
consent of the court entered of record
with reasons therefor.

" Sec. 3. That it shall be deemed a vio-
lation of said act of Feb. 26, 1885, to
assist or encourage the importation or mi-
gration of any alien by promise of em-
ployment through advertisements printed
and published in any foreign country:
and any alien coming to this country in
consequence of such an advertisement
shall be treated as coming under a con-
tract as contemplated by such act; and
the penalties by said act imposed shall be
applicable in such a case; Provided, this
section shall not apply to States, and im-
migration bureaus of States, advertising
the inducements they offer for immigra-
tion to such States.

" Sec. 4. That no steamship or trans-
portation company or owners of vessels
shall, directly, or through agents, either
by writing, printing, or oral representa-
tions, solicit, invite, or encourage the im-
migration of any alien into the United
States except by ordinary commercial
letters, circulars, advertisements, or oral
representations, stating the sailings of
their vessels and the terms and facilities
of transportation therein; and for a vio-
lation of this provision any such steam-
ship or transportation company, and any
such owners of vessels, and the agents by
them employed, shall be subjected to the
penalties imposed by the third section of
said act of Feb. 26, 1885, for violations
of the provisions of the first section of
said act.

" Sec. 5. That section 5 of said act of
Feb. 26, 1885, shall be, and hereby is,
amended by adding to the second proviso
in said section the words ' nor to minis-
ters of any religious denomination, nor
persons belonging to any recognized pro-
fession, nor professors for colleges and
seminaries,' and by excluding from the
second proviso of said section the words
' or any relative or personal friend.'

" Sec. 6. That any person who shall
bring into or land in the United States
by vessel or otherwise, or who shall aid
to bring into or land in the United
States by vessel or otherwise, any alien
not lawfully entitled to enter the United
States, shall be deemed guilty of a mis-
demeanor, and shall, on conviction, be
punished by a fine not exceeding $1,000,
or by imprisonment for a term not ex-
ceeding one year, or by both such fine and
imprisonment.

" Sec. 7. That the office of superintend-
ent of immigration is hereby created and
established, and the President, by and
with the advice and consent of the Sen-
ate, is authorized and directed to appoint
such officer, whose salary shall be $4,000
per annum, payable monthly. The super-
intendent of immigration shall be an
officer in the Treasury Department, under
the control and supervision of the Secre-
tary of the Treasury, to Avhom he shall
make annual reports in writing of the
transactions of his office, together with such
special reports, in writing, as the Secre-
tary of the Treasury shall require. The

IMMIGRATION

Secretary shall provide the superintendent
with a suitably furnished office in the
city of Washington, and with such books
of record and facilities for the discharge
of the duties of his office as may be
necessary. He shall have a chief clerk,
at a salary of $2,000 per annum, and two
first-class clerks.

" Sec. 8. That upon the arrival by wa-
ter at any place within the United States
of any alien immigrants it shall be the
duty of the commanding officer and the
agent of the steam or sailing vessel by
which they came to report the name, na-
tionality, last residence, and destination
of every such alien, before any of them
are landed, to the proper inspection offi-
cers, who shall thereupon go or send com-
petent assistants on board such vessel
and there inspect all such aliens, or the
inspection officer may order a temporary
removal of such aliens for examination
at a designated time and place, and then
and there detain them until a thorough
inspection is made. But such removal
shall not be considered a landing during
the pendency of such examination.

" The medical examination shall be
made by surgeons of the marine hospital
service. In cases where the services of a
marine hospital surgeon cannot be ob-
tained without causing unreasonable de-
lay, the inspector may cause an alien to
be examined by a civil surgeon, and the
Secretary of the Treasury shall fix the
compensation for such examinations.

" The inspection officers and their as-
sistants shall have power to administer
oaths, and to take and consider testimony
touching the right of any such aliens to
enter the United States, all of which shall
be entered of record. During such inspec-
tion after temporary removal the super-
intendent shall cause such aliens to be
properly housed, fed, and cared for, and
also, in his discretion, such as are delayed
in proceeding to their destination after
inspection.

" All decisions made by the inspection
officers or their assistants touching the
right of any alien to land, when adverse
to such right, shall be final unless appeal
be taken to the superintendent of immi-
gration, whose action shall be subject to
review by the Secretary of the Treasury.
It shall be the duty of the aforesaid offi-

cers and agents of such vessel to adopt
due precautions to prevent the landing
of any alien immigrant at any place or
time other than that designated by the
inspection officers, and any such" officer
or agent or person in charge of such ves-
sel who shall either knowingly or negli-
gently land or permit to land any alien
immigrant at any place or time other
than that designated by the inspection
oflicers, shall be deemed guilty of a mis-
demeanor and punished by a fine not ex-
ceeding $1,000, or by imprisonment for
a term not exceeding one year, or by both
such fine and imprisonment.

" That the Secretary of the Treasury
may prescribe rules for inspection along
the borders of Canada, British Columbia,
and Mexico so as not to obstruct, or un-
necessarily delay, impede, or annoy pas-
sengers in ordinary travel between said
countries: Provided, that not exceeding
one inspector shall be appointed for each
customs district, and whose salary shall
not exceed $1,200 per year.

" All duties imposed and powers con-
ferred by the second section of the act of
Aug. 3, 1882, upon State commissioners,
boards, or officers acting under contract'
with the Secretary of the Treasury shall
be performed and exercised, as occasion
may arise, by the inspection officers of
the United States.

" Sec. 9. That for the preservation of the
peace and in order that arrest may be
made for crimes under the laws of the
Slates where the various United States
immigrant stations are located, the offi-
cials in charge of such stations, as occa-
sion may require, shall admit therein the
proper State and municipal officers charged
with the enforcement of such laws, and
for the purposes of this section the juris-
diction of such officers and of the local
courts shall extend over such stations.

" Sec 10. That all aliens who may un-
lawfully come to the United States shall,
if practicable, be immediately sent back
on the vessel by which they were brought
in. The cost of their maintenance while
on land, as well as the expense of the re-
turn of such aliens, shall be borne by the
owner or owners of the vessel on which
such aliens came; and if any master,
agent, consignee, or owner of such vessel
shall refuse to receive back on board the

IMMIGRATION— IMPERIALISM

vessel such aliens, or shall neglect to de- the United States gives the House ot
tain them thereon, or shall refuse or neg- Representatives sole power to impeach the
lect to return them to the port from President, Vice-President, and all civil
which they came, or to pay the cost of officers of the United States by a numeri-
their maintenance while on land, such cal majority only. It also gives the Sen-
master, agent, consignee, or owner shall ate sole power to try all impeachments,
be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and The Senate then sits as a court, organiz-
shall be punished by a fine not less than ing anew, Senators taking a special oath
$300 for each and every offence; and any or affirmation applicable to the proceed-
such vessel shall not have clearance from ing. From their decision there is no
any port of the United States while any appeal. A vote of two-thirds of the Sen-
such fine is unpaid. ate is necessary to convict. When the

" Sec. 11. That any alien who shall come President is tried the chief-justice pre-
into the United States in violation of law sides. The punishment is limited by the
may be returned, as by law provided, at Constitution (1) to removal from office;
any time within one year thereafter, at (2) to disqualification from holding and
the expense of the person or persons, ves- enjoying any office of honor, trust, or
sel, transportation company or corpora- profit under the United States government,
tion bringing such alien into the United Important cases: (1) William Blount,
States, and if that cannot be done, then United States Senator from Tennessee, for
at the expense of the United States; and conspiring to transfer New Orleans from
any alien who becomes a public charge Spain to Great Britain, 1797-98; ac-
within one year after his arrival in quitted for want of evidence. (2) John
the United States from causes existing Pickering, judge of the district court of
prior to his landing therein shall be New Hampshire, charged with drunken-
deemed to have come in violation of law ness, profanity, etc.; convicted March 12,
and shall be returned as aforesaid. 1803. (3) Judge Samuel Chase, impeach-

" Sec. 12. That nothing contained in this ed March 30, 1804; acquitted March 1,

■act shall be construed to affect any pros- 1805. (4) James H. Peck, district judge

ecution or other proceeding, criminal or of Missouri, impeached Dec. 13, 1830, for

civil, begun under any existing act or arbitrary conduct, etc.; acquitted. (5)

acts hereby amended, but such prosecution West H. Humphreys, district judge of

or other proceeding, criminal or civil, Tennessee, impeached and convicted for

shall proceed as if this act had not been rebellion, Jan. 26, 1862. (6) Andrew

rapped. Johnson, President of the United States,

" Sec. 13. That the circuit and district impeached " of high crimes and misde-
courts of the United States are hereby meanors," Feb. 22, 1868; acquitted. (7)
invested with full and concurrent juris- W. W. Belknap, Secretary of War, im-
diction of all causes, civil and criminal, peached for receiving money of post-
arising under any of the provisions of traders among the Indians, March 2, 1876;
this act; and this act shall go into effect resigned at the same time; acquitted for
on the first day of April, 1891." want of jurisdiction.

The measure passed the Senate Feb. " Impending Crisis," the title of a

27, and was approved by the President book written by Hinton R. Helper, of

March .3, 1801. North Carolina, pointing out the evil ef-

Immigration, Restriction of. See fects of slavery upon the whites, first

I ODGE. Henry Cabot. published in 1857. It had a large sale

Impeachment. The Constitution of ( 140,000 copies) and great influence.

IMPERIALISM

Imperialism. The Hon. William A. The arraignment of the national ad-

Peffer, ex-Senator from Kansas, makes ministration by certain citizens on a

the following important contribution to charge of imperialism, in the execution

the discussion of this question: of its Philippine policy, brings up for

IMPERIALISM

discussion some important questions relat- portation, not exceeding ten dollars for eacb

ing to the powers, duties, and responsibili- P^i'son.

ties of government, among which are three These two provisions were intended to

that I propose to consider briefly, namely: apply and did apply to negro slaves, of

First. Whence comes the right to gov- whom there were in the country at that

ern? What are its sphere and object? time about 500,000, nearly one - sixth

Second. Are we, the people of the United of the entire population; and they, as a

States, a self-governing people? class, together with our Indian neighbors

Third. Is our Philippine policy anti- and the free people of color, were all ex-
American? eluded from the ranks of those who par-
j ticipated in the institution of our new
government. Their consent to anything

As to the right to govern — the right done or contemplated in the administra-

to exercise authority over communities, tion of our public affairs was neither ask-

states, and nations, the right to enact, ed nor desired. Their consent or dissent

construe, and execute laws — whence it is did not enter into the problems of govern-

derived? For what purposes and to what ment. It made no difference what their

extent may it be properly assumed? wishes were, or to what they were op-

In the Declaration of Independence it posed. A majority of such persons as en-
is asserted that: joyed political privileges — they and they

.,„,.,, ^, ^ ^. 4. ,, ,e -A 4- only — formed the new government and or-
" We hold these truths to be self-evident, ■'..., -,, , i . ■!

that all men are created equal ; that they ganized its powers, without regard to the

are endowed by their Creator with certain disfranchised classes, as much so as if

Inalienable rights ; that among these are ^hese classes had not been in existence,
life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. . , . j-,-.- , ,■, .-

That to secure these rights, governments are ^nd, m addition to the non-votmg peo-

instituted among men, deriving their just pie, there were many white men in the

powers from the consent of the governed," States who, by reason of their poverty,

^ , . ., , ,, , , . were not permitted to vote, and hence

But is it true that government, even m u . 5 i . • i i j.-

,,. ... i'' . -, • , could not take part m popular elections,

a republic like ours, derives its lust pow- _,. vuii!j.j.i,i fj-i

^ , . , , J. J i.1. J o It IS, probably, safe to say that, of the

ers only from the consent of the governed? , , i i.- £ xi x i t-u

-r .^ . J- . -, . ■ X- • whole population of the country, when the

Is it not a fact that at no time m our _, ,.f f. . • , a? ^ xi

... , -.1 1. J 1 J XI. Constitution was put into eiiect, the nuni-

history have we either had or asked the , xixij x-xi, i<xu

^ , ,, ,, , .,, . . . ber that had no part m the work of estab-

consent of all the people withm our juris- ,.,.,, x- i x -xv,

,. , . X XT. r X 1 • 1 lishmg the national government, either

diction, to the powers of government which . • x -x ixi i xi, u

, ' , * . . ^ XI. o T for or against it, although they were sub-

we have been exeieismg over them? Is ... °, , x-x x j x i x oc

. , , ,, X XT. X V. lect to its rule, constituted at least 25

IT not true, on the contrary, that we have ■'

, . i •,, XI per cent,

been governing many oi them, not only ^ c.,.,, x r xi. ox x

• XI X XI • X 1. X • 1- X Still more. In every one of the States,

without their consent, but m direct oppo- , ,. "^ , t-c j

, .,, and among those persons, too, qualmea

'i/~i 1-xx- r jx -J T.to vote, there was opposition, more or

The Constitution, framed to provide such , , \^ • x- c xJ

, ^ x XT- • £ less, to the inauguration oi the new re-

a form of government as the signers of . ' -.-r .-, ,^ ^■ j-j . x-r xi.

,, T^ T :. 1 J • • J x • XI, gime. North Carolina did not ratity the

the Declaration had m mmd, contains the % ,., ,. , .,, ,i , r

„ „ . . . Constitution till more than two years at-

followmg provision: , ,, ,. ,, , j, j -x i j j

^ ' ter the convention that framed it had ad-

" No person held to service or labor in one journed sine die ; and Rhode Island did
State, under the laws thereof, escaping into ^^^ ^^^^^^ j^^^ ^j^g Union till May of Presi-
another, shall, in consequence of any law or , ,
regulation therein, be discharged from such dent Washington s second year. _
service or labor, but shall be delivered up There is no way of ascertaining exact-
on claim of the party to whom such service ]y .(.j^g number of voters who were opposed
or labor may be due." ^^ ^^^ ^^^ ^^^^^ ^^^ ^j^ ^^^^ consent to

And this: it, and who would have defeated it if they

" The migration or importation of such could ; but, if these be added to the dis-

persons as any of the States now existing franchised classes, we have a total of at

shall thViik proper to admit, shall not be least one-third of the inhabitants of the

prohibited by the Congress prior to the year gQ^^try not consenting to the exercise of

one thousand eight hundred and eight, but , •' , . ^ xi. v 4.

a duty or tax may be imposed on such im- these governmental powers over them. Yet

IMPERIALISM

these powers were deemed by the majority
that organized them to be just powers,
and the said majority felt that they were
justified in executing them.

Thomas Jellersou held " the vital prin-
ciple of republics " to be " absolute acqui-
escence in the decisions of the major-
ity." But whence comes the right of a
majority to rule? And may the majority
of to-day determine the course of the
majority of to-morrow? Had two-thirds of
a population of less than 4,000,000 in
1789 the rightful authority to lay down
rules of government for a population of
75,000,000 in 1900— rules which we can-
not change, save by revolution, unless we
do it in accordance with forms prescribed
by our ancestors more than 100 years
ago?

We all believe with Jefferson that the
right of a majority to rule in a republic
is not to be challenged; and that the
answer to these troublesome questions
concerning the source of this undisputed
right to govern can be found only in
the theory that government is one of the
essential agencies provided in the begin-
ning by the Father above for the work of
subduing the earth and bringing all men
to Himself. The thought is tersely ex-
pressed by St. Paul in his letter to the
Romans : " There is no power but of God."
" The powers that be are ordained of
God." The ruler is a " minister of God."

Man's right to life, liberty, and room
to work in is inherent, and government
follows as naturally as the seasons fol-
low each other. As long as the individual
man lives separated from his fellows, he
needs no protection other than he is able
himself to command; but when popu-
lation increases and men gather in com-
munities, governments are instituted
among them in order to make these in-
dividual rights secure; and then new
rights appear, communal rights ; for
communities, as well as individual per-
sons, have rights.

The necessity for government increases
with the density of population, and the
scope of its powers is enlarged with the
extension of its territorial jurisdiction,
the diversity of employments in which the
citizenship are engaged, and the degree
of refinement to which they have attained.
The trapper, with his axe, knife, gun

and sack, pursues his calling alone in the
wilderness; but, with settlement, the
forest disappears, farms are opened up,
towns laid out, neighborhoods formed,
laws become necessary, and government
begins.

It is not necessary, however, that we
should agree on the origin of govern-
ment, for we know that, as a matter of
fact, governments in one form or another
have existed ever since the beginning of
recorded history; and we know, further,
that under the operation of these govern-
ments 90 per cent, of the habitable sur-
face of the globe has been reclaimed from
barbarism. The whole world is to-day
virtually within the jurisdiction of regu-
larly organized powers of government,
international law is recognized and en-
forced as part of the general code of the
nations, and the trend of the world's
civilization is towards free institutions
and popular forms of government.

II.

As to whether we are a self-governing
people, the answer to this question de-
pends upon whether all classes of the
population within our jurisdiction share
in the work of governing, or whether, as
in the ancient republics, only a portion
of the people are to be taken for the whole
for purposes of government.

In any age of the world, the character
of government fairly represents the state
of the world's inhabitants at that partic-
ular period. That a people are not far
enough advanced to form a government
for themselves, and conduct its affairs
in their own way, is not a reason why thej'^
should not have any government at all.
On its lower level, government may ex-
tend no further than the Avill of an
ignorant despot, who holds the tenure
of life and property in his hands ; but
as men advance, they rise to higher levels
and the sphere of government is enlarged.
In the end it will, of necessity, embrace
all human interests which are common.

The members of the Continental Con-
gress, in declaring the cause which im-
pelled the separation of the colonies
from the mother-country, began the con-
cluding paragraph of the Declaration in
these words:

IMPEBIALISM

" We, therefore, the representatives of the submitted to the legislatures of the several

United States of America, in Congress as- states for their action, it was strenuous-

sembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of , , . ... j • ^

the world for the rectitude of our intentions, b' opposed in some of them, and received

do, in the name, and by authority of the unanimous support in only three — Dela-

good people of these colonies, solemnly pub- ware, New Jersey, and Georgia. The ma-

lish and declare," etc. -^^^^^^ -^ ^^^ ^^^^^ ^^^g ^^^^^ j^ C^n-

„, , .. , , ^ ii 1 nectieut and South Carolina, while in

The words good people of these colo- tt- • ■ .1 • -^ 1 j. i.

... . , , , , , ,. J, , Virginia the maiority was only ten votes,

nies included only such of the people as ^^^ .^ ^^^^ York only three. The vote in

at that time participated m the work ^^^ ^^ ^^^^ g^^^^^ ^^^^^ ^j^^^^ Pennsyl-

of local government, excluding those who ^ ^g ^^ ^3. Massachusetts, 187 to

were opposed to separation. The Tones ^^.g. Maryland, 63 to 11; New Hampshire,

-and there were a good many of them- ^^ ^^ _^g. ^^^ York, 30 to 27. North

did not approve anything that the Con- Carolina and Rhode Island were two years

gress did. They were regarded by the .^^ ^^^,,. ^^^.^ ^.^^^ ^^ ^ j^^^^

patriots as public enemies, and were kept .^^ ^j^^ Union

under constant watch by committees of

So we see that a majority of about

inspection and observation in every county, ^wo-thirds (and that may have been in
They were subject to arrest and imprison- ^^^^ j^^^ ^^^^ ^ majority of the whole

ment — even to banishment; and in many
instances their property was confiscated.
The Congress surely did not speak in the
name of the Tories, nor by their au-

people) assumed to speak and act for all.
The people of the United States have all
along acted on that plan. We have gone
even further than that. We have in some

thority. „ ^ , , , . , cases expressly authorized minorities to

The Articles of Confederation, under determine the gravest matters. The Con-
the provisions of which the Congress acted ^^-^^^^-^^ provides that "a majority of

after March 2, 1781, recognized as its
constituency only " the free inhabitants

each (House of Congress) shall consti-
tute a quorum to do business " ; and " each

of each of these States." Slaves, though ^^^^^ determine the rules of its pro-

constituting nearly,_ if not quite, 16 per ^^.^^^ „ tj^^ Senate now consists of

cent, of the population, were not reckoned
among the political forces to be respect
ed. Indians, likewise, were excluded

ninety members; forty-six is a majority,
constituting a quorum. Of this forty-six,

^, V. ..... J .^ XT -J. J oi. i tv^enty-four form a maiority, and al-

The Constitution of the United States ., i -. • ■, .-, 4.xf- a t +1,

+1^ though it is less than one-third of the

opens t us: whole body, may pass any measure that is

. , ^ not required by the Constitution to re-

"We, the people of the United States . ^ . ./ j. ii • j 4.

... do ordain and establish this Constitu- ^eive a majority or a two-thirds vote—

tion for the United States of America." a treaty, for example. And it is the same

in the House of Representatives.

But not more than two-thirds of the And, although a majority of the eleeto-

population were represented in " We, the ral vote is required to choose a President

people," and a majority of the two-thirds of the United States, it has frequently

assumed the responsibilities of govern- happened that the successful candidate

nient — rightfully, as all loyal Americans was opposed by a majority of the voters

believe. The machinery of the republic of the country.

was set in motion in 1789, and the census In the matter of amending the Con-
taken the next year showed the total stitution, a majority of the voters may
population to be 3,929,214, of which total favor any particular amendment proposed,
number 757,208 were colored — mostly per- but it must be ratified by three-fourths
sons of African descent, who were nearly of the legislatures of the several States
all slaves, and these, with the other dis- before it becomes law.
frano-hised classes, as before stated, made We not only have adopted the majority
up about 33 per cent, of the population principle as a rule of government, but we
that were not permitted to take part have uniformly insisted upon acquiescence
in establishing the new government. in minority rule in any and all cases
Furthermore, when the Constitution was where it has been so provided in ad'^ance.

IMTEIIIALISM

We have but to look at our record to
see that, from the beginning, we have ex-
cluded a very large proportion of our own
people from all participation in affairs
of government, and we have never accused
ourselves of exercising unjust powers or
undue authority. This fact strengthens
the belief that there is a source of power
which does not lie in the people at all —
a " higher power," if you please. The
Declaration of Independence conforms to
this view, in affirming that men are " en-
dowed by their Creator with certain in-
alienable rights," and in appealing to
the " Supreme Judge of the World," " with
a firm reliance on the protection of Divine
Providence."

III.

In order to determine whether our Phil-
ippine policy is anti-American, we must
examine the testimony of American his-
tory, and see the record that Americans
have made for themselves in their treat-
ment of subject people in our own coun-
try.

Virginia and New England may fairly
be taken as representative of the colo-
nies up to the time of the Revolution,
in so far as the Indian population is con-
cerned.

Patents to the London Company and to
the Plymouth Company were issued in
1006 by King James I., authorizing them
to " possess and colonize that portion of
North America lying between the thirtj'-
fourth and forty - fifth parallels of north
latitude." Wliat legal rights or privileges
James had in America were based Avholly
on the discoveries made by English navi-
gators. Rights of the native inhabitants
were not considered in the granting of
these patents, nor in the subsequent col-
onization.

The London Company colonized Vir-
ginia and the Plymouth Company and its
successors colonized New England. In
both cases landings were effected and set-
tlements begun witliout consulting the
people that inhabited the country.

As to Virginia, among the early acts
of the Jamestown colony, under the lead
of Captain Smith, was the procuring of
food from the Indians by trading with
them, and at the same time fortifying flie
new settlement against Indian depreda-

tions. Smith strengthened the fort in
1608, trained the watch regularly and
exercised the company every Saturday.
\o organized opposition to the white set-
tlement appeared during the first few
years, though the Indians manifested their
dissatisfaction in the arrest of Smith,
whom they would have summarily put to
death but for the intercession of the
chief's daughter. But in 1622, under
Opechancanough, they attacked the set-
tlers, killed several hundred of them, and
devastated a good many plantations. They
were finally beaten back by the whites,
many of them being unmercifully slaugh-
tered, and the rest driven into the wilder-
ness. Twenty-two years later, under the
lead of the same chief, another war broke
out, lasting two years, causing much loss
of life and property on both sides, and
resulting in the utter defeat of the Ind-
ians and the cession by them of tracts
of land to the colonists. This policy was
pursued to the end of the colonial period.

The Plymouth colony early sent Cap-
tain Standish, with a few men, to confer
with the natives and ascertain, if possible,
the state of their feelings in regard to
the white settlement; but the Indians
eluded him and he learned nothing. The
second year after this reconnoissance Can-
onicus, king or chief of the Narragansets,
by way of showing how he felt about it,
sent to the Plymouth people a bundle of
arrows tied with the skin of a rattle-
snake. As an answer to this challenge,
the skin was stuffed with powder and bul-
lets and returned. These exchanges of
compliments opened the way for a peace
treaty between the settlers and several
tribes ; but some of the chiefs were sus-
picious of the whites and formed a con-
spiracy to kill them off. The scheme com-
ing to the knowledge of che colonists, it
was frustrated by Standish and his com-
pany, who treacherouslj' killed two chiefs.
A treaty of peace with the Narragansets
soon followed this occurrence, and it re-
mained in force until the Wampanoags,
weary of encroachments on their lands
by the whites, made war on them under
the leadership of King Philip, in 1675.

Among the incidents of that Avar, and
as showing tlie temper of the colonists,
may be mentioned the destruction of the
Narraganset fort and the subsequent capt-

IMPERIALISM

ure and treatment of Philip. The fort to this subject race in our new territorial
sheltered about 3,000 Narragansets, most- acquisitions we shall now see.
ly women and children. It was surprised The region bounded on the north by
during a snow-storm, the palisades and the Great Lakes, on the east by the Alle-
wigwams were fired, and the Indians were ghany Mountains, on the south by the
driven forth by the flames to be either Oliio River, on the west by the Missis-
burned, suffocated, frozen, butchered, or sippi, out of which have grown the States
drowned in the surrounding swamp. His- of Ohio, Michigan, Wisconsin, Illinois,
tory says that " 500 wigwams were de- and Indiana, had been claimed under their
stroyed, 600 warriors killed, 1,000 women charters by Virginia, New York, Connecti-
and children massacred, and the winter's cut, and Massachusetts, but they ceded
provisions of the tribe reduced to ashes." their claims to the United States. The
'■ The government set a price of 30s. per country so ceded was our first territorial
head for every Indian killed in battle, and acquisition, and became known as the
many women and children were sold into Northwest Territory. A government was
slavery in South America and the West jirovided for it under the ordinance of
Indies." Towards the last, Captain 1787, and President Washington, in 1789,
Church, tne noted Indian fighter, headed appointed Gen. Arthur St. Clair its gov-
an expedition to find Philip and destroy ernor. The various tribes of Indians in-
the remainder of the Wampanoags. habiting that part of the country object-
Philip was hunted from place to place, and cd to the jurisdiction of the whites, just
at last found in camp on Aug. 12, 1676. as some of the Filipinos have done in the
The renegade Indian who betrayed the Philippine Islands, and they made war
Narraganset camp led Captain Church to on the whites, under Michikiniqua, chief
the camp of Philip. The attack was made of the Miamis, as the Filipinos have done
at night, while the Indians were asleep, under Aguinaldo, chief of the Tagals.
Philip, in attempting to escape, was recog- Under date of Oct. 6, 1789, President
nized by an Indian ally of the whites and Washington forwarded instructions to
shot dead as he stumbled and fell into Governor St. Clair, in which he said:
the mire. His body was dragged forward, " It is highly necessary that I should,
and Church cut off his head, which as soon as possible, possess full informa-
was borne on the point of a spear to tion whether the Wabash and Illinois
Plymouth, where it remained twenty Indians are most inclined for war or
years exposed on a gibbet. According peace. . . . You will, therefore, inform
to the colonial laws, as a traitor, his the said Indians of the disposition
body was drawn and quartered on a of the general government on this sub-
day that was appointed for public thanks- ject, and of their reasonable desire that
giving. there should be a cessation of hostilities
With this policy steadily pursued to as a prelude to a treaty. ... I would
the end, when the time came for Ameri- have it observed forcibly that a war
cans themselves to turn upon their op- with the Wabash Indians ought to be
pressors, there was little left of the avoided by all means consistently with
Indian question in New England and Vir- the security of the frontier inhabitants,
ginia, or in any of the States; but, with the security of the troops, and the na-
the Declaration of Independence, the tional dignity. . . . But if, after manifest-
formation of the federal Union, and the ing clearly to the Indians the disposition
establishment of a national government of the general government for the preser-
for the whole country, our Indian trou- vation of peace and the extension of a just
bles were confined chiefly to territory be- protection to the said Indians, they should
longing to the Union, regions acqiiired continue their incursions, the United
after the Union was formed, and, hence. States will be constrained to punish them
national territories under the sole juris- with severity."

diction of the national government, The Indians were most inclined for

though inhabited by Indians, whose rights war, as the Tagals have been, and a good

to the soil had never been questioned, deal of hard fighting, extending over five

What has been our policy with respect years, was done before they were brought

IMPERIALISM

to terms in a treaty. The battle at
Miami Village, Sept. 30, 1790, between
about 1,800 Americans under General
Harniar, and a somewliat larger body of
Indians under various chiefs, resulted in
a victory for the Indians, with a loss of
120 men killed and 300 wigwams burned.
Another pitched battle was fought near
the same place the next year. The Ind-
ians were again victorious, and the Amer-
ican loss was more than half the army—
G31 killed and 203 wounded. On Aug. 20,
1794, General Wayne, with 900 United
States soldiers, routed the Indians in a
battle near Miami Rapids, and a year
later a treaty of peace was concluded, by
the terms of which nearly the whole of
Ohio was ceded by the Indians to the
United States.

It will be observed that with five years
of war we had got no farther west than
Ohio. And these battles with the Ind-
ians in the Miami Valley were more
bloody than any ever fought by American
armies with white men.

This long and bloody Indian war did
not end our troubles in the Northwest.
The Indians confederated under Tecum-
seh in 1811, and they were routed at the
battle of Tippecanoe by General Har-
rison. This practically terminated Ind-
ian hostilities in the Northwest Territory,
but Tecumseh stirred up resistance
among the Creeks and their allies in our
new acquisitions south of the Ohio, known
as the Southwest Territory. The rebel-
lion there began with the massacre at
Fort Minis, on Aug. 30, 1813, in the
Creek Nation, and ended with the battle
of Tohopeka, on March 27, 1814, where
the Indians were defeated by troops under
General Jackson. About 1,000 Creek
warriors were engaged at Tohopeka, and
more than half of them (550) were killed.
Seven fierce battles were fought during
the continuance of this brief war, with an
aggregate loss to the Indians of 1,300
killed and an unknown number of
wounded.

The Black Hawk War, in 1832, cost the
lives of twenty-five Americans and 150
Indians.

The Florida War began in 1835 and
lasted seven years, ending with the final
defeat of the Indians.

Since the conclusion of the Florida, or

Seminole, War our armed conflicts with
Indians have been mostly in the West, on
territory which we acquired by purchase
from France and by cession from Mexico
in concluding a two years' war with that
country.

Between 1846 and 18G6 there were
some fifteen or twenty Indian wars or
a flairs, in which it is estimated that
1,500 whites and 7,000 Indians were
killed.

In the actions between regular troops
and Indians, from 18G6 to 1891, the num-
ber of whites killed was 1,452; wounded,
1,101. The number of Indians killed was
4,363; wounded, 1,135.

Our Indian wars have been expensive
as well as bloody. It is estimated by the
War Department that, excluding the time
covered by our wars with Great Britain
(1812-14), and with Mexico (1846-48)
and with the Confederate States (1861-
65), three-fourths of the total expense of
the army is chargeable, directly or in-
directly, to the Indians; the aggregate
thus chargeable is put at $807,073,658,
and this does not include cost of fortifica-
tions, posts, and stations; nor does it in-
clude amounts reimbursed to the several
States ($10,000,000) for their expenses
in wars with the Indians. The Indian
war pension account in 1897 stood at
$28,201,632.

Except when engaged in other wars, the
army has been used almost entirely for the
Indian service, and stationed in the Ind-
ian country and along the frontier.

Such in general outline is Americanism
as it has consistently exhibited itself in
the policy followed by this country at the
only junctures which are comparable to
the Philippine situation at the present
day. If it amounts to imperialism, then,
indeed, are we a nation of imperialists
without division.

But let us get closer to the subject. The
case presented by the anti-imperialists
against the administration is almost ex-
actly paralleled in the history of Florida.
Spain's title to the Philippines was as
good as that by which she claimed Florida,
for it had the same basis — the right of
discovery: and her right to cede and con-
vey her title was as perfect in the one case
as in the other. In both instances, the
inhabitants were, by international law.

IMPERIALISM— IMPOST DUTIES

transferred with the land on which they
dwelt.* Filipinos inhabited the Philippine
Islands when Magellan discovered them in
1521, and when Villalobos, a few years
later, " took possession of the group and
named it in honor of King Philip II., of
Spain," and they were there in 1898, when
Spain ceded the archipelago to the United
States in eonsideratioi of closing a war
and the payment of $20,000,000 in money.

The Seminole Indians inhabited Florida
when that region was discovered by the
Spanish navigators, and they were there
in 1819-21, when Spain ceded the country
to the United States in consideration of
removing a just cause of war on our part,
and a stipulation to settle claims against
Spain to the amount of $5,000,000.

The treaty for Florida was concluded in
1819, but was not ratified by Spain till
the second year thereafter; a territorial
government was established on March 30,
1822, the President in the mean time gov-
erning the Territory twenty years, the
State being admitted on March 3, 1845.
During the territorial period the army
was needed there most of the time to sup-
press disorders in which the Indians were
almost always mixed; and in 1835 the
war with the Seminoles began. Andrew
Jackson was President during the first
two years of this war ; it continued all
through Van Buren's term, and extended
a year or more into that of Harrison and
Tyler. To suppress this rebellion of Os-
ceola and his allies, the army, consisting
of regulars, militia, and volunteers, was
employed seven years.

President McKinley is doing in the
Philippines just what was done by Presi-
dent Jackson and his successors in Flor-
ida, and he is doing it more humanely.
Were they imperialists?

♦ American Supreme Court, In the case of
the American Insurance Company vs. Canter,
1 Peters, 511, referring to the territory held
by a conqueror, awaiting the conclusion of
a treaty, says :

" If it be ceded by the treaty, the
acquisition is confirmed, and the ceded ter-
ritory becomes a part of the nation to which
it is annexed. ... On such a transfer
of territory, the relations of the inhabitants
with their former sovereign are dissolved, and
new relations are created between them and
the government which has acquired their
territory. The same act which transfers
their country transfers the allegiance of
those who remain in it."

As to matters of government, American-
ism means American rule in American
territory. Americans govern by major-
ities— majorities of those who, by pre-
vious constitutional and statutory pro-
visions, are authorized to govern, and
whose administration of public affairs has
been, as far as practicable, determined
in advance by properly constituted au-
thorities.

Beginning with the Pilgrims' compact,
we have grown a republic, removing or
surmounting all obstacles in the way of
our development, until now we are in the
forefront of nations. We have liberated
the negro and given him the ballot. The
Indians, of whom there are about as
many in the country as ever, have to their
credit in the national treasury a trust
fund amotmting to about $25,000,000;
they are dissolving their tribal relations;
the adults, under government supervision,
are learning to work at farming and other
useful callings, their children are in gov-
ernment schools, and all are in process
of citizenization. Government Indian
schools now number about 150, with near-
ly as many contract schools. Indian edu-
cation is costing the government about
$2,000,000 a year.

The trouble in the Philippines has been
occasioned by Aguinaldo and his associ-
ates. Americans are there of right, and
they ask nothing of the natives but to be
peaceable, to obey the laws, and to go
ahead with their business; they will not
only be protected in every right, but will
be aided by all the powerful influences
of an advanced and aggressive civilization.
See Acquisition of Territory; Annexed
Territory, Status of; Anti-Expansion-
ists.

Imports. See Commerce.

Impost Duties. The first impost
duties laid on the English-American colo-
nies were in 1672, when the British Par-
liament, regarding colonial commerce as
a proper source of public revenue and
taxation, passed a law imposing a duty
on sugar, tobacco, ginger, cocoanut, in-
digo, logwood, fustic, wool, and cotton,
tmder certain conditions. It was enacted
that the whole business shotild be man-
aged and the imposts levied by officers
appointed by the commissioners of cus-
toms in England, under the authority of

IMPRESSMENT

the lords of the treasury. This was the
first attempt at taxation of the colonies
without their consent.

The first of such duties established by
the United States was for the purpose
of restoring the public credit. On April
18, 1782, the Congress voted " that it be
recommended to the several States as
indispensably necessary to the restoration
of public credit, and to the punctual
and honorable discharge of the public
debts, to invest the United States, in
Congress assembled, with power to levy
for the use of the United States " certain
duties named upon certain goods import-
ed from any foreign port. Under the pro-
visions of the Articles of Confederation,
the unanimous consent of the States was
necessary to confer this power upon the
Congress. This was the first attempt to lay
such duties for revenue. The necessity
was obvious, and all the States except
Ehode Island and Georgia agreed to an
ad valorem duty of 5 per cent, upon all
goods excepting spirituous liquors, wines,
teas, pepper, sugars, molasses, cocoa, and
coffee, on which specific duties were laid.
The Assembly gave, as a reason for its
refusal, the inequality of such a tax, bear-
ing harder on the commercial States, and
the inexpediency and danger of intrust-
ing its collection to federal officers, un-
known and not accountable to the State
governments. A committee of the Con-
gress, with Alexander Hamilton as chair-
man, Avas appointed to lay the proposi-
tion before the several States and to urge
their acquiescence. They sent it forth
with an eloquent address, which appealed
to the patriotism of the people. The
measure was approved by the leading men
of the country, and all the States but
two were willing to give Congress the de-
sired power. "It is money, not power,
that ought to be the object," they said.
" The former will pay our debts, the latter
may destroy our liberties." See Com-
merce ; Internal Re\t:nue.

Impressment. In 1707 the British Par-
liament, by act, forbade the impressment
of seamen in American ports and waters
for privateering service, unless of such
sailors as had previously deserted from
ships-of-war. The custom had been a
source of annoyance and complaint for
several years, and was continued despite
V. — B 1

the action of Parliament. In November,
1747, Commodore Knowles, while in Bos-
ton Harbor, finding himself short of men,
sent a press-gang into the town one morn-
ing, which seized and carried to the ves-
sels several of the citizens. This violence
aroused the populace. Several of the naval
officers on shore were seized by a mob and
held as hostages for their kidnapped coun-
trymen. They also surrounded the town
house, where the legislature was in ses-
sion, and demanded the release of the
impressed men. The governor called out
the militia, who reluctantly obeyed. Then,
alarmed, he withdrew to the castle.
Knowles offered a company of marines to
sustain his authority, and threatened to
bombard the town if his officers were not
released. The populace declared that the
governor's flight was abdication. Matters
became so serious that the influential citi-
zens, who had favored the populace, tried
to suppress the tumult. The Assembly or-
dered the release of the officers, and
Knowles sent back most of the impressed
men. The authorities attributed the out-
break to " negroes and persons of vile con-
dition." This was the first of a series of
impressments of American citizens by
British officers which finally led to the
War of 1812-15.

Proofs of the sufferings of American
seamen from the operations of the British
impress system were continually received,
and so frequent and flagrant were these
outrages, towards the close of 1805, that
Congress took action on the subject. It
was felt that a crisis was reached when
the independence of the United States
must be vindicated, or the national honor
would be imperilled. There was ample
cause not only for retaliatory measures
against Great Britain, but even for war.
A non-importation act was passed. It was
resolved to try negotiations once more.
William Pinkney, of Maryland, was ap-
pointed (May, 1806) minister extraordi-
nary to England, to become associated
with Monroe, the resident minister, in
negotiating a treaty that should settle all
disputes between the two governments.
He sailed for England, and negotiations
were commenced Aug. 7. As the Ameri-
can commissioners were instructed to
make no treaty which did not secure the
vessels of their countrymen on the high
7

IMPRESSMENT

seas against press-gangs, that topic re-
ceived the earliest attention. The Ameri-
cans contended that the right of impress-
ment, existing by municipal law, could
not be exercised out of the jurisdic-
tion of Great Britain, and, consequently,
upon the high seas. The British replied
that no subject of the King could expatri-
ate himself — " once an Englishman, al-
ways an Englishman " — and argued that
to give up that right would make every
American vessel an asylum for British
seamen wishing to evade their country's
service. Finally, the British commission-
ers stated in writing that it was not in-
tended by their government to exercise
this claimed right on board any American
vessel, unless it was known it contained
British deserters. In that shape this por-
tion of a treaty then concluded remained,
and was unsatisfactory because it was
based upon contingencies and provisions,
and not upon positive treaty stipulations.
The American commissioners then, on
their own responsibility, proceeded to treat
upon other points in dispute, and an agree-
ment was made, based principally upon
Jay's treaty of 1794. The British made
some concessions as to the rights of neu-
trals. The treaty was more favorable to
the Americans, on the whole, than Jay's,
and, for the reasons which induced him,
the American commissioners signed it. It
was satisfactory to the merchants and
most of the people; yet the President, con-
sulting only his Secretary of State, and
without referring it to the Senate, re-
jected it.

A Cause of War. — The British govern-
ment claimed the right for commanders of
British ships - of - war to make up any
deficiency in their crews by pressing into
their service British-born seamen found
anywhere not within the immediate juris-
diction of some foreign state. As many
British seamen were employed on board
of American merchant-vessels, the exer-
cise of this claimed right might (and
often did) seriously cripple American ves-
sels at sea. To distinguish between Brit-
ish and American seamen was not an easy
matter, and many British captains, eager
to fill up their crews, frequently impressed
native-born Americans. These were some-
times dragged by violence from on board
their own vessels and condemned to a life

1«

of slavery as seamen in British ships-of-
war. When Jonathan Russell, minister
at the British Court, attempted to ne-
gotiate with that government (August,
1812) for a settlement of disputes be-
tween the Americans and British, and pro-
posed the withdrawal of the claims of
the latter to the right of impressment
and the release of impressed seamen. Lord
Castlereagh, the British minister for for-
eign affairs, refused to listen to such a
proposition. He even expressed surprise
that, " as a condition preliniinary even
to a suspension of hostilities, the govern-
ment of the United States should have
thought fit to demand that the British gov-
ernment should desist from its ancient
and accustomed practice of impressing
British seamen from the merchant-ships
of a foreign state, simply on the assur-
ance that a la^y was hereafter to be passed
to prohibit the employment of British
seamen in the public or commercial ser-
vice of that state." The United States
liad proposed to pass a law making such
a prohibition in case the British govern-
ment should relinquish the practice of
impressment and release all impressed
seamen. Castlereagh acknowledged that
there might have been, at the beginning
of the year 1811, 1,600 bona fide American
citizens serving by compulsion in the
British navy. Several hundreds of them
had been discharged, and all would be,
Castlereagh said, upon proof made of their
American birth ; but the British govern-
ment, he continued, could not consent " to
suspend the exercise of a right upon
which the naval strength of the empire
mainly depended, unless assured that the
object might be attained in some other
way." There were then upward of 6,000
cases of alleged impressm.ent of American
seamen recorded in the Department of
State, and it was estimated that at least
as many more might have occurred, of
which no information had been received.
Castlereagh had admitted on the floor of
the House of Commons that an official
inquiry had revealed the fact that there
were, in 1811, 3,500 men claiming to be
American citizens. Whatever may have
been the various causes combined which
produced the war between the United
States and Great Britain in 1812-15,
when it was declared, the capital question,

IMPBISONMENT FOB DEBT— rNDIAN COBN

and that around which gathered in agree-
ment a larger portion of the people of
the republic, was that of impressment.
The contest was, by this consideration, re-
solved into a noble struggle of a free
people against insolence and oppression,
undertaken on behalf of the poor, the help-
less, and the stranger. It was this con-
ception of the essential nature of the
conflict that gave vigor to every blow of
the American soldier and seamen, and
the watch-words " Free Trade and Sail-
ors' Eights " prevailed on land as well
as on the sea. See Madison, James.

Imprisonment for Debt. See Debtors.

Income-tax. The first income-tax was
enacted by Congress July 1, 18G2, to take
effect in 1863. It taxed all incomes over
$G00 and under $10,000 3 per cent., and
over $10,000 5 per cent. By the act of
March 3, 1865, the rate was increased to
5 and to 10 per cent, on the excess over
$5,000, the exemption of $600 remaining
the same. On March 2, 1867, the ex-
emption was increased to $1,000, and the
rate fixed at 5 per cent, on all excess
above $1,000; the tax to be levied only
until 1870. After a contest in Congress
the tax was renewed for one year only by
act of July 14, 1870, at the reduced rate
of 2% per cent, on the excess of income
above $2,000. A bill to repeal it passed
the Senate Jan. 26, 1871, by 26 to 25. The
House refused to take up the Senate bill
Feb. 9, 1871, by a vote of 104 to 105, but
on March 3, 1871, concurred in the report
of a committee which endorsed the Senate
bill and repealed the tax. The last tax
levied under the law was in 1871. In-
come-taxes assessed and due in 1871 and
for preceding years, however, continued
to be collected, 1872-74, as seen, by the
subjoined table:

AMOUNT OF REVENUE FROM INCOME-TAX EACH
YEAR.

1863 .$ 2.741.857

1864 20.294,733

1865 32.050,017

1866 72.982,160

1867 66.014.429

1868 41.455.599

1869 34.791,857

1 870 37.775.872

1871 19,162.652

1872 14.436.861

1873 5,062,312

1874 140,391

Total $346,908,740

The Wilson tariff bill of 1894 contained
provisions for an income-tax, which the
United States Supreme Court declared un-
constitutional on May 20, 1895.

Independence Day, Lessons of. See
Garrison, William Lloyd.

Independents. See Congregational
' Church.

Indian Corn. When the English
settlers first went to Virginia, they found
the Indians cultivating maize, and the
Europeans called it " Indian corn." It
jiroved to be a great blessing to the immi-
grants to our shores, from Maine to
Florida. Indian corn appears among the
earliest exports from America. As early
as 1748 the two Carolinas exported about
100,000 bushels a year. For several years
previous to the Revolution, Virginia ex-
ported 600,000 bushels annually. The
total amount of this grain exported an-
nually from all the English-American
colonies at the beginning of the Revolu-
tion was between 560,000 and 580,000
bushels. At the beginning of the nine-
teenth century the annual export was
2,000,000 bushels. But its annual product
was not included in the census reports
until 1840, when the aggregate yield was
nearly 400,000,000 bushels. In the calen-
dar year 1903 the aggregate production
was '2,244,176,925 bushels, from 88,091,-
993 acres, and the total value was $952,-
868,801. The banner States, in their order
and with their production, were: Illinois,
204.087,043 bushels. Iowa, 229,218,220
bushels; Missouri, 202,839,584 bushels;
Nebraska, 172,379,532 bushels; Kan-
sas, 171,687,014 bushels; Indiana, 142,-
580,886 bushels; and Texas, 140,750,733
liushels — all other States and Territories
being below the 100,000,000 mark. See
Agkiculturk.

Legend of the Grain. — While Capt.
Miles Standish and others of the Pilgrims
were seeking a place to land, they found
some maize in one of the deserted huts
of the Indians. Afterwards Samoset, the
friendly Indian, and others, taught the
Pilgrims how to cultivate the grain, for
it was unknown in Europe, and this sup-
ply, serving them for seed, saved the lit-
tle colony from starvation the following
year. The grain now first received the
name of " Indian corn." Mr. Schoolcraft
tells us that Indian corn entered into the
19

INDIAN CORN— INDIAN INDUSTRIAL SCHOOLS

mythology of the Indians of the region Such is the legend of the origin of Ind-

of the Upper Lakes. In legend the Ind- ian corn, or maize.

ians tell us that a youth, on the verge Indian Industrial Schools. In addi-

of manhood, went into the forest to fast, tion to a large number of day, boarding,

where he built himself a lodge and paint- and other schools maintained by the fed-

ed his face in sombre colors; and then eral government, various religious organ-

he asked the Master of Life for some pre-
cious gift that should benefit his race.
Being weak from fasting, he lay down in
his lodge and gazed through its opening
into the blue depths of the heavens, from
which descended a visible spirit in the

izations, and each of the five civilized
tribes in the Indian Territory, there were
i]i 1900 a total of twenty-four schools for
Indian youth, in which in addition to the
ordinary branches special attention was
paid to industrial education on lines that

form of a beautiful young man dressed in would render the youth self - supporting

gjeen, and having green plumes on his
head. This embodied spirit bade the young
Indian to rise and wrestle with him as
the only way to obtain the coveted bless-
ing. Four days the wrestlings were re-
peated, the youth feeling each time an in-
creasing moral and supernatural energy,
while his bodily strength declined. This
mysterious energy promised him the final
victory. On the third day his celestial vis-
itor said to him : " To-morrow will be
the seventh day of your fast, and the last
time I shall wrestle with you. You
will triumph over me and gain your
wishes. As soon as you have thrown
me down, strip off my clothes and bury
me in the spot of soft, fresh earth.
When you have done this, leave me,
but come occasionally to visit the place
to keep the weeds from growing. Once
or twice cover me with fresh earth."
The spirit then departed, but returned
the next day; and. as he had predict-
ed, the youth threw him on the ground.
The young man obeyed his visitor's in-
structions faithfully, and very soon
was delighted to see the green plumes
of the heavenly stranger shooting up
through the mould. He carefully weed-
ed the ground aroimd them, and kept
it fresh and soft, and in due time
his eyes were charmed at beholding a
full-grown plant bending with fruit
that soon became golden just as the
frost touched it. It gracefully waved
its long leaves and its yellow tassels
in the autumn wind. The young man
called his parents to behold the new
plant. " It is Men-du-min" said his
father; "it is the grain of the
Oreat Spirit." They invited their
friends to a feast on the excellent
grain, and there were great rejoicings.

in the future. These special schools com-
bined had a total of 262 instructors in in-
dustrial work, and 3,076 male and 2,288
female pupils, and the total expenditure
for the school year 1898-99 was $198,-
834. The most noted of these schools is
the United States Indian Industrial
School, established in Carlisle, Pa. It
had in the above year twenty-nine in-
structors and 1,090 pupils, of whom 487
were girls. In addition to the foregoing
schools the federal government was hav-

INPUN APPRKNTICES MAKING HARNESS.

INDIAH J^KOBIjEH, THE

ing Indian youth educated in the Hamp- undertake the experiment of liaving Ind-

ton Normal and Industrial Institute in ian youth educated there also, and such

Virginia, wliich was originally established encouraging results followed that the

for the education of colored youth only, government has since kept a large

The success of the institution in its origi- class of Indian boys and girls in the

nal purpose induced the government to institution.

INDIAN PROBLEM, THE

Indian Problem, The. The following
is a consideration of this subject from the
pen of the Rev. Lyman Abbott:

Helen Jackson has written the history
of 100 years of our nation's dealing with
the Indians, under the title of A Century
of Dishonor. Her specifications seem to
make the indictment of her title good.
Yet I am persuaded that the dishonor
which justly attaches to the history of
our dealings ^yith the North American
Indians is due rather to a lack of pro-
phetic vision, quite pardonable, in the
nation's leaders, and an ignorance and
indifference, not pardonable, in the nation
at large, rather than to any deliberate
policy of injustice adopted by the nation.
Bad as has been our treatment of the
Indians, it is luminous by the side of
Russia's treatment of the Jews, Turkey's
treatment of the Armenians, Spain's treat-
ment of the Moors, and, if we include the
war of Cromwell against the Irish, the
English legislation against Irish industry,
Irish education, and the Church of Ire-
land's choice, it compares favorably with
England's treatment of Ireland.

When thirteen States — a fringe of civ-
ilization on the eastern edge of an un-
k/iown wilderness — constituted the Amer-
ican Republic, there was no prophet to
foresee the time when the republic would
stretch from the Atlantic to the Pacific
and from the Lakes to the Gulf of Mexico,
and would include 70.000,000 people.
If there were any sncn prophet he was as
A voice crying in the wilderness ; no one
heard or heeded. Thp politician is al-
most invariably an opportunist, perhaps
necessarily so, since no great prevision is
granted to the children of men. The in-
fant republic did not know and took little
pains to ascertain the extent of the domain
which stretched to the west, or the num-
ber or character of the people who roamed

o\-er it. Each decade was satisfied to pro-
vide for its necessities and leave the next
decade to take care of itself. As the
boundary-line was pushed steadily west-
ward, new treaties were made, by which
all territory west of a given boundary
was reserved for the Indians forever. I
think it was in 1800 that such a treaty
was made, securing to them for all future
time the land west of the Mississippi
River. All future time is a long while,
and each new treaty was made only to be
broken, as increase of population and in-
coming immigration made new demands on
the continent for support. Thus gradually
grcAV up withovit design the so-called reser-
vation system. Less and less land was
reserved to the Indians ; more and more
was taken up by the whites; until at last
certain relatively small sections were
deeded to separate Indian tribes. In these,
according to the treaties made, the several
tribes were at liberty to remain forever
hunters and trappers, freed from the obli-
gations and without the advantages and
perils of civilization.

These reservations have been practically
prison yards, within which the tribes have
been confined. If any member passed be-
yond the boundaries of the reservation
without leave he was liable to arrest. If
he raised crops or manufactured goods
he could not carry them for sale to the
open market ; if he wished to buy he could
not go to the open market to purchase.
The land was owned by the tribe in com-
mon, and the idle and industrious shared
alike its advantages and disadvantages.
Industry received no reward ; idleness in-
volved no penalty. Money due the tribe
under the treaty was paid with more or
less regularity, generally in rations, some-
times in guns and ammunition to fight
the white man with, or scalping-knives
to take from his head a trophy of the
battle. The forms of industry to which

INDIAN PBOBLEM, THE

SCENE ON AN INDIAN RESERVATION;

the men were accustomed — hunting and
trapping — gradually disappeared; little
or nothing was done to teach new forms
of industry or to inspire the men to
undertake them. From the reservation all
the currents of civilization were excluded
by federal law. The railroad, the tele-
graph, the newspaper, the open market,
free competition — all halted at its walls.
By favor of the government, generally
freely granted, the missionary was al-
lowed to establish a church, or Christian
philanthropy to plant a school. But as
an educated Indian was rather impeded
than aided in the tribal community by
education, neither the church nor the
school could do more than save individuals
from a population shut up by law to the
general conditions of barbarism. No
courts sat in these reservations; no law
was administered by those judicial meth-
ods familiar to the Anglo-Saxon; no war-
rants from local courts outside could be
executed ; no Indian, if wronged, could
appeal to any court for redress. Such law

as existed was administered by an Indian
agent, a person of ill-defined, and to the
Indian mind, of illimitable power. He
was as nearly an absolute despot as can
be conceived existing on American soil.
He was sometimes an intelligent and be-
neficent despot, sometimes an ignorant and
incompetent one; but in either case a
despot.

Thus there has grown up in America,
by no deliberate design but by a natural
though mischievous opportunism which
has rarely looked more than ten years
ahead, a system as inconsistent with
American principles and the American
spirit as covild easily be devised by the
ingenuity or conceived by the imagination
of a man. It has denied to the Indian,
often imder the generous desire to do more
for him than mere justice, those rights
and prerogatives which the Declaration of
Independence truly declares to belong in-
alienably to all men. It has made a
prisoner of him that it might civilize him,
under the illusion that it is possible to

INDIAN PBOBIiEX, TUE

civilize a race without subjecting them to the same disadvantages. The same policy

the perils of civilization. It has en- of political removal and political ap-

deavored to conduct him from the relative pointment has characterized the whole

innocence of barbarism to the larger and Indian administration. Sometimes the

more perilous life of a free and civilized appointments have been made by the com-

community, and to guard him from the missioner of Indian affairs, sometimes by

dangers of temptation and the cons^equences the Secretary of the Interior, sometimes

of his own ignorance en route. The practically by local politicians; but in

reservation system is absolutely, hopeless- all cases alike, not for expert knowledge

jy, incurably bad, " evil and wholly evil of Indians, but for political service ren-

and that continually." It was never dered or to be rendered, or from reasons

framed by any one. It has grown up of personal friendship. The notion that

under the commingled influence of careless there is a continuous and consistent

indifl'erence, popular ignorance, local policy to be pursued towards the Indians,

prejudice, and unthinking sentimentalism. and that this requires continuity of ser-

The Indian problem is, in a sentence, vice and expertness of knowledge in the

how to get rid of it in the easiest and administration, has not entered the head

quickest way possible, and bring the Ind- of our public men; or, if so, has not been

ian and every Indian into the same in- allowed to obtain lodgment there. That

dividual relation to the State and federal so bad a system has secured so many

governments that other men in this coun- good Indian agents and subordinate offi-

try are, with the least possible violence cials is a matter for surprise. It is not

of rupture with the past and the greatest surprising that it has in more than one

possible regard for the right and the instance sent a drunken offleial to keep

welfare of those who ai-e the least re- the Indians sober, an ignorant official to

sponsible for the present conditions — the superintend their education, and a lazy

Indians themselves. official to inspire them with industry.

The reservation system, I say, is wholly One illustration of the result of this

bad. The indictment against it is four- method of administration is to be seen

fold. m the removal of Dr. Hailraan, the

In the first place, the Indian Bureau superintendent of Indian education, an

is, and always has been, a political ma- expert educator, whose retention in his

chine, whose offices are among the spoils office was urged upon the administration

which belong to the victors. In the by substantially all those familiar with

twenty years during which I have had the w^ork which he had done. An even

some familiarity with Indian affairs, not more striking object-lesson is afforded by

a single commissioner of Indian affairs the outbreak among the Pillager Indians,

has been appointed because he was fa- largely due to three successive appraisals

miliar with the Indians, or an expert of their timber lands, two of which ap-

in the Indian problem, and only one who praisals have been set aside as inade-

was an expert in that work of education quate, through the incompetence of the

which is. of course, one of the chief ele- appraisers, the enormous cost of each ap-

ments in the Indian problem. They have praisal having been charged to the

been, I think, all of them, men of excel- Indians.

lent character — honest, able, ambitious to But even if the Indian Bureau could
do the best that could be done for the be taken out of politics and kept out of
Indian. Some of them have made not- politics, the reservation system would
able contributions towards the solution still be incurably bad. It assumed that
of the problem. Biit each one of them the federal executive can administer a
has come into office with little or no paternal government over widely scat-
familiarity with the problem, has had to tered local communities. For such a
acquaint himself with it, and has hardly function it is peculiarly unfitted. The
had more than enough time to do so be- attempt to engraft a Russian bureaucracy
fore his term of office has expired, and on American democracy is a fore-doomed
he has been replaced by a successor who failure. The federal government does ex-
has had to take up the work subject to ercise paternal authority over the Dis-

FBOBLEM, THE

trict of Columbia. But on the decent gov-
ernment of the District the well-being,
the health, and, perhaps, the lives of the
members of Congresa depend; the relation
between the government and the governed
is thus direct, close, intimate. Local
communities in the United States exer-
cise some paternal functions, as in the
case of the insane, the sick, and the
paupers. But here, again, those directly
interested have an opportunity of exer-
cising an immediate supervision over the
work and calling the public officials to
account. But it is in the nature of the
case impossible that a President, a Sec-
retary of the Interior, or even a commis-
sioner of Indian affairs, can personally
supervise the innumerable details involved
in the paternal administration of com-
munities scattered from Minnesota to
New Mexico, and from Michigan to Cali-
fornia.

An aristocratic government, composed
of men who have inherited political ability
from a long line of governing ancestry,
and who have been especially trained for
that work from boyhood, so that both by
inheritance and training they are experts,
may be supposed fitted to take care of peo-
ple weaker, more ignorant, or less compe-
tent than themselves, though the history
of oligarchic governments does not render
that supposition free from doubt. But
there is nothing in either philosophy or
history to justify the surmise that 70,000,-
000 average men and women, most of
whom are busy in attending to their own
affairs, can be expected to take care of a
people scattered through a widely extended
territory — a people of social habits and
social characteristics entirely different
from their care-takers; nor is it much
more rational to expect that public ser-
vants, elected on different issues for a dif-
ferent purpose, can render this service
efficiently. Our government is founded on
the principle of local self-government;
that is, on the principle that each locality
is better able to take care of its own
affairs than any central and paternal au-
thority is to take care of them. The mo-
ment we depart frona this principle we
introduce a method wholly unworkable
by a democratic nation. It may be wide
of the present purpose, yet perhaps not as
an illustration, to sav that if the United

States assumes political responsibility for
Cuba and the Philippines, as I personally
think it is bound to do, it must fulfil
that responsibility not by governing them
as conquered territory from Washington,
but by protecting and guiding, but not
controlling them, while they attempt the
experiment of local self-government for
themselves. We have tried the first method
with our Indians, and it has been a con-
tinuous and unbroken failure. We have
tried the second method with the territory
west of the Mississippi River, ours by con-
quest or by purchase, and it has been an
unexampled success. If the Indian is the
" ward of the nation," the executive should
not be his guardian. How that guardian-
ship should be exercised I shall indicate
presently.

This political and undemocratic pater-
nalism is thoroughly bad for the Indian,
whose interests it is supposed to serve.
It assumes that civilization can be taught
by a primer in a school, and Christianity
by a sermon in a church. This is not
true. Free competition teaches the need
of industry, free commerce the value of
honesty ; a savings - bank the value of
thrift; a railroad the importance of punc-
tuality, better than either preacher or
pedagogue can teach them. To those, and
there are still some, who think we must
keep the Indian on the reservation until
he is prepared for liberty, I reply that he
will never be prepared for liberty on a
reservation. When a boy can learn to
ride without getting on a horse's back, oi
to swim without going into the water, or
lo skate without going on the ice — then,
and not before, can man learn to live with-
out living. The Indian must take his
chance with the rest of us. His rights
must be protected by law; his welfare
looked after by philanthropy; but pro-
tected by law and befriended by philan-
thropy, he must plunge into the current
of modern life and learn to live by living.
The tepee will never fit him for the house,
nor the canoe for the steamboat, nor the
trail for highways and railroads, nor
trapping and hunting for manufactures
and husbandry. Imagine — the illustration
is Edward Everett Hale's, not mine —
imagine that Ave had pursued towards our
immigrants the policy we have pursued
towards the Indians ; had shut the Polos,

TTmiATX PHOBLEM, THE

the Hungarians, the Italians, the Germans,
the Scandinavians, each in a reservation
allotted to them, and forbidden them to
go out into the free life of America until
tliey had Americanized themselves — how
long would the process have taken?

But the capital objection to the reser-
vation system is that it is one impossible
to maintain; and it is impossible to main-
tain because it ought not to be main-
tained. The tide of civilization, surging
westward, comes some day to a fair and
wealthy but unused and idle territory.
There are forests which no woodman's axe
has ever touched; rivers where water-falls
turn no mill-wheels; mountains whose
treasures of gold and silver, iron or cop-
per or coal no pickaxe has uncovered;
prairies whose fertile soil is prolific only
in weeds. " Come," cries the pioneer,
eager to develop this useless territory,
" let us go in and make those acres rich
by our industry." "No!" replies the law;
'•'you cannot." "Why not?" "It be-
longs to the Indians." " Where are
they?" "Hunting, trapping, sleeping,
idling, and fed on rations." " When are
they going to use this land ; to convert
this timber into boards; these rivers into
mill-streams; when are they going to ex-
cavate these minerals, and turn these
weedy prairies into fruitful farms?"
"Never! This land in the heart of a
civilized community is forever consecrated
to barbarism." The pioneer's impatience
with such a policy is fully justified,
though his manner of manifesting it is
not. Barbarism has no rights which civil-
ization is bound to respect. The ques-
tion on what basis the right to land rests
is one of the most difficult which political
economy has to answer. Many scholars
who do not accept Henry George's con-
clusions accept his premise, that the soil
belongs to the community, and that in-
dividual ownership rests not on any
indefeasible right, but on the express or
implied agreement of the community.
Certain it is that the 500,000, more or
less, of Indians who roamed over this con-
tinent in the seventeenth century, had no
right by reason of that fact to exclude from
it the several hundred million industri-
ous men and women whom eventually it
will support. As little have a tribe of a
few hundred Indians a right to keep in

unproductive idleness a territory which,
if cultivated, would provide homes for as
many thousands of industrious workers.
No treaty can give them that right. It is
not in the power of the federal government
to consecrate any portion of its territory
thus to ignorance and idleness. It has
tried, again and again, to do so; it has
always failed; it always ought to fail; it
always will fail. English parks kept un-
filled, yet ministering to taste and refine-
ment, have always been regarded by po-
litical economists as difficult to justify;
nothing can be said to justify American
reservations, kept unfilled only that they
may minister to idleness and barbarism.

The editor, in asking me to write this
article, indicated his desire that I should
write " on the probable future of the Ind-
ians in their relation with the govern-
ment, and the reforms necessary in the
administration of their affairs." It may
seem that I have been a long time coming
to any definite answer to this question ;
but in order to set forth succinctly a re-
form it is first necessary to set forth as
clearly and forcibly as possible the evil
to be reformed. That evil, I believe, is
the reservation system. The reform is all
summed up in the words, abolish it.
Cease to treat the Indian as a red man
and treat him as a man. Treat him as
we have treated the Poles, Hungarians,
Italians, Scandinavians. Many of them
are no better able to take care of them-
selves than the Indians; but we have
thrown on them the responsibility of
their own custody, and they have learned
to live by living. Treat them as we have
treated the negro. As a race the Afri-
can is less competent than the Indian :
but we do not shut the negroes up in
reservations and put them in charge of
politically appointed parents called
agents. The lazy grow hungry; the
criminal are punished ; the industrious
get on. And though sporadic cases of in-
justice are frequent and often tragic, they
are the gradually disappearing relics of a
slavery that is past, and the negro is find-
ing his place in American life gradually,
both as a race and as an individual. The
reform necessary in the administration of
Indian affairs is: Let the Indian admin-
ister his own affairs a.nd take his chances.
The future relations of the Indians with

INDIAN PBOBIiEM, THE

the government should be precisely the such cases should be dismissed. If the
same as the relations of any other indi- Indian still needs a guardian, if there
vidual, the readers of this article or the is danger that his land will be taxed away
writer of it, for example. This should from him, or that he will be induced to
be the objective point, and the sooner we sell it for a song, the courts, not the ex-
can get there the better. But this will ecutive, should be his guardian. Guardian-
bring hardship and even injustice on ship is a function the courts are accus-
some individuals! Doubtless. The tomed to exercise. It ought not to be
world has not yet found any way in which difficult to frame a law such that an
all hardship and all injustice to individ- Indian could always appeal to a. federal
uals can be avoided. Turn the Indian judge to have his tax appraisal revised,
loose on the continent and the race will and always be required to submit to a
disappear! Certainly. The sooner the federal judge any pi'oposed sale of real
better. There is no more reason why we estate.

should endeavor to preserve intact the 3. The Indian and every Indian should
Indian race than the Hungarians, the be amenable to the law and entitled to its
Poles, or the Italians. Americans all, protection. I believe that, despite occa-
from ocean to ocean, should be the aim of sional injustice from local prejudice, it
all American statesmanship. Let us would be quite safe to leave their inter-
understand once for all that an inferior ests to be protected by the courts of any
race must either adapt and conform itself State or Territory in which they live;
to the higher civilization, wherever the for I believe that the American people,
two come in conflict, or else die. This is and certainly the American judiciary, can
the law of God, from which there is no be trusted. The policy of distrust has
appeal. Let Christian philanthropy do intensified the local prejudice against the
all it can to help the Indian to conform Indian. But it would be easy, if it be
to American civilization ; but let not sen- necessary, to provide that any Indian
timentalism fondly imagine that it can might sue in a United States court, or .
save any race or any community from this if sued or prosecuted might transfer the
inexorable law. suit to a United States court. I assume
This general and radical reform in- there is no constitutional provision against
volves certain specific cures. For ex- such a law.
ample: 4. All reservations in which the land

1. The Indian Bureau ought to be taken is capable of allotment in severalty should
at once and forever out of politics. The be allotted as rapidly as the work of sur-
government should find the man most ex- veying and making out the warrants can
pert in dealing with the Indians— he may bo carried on. The unallotted land should
be the present commissioner of Indian be sold and the proceeds held by the
aff'airs — and instruct him to bring the United States in trust for the Indians.
Indian Bureau to a close at the earliest How to be expended is a difficult question,
possible moment. Once appointed to Not in food and clothing, which only pau-
office for that purpose he should stay perize. The first lesson to be taught the
there till the work is completed. I be- Indian is, if he will not work, neither
lieve that in one respect an army officer shall he eat. Perhaps in agricultural im-
would be the best fitted for such a post, plements; perhaps in schools; perhaps in
because he would be eager to bring the public improvements; perhaps in all three,
work to a close, while the civilian would When the land is of a kind that cannot
see 100 reasons why it should be con- be allotted in severalty, as in the case
tinned from year to year. His subor- of extended grazing lands, for example,
dinates should be Indian experts and re- it would seem as though a skilful la'\\'yer
moved only for cause, never for political should be able to devise some way in
reasons. which the tribe could be incorporated and

2. There are, it is said, ten or a dozen the land given to the corporation in fee
reservations in which the land has al- simple; in which case Ihe shares of stock
ready been allotted in severalty and the possibly for a time should be inalienable,
reservations broken up. The agents in except by approval '^f the court; or pos-

INDIAN RESERVATIONS— INDIAN TERRITORY

sibly the property might even be adminis-
tered for a time by a receiver appointed
by and answeiable to the court.

5. Every Indian should be at once free
to come and go as he pleases, subject as
every other man is to the law of the local-
ity and the processes of the courts where
he is, and under their protection. The
Indian with his blanket should have the
privilege of travelling where he will, as
imich as the Indian with her shawl.

G. Finally, as fast and as far as the
tribal organization is dissolved and the
reservation is broken up, the Indian
should have a ballot, on the same terms
as other citizens; not so much because his
vote will add to the aggregate wisdom of
the comnnmity as because the ballot is
the American's protection from injustice.

The reform is very simple, if it is very
radical. It is: Apply to the solution of
the Indian problem the American method ;
treat the Indian as other men are treated;
set him free from his trammels; cease to
coddle him ; in a word, in lieu of paternal
protection, which does not protect, and
free rations, which keep him in beggary,
give him justice and liberty and let him
take care of himself.

Indian Reservations. See Reserva-
tions, Indian.

Indian Territory. By act of Congress,
Jime 30, 1834, "all that part of the United
States west of the Mississippi River, and
not within the States of Missouri and
Louisiana, or the Territory [now the
State] of Arkansas, shall be considered
the Indian country" (about 200,000
square miles). It was reduced in area
by the successive formation of States and
Territories imtil it contained an area
of only 31,000 square miles. The popula-
tion in ISOOAvas 180,182; in 1900,391,900.
Estimated population, 1906, 600,000.
This aggregate population, however, is
only partially Indian, as many " squaw-
men," other whites, and negroes are in-
cluded therein. In 1900 there were seven
reservations in the Territory, and five civ-
ilized nations, the Cherokees, Chickasaws,
Choctaws. Creeks, and Seminoles. Over
97 per cent, of the entire population was
in the first four nations. It was estimated
that the population of the five nations in-
cluded 84,750 Indians. The reservation
Indians include Quapaws, Peorias, Kas-

kaskias, Ottawas, Wyandottes, Miamis,
Shawnees, Modocs, Senecas, Cayugas, Sacs
and Foxes, Pottawattomies, Osages, Kaws,
Kiowas, Comanches, Apaches, Arapahoes,
Cheyennes, Piankeshaws, and Weas, and
the affiliated bands of Wichitas, Keechies,
Wacoes, Tawacanies, Caddoes, loneis, Del-
awares, and Penetethka Comanches. In
the latter part of 1873 the Modocs and
about 400 Kickapoos and Pottawattomies,
from the borders of Texas and Mexico,
were removed to the Indian Territory.

Previous to the Civil War the five civ-
ilized tribes were well-to-do, even wealthy,
possessing large farms and many slaves,
and having an extensive trade with the
Southern cities. Many of them enlisted
with the Confederates, and at the close
of the war the United States government
declared that by their hostility the grants
and patents by which the tribes held
extensive domains had become invalid,
and a readjustment of the treaty acts
was ordered. The tribes were permitted
to sell to the United States a vast tract
for the purpose of making a place of set-
tlement for other Indian tribes and other
purposes.

In 1889 the government bought the
Oklahoma strip of 2,000,000 acres a sec-
ond time from the Creeks, paying a much
higher price, but obtaining it without any
restrictive conditions. For ten years com-
panies of adventurers, called " boomers,''
under the lead of Capt. David L. Payne,
had been hovering on the outskirts of the
territory, and now and then stealing
across the bonrder for the purpose of
making settlements on the forbidden
lands. As often as they had thus tres-
passed, however, they were promptly
driven out again by the United States
troops. A proclamation was issued by
the President, April 22, 1889, opening
1,900,000 acres of land for settlement.
There was immediately a grand rush into
the territory by the " boomers," and by
thousands of home-seekers and specula-
tors. In a single day the city of Guthrie,
with a population of 10,000, sprang into
existence, and all the valuable land was
taken up. By subsequent proclamations
other lands were opened, and the bounds
of the territory were extended until, in
1891, it embraced 39,030 square miles.
A large portion of Oklahoma, however.

INDIAN TEimiTORY— INDIANA

remained under the occupancy of Indian of New France, and afterwards of the
tribes, who were under the control of the Northwest Territory. In 1702 some
Indian bureau, and received regular sup- French Canadians discovered the Wabash,
plies of clothing and food from the gov- and established several trading-posts on
ernnient. Among these tribes were about its banks, among others, Vincennes. Lit-
500 Sacs and Foxes, 400 Kickapoos, 2,000 tie is known of the early settlers until
Cheyennes, and 1,200 Arapahoes. the country was ceded to the English, in

Oklahoma when settled was a richly 1763. The treaty of 1783 included Indi-
wooded country, except in the west, where ana in the United States. A distressing-
there were extensive prairies. The climate Indian war broke out in 1788, but by vic-
is delightful, and the soil fertile and well tories by General Wilkinson (1791) and
adapted to agriculture. The first territo- General Wayne (1794) a dangerous con-
rial governor was appointed by the Pres-
ident in 1890. The name Oklahoma means
•■ Beautiful Country." The Cherokee Strip
or Outlet towards Kansas was acquired
from the Cherokee Nation, and on Sept.
16, 1893, it was opened to settlers. The
scenes attending the opening resembled
those in 1889 and 1891. Ninety thou-
sand intending settlers registered, and
20,000, it was estimated, encamped on the
site selected for the chief town. The
Strip contains about 6,000,000 acres, part
of Avhich is good farming land. On May
23, 1S9G, another great section of terri-
tory, called the Kickapoo Strip, was
thrown open to settlers, and again there
was a wild rush of home-seekers; in July,
1901, the same scenes were enacted in the
Kiowa and Comanche country. See
Oklahoma, in vol. vii. ; and United

States — Oklahoma and Indian Terri- federaey of the tribes was broken up.
TORY, in vol. ix. Another was afterwards attempted by

In 1893 Congress entered into negotia- Tecumseh, but was defeated by the result
tions with the several nations for the of the battle of Tippecanoe,
allotment of land in severalty or to In 1800 the " Connecticut Reserve," in
procure the cession to the United States the northwestern portion of Ohio, having
of all lands, it being the express de- been sold to a company of speculators,
termination of Congress to bring about measures were taken to extinguish cer-
clianges with the view to the admission tain claims on the part of the United
of the same as a State of the Union. States and the State of Connecticut.

Each of the five nations constitutes a The speculators found their bargain to
separate organism, independent of any be pecuniarily unprofitable, and likely to
central authority save Congress and the prove a serious embarrassment. Fully
Department of the Interior, having its 1,000 settlers were already on the " Re-
own executive and legislative officers. serve." Hitherto a confirmation of the

In the treaty with the five civilized Connecticut title to these lands by the
tribes it was provided that all tribal United States had been inferentially ac-
government should pass out of existence knowledged, and Connecticut had given
on March 4, 1906, and that the lands no quit-claim deeds; therefore, it was to
would be allotted in severalty. the interest of the speculators to obtain

Indiana, State of, was first explored from the United States a direct confirma-
by French missionaries and traders, and tion. On tlie other hand, it was an ob-
Vincennea was a missionary station as ject for the United States to extinguish
early as 1700. Indiana constituted a part Connecticut's claim of jurisdiction. Con-

STATE SEAL OP INDIANA.

INDIANA— INDIANS

gress passed an act (April 28, 1800)
authorizing the issue of letters - patent
conveying the title of these lands to the
governor of Connecticut, for the benefit
of those claiming under her, and similar
letters-patent were used by Connecticut,
relinquishing all claim to jurisdiction.
So the " Reserve " was annexed to the
Northwest Territory, which was presently
divided, by act of Congress (May 7), into
two separate jurisdictions, the western
one being called the Territory of Indiana,
after one of the old ante-Revolutionary
land companies. St. Vincent, or Vin-
cennes, was made the capital, and Will-
iam Henry Harrison was appointed gov-
ernor of the Territory. It then included
Michigan and Illinois.

In 1803 a movement was made in Con-
gress for suspending for a limited term,
in the case of Indiana Territory, the pro-
vision of the Ordinance of 1787 (q. v.)
prohibiting slavery northward of the Ohio
River. A committee, of which John
Randolph, of Virginia, was chairman, re-
ported strongly against the proposition,
believing that " in the salutary operation
of this salutary and sagacious restraint
the inhabitants of Indiana would, at no
distant da}*, find ample remuneration for
a temporary privation of labor and immi-
gration." At the next session (1804) it
was pioposed to admit, for ten years, the
introduction of slaves born within the
United States, their descendants to be
free, masculine at the age of twenty-five
years, and feminine at twenty-one years.
No action was ever taken.

When war with Great Britain broke
out, in 1812, a fresh impulse was given to
Indian depredations, which had never
fairly ceased, but the hostiles were beaten,
and were quiet after the close of that con-
test. On June 29, 1816, a convention
adopted a State constitution for Indiana,
and on Dec. 11 it was admitted into
the Union. Rapid and continued immigra-
tion ensued. This was greatly increased
by the opening of the Erie Canal. Dur-
ing the Civil War Indiana furnished to
the National army 195,147 soldiers. In
189!) the assessed vahuition of taxable
property was $1,342,831,101; total tax
rate, $2.9G per .$1,000; and total debt,
$5,004,615. The population in 1890 was
2,192,404; in 1900, 2,516,462. See Clark,

George Rogers ;
ANA, in vol. ix.

United States — Indi-

GOVERNORS OF TERRITORY.

William H. Harrison 1800 to 1812

John Gibson acting 1800 " 1801

Thomas I'osey appointed March 3, 1813

GOVERNORS OF STATE.

Jonathan Jennings. . . .elected to Congress 1816

Ralliff Boon iicting Sept. 12 to Dec. n, 1822

William Hendricks. . . .elected U. S. Senator 1822

James B, Hay acting. . .Feb. 12 to Dec. 11, 1825

" " '■ 182.5

Noah Noble 1831

David Wallace 1837

Samuel Bigger 1840

James Wliitcoiub elected U. S. Senator 1843

Paris C. Dunning acting 1848 to 1849

Joseph A. Wright 1849

Ashbel P. Willard (died Oct. 4, 1860) 1857

Abram A. Hammond, .acting 1860 to 1861

Henry S. I.ane elected U. S. Senator 1861

Oliver P. Morton acting 1861 to 1865

'■ " " ek-cted U. S. Senator 1865

Conrad Baker acting 1867 to 1869

1869

Thomas A. Hendricks 1873

Jcimes D. Williams (died Nov. 20, 1880) 1877

Isiiac P. Gray acting 18S0 to 1881

Albert G. Porter 1881

Isaac P. Gray 1885

Alvin P. Hovey (died Nov. 23, 1891) 1«89

Ira J. Chase acting 1891 to 1893

Claude Matthews 1893

James A. Mount 1897

VVinfleld T. Durbin ,. 1901

J. Frank Hanly 1909

UNITED STATES SENATORS

James Noble

Waller Taylor

William Hendricks...

Robert Hanna. ..

John Tij^ton

Oliver H. Smith

Albert S. While. ...
Edvvnrd A. Hanncgan.

Jesse D. Bright

James Whitcomb

Charles Vf. Cathcart. .

John Petit

Gniham N. Fitch

Henry S. I.ane

Josejih A. Wright

David Tiirpie

Thomas A. Hendricks.

Oliver P. .Morton

Dan el D. Pratt

Joseph E. McDonald..
Daniel W. Voorhees. .
Benjnmin Harrison...

David Turpie ,

Chiirles W. Fairbanks.

Albert J. Bevcridgc

James A. Hemenwiiy.

No. of

Concress.

Date

14th

to ■:ii\

1816 to

1831

14th

'■ liiih

1816 "

1825

19 th

" 24 th

1825 "

1S37

2Cd

1831 "

1832

22d

to 25lh

1832 "

1837

2.nth

" 27lh

1837 •'

1843

26th

" 28lh

1839 "

1844

2«th

" 30th

1843 "

1N49

29th

" 37th

1845 "

1861

31st

" 32d

1849 "

18.52

32d

18.52 "

1H53

■Sid

to 33d

1853 •'

1856

34 th

'■ 30th

1857 "

1860

37th

" 39th

]861 ''

1867

7th

1861 "
186C

1862

38th

to 40th

1863 to

1869

40lh

" 4.-th

1867 "

1877

41st

" 43d

1869 "

1875

44 th

" 46th

1875 "

1881

45 th

" 55th

1877 "

1897

47th

" 49th

1881 "

1888

50th

" 56th

1888 "

1899

55th

" 58th

1897 "

1905

.56th

1899 "

.59 th

•'

1905 "

Indians, the name commonly applied
to the people found by Columbus in
America; by many authorities believed to
have been the aboriginal inhabitants. The

INDIANS

following remarks and tables refer to
Indians within the present area of the
United States. In manners, customs, and
general features the difference between the
Indians of the Gulf States and those of the
shores of the Northern Lakes is scarcely
perceptible; it is only by languages that
they can be grouped into great families.
East of the Mississippi there were not
more than eight radically distinct lan-
guages, four of which are still in existence,
while the others have disappeared.

NAMES AND LOCATION OF THE PRINCIPAL TRIBES
OF THE EIGHT GREAT FAMILIES AT THE TIME
OF THE FIRST SETTLEMENTS.

I. Algonquian tribes :

Micraacs

Etcliemins or Ca-)

noe men.
Abenakis. .

Location.

Narragansets
Pokanokets
Warn pan oags

Pequots . . ,
Mohegans .

orv
s..j

Delawares or Len-
ni Lenape

Nanticokes

Powhatan Confed-
eracy

Corees

Shawnees

Mianiis

Illinois

Kickapoos

Pottawattomies . . .

Ottawas

Sacs and Foxes . . .

Menomonees

ChippewasorOjib-'l
ways f

IT, Wyandotte or Huron

Iroquois tribes :

Fries (Huron or
Wyandotte -Iro-
quois)

Andastes (Huron
or Wyandotte-
Iroquois)

Wyandottes (Hu-
ron or Wyan- ',
dotte- Iroquois) )

Senecas (Iroquois i
proper) /

Cayugas (Iroquois)
proper) /

Onondagas (Iro-f_
quois proper) . . f

Oneidas (Iroquois)
proper) f

Mohawks (Iro- I
quois proper). . J

Tuscaroras (Iro- )
quois proper) . . )

(Southern shore of Lake
\ Erie.

Headwaters of the Ohio.

(Territory north of Lakes
( Erie and Ontario.

Western New York.

Central New York.

Eastern New York.

fS. W. Virginia and North

Carolina. Joined the Iro-

( quois of New York, 1713.

NAMES AND LOCATION OF THE PRINCIPAL TRIBES
OF THE EIGHT GREAT FAMILIES AT THE TIME
OF THE FIRST SETTLEMENTS— Contowed

East ofthe State of Maine.

Maine.

(New Hampshire and
(Maine.

( Eastern Massachusetts
[ and Rhode Island.

■ Central Massachusetts and
Rhode Island.
Western JIassachusetts
and Connecticut.

New Jersey, the valley
of the Delaware and
, Schuylkill,
j Eastern shores of Chesa-
( peake Bay.

E. Virginia and Maryland.

E. North Carolina.
(.South ofthe Ohio, W. Ken-
( tucky, and Tennessee.
I S. Michigan, N. Indiana,
( and N. \V. Ohio.

S. Illinois and Indiana.

N. and central Illinois.

Northern Illinois.

.Michigan.

Northern Wisconsin.
/Southern shore of Lake
( Superior.

(Southern shore of Lake
\ Superior.

Name.

Location.

Chowans (Huron i

or Wyandotte- [

Southern Virginia.

Iroquois) )

Meherrins (Huron j

or Wyandotte- [

11 11

Iroquois) )

Nottaways(Huron )

or Wyandotte- 5

(I II

Iroquois) )

TTT

fW. North and South Caro-
\ lina.

f Mountainous regions oi

Cherokees

1 Tennessee. Georgia,

"l North and South Caro-
[ lina.

Vchees

About Augusta, Ga.

N. W. Mississippi.

VIL

Mobilian or Musco-

gees :

Chickasaws

( Western Tennessee and
\ Northern Mississippi.

j Eastern Mississippi and

( Western Alabama.

Alabama and Georgia.
Florida

VITT

About Green Bay, Wis.

PRINCIPAL TRIBES WEST OF THE MISSISSIPPI IN

iaoo-30.

Locution.

Dakotas (Sioux)
Arapahoes

Cheyennes

Kansas

Poncas

Oraahas

Mandans

Assiniboins

Minnetaries (Gros Ventres)

Missouris

lowas

Osages ,

Crows

Kaws ,

Pawnees . . . .

Caddos ,

Shoshones or Snakes

Kiowas

Utes

Comanches

Apaches

Navajos and Moquis

Yunias

Pueblos

Piraas

Bannocks

Modocs

Nez Percys

Flatheads

Klamaths

(Wisconsin, west to Rocky
\ Mountains.
( Wyoming, head- waters ol
( Platte.

Wyoming and Nebraska.

Kansas, v.'est.

Dakotas.

Nebraska.

Montana.

Montana and Dakotas.

Montana.

Lower Missouri.

Iowa.

Kansas, west.

Dakotas.

Kansas.

Kansas and Nebraska.

Red River and Arkansas.

Kansas to Oregon.

Kansas, west.

Utah and Colorado.

Texas and New Mexico.

New Mexico and Arizona.

Arizona.

Arizona and California.

Nevada and New Mexico.

Arizona.

Idaho and Oregon.

Nevada and Oregon.

(California, Oregon, and
\ Nevada.
Oregon and N. California

For other details concerning the various
tribes, see their respective titles ; also Res-
ervations, Indian.

Indians, American. Believing the
earth to be a globe, Columbus expected to
find India or Eastern Asia by sailing
westward from Spain. The first land dis-
covered by him — one of the Bahama

INDIANS, AMERICAN

I&Iands — lie supposed to be a part of
India, and he called the inhabitants
Indians. This name was afterwards ap-
plied to all the nations of the adjacent
islands and the continent.

Origin. — There is no positive knowl-
edge concerning the origin of the
aborigines of America ; their o\\ti tradi-
tions widely vary, and conjecture is un-

satisfj'ing. Recent investigations favor a
theory that, if they be not indigenous,
they came from two great Asiatic fami-
lies: the more northern tribes of our
continent from the lighter Mongolians,
who crossed at Bering Strait, and the
more southerly ones, in California, Cen-
tral and South America, from the darker
Malays, who first peopled Polynesia, in

INDIANS, AMERICAN

INDIAN WAR-CLUBS.

the southern Pacific Ocean and finally colony said to have been lost in the wilds
made their way to our continent, grad- of North America 700 years ago.
ually spreading over it from the Pacific Unity. — There seems to be a physical
to the Atlantic. Language fails to con- identity of race throughout most of the
nect any of them with the Asiatic continent. Their skin is generally of a
families, but their traditions, imple- dark reddish-brown, or cinnamon, color;
ments, and modes of life point to such they have long, black, and straight hair,
a relationship. It has been suggested prominent cheek-bones, and broad faces;

eyes deep- set, full and rounded lips,
broad and prominent noses, scanty beard ;
their heads are generally square, arid
their stature about the same as that of
other races of the same latitude. Their
muscular development is not great, and
their hands and feet are small; their skin
is thinner, softer, and smoother than that
of Europeans ; the expression of the men
is often noble, and many of the women
are handsome. Haughty in deportment,
taciturn, stoical, cunning, persevering, re-
vengeful, brave and ferocious in war;
cruel towards enemies and faithful
towards friends; grateful for favors, hos-
pitable and kind, the Indians of North
America are undoubtedly capable of great
and rapid development under the genial
influence of civilization. Their mental
temperament is poetic and imaginative
in a high degree, and it is often expressed
in great beauty and eloquence of lan-
guage; but in their present social con-
dition their animal propensities greatly
preponderate over the intellectual. The
tribes south of California have always
been noted for mental development much
superior to those of more northern lati-
that the Mandans and Chinooks, who are tudes.

almost white, are descendants of a Welsh Pursuits. — War, hunting, and fishing

INDIAN GRAVE-POST.

INDIANS, AMERICAN

ave the chief pursuits of the men of the Those official honors were gained some
more barbarous tribes; agriculture of the times by inheritance, but more frequently
semi-civilized. Among the savages found by personal merit. Such was the simple
in North America by Europeans, the
women performed almost all the manual
labor and burden-bearing. They carried
on their limited agriculture, which con-
sisted in the production of maize or Ind-
ian corn, beans, squashes, potatoes, and
tobacco. They manufactured the im-
plements of war, and for hunting and fish-
ing; made mats, and skin and feather
clothing, canoes, ornaments of the teeth
and claws of beasts, and of shells and
porcupine-quills; performed all domestic
drudgery, and constructed the lodges of
the bark of trees or the hides of beasts.
Rude figures of animate and inanimate
objects carved in wood or stone, or
moulded in clay, and picture-writing on
the inner bark of trees or the skins of
beasts, or cut upon rocks, with rude or-
namented pottery, were the extent of
their accomplishments in the arts of de-
sign and of literature. The picture-writ-
ing was sometimes used in musical nota-
tion, and contained the burden of their
songs.

Religion. — They believed in a good and
Supreme Being, and in an Evil Spirit, and
recognized the existence of inferior good
and evil spirits. They believed in a fut-
ure state of existence, and there were
no infidels among them. Superstition
swayed them powerfully, and charlatans,
called " medicine-men," were their phy-
sicians, priests, and prophets, who, on all
occasions, used incantations. Christian
missioiiaries have labored among them in trolled about 1,000,000 dusky inhabi-
niany places, from the time the Spaniards tants of the present domain of the United
and Frenchmen settled in America until States, which extends over nearly twenty-
now, and have done much to enlighten five degrees of latitude and about sixty
them. , degrees of longitude.

Government. — There was not a sem- Geographical Distribution. — There seem
blance of a national government among the to have been only eight radically distinct
aborigines when the Europeans came, ex- nations known to the earlier settlers —
cept that of the Iroquois Confederacy namely, the Algonquian, Huron - Iroquois,
(q. v.). Their language was varied by Cherokee, Catawba, Uchee, Natchez, Mo-
more than a hundred dialects, and they bilian or Floridian, and Dakota or Sioux.
were divided into many distinct families More recently, other distinct nations have
or tribes, under a kind of patriarchal been discovered— namely, the Athabascas,
rule. Each family had its armorial sign, Sahaptins. Chinooks, Shoshones. and Atta-
called a totem, such as an eagle, a bear, kapas. Others will doTibtless be found.
or a deer, by which it was designated. The Algonquians were a large family oc-
The civil head of a tribe was called a cupying all Canada. New England, a part
sachem, and the military leader a .'^hief. of New York and Pennsylvania; all New
V. — c 33

INDIA.N ARKOWUKADS.

government, seldom disobeyed, that con-

INDIANS, AMERICAN

Jersey, Delaware, Maryland, and Virginia;
eastern North Carolina above Cape Fear,
a large part of Kentucky and Tennessee,
and all north and west of those States
east of the Mississippi. Within the folds
of this nation were the Huron-Iroquois,
occupying a greater portion of Canada
south of the Ottawa River, and the region
between Lake Ontario and Lakes Erie and
Huron, nearly all of the State of New
York, and a part of Pennsylvania and
Ohio along the southern shores of Lake
Erie. Detached from the main body were
the Tuscaroras and a few smaller families
dwelling in southern Virginia and the up-
per part of North Carolina. Five families
of the Huron-Iroquois, dwelling within
the limits of the State of New York,
formed the famous Iroquois Confederacy of
Five Nations. The Cherokees inhabited the

small family in the pleasant land along
the Oconee and the head-waters of tho
Ogeechee and Chattahoochee, in Georgia,
and touched the Cherokees. They were
only a remnant of a once powerful tribe,
when the Europeans came, and they
claimed to be more ancient than the sur-
rounding people. The Natchez occupied
a territory on the eastern side of the
Mississippi, extending northeastward
from the site of the city of Natchez along
the Pearl River to the head-waters of the
Chickasaw. They claimed to be older
than the Uchees, and, like others of the
Gulf region, they worshipped the sun and
fire, and made sacrifices to the source of
terrestrial light. The Mobil ians or Flo-
ridians occupied a domain next in ex-
tent to that of the Algonquians. It
stretched along the Atlantic coast from

fertile and
p i c t u resque
region where
the moun-
tain - ranges
that form
the water-
shed between
the Atlantic and Mississippi melt in the
lowlands that border the Gulf of Mexico.

The Catawbas were their neighbors on
the east; and dwelt upon the borders of
the Yadkin and Catawba rivers, on both
sides of the boundary-line between North
and South Carolina. The Uchees were a

the mouth of the Capo Fear River to the
extremity of the Florida peninsula, and
westward along the Gulf of Mexico about
600 miles to the Mississippi River. They
also held jurisdiction up that stream as
far as the mouth of the Ohio. The do-
main included parts of South Carolina,
the whole of Florida, Alabama, and Mis-
sissippi, all of Georgia not occupied by
the Cherokees and Uchees, and portions
of Tennessee and Kentucky. The nation
was divided into three confederacies, each
powerful and independent, like our sepa-
rate States. They were known respective-
Iv as the Muscogee or Creek (the most

INDIANS, AMERICAN

INDIAN PAPPOOSE AMD CEADLB.

powerful), the Choitaii, and the Chicka-
saw. The heart of the Creek family was

large number of tribes west
of the Great Lakes and Mis-
sissippi, with whom the
earlier French explorers
came in contact. These,
speaking dialects of the
same language, apparently,
were regarded as parts of
one nation. They inhabited
the domain stretching
northward from the Arkan-
sas River to the western
tributary of Lake Winnipeg,
and westward along all that
line to the eastern slope of
the Rocky Mountains. They
have been arranged into
four classes: 1. The Win-
nebagoes, situated between
Lake Michigan and the Mis-
sissippi, within the domain
the Algonquians. 2. The Assiniboins,
Sioux proper, who formed the more

INDIAN PICTURE WRITING.

in Alabama. Under the general title of northerly part of the nation. 3. The
Dakotas or Sioux have been grouped a Southern Sioux, who were seated in the

.35

INDIANS, AMERICAN

country between tlie Platte and Arkansas
rivers. The Sahaptins include the Nez
Perc§s and Walla Wallas, extending from
the Eocky Mountains to the Pacific Ocean,
in Oregon and Washington. Beyond
these are the more powerful Chinooks,
now rapidly melting away. They em-
braced numerous tribes, from the mouth
of the Columbia River to the Grand
Dalles. The Shoshones comprise tribes
inhabiting the territory around the head-
waters of the Columbia and Missouri
rivers: the Comanches, extending from

government. There were 180,000 Indians
on reservations, or at schools under control
of the Indian Bureau, leaving about 90,000
in the five civilized tribes of Indian Terri-
tory and in New York State, the former
numbering about 84,500, and the lat-
ter, 5,232. Besides these, there were
32,567 taxable and self - sustaining Ind-
ians who had become citi-jens of the
United States. The expensive and com-
plicated machinery for the management of
Indian affairs has been much in the way
of the elevation of the race in the scale of

A GROUP OP EDUCATED INDIANS.

the head-waters of the Brazos to those
of the Arkansas; families in Utah and
Texas, and several tribes in California.
The Attakapas and Chitemachas, in
Texas, have languages that enter into no
known group.

Condition of Ihc Indians. — According to
ollicial reports, the Indian population in
1904 was, approximately, about 270,000,
nearly all of whom M-i>re partially or abso-
lutely under the control of the national

civilization, and has produced much evil by
creating irritation, jealousy, and universal
lack of faith in the white race. These
irritations for a long time kept a large
portion of the Indians in a state of chronic
hostility, and whole tribes utterh'^ refused
all overtures of the government to accept
its protection and fostering care. In 1880
it was estimated that the number of po-
tentially hostile Indians was fully 60,000.
In 1891 the condition of affairs had been
36

INDIRECT CLAIMS— INFLATION LEGISLATION

much improved. Among many tribes the at any time within three years, bearing

introduction of agriculture, schools, and interest not to exceed 6 per cent., and

churches had been attended with the hap- issued in denominations of not less than

piest results. There were 24,357 pupils ten dollars, which should be legal tender

enrolled in the reservation, non-resevva- for their face value, the same as the

tion, and day schools, besides 3,506 in in- United States notes. Under the author-

etitutes and public schools, and these ity of this latter clause, there were is-

Sf'liools were supported at an expense of sued of one-year notes, bearing interest

$3,522,950. There is a tendency in most at 5 per cent., $44,520,000, and of two-

nf the tribes to engage in settled pursuits year notes, bearing interest at 6 per cent.,

and accept citizenship. See also names $106,480,000. Authority was given on

of various tribes. the same day for the issue of enough

Indirect Claims. See Alabama fractional currency to bring the amount

Claims. of circulation up to $50,000,000.

Industrial Education. See Tech- Authority having been given by law

NOLOGY, School? of. to reissue indefinitely any of the United

Industrial Exhibitions. See Exposi- States notes, no care was taken, in re-

TIONS. issuing them, to maintain any distinc-

Inflation Legislation. In order to tion in the character of the notes. The
fully comprehend the financial situation amount outstanding at one time, how-
of the United States which led up to ever, never exceeded the aggregate
the inflation legislation, it is necessary amount authorized to be issued by the
to go back to the State and national three acts, and its highest amount was
finances just after the Civil War opened, reached Jan. 30, 1864, when it was
The demand - note issue of July 17, $449,338,902. The total amount of legal-
ISO 1, was the first attempt to use the tender paper issued by the government,
government notes as currency. These were exclusive of fractional currency, having
redeemable at sight in coin, and were a limited legal-tender quality, may be
used in the payment of salaries due em- thus summed up:
ployes in the departments. The. act

of Feb. 25, 1S62, authorized the issue of United States notes $449,338,90?

$150,000,000 in legal-tender United States One year 5 per cent, notes.. 44,520,000

notes, $50,000,000 of which were to take ^wo year 6 per cent, notes.... 166,480,000

up the issue of demand notes. July 11, tq^^i $660,338,902

1802, an additional issue of $150,000,000

in legal-tender notes was authorized by In July, 1865, the government had out-
Congress, $35,000,000 of this to be in standing $433,000,000 of United States
sums of less than five dollars. July lY, notes, $43,000,000 of one and two year
1862, an act authorized the issue of notes notes, and $25,000,000 of fractional notes,
of the fractional part of one dollar, re- In his report at the opening of Congress
c(<ivable in payment of all dues, except in that year Secretary McOulloch advo-
customs, less than five dollars, and ex- eated a contraction of the currency, and
■changeable for United States notes in to carry out this policy Congress, by an
sums not less than five dollars. The act approved April 12, 1860, directed
amount of this issue was not specified. " that of United States notes not more
On Jan. 17, 1803, a resolution authorized than $10,000,000 may be retired and can-
the issue of $100,000,000 in United States celled within six months of the pas-
notes for the immediate payment of sage of this act, and thereafter not more
the army and navy. The amount of this than $4,000,000 per month." Under this
issue was subsequently included in the act the notes were retired and cancelled
act of March 3, 1863, which authorized as provided by law, and reduced to ashes,
an issue of legal-tender United States as provided by treasury regulations, until
notes, in all respects similar to those al- threatened stringency in the money mar-
ready issued, to the amount of $150,000,- ket made Congress eager to ward oflf, if
000, and also an amount, not to exceed possible, the inevitable result of contrac-
$400,000,000, of treasury notes, payable tion.

INFLATION LEGISLATION

By an act of Feb. 4, 1868, the authority would give the expected relief. This
to further retire United States notes was theory, in my belief, is a departure from
suspended, then leaving outstanding true principles of finance, national in-
$3.56,000,000. Now the maximum limit of terest, national obligations to creditors,
United States notes had been fixed, by the congressional promises, party pledges on
act of June 30, 1864, as $400,000,000, and the part of both political parties, and of
during the year 1870 some financial ge- personal views and promises made by me
nius discovered that this was meant to in every annual message sent to Congress,
indicate the minimum also, and that $44,- and in each inaugural address." After
000,000 in notes, though they had been quoting passages to verify this last
burned according to regulations, still re- assertion, the President said : " I am
mained as a reserve, which the Secretary not a believer in any artificial method
of the Treasury could issue or retire at of making paper money equal to coin,
his discretion. By virtue of this newly when the coin is not owned or held ready
discovered discretionary power. Secretary to redeem the promises to pay, for paper
Boutwell, in October, 1871, issued $1,- money is nothing more than promises to
500,000 of this to relieve a stringency on pay, and is valuable exactly in proportion
Wall Street. By the following year he to the amount of coin that it can be con-
had issued $4,637,256 of this reserve, but verted into. While coin is not used as
the outcry against his policy was so a circulating medium, or the currency of
strong that he retired nearly all of it, the country is not convertible into it at
and early in 1873 Secretary Richardson par, it becomes an article of commerce as
retired the rest. In the latter part of the much as any other product. The surplus
year, however, on the occasion of the will seek a foreign market, as will any
panic. Secretary Richardson reissued other surplus. The balance of trade has
$25,000,000 of it to relieve the embar- nothing to do with the question. Duties
rassed banks. on exports being required in coin creates

A bill fixing the legal - tender United a limited demand for gold. About enough
States currency at $400,000,000, and mak- to satisfy that demand remains in the
ing some important stipulations about country. To increase this supply I see
bank issues, was passed by both Houses no way open but by the government hoard-
early in 1874, but was vetoed by the Presi- ing, through the means above given, and
dent. A part of the veto message is here possibly by requiring the national banks
given to show the grounds of his ac- to aid. It is claimed by the advocates
tion: of the measure herewith returned that

" Practically it is a question whether there is an unequal distribution of the
the measure under discussion would give banking capital of the country. I was
an additional dollar to the irredeemable disposed to give great weight to this view
paper currency of the country or not, and of the question at first, but on reflection
whether, by requiring three-fourths of the it will be remembered that there still re-
reserve to be returned by the banks and mains $4,000,000 of authorized bank-note
prohibiting interest to be received on the circulation, assigned to States having less
balance, it might not prove a contraction, than their quota, not yet taken. In ad-
r.ut the fact cannot be concealed that dition to this the States having less than
theoretically the bill increases the paper their quota of bank circulation have the
circulation $100,000,000, less only the option of $25,000,000 more to be taken
amount of reserves restrained from circu- from those States having more than their
lation by the provision of the second sec- proportion. When this is all taken up,
tion. The measure has been supported or when specie payments are fully re-
on the theory that it would give increased stored, or are in rapid process of
circulation. It is a fair inference, there- restoration, will be the time to consider
fore, that if in practice the measures the question of more currency."
should fail to create the abundance of cir- An act fixing the issue of United States
culation expected of it, the friends of the notes at $383,000,000, the amount then
measure — particularly those out of Con- outstanding, was approved June 20, 1874.
gress — would clamor for such inflation as Between 1868 and 1874 the amount of

INGALLS

fractional notes had also been increased of the Farmers' Alliance, which he had

from $25,000,000 to $46,000,000. In Janu- severely criticised. On retiring from the

ary, 1875, the resumption act was passed. Senate he engaged in journalism and lec-

und under its provisions the retirement of turing till his death, in Las Vegas, N. M.,

United States notes was again begun. Aug. 16, 1900.

The redemption of the fractional currency Eulogy on Senator Hill. — On Jan. 23,

with silver was also begun, and went on 1882, he delivered the following eulogy

so rapidly that by the end of 1877 only on the occasion of the death of Senator

$16,000,000 of it remained. Congress Benjamin Harvey Hill, of Georgia:

passed an act. May 31, 1878, forbidding

the further retirement of United States Mr. President, — Ben. Hill has gone to

rotes under the resumption act. But the the undiscovered country. Whether his

increase in the commerce of the country journey thither was but one step across

had by this time so far readjusted credits an imperceptible frontier, or whether an

that the value of legal tender and coin interminable ocean, black, unfluctuating,

had become nearly equal. On Jan. 1, and voiceless, stretches between these

1879, therefore, resumption took place earthly coasts and those invisible shores

according to law, without any serious — we do not know.

derangement of the business of the Whether on that August morning af-

country. ter death, he saw a more glorious sun rise

Ingalls, James Monroe, military offi- ^yith imimaginable splendor above a celes-

cer; born in Sutton, Vt., Jan. 25, 1837; tial horizon, or whether his apathetic and

was educated at Evansville (Wis.) Semi- unconscious ashes still sleep in cold ob-

nary; graduated at the United States gtruction and insensible oblivion — we do

Artillery School in 1872; entered the regu- not know.

lar army, Jan. 2, 1864; promoted 1st Whether his strong and subtle ener-

lieutenant, May 3, 1863; captain, July 1, gigs found instant exercise in another

1880; major, June 1, 1897; lieutenant- forum, whether his dexterous and undis-

colonel, Oct. 5, 1900; and was retired, ciplined faculties are now contending in

Jan. 25. 1901. He founded the depart- a higher Senate than ours for supremacy,

ment of ballistics in the United States or whether his powers were dissipated and

Artillery School in 1882, and was the prin- dispersed with his parting breath — we do

cipal instructor there till the outbreak of not know.

the war with Spain, when the school sus- Whether his passions, ambitions, and

pended operations. He was the author affections still sway, attract, and impel,

of Exterior Ballistics; Ballistic Machines; whether he yet remembers us as we re-

BalUstic Tables; Ballistics for the In- member him — we do not know.

structioi of Artillery Gunners ; etc. These are the unsolved, the insolvable

Ing'alls, John James, lawyer; born in problems of mortal life and human des-

Middleton, Mass., Dec. 29, 1833; grad- tiny, which prompted the troubled patri-

uated at Williams College in 1855, and arch to ask that momentous question,

was admitted to the bar in 1857. He went for which the centuries have given no

to Atchison, Kan., in 1858, and became a answer: "If a man die, shall he live

member of the ^Vyandotte Convention in again?"

1859, secretary of the territorial council Every man is the centre of a circle,
in 1869. and secretary of the State Sen- whose fatal circumference he cannot pass,
ate in 1861. He was State Senator in Within its narrow confines he is potential.
1862, and in the same year was defeated beyond it he perishes; and if immortality
as Eepublican candidate for lieutenant- is a splendid, but delusive dream, if the
go\ernor. In 1863-65 he was editor of incompleteness of every career, even the
the Atchison Champion; in 1864 was again longest and most fortunate, be not sup-
defeated for lieutenant-governor ; in 1873- plemented and perfected after its termi-
91 was a United States Senator, and in nation here, then he who dreads to die
1887-01 was president pro ten,, of the should fear to live, for life is a tragedy
Senate. He was forced to retire to private more desolate and inexplicable than
life in 1891 bv the ascendancy in Kansas death.

INGALLS— INGERSOLL

Of all the dead whose obsequies we commanding presence, his sinewy diction,

have paused to solemnize in this chamber, his confidence, and imperturbable self-

I recall no one whose untimely fate seems control.

so lamentable, and yet so rich in prophecy. But in the maturity of his powers
as that of Senator Hill. He had reached and his fame, with unmeasured oppor-
the meridian of his years. He stood upon tunities for achievement apparently ba-
the high plateau of middle life, in that fore him, with great designs unaccom-
serene atmosphere where temptation no plished, surrounded by the proud and af-
longer assails, where the clamorous pas- fectionate solicitude of a great constitu-
sions and contention, such as infrequently ency, the pallid messenger with the in-
fall to the lot of men, no longer find ex- verted torch beckoned him to depart,
ercise. Though not without the ten- There are few scenes in history more
dency to meditation, reverie, and introspec- tragic than that protracted combat with
tion which accompanies genius, his tem- death. No man had greater inducements
perament was palestric. He was competi- to live. But in the long struggle against
tive and unpeaceful. He was born a po- the inexorable advances of an insidious
lemic and controversialist, intellectually and mortal malady, he did not falter or
pugnacious and combative, so that he was repine. He retreated with the aspect of
impelled to defend any position that might a victor, and though he succumbed, he
be assailed, or to attack any position that seemed to conquer. His sun went down
might be intrenched, not because the de- at noon, but it sank amid the prophetic
fence or assault was essential, but be- splendors of an eternal dawn,
cause the positions were maintained, and With more than a hero's courage,
those who held them became, by that with more than a martyr's fortitude, he
fact alone, his adversaries. This tendency waited the approach of the inevitable
of his nature made his orbit erratic. He hour, and went to the undiscovered coun-
was meteoric, rather than planetary, and try.

flashed with irregular splendor, rather Ingalls, RuFUS, military officer; born
than shone with steady and penetrating in Denmark, Me., Aug. 23, 1820; grad-
rays. His advocacy of any cause was fear- uated at West Point in 1843, enter-
less to the verge of temerity. He appeared ing the rifles, but was transferred to the
to be indifferent to applause or censure, dragoons in 1845. He served in the war
for their own sake. He accepted intrep- with Mexico, and was on the staff" of Gen-
idly any conclusion that he reached, with- eral Harney on the Pacific coast. In
out inquiring whether it was politic or April, 1861, he went with Colonel Brown
expedient. to reinforce Fort Pickens; and in July

To such a spirit partisanship was un- was ordered to the Army of the Potomac,
avoidable, but with Senator Hill it did where he was upon the staff of General
not degenerate into bigotry. He was McClellan, with the rank of lieutenant-
capable of broad generosity, and extended colonel. He was chief quartermaster of
to his opponents the same unreserved that army from 1862 to 1865; was made
candor which he demanded for himself, brigadier-general of volunteers in May,
His oratory was impetuous, and devoid of 1863, and was brevetted major-general,
artifice. He was not a posturer or U. S. A. and U. S. V., INIarch 13, 1865.
phrase-monger. He was too intense, too He was in most of the battles of the Army
earnest, to employ the cheap and paltry of the Potomac from that of South IMoun-
decorations of discourse. He never re- tain to the surrender of Lee at Apponiat-
oonnoitred a hostile position, nor ap- tox. He died in New York City, Jan. 16,
proached it by stealthy parallels. He 1803.

could not lay siege to an enemy, nor be- Ingersoll, Charles Jared, statesman;

leaguer him, nor open trenches, and sap born in Philadelphia, Oct. 3. 1782: became

and mine. His method was the charge a lawyer, and was attached to the legation

and the onset. He was the Murat of of Rufus King when he was minister to

senatorial debate. Not many men of this France. After travelling in Europe, he

generation have been better equipped for returned, and published a poem in 1800,

parliamentary warfare than he, with his and a tragedy in 1801. In 1810 he pxib-

INGEKSOLL

lished a political satire, called Inchiquin
the Jesuit's Letters. In 1813 he was in
Congress, and from 1815 to 1829 he was
United States district-attorney. He was
again in Congress from 1841 to 1847, when
he was a Democratic leader. President
Polk nominated him minister to France,
but the Senate did not confirm the nomina-
tion. He wrote a history of the second
war between the United States and Great
Britain. He died in Philadelphia, Jan.
14, 1862.

Ingersoll, Edward, author; born in
Philadelphia, Pa., April 2, 1817; son of
Charles Jared Ingersoll ; graduated at the
University of Pennsylvania in 1835. His
publications include History and Law of
Habeas Corpus and Grand Juries; and
Personal Liberty and Martial Law. He
was also the editor of Hale's Pleas of the
Croicn; Addison on Contracts; and Saun-
ders on Uses and Trusts. He died in Ger-
mantown, Pa., Feb. 19, 1893.

Ingersoll, Erj^^est, naturalist; born in
Monroe, Mich., March 13, 1852; was edu-
cated at Oberlin College and the Harvard
Museum of Comparative Zoology. He be-
came connected with the Hayden Survey
in 1873, and later was made a member of
the United States Fish Commission. In
1880 he was a special agent of the census
to report on the oyster industry. He went
to California in 1883 to write special arti-
cles for Harper's Magazine. Later he was
editor of the Canadian Pacific Railway
Company's publications in Montreal. He
is author of Nests and Eggs of Ameri-

can Birds; the Oyster Industries of the
United States; Friends Worth Knowing;
Knocking Round the Rockies; The
Crest of the Continent ; Western Canada;
The Book of the Ocean, etc. He is also
editor and part author of a series of
guide-books to the Eastern States and
cities.

Ingersoll, Jared ; born in Milford,
Conn., in 1722; graduated at Yale in
1742; was stamp agent in 1765. He was
obliged to reship the stamps he had
received and to resign his office. He is
the author of The Stamp Act. H(
died in New Haven, Conn., in August
1781.

Ingersoll, Jared, jurist; born in Con-
necticut in 1749; graduated at Yale in
1766; studied law in London; returned to
Philadelphia in 1771; was a delegate to
the Continental Congress in 1780; a mem-
ber of the Constitutional convention in
1787; and was the Federal candidate
for the Vice - Presidency in 1812, but
was defeated, receiving 86 electoral
votes. He died in Philadelphia, Oct. 31,
1822.

Ingersoll, Joseph Reed, legislator;
born in Philadelphia, Pa., June 14, 1786;
graduated in Princeton in 1804; practised
law in Philadelphia; served in Congress
as Whig in 1835-37 and 1842-49; and was
an ardent supporter of Henry Clay; and
was United States minister to Great Brit-
ain in 1852. He published Secession, a
Folly and a Crime; Life of Samuel Breck,
etc.

INGERSOLL, ROBERT GREEN

Ingersoll, Robert Green, lawyer ; born
in Dresden. N. Y.. Aug. 11, 1833; began
the study of law when eighteen years old,
and three years later was admitted to the
bar. His gift of oratory soon made him
a distinguished man, both in the courts
and in Democratic politics. In 1857 he
removed from Shawneetown. 111., to Peoria,
and in 1800 was an unsuccessful candidate
for Congress. In 1862 he organized the
11th Illinois Cavalry and went to the
front as its colonel. He spent most of his
military career in raiding and scouting.
On Nov. 28, 1S62. while endeavoring to in-
tercept a Confederate raiding body with

600 men, he was attacked by a force of
10,000, and captured. He was almost im-
mediately paroled, and placed in command
of a camp at St. Louis. After a few
months in this capacity, fearing that he
would not be returned to active service,
he resigned his commission. Returning
home, he became a strong Republican, and
in 1866 was appointed attorney-general of
Illinois. In 1876, at the Republican Na-
tional Convention, he nominated James G.
Blaine for the Presidency in a speech
v/hich contained the following memorable
sentence: "Like an armed warrior, like a
plumed knight. James G. Blaine marched

INGERSOLL, ROBERT GREEN

down the halls of the American Congress
and threw his shining lances full and fair
against the brazen forehead of every de-
famer of his country and maligner of its
honor." He was conspicuously active in
the Presidential campaigns of 1876 and
1880, and had it not been for his pro-

ROBERT GREEN" INGERSOLL.

nounced agnostic views he would have
been honored with high official preferment.
In 1882 he settled in New York City, and
engaged in law practice till his death,
July 21, 1899. He was a man of rare per-
sonal attractions; an orator of excep-
tional brilliancy. His generosity was un-
bounded. Among his lectures, which had
gained him wide popularity, the most char-
acteristic were: Some Mistakes of Moses;
The Family; The Liberty of Man, Woman,
and Child; The Gods; and Ghosts. His
publications included: Lectures Complete;
and Great Speeches.

Thomas Paine. — The following is Colo-
nel Ingersoll's noted review of the life
and works of Thomas Paine (q. v.) :

Eighty-three years ago Thomas Paine
ceased to defend himself. The moment
he became dumb all his enemies found a
tongue. He was attacked on every hand.
The Tories of England had been waiting
for their revenge. The believers in kings,
in hereditary government, the nobility of
every land, execrated his memory. Their
greatest enemy was dead. The believers
in human slavery, and all who clamored
for the rights of the States as against
the sovereignty of a nation, joined in the

chorus of denunciation. In addition to
this, the believers in the inspiration of
the Scriptures, the occupants of ortho-
dox pulpits, the professors in Christian
colleges, and the religious historians, v/ere
his sworn and implacable foes.

This man had gratified no ambition at
the expense of his fellow - men ; he had
desolated no country with the flame and
sword of war; he had not wrung millions
from the poor and unfortunate ; he had
betrayed no trust, and yet he was al-
most universally despised. He gave his
life for the benefit of mankind. Day and
night, for many, many weary years, he
labored for the good of others, and gave
himself body and soul to the great cause
of human liberty. And yet he won the
hatred of the people for whose benefi't,
for whose emancipation, for whose civili-
zation, for whose exaltation he gave his
life.

Against him every slander that malig-
nity could coin and hypocrisy pass was
gladly and joyously taken as genuine,
and every truth with regard to his career
was believed to be counterfeit. He was
attacked by thousands where he was de-
fended by one, and the one who defended
him was instantly attacked, silenced, or
destroyed.

At last his life has been written by
Moncure D. Conway, and the real history
of Thomas Paine, of what he attempted
and accomplished, of what he taught and
suffered, has been intelligently, truth-
fully, and candidly given to the world.
Henceforth the slanderer will be without
excuse.

He who reads Mr. Conway's pages will
find that Thomas Paine was more than a
patriot ; that he was a philanthropist —
a lover not only of his country, but of
all mankind. He will find that his sym-
pathies were with those who suffered,
without regard to religion or race, coun-
try or complexion. He will find that this
great man did not hesitate to attack the
governing class of his native land, to
commit what was called treason against
the King, that he might do battle for the
rights of men : that, in spite of the preju-
dices of birth, he took the side of the
American colonies; that he gladly at-
tacked the political abuses and absurdi-
ties that had been fostered by altars and

INGERSOLL, ROBERT GREEN

thrones for many centuries; that he was He was the first to suggest a union of
for the people against nobles and kings; the colonies. Before the Declaration of
and that he put his life in pawn for the Independence was issued, Paine had writ-
good of others. ten of and about the Free and Independent

In the winter of 1774 Thomas Paine i^tates of America. He had also spoken

come to America. After a time he was of the United States colonies as the " Glo-

employed as one of the writers on The lious Union," and he was the first to write

Pennsylvania Magazine. these words: "The United States of

Let us see what he did, calculated to ex- America."

cite the hatred of his fellow-men. In May, 1775, Washington said: "If

The first article he ever wrote in Amer- you ever hear of me joining in any such

ica, and the first ever published by him any- measure (as separation from Great Brit-

where, appeared in that magazine on March ain ) you have my leave to set me down

8, 1775. It was an attack on American for everything wicked." He had also

slavery — a plea for the rights of the said: "It is not the wish or interest

negro. In that article will be found sub- of the government (meaning Massachu-

stantially all the arguments that can be setts), or of any other upon this conti-

urged against that most infamous of all nent, separately or collectively, to set up

institutions. Every line is full of human- for independence." And in the same year

ity, pity, tenderness, and love of justice. Benjamin Franklin assured Chatham that

Five days after this article appeared the no one in America was in favor of separa-

American Anti-Slavery Society was form- tion. As a matter of fact, the people of

ed. Certainly this should not excite our the colonies wanted a redress of their

hatred. To-day the civilized world agrees grievances — they were not dreaming of

with the essay written by Thomas Paine separation, of independence,

in 1775. • In 1775 Paine wrote the pamphlet

At that time great interests were known as Common Sense. This was pub-

against him. The owners of slaves be- lished on Jan. 10, 1776. It was the first

came his enemies, and the pulpits, sup- appeal for independence, the first cry for

ported by slave - labor, denounced this national life, for absolute separation. No

abolitionist. pamphlet, no book, ever kindled such a

The next article published by Thomas sudden conflagration — a purifying flame,
Paine, in the same magazine, and for the in which the prejudices and fears of mill-
next month, was an attack on the prac- ions were consumed. To read it now,
tice of duelling, showing that it was bar- after the lapse of more than 100 years,
barous, that it did not even tend to set- hastens the blood. It is but the meagre
tie the right or wrong of a dispute, that truth to say that Thomas Paine did more
it could not be defended on any just for the cause of separation, to sow the
grounds, and that its influence was de- seeds of independence, than any other man
grading and cruel. The civilized world of his time. Certainly we should not
now agrees with the opinions of Thomas despise him for this. The Declaration of
Paine upon that barbarous practice. Independence followed, and in that decla-

In May, 1775. appeared in the same ration will be found not only the thoughts,

magazine another article written by but some of the expressions, of Thomas

Thomas Paine, a Protest Against Cruelty Paine.

to Animals. He began the work that was During the war, and in the very darkest

so successfully and gloriously carried out hours, Paine wrote what is called The

by Henry Bergh, one of the noblest, one Crisis, a series of pamphlets giving from

of the grandest, men that this continent time to time his opinion of events, and his

has produced. prophecies. These marvellous publica-

The good people of this world agree tions produced an effect nearly as great

with Thomas Paine. as the pamphlet Common Sense. These

In August of the same year he wrote strophes, written by the bivouac fires, had

a plea for the Rights of Woman, the first in them the soul of battle,

ever published in the New World. Cer- In all he \vrote. Paine was direct and

tainly he should not be hated for that. natural. He touched the very heart of

INGERSOLL, ROBERT GREEN"

^V*

the subject. He was not awed by names
or titles, by place or power. He never
lost his regard for truth, for principle —
never wavered in his allegiance to reason,
to wha.; he believed to be right. His argu-
ments were so lucid, so unanswerable, his
comparisons and analogies so apt, so un-
expected, that they excited the passionate
admiration of friends and the unquench-
able hatred of enemies. So g>-eat were
these appeals to patriotism, to the love
of liberty, the pride of independence,
the glory of success, that it was said by

Chancellor Livingston, secretary of for-
eign affairs; Robert Morris, minister of
finance, and his assistant, urging the ne-
cessity of adding a continental legislat-
ure to Congress, to be elected by the
several States. Robert Morris invited
the chancellor and a number of eminent
men to meet Paine at dingier, where his
plea for a stronger Union was discussed
and approved. This was probably the
earliest of a series of consultations pre-
liminary to the constitutional convention.
On April 19, 1783, it being the eighth

some of the best and greatest of that time anniversary of the battle of Lexington,

that the American cause owed as much Paine printed a little pamphlet entitled,

to the pen of Paine as to the sword of Thoughts on Peace and the Probable Ad-

Washintrton. vantages Thereof. In this pamphlet he

On Nov. 2, 1779, there was introduced pleads for " a supreme nationality absorb-

into the Assembly of Pennsylvania an act ing all cherished sovereignties." Mr. Con-

way calls this pamphlet Paine's Farewell
Address, and gives the following extract:

" It was the cause of America that made
me an author. The force with which it

for the abolition of slavery. The pre-
amble was written by Thomas Paine. To
him belongs the honor and glory of hav-
ing written the first proclamation of

emancipation in America^ — Paine tne first, struck my mind, and the dangerous condition

which the country was in, by courting an
impossible and an unnatural reconciliation
with those who were determined to reduce
her, instead of striking out into the only line
that could save her — a Declaration of In-
dependence— made it impossible for me, feel-
ing as I did, to be silent ; and if, in the
course of more than seven years, I have
rendered her any service, I have likewise
added something "to the reputation of litera-
ture, by freely and disinterestedly employing
it in the great cause of mankind. . . .
But as the scenes of war are closed, and
every man preparing for home and happier
times, I therefore take leave of the subject.
I have most sincerely followed it from be-
ginning to end, and through all its turns
and windings ; and whatever country I may

l/jncoln the last.

Paine, of all others, succeeded in getting
aid for the struggling colonies from
France. "According to Lamartine, the
King, Louis XVI., loaded Paine with
favors, and a gift of six millions was con-
fided into the hands of Franklin and
Paine. On Aug. 25, 1781, Paine reached
Boston, bringing 2,500,000 livres in silver,
and in convoy a ship laden with clothing
and military stores."

In November, 1779, Paine was elected
clerk to the General Assembly of Pennsyl-
vania. In 1780, the Assembly received __ ^

a letter from General Washington in the hereafter be" in, I shall always feel an honest

for putting it in my power to be of some use

in the army would lead to mutiny in the
ranks. This letter was read by Paine to
the Assembly. He immediately wrote to
Blair McClenaghan, a Philadelphia mer-
chant, explaining the urgency, and enclos

to mankind.'

Paine had made some enemies, first, by
attackincr African slavery, and, second, by
ing .$500, the amount of salary due him insisting upon the sovereignty of the na-
as clerk, as his contribution towards a re- tion.

lief fund. The merchant called a meet- During the Revolution our forefathers,
ino' the next day, and read Paine's letter, in order to justify making war on Great
A subscription list was immediately cir- Britain, were compelled to take the
ciliated, and in a short time about $1,- ground that all men are entitled to life,
,^00.000 was raised. With this capital liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. In
the Pennsylvania Bank — afterwards the no other way could they justify their ac-
Bank of North America — was established tion. After the war, the meaner instincts
for the relief of the army. began to take possession of the mind, and

In 1783 Paine wrote a memorial to those who had fought for their own lib-

"^m INGERSOLL, ROBERT GREEN

erty were perfectly willing to enslave with love and reverence. Every English-
others. We must also remember that the man who has sought to destroy abuses,
Revolution was begun and carried on by to lessen or limit the prerogatives of the
a noble minority — that the majority were crown, to extend the suffrage, to do away
really in favor of Great Britain and did with " rotten boroughs," to take taxes from
what they dared to prevent the success knowledge, to increase and protect the
of the American cause. The minority, freedom of speech and the press, to do
however, had control of affairs. They were away with bribes under the name of
active, energetic, enthusiastic, and coura- pensions, and to make England a govern-
geous, and the majority were overawed, ment of principles rather than of persons,
shamed, and suppressed. But when peace has been compelled to adopt the creed and
came, the majority asserted themselves use the arguments of Thomas Paine. In
and the interests of trade and commerce England every step towards freedom has
were consulted. Enthusiasm slowly died, been a triumph of Paine over Burke and
and patriotism was mingled with the self- Pitt. No man ever rendered a greater
ishness of traffic. service to his native land.

But, after all, the enemies of Paine were The book called the Rights of Man was

few, the friends were many. He had the the greatest contribution that literature

respect and admiration of the greatest had given to liberty. It rests on the bed-

and the best, and was enjoying the fruits rock. No attention is paid to precedents

of his labor. except to show that they are wrong.

The Eevohition was ended, the colonies Paine was not misled- by the proverbs
were free. They had been united, they that wolves had written for sheep. He
formed a nation, and the United States had the intelligence to examine for him-
of America had a place on the map of the self, and the courage to publish his con-
world, elusions. As soon as the Rights of Man

Paine was not a politician. He had not was published the government was alarm-
labored for seven years to get an office, ed. Every effort was made to suppress
His services were no longer needed in it. The author was indicted; those who
America. He concluded to educate the published, and those who sold, were ar-
English people, to inform them of their rested and imprisoned. But the new gos-
rights, to expose the pretences, follies and pel had -been preached — a great man had
fallacies, the crimes and cruelties of shed light — a new force had been born,
nobles, kings, and parliaments. In the and it was beyond the power of nobles
brain and heart of this man were the and kings to undo what the author-hero
dream and hope of the universal republic, had done.

He had confidence in the people. He hated To avoid arrest and probable death,

tyranny and war, despised the senseless Paine left England. He had sown with

pomp and vain show of crowned robbers, brave hand the seeds of thought, and he

laughed at titles, and the " honorable " knew that he had lighted a fire that noth-

badges worn by the obsequious and servile, ing could extinguish until England should

by fawners and followers; loved liberty be free.

with all his heart, and bravely fought The fame of Thomas Paine had reach-

against those who could give the rewards ed France in many ways — principally

of place and gold, and for those who through Lafayette. His services in Amer-

could pay only with thanks. ica were well known. The pamphlet

Hoping to hasten the day of freedom, he Common Sense had been published in
wrote the Rights of Man — a book that French, and its effect had been immense,
laid the foundation for all the real liberty The Rights of Man that had created, and
that the English now enjoy — a book that was then creating, such a stir in Eng-
made known to Englishmen the Decla- land was also known to the French. The
ration of Nature, and convinced millions lovers of liberty everywhere were the
that all are children of the same mother, friends and admirers of Thomas Paine,
entitled to share equally in her gifts. In America. England, Scotland. Ireland,
Every Englishman who has outgrown the and France he was known as the de-
ideas of 1688 should remember Paine fender of popular rights. He had preach-

INGEBSOLL, ROBERT GREEN

ed a new gospel. He had given a new
Magna Charta to the people.

So popular was Paine in France that
he was elected by three constituencies
to the national convention. He chose to
represent Calais. From the moment he
entered French territory he was received
with almost royal honors. He at once
stood with the foremost, and was wel-
comed by all enlightened patriots. As in
America, so in France, he knew no idle-
ness— he was an organizer and worker.
The first thing he did was to found the
first republican society, and the next to
write its Manifesto, in which the ground
was taken that France did not need a
king; that the people should govern them-
selves. In this Manifesto was this argu-
ment:

" What kind of office must that be in a
government which requires neither experience
nor ability to execute ; that may be abandon-
ed to the desperate chance of birth ; that may
be filled with an idiot, a madman, a tyrant,
with equal effect as with the good, the
virtuous, the wise? An office of this nature
is a mere nonentity ; it is a place of show,
not of use."

He said:

" I am not the personal enemy of kings.
Quite the contrary. No man wishes more
heartily than myself to see them all in the
happy and honorable state of private in-
dividuals ; but I am the avowed, open and
intrepid enemy of what is called monarchy ;
and I am such by principles which nothing
can either alter or corrupt, by my attach-
ment to humanity, by the anxiety which I
feel within myself for the dignity and honor
of the human race."

One of the grandest things done by
Thomas Paine was his effort to save the
life of Louis XVI. The convention was
in favor of death. Paine was a foreigner.
His career had caused some jealousies.
He knew the danger he was in; that the
tiger was already crouching for a spring;
but he was true to his principles. He was
opposed to the death penalty. He re-
membered that Louis XVI. had been the
friend of America, and he very cheerfully
risked his life, not only for the good of
France, not only to save the King, but
to pay a debt of gratitude. He asked
the convention to exile the King to the
United States. He asked this as a mem-
ber of the convention and as a citizen of
the United States. As an American he

felt grateful not only to the King, but
to every Frenchman. He, the adversary
of all kings, asked the convention to re-
member that kings were men, and subject
to human frailties. He took still another
step, and said : " As France has been the
first of European nations to abolish
royalty, let us also be the first to aboiish
the punishment of death."

Even after the death of Louis had been
voted, Paine made another appeal. With
a courage born of the highest possible
sense of duty, he said:

" France has but one ally — the United
States of America. That is the only nation
that can furnish France with naval pro-
visions, for the kingdoms of northern Europe
are, or soon will be, at war with her. It
happens that the person now under dis-
cussion is regarded in America as a deliverer
of their country. I can assure you that his
execution will there spread universal sorrow,
and it is in your power not thus to wound
the feelings of your ally. Could I speak the
French language I would descend to your
bar, and in their name become your petitioner
to respite the execution of your sentence
on Louis. . . . Ah, citizens, give not the tyrant
of England the triumph of seeing the man
perish on the scaffold who helped my dear
brothers of America to break his chains."

This was worthy of the man who said:
" Where liberty is not, there is my
country."

Paine was second on the committee to
prepare the draft of a constitution for
France to be submitted to the convention.
He was the real author, not only of the
draft of the constitution, but of the
Declaration of Rights.

In France, as in America, he took the
lead. His first thoughts seemed to be
first principles. He was clear because he
was profound. People without ideas ex-
perience great difficulty in finding words
to express them.

From the moment that Paine cast his
vote in favor of mercy, in favor of life,
the shadow of the guillotine was upon
him. He knew that when he voted for
the King's life he voted for his own
death. Paine remembered that the King
had been the friend of America, and to
him ingratitude seemed the worst of
crimes. He worked to destroy the mon-
arch, not the man ; the King, not the
friend. He discharged his duty and ac-
cepted death. This was the heroism of
goodness, the sublimity of devotion.

INGERSOLL, ROBERT GREEN

Believing that his life was near its
close, he made up his mind to give to
the world his thoughts concerning " re-
vealed religion." This he had for some
time intended to do, but other matters
had claimed his attention. Feeling that
there was no time to be lost, he wrote
the first part of the Age of Reason, and
gave the manuscript to Joel Barlow. Six
hours after, he was arrested. The second
part was written in prison while he was
waiting for death.

Paine clearly saw that men could not
be really free, or defend the freedom
they had, unless they were free to think
and speak. He knew that the Church was
the enemy of liberty; that the altar and
throne were in partnership; that they
helped each other and divided the spoils.

He felt that, being a man, he had the
right to examine the creeds and the Script-
ures for himself, and that, being an honest
man, it was his duty and his privilege to
tell his fellow-men the conclusions at
which he arrived.

He found that the creeds of all ortho-
dox churches were absurd and cruel, and
that the Bible was no better. Of course
he found that there were some good
things in the creeds and in the Bible.
These he defended, but the infamous, the
inhuman, he attacked.

In matters of religion he pursued the
same course that he had in things politi-
cal. He depended upon experience, and
above all on reason. He refused to ex-
tinguish the light in his own soul. He
was true to himself, and gave to others
his honest thoughts. He did not seek
wealth, or place, or fame. He sought the
truth.

He had felt it to be his duty to attack
the institution of slavery in America,
to raise his voice against duelling, to plead
for the rights of woman, to excite pity
for the sufferings of domestic animals, the
speechless friends of man ; to plead the
cause of separation, of independence, of
American nationality, to attack the abuses
and crimes of monarchs, to do what he
could to give freedom to the world.

He thought it his duty to take another
step. Kings asserted that they derived
their power, their right to govern, from
God. To this assertion Paine replied with
the Rights of Man. Priests pretended

that they were the authorized agents of
God. Paine replied with the Age of Rea-
son.

This book is still a power, and will be
as long as the absurdities and cruelties of
the creeds and the Bible have defenders.
The Age of Reason affected the priests just
as the Rights of Man affected nobles and
kings. The kings answered the arguments
of Paine with laws, the priests with lies.
Kings appealed to force, priests to fraud.
Mr. Conway has written in regard to the
Age of Reason the most impressive and
the most interesting chapter in his book.
Paine contended for the rights of the in-
dividual, for the jurisdiction of the soul.
Above all religions he placed Reason,
above all kings. Men, and above all
men. Law.

The first part of the Age of Reason was
written in the shadow of a prison, the
second part in the gloom of death. From
that shadow, from that gloom, came a
flood of light. This testament, by which
the wealth of a marvellous brain, the love
of a great and heroic heart were given to
the world, was written in the presence of
the scaffold, when the writer believed he
was giving his last message to his fellow-
men.

The Age of Reason was his crime.

Franklin, Jefferson, Sumner and Lin-
coln, the four greatest statesmen that
America has produced, were believers in
the creed of Thomas Paine.

The Ilnivcrsalists and Unitarians have
found their best weapons, their best ar-
guments, in the Age of Reason.

Slowly, but surely, the churches are
adopting not only the arguments, but the
opinions, of the great Reformer. Theodore
Parker attacked the Old Testament and
Calvinistic theology with the same weap-
ons and with a bitterness excelled by no
man who has expressed his thoughts in
our language.

Paine was a century in advance of his
time. If he were living now his sym-
pathy would be with Savage, Chadwick,
Professor Briggs and the " advanced theo-
logians." He, too, would talk about the
'* higher criticism " and the latest defini-
tion of " inspiration." These advanced
thinkers substantially are repeating the
Age of Reason. They still wear the old
uniform — clinging to the toggery of the-

INGERSOLL, ROBERT GREEN

ology — but inside of their religious rags
tliey agree with Thomas Paine.

Not one argument that Paine urged
against the inspiration of the Bible,
against the truth of miracles, against the
barbarities and infamies of the Old Testa-
ment, against the pretensions of priests
and the claims of kings, has ever been
answered.

His arguments in favor of the existence
of what he was pleased to call the God
of Nature were as weak as those of all
theists have been. But in all the affairs
of this world, his clearness of vision, lu-
cidity of expression, cogency of argument,
aptness of comparison, power of state-
ment and comprehension of the subject
in hand, with all its bearings and con-
sequences, have rarely, if ever, been ex-
celled.

He had no reverence for mistakes be-
cause they were old. He did not admire
the castles of feudalism even when they
were covered with ivy. He not only said
that the Bible was not inspired, but he
demonstrated that it could not all be
true. This was " brutal." He presented
arguments so strong, so clear, so convin-
cing, that they could not be answered.
This was " vulgar."

He stood for liberty against kings, for
humanity against creeds and gods. This
was " cowardly and low." He gave his
life to free and civilize his fellow-men.
This was " infamous."

Paine was arrested and imprisoned in
December, 1793. He was, to say the least,
neglected by Gouverneur Morris and
Washington. He was released through
the efforts of James Monroe in November,
1794. He was called back to the conven-
tion, but too late to be of use. As most
of the actors had suffered death, the
tragedy was about over and the curtain
was falling. Paine remained in Paris
until the " reign of terror " was ended and
that of the Corsican tyrant had com-
menced.

Paine came back to America hoping to
spend the remainder of his life surrounded
by those for whose happiness and freedom
he had labored so jiiany years. He expected
to be rewarded with the love and rever-
ence of the American people.

In 1794 James Monroe had written to
Paine these words:

" It is unnecessary for me to tell you how
much all your countrymen — I speak of the
great mass of the people — are interested in
your welfare. They have not forgot the
history of their own Kevolution and the
difficult scenes through which they passed ;
nor do they review its several stages without
reviving in their bosoms a due sensibility
of the merits of those who served them in
that great and arduous conflict. The crime
of ingratitude has not yet stained, and I
hope never will stain, our national character.
You are considered by them as not only hav-
ing rendered important services in our own
Revolution, but as being on a more ex-
tensive scale the friend of human rights
and a distinguished and able advocate of
public liberty. To the welfare of Thomas
Paine we are not and cannot be indifferent."

In the same year Mr. Monroe wrote a
letter to the committee of general safety,
asking for the release of Mr. Paine, in
which, among other things, he said:

" The services Thomas Paine rendered to
his country in its struggle for freedom have
implanted in the hearts of his countrymen
a sense of gratitude never to be effaced as
long as they shall deserve the title of a just
and generous people."

On reaching America Paine found that
the sense of gratitude had been effaced.
He found that the Federalists hated him
with all their hearts because he believed
in the rights of the people and was still
true to the splendid principle advocated
during the darkest days of the Revolution.
In almost every pulpit he found a malig-
nant and implacable foe, and the pews
were filled with his enemies. The slave-
holders hated him. He was held responsi-
ble even for the crimes of the French
Revolution. He was regarded as a blas-
phemer, an atheist, an enemy of God and
man. The ignorant citizens of Borden-
town, as cowardly as orthodox, longed to
mob the author of Common Sense and
The Crisis. They thought he had sold
himself to the devil because he had de-
fended God against the slanderous charges
that he had inspired the writers of the
Bible — because he had said that a being
of infinite goodness and purity did not es-
tablish slavery and polygamy.

Paine had insisted that men had the
right to think for themselves. This so
enraged the average American citizen that
he longed for revenge.

In 1802 the people of the United States
bad exceedingly crude ideas about the

INGERSOLL, ROBERT GREEN

liberty of thought and expression.
Neither had they any conception of re-
ligious freedom. Their highest thought
on that subject was expressed by the
word " toleration," and even this tolera-
tion extended only to the various Chris-
tian sects. Even the vaunted religious
liberty of colonial Maryland was only to
the effect that one kind of Christian
should not fine, imprison and kill an-
other kind of Christian, but all kinds of
Christians had the right, and it was their
duty, to brand, imprison and kill infidels
of every kind.

Paine had been guilty of thinking for
himself and giving his conclusions to the
world without having asked the consent
of a priest — just as he had published his
political opinions without leave of the
king. He had published his thoughts on
religion and had appealed to reason — to
the light in every mind, to the humanity,
the pity, the goodness which he believed
to be in every heart. He denied the right
of kings to make laws and of priests to
make creeds. He insisted that the people
should make laws, and that every human
being should think for himself. While
some believed in the freedom of religion,
he believed in the religion of freedom.

If Paine had been a hypocrite, if he
had concealed his opinions, if he had de-
fended slavery with quotations from the
" sacred scriptures " — if he had cared
nothing for the liberties of men in other
lands — if he had said that the state could
not live without the Church — if he had
sought for place instead of truth, he
would have won wealth and power, and
his brow would have been crowned with
the laurel of fame.

He made what the pious call the " mis-
take " of being true to himself — of living
with an unstained soul. He had lived
and labored for the people. The people
were untrue to him. They returned evil
for good, hatred for benefits received, and
yet this great chivalric soul remembered
their ignorance and loved them with all
his heart, and fought their oppressors
with all his strength.

We must remember what the churches
and creeds were in that day, what the
theologians really taught, and what the
people believed. To save a few in spite
of their vices, and to damn the many

without regard to their virtues, and all
for the glory of the Damner — this was
Calvinism. *' He that hath ears to hear,
let him hear," but he that hath a brain
to think must not think. He that be-
iieveth without evidence is good, and he
that believeth in spite of evidence is a
saint. Only the wicked doubt, only the
blasphemer denies. This teas orthodox
Christianity.

Thomas Paine had the courage, the
sense, the heart, to denounce these hor-
rors, these absurdities, these infinite in-
famies. He did what he could to drive
these theological vipers, these Calvinistic
cobras, these fanged and hissing serpents
of superstition from the heart of man.

A few civilized men agreed with him
then, and the world has progressed since
1809. Intellectual wealth has accumu-
lated ; vast mental estates have been left
to the world. Geologists have forced
secrets from the rocks, astronomers from
the stars, historians from old records and
lost languages. In every direction the
thinker and the investigator have vent-
ured and explored, and even the pews
have begun to ask questions of the pui'-'
pits. Humboldt has lived, and Darwirt '
and Haeckel and Huxley, and the armiea* ^
led by them, have changed the thoughifc,'.
of the world. • • .

The churches of 1809 could not be the,<
friends of Thomas Paine. No church ay,-;
serting that belief is necessary to salvaj-
tion ever was, or ever will be, the chanjC; ,
pion of true liberty. A church founded
on slavery — that is to say, on blind obedi-^ ^
ence, worshipping irresponsible and arbi-
trary power — must of necessity be the
enemy of human freedom. ' ■■ «

The orthodox churches are now anxious
to save the little that Paine left of their-"
creed. If one now believes in God, and-
lends a little financial aid, he is considered^;
a good and desirable member. He need
not define God after the manner of the
catechism. He may talk about a " Power
that works for righteousness"; or the
tortoise Truth that beats the rabbit Lie
in the long run; or the "Unknowable";
or the " Unconditioned " ; or the " Cosmic
Force " ; or the " Ultimate Atom " ; or
" Protoplasm," or the " What " — provided
he begins this word with a capital.

We must also remember that there is a

INGERSOLL— INGLIS

difference between independence and lib-
erty. Millions have fought for independ-
ence— to throw off some foreign yoke —
and yet were at heart the enemies of true
liberty. A man in jail, sighing to be free,
may be said to be in favor of liberty, but
not from principle; but a man who, being
free, risks or gives his life to free the en-
slaved, is a true soldier of liberty.

Thomas Paine had passed the legendary
limit of life. One by one most of his old
friends and acquaintances had deserted
him. Maligned on every side, execrated,
shunned, and abhorred — his virtues de-
nounced as vices — his services forgotten —
his character blackened, he preserved the
poise and balance of his soul. He was
a victim of the people, but his convictions
remained unshaken. He was still a soldier
in the army of freedom, and still tried to
enlighten and civilize those who were im-
patiently waiting for his death. Even
those who loved their enemies hated him,
their friend — the friend of the whole
world — with all their hearts.

On June 8, 1809, death came — death, al-
most his only friend.

I r , At his funeral no pomp, no pageantry,

'1^0 civic procession, no military display.
In a carriage, a woman and her son who
fiad lived on the bounty of the dead — on
horseback, a Quaker, the humanity of

, yv'hose heart dominated the creed of his
h^ad — and, following on foot, two negroes,
fiiled with gratitude — constituted the

^faneral cortege of Thomas Paine.

' . "He who had received the gratitude of
Irfany millions, the thanks of generals and
statesmen — he who had been the friend
and companion of the wisest and best —
he who had taught a people to be free,
and whose words had inspired armies and
ej'.lightened nations, was thus given back
to Nature, the mother of us all.

*If the people of the great republic knew
the life of this generous, this chivalric
man, the real story of his services, his
sufferings and his triumphs — of what he
did to compel the robed and crowned, the
priests and kings, to give back to the
people liberty, the jewel of the soul; if
they knew that he was the first to write
The Religion of Humanity ; if they knew
that he, above all others, planted and
watered the seeds of independence, of
union, of nationality, in the hearts of our

forefathers — that his words were gladly
repeated by the best and bravest in many
lands; if they knew that he attempted,
by the purest means, to attain the noblest
and loftiest ends — that he was original,
sincere, intrepid, and that he could truth-
fully say: "The world is my country, to
do good my religion " — if the people only
knew all this — the truth — they would re-
peat the words of Andrew Jackson:
" Thomas Paine needs no monument made
with hands; he has erected a monument
in the hearts of all lovers of liberty."

Ingham, Samuel Delucenna, legisla-
tor; born in Pennsylvania, Sept. 16, 1779;
served several years in the Pennsylvania
legislature; served in Congress in 1813-18
and 1822-29. President Jackson appoint-
ed him Secretary of the Treasury, but he
resigned on account of the Kitchen Cabi-
net. He died in Trenton, N. J., June 5,
1860.

Ingle, Edwaed, author; born in Balti-
more, Md., May 17, 1861 ; graduated at
Johns Hopkins University in 1882.
Among his publications are Local Institu-
tions of Virginia; Local Institutions of
Maryland; Southern Sidelights; The Ne-
gro in the District of Columbia, etc.

Ingle, EiCHARD, mariner; born in Lon-
don, England, about 1610. During the
civil war in England the royalist governor
of Maryland seized Ingle's ship. On 'his
return to England, Ingle applied to Par-
liament for redress, and received a com-
mission authorizing him to act against the
royalists. Ingle returned to America in
1645, and, taking advantage of local
troubles, expelled Leonard Calvert, and
himself took charge of the government
for six months, at the end of which period
Calvert regained control.

Inglis, Charles, clergyman; born in
Ireland, in 1734. From 1764 to the Revo-
lution he was assistant rector of Trinity
Church, New York ; and was rector from
1777 to 1783. He adhered to the royal
cause, and departed for Nova Scotia with
the loyalists who fled from New York
City in 1783. His letters evinced consid-
erable harsh feeling towards the Ameri-
can patriots as " fomenters of rebellion."
Dr. Inglis was consecrated bishop of Nova
Scotia in 1788, and in 1809 became a
member of the governor's council. He
published an answer to Paine's Common

r-q

INGLIS— INMAN

Sense, which made him obnoxious to the or imperative initiative is allowed. Any

patriots, and they confiscated his estate, petition containing a certain numbtr of

He died in Halifax, N. S., Feb. 24, 1816. signatures (generally from 5,000 to 6,000),

His son John was made bishop of Nova demanding action upon any matter what-

Scotia in 1825, and died in 1850; and his ever, must be given attention by the coun-

grandson. Gen. Sir John Eardley Wilmot cil, which, after passing upon it, must

Inglis, born in Halifax in 1814, was the submit it to the popular vote. This course

brave defender of Lucknow. must be taken even if a proposed measure

Inglis, Mary, pioneer; born in 1729. is unfavorable to the council. Again, in

She, with her two children, was captured a number of the cantons, the people have

by the Shawnee Indians, who had made a the right of veto power. In about a

successful attack upon the small settle- month's time after any measure has been

ment. The Indians carried their captives adopted by the cantonal council it may

down the Kanawha River to the Scioto, he brought before the people by a petition,

She was thus the first white woman in and according to their vote made to stand

Kentucky. She made her escape in com- or fall. This veto power, however, may

pany with another white woman, and sue- be said to be included in the referendum,

ceeded in reaching a settlement on the In all the cantons, except Freiburg, the

Kanawha. She died in 1813. right of the people to have every important

Ingraham, Duncan N. See Naturai.- act of legislation referred back to them

IZATION {Koszta Case). for adoption or rejection is now estab-

Ingraham, Joseph Holt, author; born lished by law.
in Portland, Me., 1809; became a pro- In recent years the principle of the ini-
fessor in Jeflferson College, Miss.; subse- tiative and referendum has met with much
quently took orders in the Protestant favor in the United States, and in several
Episcopal Church. He wrote many novels. States there has been an influential move-
some of which were very popular, but he ment to bring about its adoption,
is best known through his three books. Injunction, an order of a court, which
entitled The Prince of the House of David ; commands the party or parties against
The Pillar of Fire; and The Throne of whom it is issued (1) not to commit a
David. He died in Holly Springs, Miss., certain act; or (2) to desist from the
in December, 1866. commission of a certain act; or (3) to

Ingram, David. See Hortop, Job. restore to its former condition something

Ingulf, Rudolf, traveller; born in which has been altered or interfered with

Cologne in 1727; emigrated to Mexico in by the person or persons to whom the

1751, where he became a merchant. After injunction is directed.

securing a competence he travelled through Inman, George, military officer ; born

Central America, Mexico, and California, in Boston, Mass., Dec. 3, 1755; graduated

He published, in the German language, at Harvard College in 1772. During the

Travels in Neic Spain; The Geologic For- Revolutionary War he was a royalist,

mation of California, in which he proved entering the army as a private, but soon

that California was a rich gold-field; receiving a commission; took part in the

Cosmographi/ of America, etc. He died in battles of Princeton, Brandywine, Ger-

Vienna in 1785. mantown. and Monmouth, in the first of

Initiative and Referendum, a politi- which he was wounded. He was the au-

cal system which originated in Switzer- thor of Narrative of the Revolutionary

land, designed to test the feeling of the War, 1776-1779. He died in the West

people concerning proposed legislation. Indies in 1789.

In the several cantons of the Swiss Con- Inman, Henry, painter ; born in Utica.

federation the councils merely formulate N. Y., Oct. 20, 1801 ; was a pupil of John

the laws, while the people pass them. Wesley Jarvis, the portrait - painter, to

Similar to the law of all other nations whom he was apprenticed for seven years,

that of Switzerland concedes the people a He painted landscapes and historical pict-

certain right of initiative in the way of ures, but portraits were his chief subjects,

petition; but in many of the cantons this and he introduced lithography into the

right goes much further and an additional United States. In 1844 he went to Eng-

INMAN— INSPECTION

land, where, becoming the guest of Words-
worth, the poet, he painted his portrait.
He also painted the portraits of other dis-
tinguished men while in England. He had
begun painting an historical picture for
the national Capitol, representing Daniel
Boone in the wilds of Kentucky, at the
time of his death, in New York City, Jan.
17, 1846.

Inman, Henry, author; born in New
York, July 30, 1837; educated at the
Brooklyn public schools and Athenian
Academy, and is the author of The Old
Santa Fe Trail; Great Salt Lake Trail;
Tales of the Trail; The Ranch on the
Oxhide; Pioneer from Kentucky, etc. He
died in Topeka, Kan., Nov. 13, 1899.

Inman, William, naval officer; born in
Utica, N. Y., in 1 707 ; appointed midship-
man. United States navy, in 1812; pro-
moted to lieutenant, April 1, 1818; com-
mander in 1838; and captain in 1850.
In 1859-61 he commanded the West
African squadron, during which time he
succeeded in recapturing and liberating
nearly 4,000 slaves; and was promoted
commodore, and was retired, April 4, 1867.
He died in Philadelphia, Pa., Oct. 23, 1874.

Inness, Geoege, artist; born in Ne\\-
burg, N. Y., May 1, 1825; removed to New
York in 1845; studied art; and was
chosen a member of the National Acad-
emy in 1868. He was one of the greatest
landscape-painters America has produced.
His pictures include American Sunset;
Delatcare Water -Gap; View near Med-
field, Mass.; An Old Roadway, Long Isl-
and; and Under the Green Wood. He
died in Scotland Aug. 3, 1894.

Inness, Harry, jurist; born in Caro-
line county, Va., in 1752; was an ardent
patriot during the Revolutionary War;
superintendent of the mines from which
the Americans obtained their lead; ap-
pointed judge of the Supreme Court of
Virginia in 1783, and United States dis-
trict judge for Kentucky in 1787. His
enemies caused charges to be brought
against him in Congress in 1808, but
that body refused to take any action look-
ing to his impeachment. He died in
Frankfort, Ky., Sept. 20, 1816.

Insanity. Until 1840 the insane poor
in the United States were cared for al-
most exclusively by the township and
county authorities. It was estimated that

in 1833 there were 2,500 lunatics in jails
and other prisons, besides Lvmdreds in
the county poor-houses and private fam-
ilies. One of the very earliest asylums
for the insane was , that opened in 1797
at Bloomingdale, in the suburbs of New
York City, by the New York Hospital So-
ciety. To the labors of Miss Dorothea
L. Dix (q. V.) is largely due the establish-
ment of State asylums. Miss Dix de-
voted herself after 1837 to the investi-
gation of the subject, and visited every
State east of the Rocky Mountains, ap-
pealing to the State legislatures to pro-
vide for the care of the insane. In April,
1854, a bill appropriating 10,000,000 acres
of public lands to the several States for
the relief of the pauper insane, passed
by Congress under her appeals, was vetoed
by President Pierce. Her efforts, however,
led to the establishment of State insane
asylums, and it is now recognized as the
duty of each State to care for its insane.
New York State alone has fifteen corporate
institutions of this class. The following
statistics show the number of insane, etc.,
in the United States. Until 1850 there
were no reliable statistics:

Year.

Population of
U.S.

No. of Insane.

To each million of
inhabitants.

1850

21,191,876
31,443,321

38,558,371
50,155,783
62.622,250
70,303,387

15,610
24,642
37,432
91.997
105,252
106,485

673

1860

783

1870

18S0

1890

971
1,834
1,697
1 396

1900

Insolvency. See Bankruptcy Laws.

Inspection, Committees of. In many
of the present American States the class
known as Tories, or adherents of the
crown, were in a minority at the beginning
of the Revolutionary War, and in many
places suffered indignities, such as, if |
ofl'ensively active, receiving a covering of
tar and feathers, being carted around as
a public spectacle, and other abuses which
personal and political malignity could in-
flict. To prevent such disgraceful scenes,
which would lead to retaliation and the
rule of mob law, the Continental Congress
S]>ecially conunitted the oversight of Tories
and suspected persons to regularly ap-
pointed connnittees of inspection and ob-
servation for the several counties and dis-
tricts. The Tories were also exposed to
the dangers from the law, for the Whigs

INSTRUMENT OF GOVERNMENT— INSURANCE

had taken all power into their hands, and
required allegiance to State governments
from all the inhabitants. The consequence
was that many left the States and became
refugees in Great Britain or in its Ameri-
can provinces.

Instrument oi Government. See Gov-
ernment, Instrument of.

Insurance. The following is a brief
summary of the insurance business in the
United States in its principal forms: The
first fire insurance in the colonies was
written in Boston by the Sun Company
(English) in 1728. Some insurance was
done in Philadelphia in 1752. The first
fire insurance policy issued in the United
States was in Hartford, Conn., in 1794, un-
der the unofficial title of " Hartford Fire
Insurance Co." Sixteen years after, in
1810, the Hartford Fire Insurance Com-
pany was organized. From 1801-10 there
were 60 charters issued; 1811-20, 43;
1821-30, 149; 1831-40, 467; 1841-50, 401;
1851-60, 896; 1861-70, 1,041.

From Jan. 1, 1880, to Dec. 31, 1889,
property of the citizens of the United
States was insured against fire and ac-
cident on ocean, lake, and river, and by
tornado, to the amount of over $120,000,-
000,000, for premiums of $1,150,675,391,
and losses were paid of $647,726,051, being
56 per cent, of the premiums.

The condition and transactions of fire
companies doing business in the United
States on Jan. 1, 1903, were as follows:

between twelve and forty - five years
of age. In 1734 it guaranteed a divi-
dend for each deceased member not less
than £100. This was the first insurance
for a definite sum at death, whenever
that might occur. In 1762 the Equit-
able Assurance Society of London began
to rate members according to age. At the
close of the eighteenth century there were
eight companies transacting, in a more or
less complete form, the business of life in-
surance in Great Britain and Ireland. The
Presbyterian Annuity and Life Insurance
Company of Philadelphia, the first life in-
surance company in the United States, re-
ceived its charter from Thomas Penn in
1759. The Penn Company for Insurance
on Lives was chartered in 1812, and the
Massachusetts Hospital Life Insurance
Company, Boston, in 1818.

The assessment system of life insurance
is based on the plan of collecting assess-
ments on living members to pay death
losses as they occur. In this plan the as-
sessments during early years are less than
the premiums of regular companies; but
they increase rapidly, and often become
impossible to collect in later years. Since
its appearance (about 1865) as an in-
surance business, aside from fraternal
organizations, this system has rapidly ex-
tended.

The first accident insurance company
established in the United States was the
Traveler's, of Hartford, Conn., in 1863;

Number of Companies.

Cai'ital.

Assets Exclusive of
Premium Notes.

Net Surplus.

r:ish Premiums Re
ceived during Year.

Total Cash Income
during Year.

313 Stock 1

178 Mutual f

$70,537,743

$451,010,545

$171,390,162

$224,076,129

$242,819,167

Number of CoDipanies.

Paid for Losses
during: Year.

Paid for Diviilends
during Year.

Expenses other tIkli
Losses and Divi-
dends during Year-

313 Stock..
178 Mutiiiil.

J I $113,147,727 I $17,737,444 I $74,499,597

•il Disburse
Mits during
Year.

$205,384,768

Rislis Written
during Year

* $26,000,000,000

* Apprnximatinn Tho stntiptios of fire insiinnce l)nf=inpss in the Unitpd Ptntes are. W'th tlie excpptinn of the
e.<;tim;ito of lisk?; writtpii dur ng tlie vear, compilect from T'l'' Tnxurani')' V^-ar Bnnk. piil.lislii'il by The S|ioctator
roinpany Tlioy do not inrlmle the returns of a few slock companies ami some 600 mutualsand town and tounty
muluals" whose tran.SLCtions are purely local and individually of small volume.

In 1903 the aggregate property loss by
fires was estimated at $135,000,000, and the
aggregate insurance loss at $75,000,000.

i^ifc insurance was not known before
the sixteenth century. The first life in-
surance company, " The Amicable," was
established in London, England, in 1706,
and insured at uniform rates persons

the first steam-boiler insurance company,
Hartford. Conn., was chartered in 1866;
and plate-2flass was first insured in 1870.
]\Iost of the States have established de-
partments or bureaus of insurance, for the
supervision of the companies and the en-
forcement of the laws requiring their
solvency to be maintained. The mainten-

INSURRECTIONS— INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS

THt JONuiTION OF THE REGULAR I,EVEr, PREMIUM COMPANIES ON JAN. 1, 1903 AND THE BUSINESS
OF THE PRECEDING YEAR WERE AS FOLLOWS*:

No.
of

Assets.

Premiums
Received.

Total
Income.

Payments to
Policy-hulders
(Losses, Divi
dends. Surren-
ders, etc.)

Total Expen-
ditures.

New Policies Issued,

Policies in Force.

No. 1 Atnoont.

No. 1 Amount.

$2,091,832,851 |406,946,697 | *.iW.!,-.i.l>i:. | $lS»,bS3,1Jl | t.>n,vot,,^TJ

5,-iOV,-A>i 1 t2.338,734.4fi:i

i;.rtvil.43.i ijin.S05.3i)'?.. 18!

* Including industrial policies
I'HE FOLLOWING SHOWS THE CONDITION AND BUSINESS OF ASSESSMENT COMPANIES AND ORDERS*:

Assets.

Assessruents
Collected.

Total
Income.

Payments to
Policy-holders.

Total Expen-
ditures

Membership.

Insurai

ce in Force.

ol
Cos.

Admitted Dur-
ing the Year.

No. of
Members.

Amount.

770

$45,591,473

$90,040,589

$97,114,065

$72,793,886

$83,193,861

706,200

5,270,207

$6,530,360,368

* These figures are from the Illinois Life Insurance Report for 1900, and represent the combined business of the
assessment companies and fraternal orders. The assessment business having declined since 1896, these aggreg^ites
are nearly half those of that year.

The returns of life insurance in the first and third tables are from The Insurance Vear-Book, published by The
Spectator Company.

LIFE INSURANCE TABLE OF MORTALITY

AMERICAN

EXPERIENCE.

■So

5 £

-=•

□ •

■<J

Is.

■5>'

§•3

•<

•£>"

s 1,

(d._

U<g

100,000

749

7.49

48.72

78,862

756

9.59

28.90

43,133

2,243

52.00

9.47

99.251

746

7.52

48.08

78,106

765

9.79

28.18

40,890

2,321

56.76

8.97

1'2

98,.'J05

V43

7.54

47.45

77,341

774

10.01

27.45

38,569

2,391

61.99

8.48

97,762

740

7.57

46.80

76,567

785

10.25

26.72

36,178

2.448

67.67

8.00

97,022

V3V

7.60

46.16

75,782

797

10.52

26.00

33,730

2,487

73.73

7.55

96,285

735

7.63

45.50

74,985

812

10.83

25.27

31,243

2,505

80.18

7.11

95,550

732

7.66

44.85

74,173

828

11.16

24.. 54

28,738

2,501

87.03

6.68

94,818

729

7.69

44.19

73,345

848

11.56

23.81

26,237

2,476

94.37

6.27

94,089

V2V

7.73

43.53

72,497

870

12.00

23.08

23,761

2,431

102.31

5.88

93,362

725

7.77

42.87

71,627

896

12.51

22.36

21. .330

2,369

111.06

5.49

92,637

723

7.81

42.20

70,731

927

13.11

21.63

18,961

2,291

120.83

5.11

91,914

722

7.86

41.. 53

69,804

962

13.78

20.91

16,670

2,196

131.73

4.74

91,192

721

7.91

40.85

68,842

1,001

14.54

20.20

14,474

2,091

144.47

4.39

90.471

V2C

7.96

40.17

67,841

1,044

15.39

19.49

12,383

1,964

158.61

4.05

89,751

719

8.01

39.49

66,797

1,091

16.33

18.79

10,419

1,816

174.30

3.71

89,032

718

8.07

38.81

65,706

1,143

17.40

18.09

8,603

1,648

191.56

3.39

88,314

718

8.13

38.12

64,563

1,199

18.57

17.40

8,955

1,470

211.36

3.08

87,569

V18

8.20

37.43

63,364

1,260

19.89

16.72

5,485

1,292

235.55

2.77

86,878

718

8.26

36.73

62,104

1,325

21.34

16.05

4,193

1,114

265.68

2.47

86,160

719

8.35

36.03

60,779

1,394

22.94

15.39

3,079

933

303.02

2.18

8,5,441

'('20

8.43

35.33

,59,385

1,468

24.72

14.74

2,146

744

346.69

1.91

84,721

721

8.51

.34.63

57,917

1,546

26.69

14.10

1,402

555

395.86

1.66

84,000

723

8.61

33.92

56,371

1,628

28.88

13.47

847

385

454.55

1.42

83,277

726

8.72

33.21

54,743

1,713

31.29

12.86

462

246

532.47

1.19

82,551

729

8.83

32.. 50

53,030

1,800

33.94

12.26

216

137

634.26

.98

■db

81,822

TSI

8.95

31.78

51,230

1,889

36.87

11.67

734.18

.80

81,090

737

9.09

31.07

49,341

1,980

40.13

11.10

857.14

.64

80,353

742

9 23

30.35

47,361

2,070

43.71

10.54

1,000.00

.50

79,611

749

9.41

29.62

45,291

2,158

47.05

10.00

anee of these departments, and all ex-
penses of supervision are charged to the
companies. The New York Letrislature,
in 190.5, appointed a committee (Ann-
stronof, chairman; Hiijihes, counsel),
which made a thorough investijjation of
the life-insurance companies, eventuating
in much-needed remedial legislation in
1900.

Insurrections. See Rebellions ; Riots.

Interest. The table on opposite page
shows interest laws and statutes of limita-
tions of the various States in the Union.

Interior, Department of the. See
Cabinet, President's.

Internal Improvements. Millions of
acres of the public lands of the United
States have been granted to aid in the
construction of roads, canals, and rail-
ways ; and also for educational and other
purposes. The first acts of Congress for
the purpose of internal improvements
were two for the new State of Ohio, which
became laws on April 30, 1802, and March
.'5, 1803, respectively. Previous to that
there had been donations of land in favor

INTEREST LAWS— INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS

TABLE

SHOWING

INTEREST

LAWS AND STATUTES

OF LIMITATIONS.

Interest Laws.

statutes of
Limitations.

States and
Territories.

Luterest Laws.

Statutes of
Limitations.

Territories.

Legal
Rale.

Per ct.
8
6
T
7
8
6
6
6
8
7
7
5
6
6
6
6
5
6
6
6
5
6
6

Rate Allowed
by Contract.

JudK-
meats,
Years.

Notes,
Years

Open
Ac-
counts,
Years.

Legal Rate Allowed
Rate. 1 by Contract.

Judg-
ments,
Years.

Notes,
Years.

Open
Ac-
counts
Years

Alabama

Arkiinsas

Per ct.

Any rate.

20
10

5
lOtt

t
20
12
20

6
20
20
20(d)

5
15
10
20
12
20

6*
10

7
10
10(6)

6
{«)

611

5
10
10
10

5
15

611

6
10

3
3
3
2
6
6
3
3
2
4

5
6
5
3

6(a)

6§§

Nebraska

Per ct.
7
7
6
6
6
6
6
7
6
7
6
6
6g
7
7
6
6'
8
6
6
7
6
6
8

Per ct.
10

Any rate.

6
12

6tt

6
12

8
12
10

6
Any rate.

Any rate.

10
Any rate.

6
12

6
10
12

5t1:

6
20
20

7
20(t)
10
10

5tt

5(/)
20
10
10(1)
10
10«

8
20

6
10
10{i)

5(A.-)

6
15

6il

6
10

New Hampshire.

New Jersey

New Me.xico

New York

North Carolina..
North Dakota...
Ohio. .

Caliloruia

Colorado

Connecticut

Delaware

Dist. of Columbia.
Florida

6§§

211

Oklahoma

Idaho

Pennsylvania . ..
Rhode Island. . . .
South Carolina..
South Dakota...

Tennessee

Texas

Indiana

Kentucky

Louisiana

Maine

Utah .

Maryland

Massachusetts . . .

Michigan

Minnesota

Mississippi

Vermont

Virginia

Washington.

West Virginia. ..

Wisconsin

Wyoming

Montana

* Under seal. 10 years, t If made in State; if outside, 2 years, t No law and no decision regardingjudgments.
§ Unless adilTerent rate is expressly stipulated. II Under seal, 20 years.. H Store accounts; other accounts, 3
years, tt Xew York has by a recent law legalized any rate of interest on call loans of $5,000 or upward, on col-
lateral security, tt Becomes dormant, but may be revived. §§ Six years from last item, (a) Accounts between
merchants, 2 years. (6) In courts not of record, 5 years, [d) Twenty years in courts of record; in justice's
court, 10 years, (e) Negotiable notes, 6 years; non-negotiable, 17 years. (/) Ceases to be a lien after that period.
(h) On foreign judgments, 1 year, (i) Is a lien on real estate for only 10 years, {j) Any rate, but only 6 per cent,
can be collected at law. (^•) And indefinitely by having execution issue every 5 years. (/) Ten years foreign, 20
years domestic.

of various deserving persons. The grants to repay the government. On the same
to the inhabitants of Ohio were for the day (March, 1827) there was granted to
purpose of laying out public I'oads lead- Indiana a certain strip of land formerly
ing to the Ohio Eiver. Other grants were held by the Pottawattomie Indians, the
made from time to time for improvements proceeds of the sale thereof to be applied
in the Northvrest until 1824, when (May to building a road from Lake Michigan,
26) Congress authorized the State of Indi- via Indianapolis, to some convenient
ana to construct a canal, giving the right point on the Ohio River. March 3, 1827,
of way, with 90 feet of land on each a grant was made to Ohio of two sec-
side thereof. Nothing was done under tions of land along the entire line of a
the act; but in 1827 (March 2) two acts road to be constructed from Sandusky to
were passed, giving to Indiana and II- Columbus.

^inois, respectively, certain lands in aid May 23, 1828, a grant of 400,000 acres

of the construction of canals, the first of the "relinquished lands" in certain

to connect the navigation of the Wabash counties in Alabama was made in aid of

River with the waters of Lake Erie, and the improvement of the Tennessee and

the second to connect the waters of the other rivers in that State. In this grant

Illinois River with those of Lake Michi- was the first provision for indemnity in

gan. A quantity of land equal to one- case the grant was not full by reason of

half of five sections in width, on each prior sales or disposals by the govern-

side of the canals, was granted, reserv- ment. Similar grants were made from

ing to the United States each alternate time to time for like purposes. March 2,

section. It was not an absolute grant 1833, the State of Illinois was authorized

of land in fee, for. under certain restric- to apply the lands granted by the act of

tions, the States had a right to sell the March 2, 1827, for canal purposes to the

awards, and from the proceeds they were construction of a railway instead. This

INTEBNAL IMPROVEMENTS

was the first act looking to the con-
struction of a railway through the assist-
ance of land donations. The railroad sys-
tem was then in its infancy. The State
did not avail itself of the privilege, but
subsequently built a canal. March 2,
1835, a grant was made to aid the con-
struction of a railway in Florida. Suffi-
cient was given for the way — 30 feet of
land on each side — and the right to take

right of way through such portions of the
public lands as remained unsold — not to
exceed 80 feet in width — to the New
Orleans and Nashville Railroad Company.
This road was never completed. Next
came a grant to East Florida and other
railroads which were never constructed.
March 3, 1837, a grant was made to the
Atchafalaya Railroad and Banking Com-
pany, in Louisiana, similar to that to

GOVERNMFNT TOIL-GATE OV THF CUMBER
LAND ROAD.

and use the timber for 100 yards
on each side for the construction

and repairs of the road. This was the the New Orleans and Nashville Rail'oad.

first grant of the right of way for a rail- Aug. 8, 1846, an act granted lands in aid

road, the previous grant having been for of improvements of the Des Moines River,

a canal, July 2, 1830, an act granted the in Iowa, and the Fox and Wisconsin

INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS

rivers, in Wisconsin. These rivers, when to that given to Missouri in 1852. July
improved, were to remain highways for 1, 1862, the Union Pacific Kailroad Com-
the United States government forever, pany was created for the purpose of
free from toll. constructing and maintaining a railroad

The grant to the then Territory of Iowa and telegraph line from the Missouri
for the improvement of the Des Moines Eiver to the Pacific Ocean. They were
River led to long discussions as to the granted the right of way through the
extent of the grant, and to many legal public lands to the extent of 200 feet in
decisions. Finally, on March 22, 1858, width on each side of the line of the road,
the consent of Congress was given to ap- together with the necessary ground for
ply a portion of the grant to the con- stations, buildings, etc. They were also
struction of a railway. The rivers were granted in aid of the construction of the
not improved, but the railway was con- road every alternate section of public land
slructed — the Keokuk, Fort Des Moines, to the amount of five alternate sections a
and Minnesota Railroad. Sept. 20, 1850, mile on each side of the road, excepting
a grant was made to the State of Illinois mineral lands and all lands already dis-
of every alternate section of land, desig- posed of or reserved. Several other roads
nated by even numbers, for six sections were provided for on the same conditions,
in width, on each side of a railroad and which became known as the Central
branches thereof. This road, which was Pacific, Central Branch of the Union Pa-
built, is kno\\'n as the Illinois Central, cific, Kansas Pacific, and Sioux City and
Although this was not the first concession Pacific. It was a grant of 10 miles of
of land to a railway corporation, it land on each side of the road. By an act
granted specific sections instead of one- approved July 2, 1864, instead of five,
half of a certain number of sections, and ten sections were granted, making the
may be considered the initiatory measure area 20 miles on each side of these
of the system since adopted in making roads. The term mineral land was con-
grants in favor of railways. On June 10, strued not to mean coal or iron. By the
1852, a donation was made to the State same act a grant of 20 miles of land
of Missouri for the construction of certain was made to the Burlington and Missouri
railroads therein, afterwards known as River Railroad Company for the construc-
the Hannibal and St. Joseph, and the tion of a road from the Missouri River to
Misouri Pacific, south branch. This grant some point not farther west than the one
was similar in character and extent to hundredth meridian west longitude, to
that of the Illinois Central. In this, as connect with the Union Pacific road,
in the case of the Illinois Central, there March 3, 1864, a grant of land was made
was a provision for the reimbursement of to the State of Kansas to assist in con-
the United States for all the land sold, structing railroads within its borders, af-
Feb. 9, 1853, an act made a similar grant terwards known as the Atchison, Topeka,
to Arkansas. June 29, 1854, an act and Santa Fe; Leavenworth, Lawrence,
granted aid to Minnesota for construct- and Galveston ; and Missouri, Kansas, and
ing a railroad from the southern line of Texas railroads. In May, 1864, similar
that then Territory, via St. Paul, to its grants were made to the States of Minne-
eastern line, in the direction of Lake Su- sota, Wisconsin, and Iowa, and others soon
perior. For this purpose there were given followed to Arkansas, Missouri, Alabama,
each alternate section of land, designated Iowa, Michigan, Minnesota, and Kansas,
by odd numbers, for six sections in width The North Pacific Railroad Company was
on each side of said road. This act was created July 1, 1864, with grants similar
repealed in August following. to those of the Union Pacific, excepting

At various times in 1856 grants of double the extent of land, through the Ter-
land for similar purposes were made to ritories. July 27, 1866, grants were made
the States of Iowa, Florida, Alabama, to the Atlantic and Pacific, and the South-
Louisiana, Michigan, Wisconsin, and crn Pacific, on terms similar to those of
Mississippi. On March 3, 1856, a grant the Union Pacific. March 3, 1869, land
was made to Minnesota. All of these grants were made to the Denver Pacific
grants made in 1856 and 1857 were similar Railway; and bv act of March 3, 187 1,

INTERNAL REVENUE— INTERNATIONAL LAW

similar grants were made to the Southern
Pacific (branch line) and Texas and Pa-
cific. Many of the grants made in the
earlier years of the system were enlarged.
The aggregate amount of land granted is
more than 215,000,000 acres, but the
amount made available is not more than
187,000,000 acres. By the aid of these
grants over 15,000 miles of railroad have
been built. Their benefits have extended
to all parts of the country, and cannot
be estimated by values. See Canals;
Public Domain; Railroads.

Internal Revenue. The following table
shows the total collections of internal
revenue in the United States in the fiscal
year ending June 30, 1903, by States and
Territories:

States and Territories.

Alabama

Arkansas

California and Nevada. . . .

Colorado and Wyoming. . . .

Connecticut and Rhode Isl-
and

Florida

Georgia

Hawaii

Illinois

Indiana

Iowa

Kansas, Indian Territory,
and Oklahoma

Kentucky

Louisiana and Mississippi. .

Maryland, Delaware, Dis
trict of Columbia, and two
Virginia districts

Massachusetts

Michigan

Minnesota

Missouri

Montana, Idaho, and Utah..

Nebraska, and North and
South Dakota

New Hampshire, Maine, and
Vermont

New Jersey

New Mexico and Arizona. . .

New York

North Carolina

Ohio

Oregon, Washington, and
Alaska ■

Pennsylvania

South Carolina

Tennessee

Texas

Virginia

West Virginia

Wisconsin

Aggregate
Collections.

Total

1323,135.62

109,322.32

3,069,990.31

568,713.37

1,865,550.10

719,400.39

425,591.16

40,090.52

50,562,455.25

28,183,610.08

835,487.90

311,403.23

21,115,626.21

2,890,648.17

5,612,791.16
3,567,075.54
4,044,317.94
1,465,570.62
8,948.547.13
436,378.93

2,471,381.68

591,025.13

5,998,058.98

78,971.41

26,749,648.18

4,248,341.07

20,979,333.19

812,766.75
18,890,389.88

616.800.33
1,661,300.15

667,670.22
3,433,249.51
1,114,230.78
7,332,052.01

$230,740,925.22

The table on opposite page gives a sum-

mary of such receipts in the period 1880-
1903, both inclusive, with principal
sources.

The re-imposition of adhesive stamps in
1898 was provided for in the War Reve-
nue Act of that year. The war revenue
and the receipts of the national treasury
from other sources having been much
larger than was anticipated, and having
produced a surplus largely in excess of
the actual financial needs of the country.
Congress adopted a conference report on
a bill to reduce the war revenue on Feb.
28, 1901, to go into effect on July 1
next ensuing. The revenue reduction was
expected to amount to $42,165,000 per an-
num, the repeal of various stamp taxes
and a few changes in the existing law
concerning specified articles being esti-
mated to make the following itemized re-
ductions:

Commercial brokers, $138,000; certifi-
cates of deposits, $200,000; promissory
notes, $3,500,000; bills of lading for ex-
port, $100,000; telegraphic despatches,
$800,000; telephone messages, $315,000;
bonds other than indemnity, $25,000; cer-
tificates not otherwise specified, $200,000;
charter party, $100,000; conveyances,
$1,750,000: insurance, $3,000,000; leases,
$200,000; mortgages, $500,000; passage
tickets, $100,000; power of attorney, $100,-
000; protests, $25,000; warehouse re-
ceipts, $250,000; express receipts, $800,-
000 ; proprietary medicines, cosmetics, and
chewing-gum, $3,950,000; legacies, $500,-
000; cigars, $3,100,000; tobacco, $7,000,-
000; small cigars and cigarettes, $500,-
000; beer, $9,800,000; bank checks, $7,-
000,000; foreign bills of exchange, $50,-
000 ; money orders, $602,000 ; manifest for
Custom House, $60,000.

International Arbitration. See Arbt-
TijATioN, International.

International Law, the name now
given to what was formerly known as the
Law of Nations. It is believed to have
originated in the Middle Ages, and to
have been first applied for the purpose
of regulating commercial transactions.
From this fact it took the name of " com-
mercial law," and subsequently was ex-
tended to transactions other than com-
mercial of an international character. To-
day the aim of international law is to
prevent war. The distinctive features of

INTERNAL REVENUE RECEIPTS— INTREPID

SUMMARV OF INTERNAL BKVENUE RECEIPTS IN 1880-1908

Biscal Y8IU8.

Spirits.

Tobacco.

Ferinonled
Liquors.

Banks and
Banlsers.

Miscellaneous.

Adhesire
Stamps.

Collectious

Under Repealed

Laws

1880

$01,185,509
67,153,975
09,873,408
74,308,775
70,905,385
67,511,209
09,092,200
65,760,076
69,287,431
74,302,887
81,682,970
83,335,964
91,309,984
94,712,938
85,259,252
79,862,627
80,670,071
82,008,643
92,547,000
99,283,534
109,868,817
131.953,472

$38,870,149
42,854,991
47,391,989
42,104,250
26,062,400
26,407,088
27,907,363
30,083,710
30,636,076
31,862,195
33,949,998
3:^,796,271
31,000,493
31,843,556
28,617,899
29,707,908
30,711,629
30,710,297
30,230,522
52,493,208
59,356,084
43.. '514,810

$12,829,803
13,700,241
10,153,920
16,900,616
18,084,954
18,230,782
19,076,731
21,918,213
23,324,218
23,723,835
26,008,535
28,565,130
30,037,453
32,527,424
31,414,788
31,640,618
33,784,235
32,472,162
39,516,421
68,644,658
73,650,764
47,547,856

$3,350,985
3,762,208
5,253,458
3,748,995

' 4,288

4,203

6,179

""135

1,180

.'M61

P.99

$383,755

231,078

199,830

305,803

289,144

222,681

194,422

219,058

154,970

83,893

135,555

256,214

239,532

166,915

1,876,609

1,960,794

1,664,545

1,426,500

2,572,696

9,226,453

11,575,626

6.827,303

$7,068,394
7,924,708
7,570,109
7,053,053

'"'

79*4',418
43,837,819
40,904,365

ia8i

$152,163

IS82

7 8,. 569

1883

71,852

I8a4

205,008

1885

49,361

1880

32,087

1887

29,283

1888

9,548

1889

1890

1891

1892

1893

1894

1895

1897

1899

1903

Of the receipts in 1900 classed as " Miscellaneous,'' $2,884,492 was from legacies : $4..'il5,041 from special taxes
on bankers, billiarU-rooms, brokers, and e.xhibitious ; and $1,079,405 from exrise ta.x on gross receipts, under the
War Revenue law of I8'.)8 ; $2,543,785 from oleomargarine ; $331,011 from playing cards ; $193,721 from penalties;
and $17,064 from filled cheese.

See Bimetallism; Evarts, William
Maxwell.

International Order of the King's
Daughters and Sons, a religious order
consisting of small circles of men, women,
and children. It is non-sectarian, and
its members may be found in nearly all
churches and in nearly every country. It
was established in New York City in 1886
by a circle of ten women. Its aim is to
help the needy and suffering, to consider
the poor, and to engage in all good works.
Ihe members wear a small silver badge in
the shape of a cross, bearing the letters
I. H. N. on one side, and the date 1880
on the other. In 1900 it was estimated
that the society numbered more than
500,000 members. It ranks among the
strongest and most useful societies in the
world. The headquarters are at 156 Fifth
Avenue, New York. In 1900 the officers
were: President, Mrs. F. Bottome; vice-
president, Miss Kate Bond; general sec-
retary, Mrs. Mary L. Dickinson; treas-
urer, Mrs. J. C. Davis; recording secre-
tary, Mrs. Robert Sturgis ; and correspond-
ing secretary, Mrs. Isabella Charles Davis.

Interoceanic Ship Canal. See Nica-
ragua Caxal; Paxama Canal.

Intrepid, The. The ketch Intrepid,
used in the destruction of the Philadel-
phia {q. v.), had been converted into a
floating mine for the purpose of destroy-
ing the piratical cruisers in the harbor

international law may be summarized in
brief as follows: First, that every nation
possesses an exclusive sovereignty and
jurisdiction in its own territory; second,
that no State or nation can by its law di-
rectly affect or bind property out of its
own territory, or persons not resident
therein, natural born subjects or others;
third, that whatever force the laws of
one country have in another depends sole-
ly on the municipal laws of the latter.

There have been numerous congresses
of international law experts for the pur-
pose of simplifying and making more def-
inite the obligations which one country
owes to another, and in these congresses
the United States has occupied a con-
spicuous place. The Association for the
Reform and Codification of the Law of
Nations held its first session in Brussels,
Oct. 10, 1873, and subsequent ones were
held in Geneva, The Hague, Bremen,
Antwerp, Frankfort. London, Berne,
Cologne, Turin, and Milan. An Institute
of International Law was organized in
Ghent in 1873, and has since held numer-
ous sessions in various cities of Europe,
The most conspicuous action of the nations
concerning the abolition of international
hostilities was taken in the Peace Con-
ference at The Hague, in 1899, to which
the United States was also a party. See
Codes; Field, Davtd Dudley.

International Monetary Conference.

INTREPID— INUNDATIONS

of Tripoli. In a room below deck 100 company engaged in the perilous enter-
barrels of gunpowder were' placed, and prise. The Intrepid entered the harbor
immediately above them a large quantity at nine o'clock in the evening. The night
of shot, shell, and irregular pieces of was very dark. Many eager eyes were
iron were deposited. Combustibles were turned towards the spot where her shad-
placed in other parts of the vessel. On o\vj form was last seen. Suddenly a
the night of Sept. 3, 1804, the Intrepid fierce and lurid light streamed up from

the dark waters like
volcanic fires and il-
luminated the sur-
rounding objects with
its lurid glare — rocks,
flotilla, castle, town,
and the broad bosom
of the harbor. This
was followed by an
instant explosion,

and for a few mo-
ments flaming masts
and sails and fiery
bomb - shells rained
upon the waters,
when suddenly all was
again dark. Anxious-
ly the companions of
the intrepid men
who went into the
harbor awaited their
return. They never
came back. What
was the cause of the
premature explosion
that destroyed vessels
and men will never be
known. The belief
was that the ketch
was captured by the
Tripolitans on the
M-atch, and that Som-
ors, preferring death
to miserable captiv-
ity, had himself ap-
plied a lighted match
to the powder. A
fine monument, erect
ed to the memory of
the slain men and the
event, formerly stood
was lowed into the harbor by two boats, at the western front of the national
the whole under the command of Captain Capitol, but is now in front of the Naval
Somers, attended by Lieutenant Wads- Academy at Annapolis,
worth, of the Constitution, and Mr. Israel, Inundations. For a long period of
an ardent young man who got on board time the principal inundations in the
the Intrepid by stealth. These, with a United States were caused by the over-
few men to work the torpedo- vessel, and flowing of the banks of the Mississippi
the crews of the boats, constituted the River. The record of these disasters, al-

INTREPID MEMKNTO AT AN'VAPOLIS.

INUNDATIONS

DEVASTATION CAUSED BY FLOOD IN JOHNSTOWN, PA.

though not containing many individual
cases, is a distressing one because of the
vast amount of property destroyed and
the large number of lives lost. The fol-
lowing briefly summarizes the most nota-
ble inundations in the United States:

1816. — The White Mountain region in
New Hampshire was flooded by a deluge
of rain after a drought of two years.
Several valleys were completely under
water, and large tracts of forests were
torn from the ground and washed down
the mountain sides.

IS/fO, May J2. — A flood in New Orleans
spread over 160 squares and submerged
1,600 buildings.

187Ji, May 16. — The bursting of a reser-
voir on Mill River, near Northampton,
]\Iass., caused the destruction of several
villages in the valley and the loss of 144
lives.

187ft, July 2). — A waterspout burst in
Eureka, Nev., and with the attendant
heavy rains caiised a loss of between twen-
ty and thirty lives.

ISlIf, July 26. — An unusual fall of rain

caused the overflow of the rivers in west-
ern Pennsylvania and the loss of 220
lives.

1881, June 12. — Disastrous floods be-
gan in Iowa, Kansas, Minnesota, and Mis-
souri, lasting several days, and causing
the destruction of much property.

1882, Feb. 22.— The valleys of" the Ohio
and Mississippi rivers were flooded, and
the loss of life and property was so great
that the governor of Mississippi made a
public appeal for help.

1883, Fehruary. — Portions of Pennsyl-
vania, Ohio, and Kentucky were visited by
a disastrous flood, which was most severe
at Cincinnati, lasting several days.

188li, Fehruary. — The Ohio River over-
flowed its banks, causing the loss of fif-
teen lives and rendering 5,000 people
homeless.

1886, Jan. 5. — Pennsylvania. New York,
and several of the New England States
were visited by floods, and great damage
was done to property.

1886, Aug. 20. — A storm in Texas was
followed by a flood, which was particular-

INUNDATIONS— IOWA

ly disastrous in Galveston, where twenty-
eight lives were lost and property dam-
aged to the extent of more than $5,000,-
000.

1889, May SI.— The rising of the Cone-
maugh River, in Pennsylvania, under in-
cessant rain, caused the breaking of the
dam about 18 miles above Johnstown. The
great mass of water rushed down to the
city in seven minutes, and at the Pennsyl-
vania Eailroad bridge, near the city, it
became dammed up, greatly increasing the
loss of life and collecting a large mass of
debris, which afterwards took fire and
added further to the destruction. Official
reports after the disaster placed the total
number of lives lost at ^;142, and the
value of property destroyed at $9,674,105.
Nearly $3,000,000 was raised for the re-
lief of the sufferers, contributions being
sent from nearly every State and large
city in the United States, and from sev-
eral cities in Europe. In the distribution
of the relief, the sum of $1,500 was given
to each of 124 women made widows, and
$50 annually till they should reach the
age of sixteen was assigned to each of
965 children made orphans or half-
orphans.

1890, March and April. — The levees of
the Mississippi River gave way in many
places and the waters flooded large areas
of land in Mississippi and Louisiana. The
worst crevasse was caused by the giving
way of the Morgansea, near Bayou Sara,
v/hich had been built by the federal and
State governments at a cost of about
$250,000.

1900, Sept. 6-9. — A tropical hurricane
visiting the Southern coast spent its fury
at and near Galveston, Tex., on Sept. 9.
The loss of life and property here was the
largest ever reported in the history of the
United States from this cause, the loss
of life being officially estimated at about
7,000, and the value of property destroyed
about $30,000,000. The latter included
the United States military post. The re-
lief contributions from various sources in
the United States and Europe amounted
to over $1,500,000.

1901, June 22. — A cloudburst occurred
near the headwaters of the Elkhorn and
Dry Fork rivers, whose confluence form
the main Tug River in the Flat Top coal
region of West Virginia. A disastrous

flood ensued, causing the loss of many lives
and the destruction of a large amount of
property. The consequent distress was
such that Governor White appealed to the
citizens of the State for relief for the
sufferers.

Investigating Committees. The first
investigating committee appointed by
Congress was in the case of the defeat of
Gen. Abthub St. Claik (q. v.). It was
a special committee, empowered to send
for persons and papers. Their call upon
the War Department for all papers relating
to the affair first raised the question of
the extent of the authority of the House
in such matters. The cabinet unanimous-
ly agreed that the House had no power
to call on the head of any department for
any public paper except through the Presi-
dent, in whose discretion it rested to fur-
nish such papers as the public good might
seem to require and admit, and that all
such calls must be made by a special
resolution of the House, the power to
make them being an authority which
could not be delegated to any committee.
This decision of the cabinet estab-
lished the method ever since practised
of calling upon the President for public
papers.

Iowa was originally a part of the vast
Territory of Louisiana, ceded to the United
States in 1803. The first settlement by
PJuropeans was made by Julian Du Buque,
who, in 1788, obtained a grant of a large
tract, including the site of the city of
Dubuque and the mineral lands around
it. There he built a fort, and manufact-
ured lead and traded with Indians until
his death, in 1810. The Territory was
placed under the jurisdiction of Michigan
in 1834, and in 1836 under that of Wis-
consin. It was erected into a separate
Territory June 12, 1838, and included all
the country north of Missouri between the
Mississippi and the Missouri and the
British line. This comprised a greater
part of Minnesota and the whole of the
present Dakotas, with an area of 94.000
square miles. The government was estab-
lished at Iowa City, in 1839. In 1844 a
State constitution was formed, but an ap-
plication for admission into the Union
was denied. The admission was effected
Dec. 28, 1846, and in 1857 the capital was
established at Des Moines. This State,

IOWA— IREDELL

lying westward of the Mississippi River,
with a population of nearly 700,000 and a
loyal governor ( Samuel J. Kirkwood ) ,
was quick to perceive the needs of the na-
tional government in its struggle with its
enemies, and was lavish in its aid. When
the President called for troops (April,
1861) the governor said, "In this emer-
gency Iowa must not and does not occupy

The population in 1890 was 1,911.890,
in 1900, 2,231,853. See U. S., Iowa, vol. ix.

GOVERNORS— TERRITORIAL.

Robert Lucas assumes office July, 1838

John Chambers " " ik41

James Clark " " ia45

GOVERNORS— STATE.

Ansel Briggs assumes

Stephen Hempstead.
Jiimes W. Grimes... ''

office

Dec

184fi

, 18.00
1854

Ralph P. Lowe

Samuel J. Kirkwood "
William M. Stone... "

Samuel Merrill "

C. C. Carpenter "

:: ••• •

Jan.

1860
1864
1868

1872

SamuelJ. Kirkwood "

1876

Joshua G. Newbold.actin<'. . .

John H. Gear assumes

1878

Buren R. Sherman.. "

1882

William Larrabee. .. "

1886

Frank D. Jackson... "

1894

Francis M. Drake. .. "
Leslie M. Shaw "

il ••• *

1896
1898

Albert B. Cummins.. "

190?,

UNITED STATES SENATORS.

Name.

STATE SEAL OP IOWA.

^0. of Congress

Date.

1859

1K65
18(59
18(;7
187a
1871
1877

1881
1883
1895
1900

Augustus C. Dodge 30lh to Xid 1848 to 1855

George W. Jones 30th " 3(iih 1848

James Harlan 34th " 38lh 18.55

James W. Grimes 3Gtli " 40th 1859

Samuel J. Kirkwood 8'.)th 18ti5

James Harlan 40th to 43d 18e;7

James B. Howell 41st 18(i9

George G. Wright 4'.;d to 44th 1871

J ,,j, , ... TT, .1 TT • William B. Alli.sou 43d 1873

a doubtful position. For the Union as samuel J. Kirkwood 45th to 4(;th 1877

our fathers formed it, and for the govern- James W. McDill 47th I88i

, ,, „ J . , 1 ,, James F. Wilson 4Sth to 54th 1883

ment they framed so wisely and so well, johnH.Gear 53d ■• 56th 1895

the people of Iowa are ready to pledge Jonathan p. DoUiver 56th" 1900

every fighting-man in the State and every '

dollar of her money and credit." That Iredell, James, jurist ; born in Lewes,
pledge Avas redeemed by sending over 75,- England, Oct. 5, 1750; emigrated to North
000 men to the front. The present con- Carolina in 1767; admitted to the bar in
stitution of Iowa was framed by a con- 1775; was elected judge of the Superior
vention at Iowa City early in 1857, and Court in 1777; appointed attorney-general
was ratified Aug. 3. The clause confining in 1779; and judge of the Supreme Court
the privilege of the elective franchise to in 1790. He died in Edenton, N. C, Oct.
white citizens was stricken out by act of 20, 1799.

the legislature, and was ratified by the Iredell, James, lawyer ; born in Eden-
people in 1868. ton, N. C, Nov. 2, 1788; son of James Ire-
111 1903 Iowa ranked as the second corn- dell; graduated at Princeton College in
producing State in the country, with an 1806; served in the War of 1812; aided
output of 229,218,220 bushels, valued at in the defence of Craney Island; elected
$87,102,924; the second in hay; and the governor of North Carolina in 1827, and
second in oats. The equalized valuation served out an unexpired term in the
of all taxable property was $637,937,386; United States Senate in 1828-31. His
and the State had no bonded debt. In publications include a Treatise on the Law
1900 the State had 14,819 manufacturing of Executors and Administrators ; and a
establishments, with $102,733,103 capital; Difjest of all the Reported Cases in the
58,553 wage-earners; paying $23,931,680 Courts of North Carolina, 1778 to 1845.
for wages, $101,170,357 for materials, He died in Edenton, N. C, April IS,
products valued at $164,617,877. 18o3.

<53

IRELAND

Ireland. The bold stand taken by the a resolution which made the country
Americans early in 1775 made the British virtually free.

ministry afraid of like movements in Ireland, which had been more oppressed
Ireland, where the Protestant minority by British rule than the American colo-
had hitherto been employed to keep the nies, had, at the beginning of the contest
majority, who were Roman Catholics, in between the latter and Great Britain,
subjection. That majority, amounting to shown peculiar subserviency to its polit-
seven-eighths of the entire population, ical master. When news of the affairs
were not only deprived of all political at Lexington and Bunker Hill reached
privileges, but were subjected to a great that country, the Irish Parliament voted
many rigorous and cruel restraints, de- that they " heard of the rebellion with
signed to keep them ignorant, poor, and abhorrence, and were ready to show to
helpless. Even the Protestants in Ireland the world their attachment to the sacred
were not allowed an equality with their person of the King." Taking advantage
fellow-subjects in England. Their Parlia- of this expressed loyalty. Lord North
ment did not possess the rights enjoyed obtained leave to send 4,000 able-bodied
by the American colonial assemblies; and men to America as a part of the British
Ireland, in matters of trade, was treated army. The strongest and best of the Irish
very much like a foreign country. The army were selected, and eight regiments
idea of political liberty aroused in the were shipped for America. This left Ire-
colonies was already sowing the seeds of land almost defenceless. Its Parliament
revolution in Ireland, and it was judged offered to organize a national militia,
expedient to conciliate the Irish by just which Lord North refused to accept, and,
legislation that should relax the harsh instead of a militia, organized and con-
commercial restrictions. This, however, trolled by the British government, self-
was done so sparingly that it fell far formed bands of volunteers sprang up
short of accomplishing permanent good, all over Ireland. North saw his blunder.
Indeed, it was regarded as a delusive, and had a militia bill enacted. But it
temporizing policy, and the attitude of was too late; the Irish Parliament pre-
the Irish people, encouraged by that of ferred the volunteers, supported by the
the Americans, even became more threat- Irish themselves. Meanwhile the eloquent,
ening than ever. The Catholic Relief Bill patriotic, and incorruptible Henry Grat-
of 1778 had made the Irish, for the first tan had become a member of the Irish Par-
time in their history, one people; "all liament, and he was principally the agent
sects, all ranks, all races — the nobleman that kindled the fire of patriotic zeal in
and the merchant, the Catholic and the Ireland that was burning so brightly in
Protestant, the Churchman and the Dis- America. In 1779, though only thirty-
senter, he who boasted of his pure native three years of age, he led the Irish Parlia-
lineage and he who was as proud of the ment in demanding reforms. He moved an
Saxon or Norman blood that flowed in amendment to the address to the King
his veins — rushed together to the vindi- that the nation could be saved only by
cation of the liberties of their common free-trade, and it was adopted by unani-
country;" and, at the beginning of the mous vote. New taxes were refused. The
year, beheld them embodied to the num- ordinary supplies usually granted for two
ber of 80,000 volunteers. The British years were granted for six months,
government dared not refuse the arms Throughout the little kingdom an inex-
which they demanded to repel a threat- tinguishable sentiment of nationality was
ened invasion from France. The fiery aroused. Alarmed by the threatening at-
Grattan was then leader in the Irish titude, the British Parliament, in 1781,
Parliament. " I never will be satisfied," conceded to the dependent kingdom its
he exclaimed in debate, " so long as the claims to commercial equality,
meanest cottager- in Ireland has a link The volunteer army of Ireland, com-
of the British chain clanking to h's rags: manded by officers of their own choice,
he may be naked— he shall not be in amounted to about 50.000 at the close of
irons." The Irish Parliament acted in the war with America (1782). They
accordance with this spirit, and adopted were united under one general-in-chiof.

IRELAND

Feeling strong in the right and in its ma-
terial and moral vitality at the moment,
and encouraged by the success of the
Americans, Ireland demanded reforms for
herself. The viceroy reported that unless
it was determined that the knot which
bound the two countries should be severed
forever, the points required by the Irish
Parliament must be conceded. It was a
critical moment. Eden, who was secre-
tary for Ireland, proposed the repeal of
the act of George I. which asserted the
right of the Parliament of Great Britain
to make laws to bind the people and the
kingdom of Ireland — the right claimed for
I'arliament which drove the Americans to
war — and the Eockingham ministry adopt-
ed and carried the important measure.
Appeals from the courts of Ireland to the
British House of Peers were abolished ;
the restraints on independent legislation
were done away with, and Ireland, still
owing allegiance to Great Britain, ob-
tained the independence of its Parliament.
This was the fruit of the war for inde-
pendence in America. The people of Ire-
land owed the vindication of their rights
to the patriots of the United States ; but
their gratitude took the direction of their
complained-of oppressor, and their legis-
lature voted $500,000 for the levy of 20,000
seamen to strengthen the royal navy,
whose ships had not yet been withdrawn
from American waters, and which, with
an army, were still menacing the liberties
of the Americans.

Ireland, John, clergyman; born in
Burnchurch, County Kilkenny, Ireland,
Sept. 11, 18.38. When nine years old he
came to the United States and received
a primary education in the Catholic
schools of St. Paul, Minn. In 1853 he
went to France and took a preparatory
course in the Meximieux Seminary, after
which he received his theological train-
ing in the seminary of Hyeres. On Dec.
21, 1861, he was ordained a priest, and
for a while served in the Civil War as
chaplain of the 5th Minnesota Regiment.
Later he was made rector of the St. Paul
Cathedral. In 1870-71 he represented
Bishop Grace of St. Paul in the Vatican
Council in Rome. Subsequently the Pope
named him Bishop of Maronea and coad-
jutor to Bishop Grace, and he was con-
Rfcrated Dec. 21, 1875. He succeeded to

the see of St. Paul on July 31, 1884, and
was made archbishop on May 15, 1888.
From early youth he was a strong advo-
cate of temperance. In 1869 he estab-
lished the first total abstinence society in
Minnesota. He also became active in col-
onizing the Northwest with Roman Catho-
lics. In 1887 he went to Rome with Bish-
op Keane, of Richmond, for the purpose of
placing before the Pope the need of a
Roman Catholic University at Washing-
ton, D. C, which has since been estab-
lished under the name of the Catholic

ARCHBISHOP JOHX IRELAND.

University of America. In 1891 a mem-
orable controversy arose over the action
of a Roman Catholic priest in Faribault,
Minn., in transferring the parochial school
to the control of the public school board.
The transfer and the conditions were ap-
proved by Archbishop Ireland, and the
experiment became known as the " Fari-
bault Plan." The conditions in brief were
that the city should bear all the expenses
of the school ; that the text-books and
general management should be the same
as in the public schools; that the priest
sl'.ould have the right of nominating

IRELAND, JOHN

teachers for the school of his own religious
denomination, who would be subject to
the required examination; and that no
religious exercises, instruction, nor em-
blems should be permitted in the school.
This plan was also adopted in Stillwater,
Minn. Soon, however, bishops in other
parts of the country, who disapproved of
the scheme, complained at Rome that
Archbishop Ireland was disregarding the
ecclesiastical law as expressed by the
plenary councils of Baltimore. Archbishop
Corrigan, of New York, was one of the
leaders of this opposition. Archbishop
Ireland was summoned to Rome, and
after a long examination of the plan it
was approved by the Congregation of
the Propaganda in its decree of April
30, 1892.

Lafayette and America. — On July 4,
1900, a statue of Lafayette, the cost of
which had been raised by the school chil-
dren of the United States, was unveiled
in Paris and formally presented to the
French people. Archbishop Ireland was
selected to deliver the oration on the occa-
sion, and on being informed of this Presi-
dent McKinley addressed him the follow-
ing letter:

" Executive Mansion,
" Washington, June 11.

" Dear Sir, — Within a few clays I have ap-
proved a resolution of Congress which voices
in fitting terms the profound sympathy with
which our people regard the presentation to
France by the youth of America of a statue
of General Lafayette. It has given me much
pleasure to learn that you have been selected
to deliver the address on this most interest-
ing occasion.

" No more eminent representative of Amer-
ican eloquence and patriotism could have been
chosen, and none who could better give ap-
propriate expi-ession to the sentiments of
gratitude and affection which bind our peo-
ple to France.

" I will be grateful if you will say how
we honor in our national capital the statue
of Lafayette erected by the French people,
and convey my hope that the presentation of
a similar memorial of that knightly soldier,
whom both republics are proud to claim, may
serve as a new Ilnl< of friendship between the
two countries, and a new incentive to gener-
ous rivalry in striving for the good of man-
liind. Vei'y sincerely yours.

" William McKinley.
" Most Rev. .Tolin Ireland, Archbishop of Si.
I*aul, St. Paul, Minn."

The following is the principal part of
the oration :

To-day a nation speaks her gratitude
to a nation; America proclaims her re-
membrance of priceless favors .conferred
upon her by France. We speak to France
in the name of America, under commis-
sion from her chief magistrate, William
McKinley, from her Senate and House
of Representatives, from her youths who
throng her schools, and from the tens
of millions of her people who rejoice in the
rich inheritance won in years past by the
allied armies of France and America.
We are bidden by America to give in the
hearing of the world testimony of her
gratitude to France.

Once weak and poor, in sore need of
sympathy and succor, to-day the peer of
the mightiest, self-sufficing, asking for
naught save the respect and friendship
to which her merits may entitle her, the
republic of the United States of America
holds in loving remembrance the nation
from which in the days of her dire ne-
cessity there came to her powerful and
chivalrous support. Noble men and noble
nations forgive injuries ; they never for-
get favors.

There is a land which is above all other
lands the land of chivalry, of noble im-
pulse and generous sacrifice, the land of
devotion to ideals. At the call of a high-
born principle her sons, with souls at-
tuned by nature to the harmonies of the
true and the beautiful, leap instinctive-
ly into the arena, resolved at any cost
to render such principle a reality in the
life-current of humanity. The pages of
its history are glistening with the names
of heroes and martyrs, of knightly sol-
diers and saintly missionaries. It is of
I'rance I speak.

At the close of the last century France
■was, more than ever, ready to hearken
io an appeal made in the name of hu-
man rights. The spirit of liberty was
I'.overing over the land, never again to
depart from it, even if for a time baf-
fled in its aspirations by the excesses of
friends or the oppression of foes. To
I-'rance America turned and spoke her
hopes and fears ; her messengers plead-
ed her cause in Paris : quick and generous
^vas the response which France gave to
the appeal.

Gilbert du Molier, IMarquis de Lafay-
ette! Oh, that words of mine could ex-

IRELAND, JOHN

press the full burning love which our
IJevolutionary sires did bear to this il-
lustrious son of old Auvergne! Oh, that
I could pronounce his name with the rev-
erence with which my countrymen across
the sea wish me to pronounce it before
the people of France! In America two
names are the idols of our national wor-
ship, the burden of fireside tale, the in-
spiration of the poet's song, the theme
of the orator's discourse: the name of him
who was the Father of his Country —
George Washington ; and the name of him
who was the true and trusty friend of
\>'ashington, Gilbert du Motier, Marquis
de Lafayette.

Strange were it if America did not
cherish the name of Lafayette. He loved
America. " From the moment that I
heard the name of America," said he,
" I loved her ; from the moment I learned
of her struggles for liberty, I was inflamed
with the desire of shedding my blood for
her." He understood, above most men of
his time, the full significance of America's
contest. " Never," said he, " had so noble
a purpose offered itself to the judgment of
men; it was the last struggle for liberty,
and its defeat would have left freedom
without a home and without hopes." His
devotion to America was as unselfish as
it was intense. " I offer myself," he
wrote, " to serve the United States with
all possible zeal without pension or allow-
ance."

Wealth and rank, the favors of court
and king, high distinction in the service
of his own country, the endearments of
wife and child — all that ambition could
covet or opportunity promise, the youth
of nineteen simuners piit resolutely aside
to cast his lot with a far-off people bat-
tling against fearful odds — and that at a
moment when their fortunes were at their
lowest ebb, and hope had wellnigh aban-
doned their standard. When the agent of
America in France sadly confessed that
he was even unable to furnish a ship to
carry him and other volunteers, Lafayette
said: "I will buy a ship and take your
men with me."

By his magnanimity of soul, and by his
grace of manner, not less than by his mili-
tary prowess, he won all hearts and be-
came the idol of the American army. He
proved himself to the inmost fibre of his

soul an American, as proud of America
as the proudest of her patriots, the
champion before all contestants of her
honor and her fair name. More cheerfully
even than his American companions in
arms he bore the terrible hardships of the
war; again and again he pledged his per-
sonal fortune to buy food and clothing for
his men, who knew him by the familiar
appellation of " The Marquis, the soldiers'
friend." In camp and in battle his in-
fluence was boundless; a word of cheer
from his lips roused the drooping spirits
of his soldiers ; a word of command sent
them headlong against the enemy. A
visitor to the American camp, the Marquis
de Chastellux, could not help remarking
that Lafayette was never spoken of with-
out manifest tokens of attachment and
aiTection.

But much as Lafayette deserves and re-
ceives our love and honor in return for
his personal services in the cause of Amer-
ica, his chief title to the gratitude of our
people is that his heroic figure ever looms
up before their entranced fancy as the
symbol of the magnanimity which France
as a nation displayed towards our country
in her laborious struggle for life and lib-
erty. The value of the aid given to us
by France in our war for independence is
inestimable. The joy which the memory
of it awakens in our souls is that which
comes to us through the consciousness of
our national life itself. France stood
first sponsor for our nationhood. We
entered into the great family of nations
leaning on her arm, radiant with the re-
flection of her histrionic splendor, and
strong in the protection of her titanic
stature. When Franklin stood in the
palace of Versailles, the acknowledged en-
voy of America, and Gerard de Rayneval,
as the minister of France, saluted the
Congress of America at Philadelphia, the
young republic thrilled with new life and
leaped at once into a full sense of security
and a true consciousness of her dignity.

Let historians relate as they will that
the King and minister of France saw in
the revolt of the American colonies, and
in the assistance that might be given
them, an opportunity for France to
avenge the humiliation of the tveaty of
1763. It is not for us to demand that
statesmen become for our sake oblivious

IRELAND, JOHN

of the interests of their own country.
What America knows, what she will never
fail to know, is that King and ministers
of France gave us the aid through which
we won our independence, that they gave
it to us in warmest friendliness and with
most chivalrous generosity, and that in
giving to ds such aid they were applauded
by the /loble-hearted people of France, who
loved America, and encouraged the alli-
ance of their country with her, because
of the great principles which were linked
with the triumph or the defeat of the new
republic of the West.

The war of America was waged for a
mighty principle of deepest import to the
welfare of humanity. It rose thereby im-
mensely above other wars in solemn grand-
eur of meaning. The principle at stake
was that of civil and political liberty, the
triumph of which in America would be
the presage of its triumph in the world.
It was this principle that shed singular
glory upon the battle-fields of America.
America rose in rebellion against arbi-
trary and absolute government ; she un-
sheathed the sword in the name of the
rights of man and of the citizen.

There is but one who in His own right
has power to rule over men — Almighty
God — and from Him is derived whatever
authority is exercised in human society.
That authority is not, however, directly
given to the one or the few; it is com-
municated by him to the people to be
exercised in the form which they choose.
by those whom they designate. And the
men in whom this authority is invested
by delegations of the people are to use it
not for the benefit of the one or the few,
but for the good of the people. All this
is the plain teaching of reason and re-
ligion, and yet not seldom were such sim-
ple truths forgotten, not seldom in prac-
tice was power held as if it belonged to
dynasties and classes, and exercised as if
" the human race lived for the few." The
rebellion of a people on so large a scale
as was the uprising of the American colo-
nies could not but challenge universal at-
tention, and the triumph of such a rebel-
lion could not but stir other peoples to a
sense of their rights and to a stern resolve
to maintain them.

It will not, assuredly, be said that the
republican form of government is vital to

a well-ordered State, nor that without it
the rights of the people cannot be safe-
guarded, nor that it is the best and proper
policy for every people. The form of a
government is a question that must rest
with the people of each nation, to be de-
termined solely by them according to their
special needs and their dispositions of
character. It is, nevertheless, true that
the republican form of government is of
itself peculiarly expressive of the limita-
tions and responsibilities of power, and
consequently the founding of a republic
such as that of the United States was a
momentous event for liberty throughout
the entire world. In every commonwealth
the people's sense of their rights and
power was quickened, and there sprang
up in the consciences of the rulers of na-
tions a new conception of their responsi-
bilities towards the people. Whatever to-
day in any country the particular form of
government, democracy is there in some
degree; and it is there because of its
plenary triumph in America, whence went
forth the charmed spell that reached, were
it but in weakened waves, the uttermost
bounds of civilized humanity.

The creation of the republic of the
United States was the inauguration of a
new era in the life of the human race —
the era of the rights of manhood and of
citizenship and of the rights of the peo-
ple. Such is the true meaning of the
American Revolution, the full signifi-
cance of the work done in America by
Lafayette and France.

This is the age of the people. Every
decade will mark an advance in the tri-
umphant march of democracy. Political
movements do not go backward : the peo-
ple do not abandon, except under duress,
and then only for a time, rights of which
they were once possessed, or the power
which they have once wielded to maintain
and enlarge those rights. To seek for ar-
guments against democracy in its appar-
ent perils is a waste of time. The part
of true statesmanship is to study the
])erils such as they may be and take meas
ures to avert them. The progress of de-
mocracy cannot be stayed. He who would
rule must rule through the people, through
the individual men who constitute the
people. To obtain results in the civil and
political world he must go to the Individ-

IRON— IRON AND STEEL

Zone of
Limestone
Decompgsinon

ual, enlighten his mind, form his con- of the United States in 18D8 and 1899
science and thus enlist his sympathies and was the output of Great Britain in 1880,
win his intelligent co-operation. He who which reached 18,026,049 long tons. The
does this will succeed; he who uses other output of the United States in 1899 aggre-
methods will fail. The task for those who gated in value $34,999,077. The chief
would rule men is made more difficult, ore-producing States were: Michigan, 9,-
The time is long gone by when men can 140,157 long tons; Minnesota, 8,161,289
be swayed by sword or proclamation. But long tons; Alabama, 2,662,943 long tons;
manhood in men has meanwhile gro\vii, and Pennsylvania, 1,009,327 long tons,
and they who love manhood in men should Virginia and West Virginia combined
rejoice. ranked next with 986,476 long tons. The

Why should we be asked to regret the production in the calendar year 1902 was
coming of democracy? What is it in its the largest in the history of the country,
ultimate analysis but the practical asser- 35,554,135 long tons, valued at $65,412,-
tion of the dignity of man, indelibly im-
pressed upon him when he was fashioned
to the image of the Creator? What is it
but trust in the power of truth and right-
eousness, and in the readiness of the hu-
man soul to respond to such influences?
The growth of mind and will in the in-
dividual is what all must hail who be-
lieve in human progress, or in the
strength of Christian civilization. And
as mind and will grow in men, so grow in
him the consciousness of his rights and
power, and the resolve to uphold rights,
to put power into act, and to resist all
irrational or unnecessary restraint upon
either rights or power — and thus is be-
gotten democracy. The new age has
dawned for all humanity ; but, where men
have the more quickly and the more thor-
oughly understood their dignity, there its
golden rays have risen higher above the
horizon and shed more richly their light
upon human thought and action.

Iron, Martin, labor leader; born in
Scotland, Oct. 7, 1832; emigrated to the
United States in 1846; and later settled
in Lexington, Mo. ; joined the Knights of
Labor and organized and led the famous
Missouri Pacific Railroad strike of 1886.
He died in Bunceville, Tex., Nov. 17, 1900.

Iron and Steel. The remarkable ad-
vance in material prosperity of the
United States within a few years is
sho\\Ti in most striking detail in the pro-
duction and manufactures of iron and
steel. The calendar year 1899 was a 950; and in 1903 it was 35,019,308 long
record-breaker in the production of iron- tons.

ore throughout the world. In the United The amount of pig-iron manufactured
States the total output was 24.683,173 in the United States in 1903 was 18,009,-
long tons, an increase of 5.249,457 long 252 long tons. In the fifteen years 1889-
tcns over the aggregate of the preceding 1903 the total production of ore in the
year. The nearest approach to the total United States was 305,521,317 long tons,

Boshes

Tuyeres'
Hearth

Tapping-hole

DIAGRAM OF A MODERN BLAST-FURNACE.

IRON AND STEEL

THE GREAT ORE DOCKS AT MARQUETTE.

an average annual output of 20,368,088
long tons. In the production of 1903 the
red hematite constituted the most promi-
nent general class of iron-ore, yielding
30,328,654 long tons, or 86.6 per cent, of
the total. Brown hematite yielded 3,080,-
399 long tons ; magnetite, 575,422 long
tons; and carbonate, 34,833 long tons.
Minnesota produced the largest amount
of red hematite, Alabama the largest of
brown hematite. New Jersey the largest
of magnetite, and Ohio the largest of
carbonate.

In 1890 the United States for the first
time gained the lead among the pig-iron
producing countries of the world, but lost
it to Great Britain in 1894. The follow-
ing year, however, the United States
again outranked Great Britain, and has
since kept ahead of that country. In
1901 the five great pig-iron producers of
the world stood in tlie following order of
importance: United States. 15.878.000
long tons; Great Britain, 7.929,000; Ger-
many, 7,867.000; Russia. 2,821,000; and
France, 2.389,000. It is also a matter of
record that in 1901 the United States pro-
duced over 33 per cent, of the total ore
output of the world, or 28.887.000 long
ions out of an estimated total of 87.000,-
000 long tons. It is further interesting to
note that the capitalization of the groups

of operating companies aggregated $1,455,-
696,000.

The total output of the steel -producing
countries for 1901 was approximately
27,240.000 long tons, divided as follows:
United States, 13,474,000 tons; Germany.
6,394,000; Great 'Britain, 4,904,000;
France, 1,425,000; Belgium, 653.000. The
output in the United States included
8.713,302 long tons of Bessemer steel and
4,656,309 long tons of open-hearth steel.

For 1905 the production was: United
States, 22.992,380 tons of pig-iron, 19,912.-
751 steel; Germany, 10,987.623 iron, 10,-
000,000 steel (estimated) ; Great Britain.
9.592,737 iron; 5,889.450 steel; France
(1904), 2,999,787 iron. 2.080,354 steel;
Russia. 2,901,000 iron, 2.400,000 steel.
The total production of all other countries
for 1895 is estimated at 4,600,000 tons
iron, 3.500,000 steel.

In the iron and
foreign countries, in
preceding 1900. the
United States was exactly reversed. In
1880 five times as much was imported as
exported. At the close of this period
the country exported six times the value
of its imports. These exports, in the
fiscal year 1899-1900, aggregated $121.-
858.341, thus ranking next to bread-
stulTs. coUon, and provisions, the three
"0

steel trade with
the twenty years
position

of the

IRON AND STEEL

higher in value. There were in the iron other articles entering the daily require-

and steel exports twenty-one classes ments of man.

valued at from $1,000,000 to $9,000,000 If any further evidence was required
each. In the calendar year 1904 the ex- to indicate the supremacy of the United
port trade in iron and steel manufactures States in the allied iron and steel in-
aggregated $111,948,586. The marvellous dustries, the gigantic United States Steel
development of the iron and steel trade Corporation, organized in February, 1901,
above indicated contributed to make the by a pooling of the interests of more than

A MODERN BLASTFURNACE.

United States, in the opening of the a dozen great operating companies, known
twentieth century, the world's greatest on the " street " as the " billion-dollar
producer of iron, steel, coal, copper, cot- steel combine," would probably be suffi-
ton, breadstuffs, provisions, and many cient to satisfy any doubt. Each of the

IBON AND STEEL— IROQUOIS CONEEDERACY

corporations in the new concern was 000,000 in bonds, and with a cash account

widely known for the large capital it of $200,000,000.

commanded and the vast amount of work Ironclad Oath. See Oaths.

it had already accomplished, and the pos- Ironsides, Old. See Constitution,

sibilities open to consummation by a Iroquois Confederacy, The, was

combination of these great concerns be- originally composed of five related fami-

came a matter entirely beyond the range lies or nations of Indians, in the present

of human calculation. The leading figures State of New York, These were called,

KOLLIXG SHEKT-IRON.

in this consolidation of extraordinary
interests were Andrew Carnegie, the
rittsburg iron and steel king, and J.
Pierpont Morgan, the New York banker,
who financiered the combination. The
combination began operations with a total
capital of .$l,ir)4,000,000, divided into
$850,000,000 in cnpilal stock, imd $304,-

respectively, Mohawks, Oneidas, Onon-
dagas, Cayugas, and Senecas. Tradition
says the confederacy was founded by Hia-
watha, the incarnation of wisdom, at about
the beginning of the fifteenth century.
Ife came from his celestial home and dwelt
with the Onondagas. where he taught the
related tril)es the knowledge of good liv-

IROQUOIS CONFEDERACY

ing. Fierce warriors approached from the
north, slaying everything human in their
path. Hiawatha advised a council. It
was held on the bank
of Onondaga Lake.
Representatives
of each nation were
there. Under his di-
rection a league was
formed, and each can-
ton was assigned its
appropriate place in
it. They gave it a
name signifying
" they form a cabin,"
and they fancifully
called the league
" The Long Hovise."
The eastern door was
kept by the Mohawks,
and the western by
the Senecas, and the
council-fire was with
the Onondagas, at
their metropolis, a
few miles south of
the site of the city of
Syracuse. By common
consent, a chief of
the Onondagas, called
Atatarho, was niacin'
the first president of
the league. The Mo-
hawks, on the east,
were called "the
door." The confeder-
acy embraced within
its territory the pres-
ent State of New
York north and west
of the Kaatzbergs and

south of the Adirondack group of moun-
tains. The several nations were subdi-
vided into tribes, each having a heraldic
insignia, or totem. Through the totemic
system they maintained a tribal union,
and exhibited a remarkable example of an
almost pure democracy in government.

Each canton or nation was a distinct
republic, independent of all others in re-
lation to its domestic affairs, but each
was bound to the others of the league by
ties of honor and general interest. Each
liad an equal voice in the general council
or congress, and possessed a sort of veto
power, which was a guarantee against

despotism. After the Europeans came, the
sachem, or civil head of a tribe, affixed
his totem — such as the rude outlines of a

ATATARHO*

wolf, a bear, a tortoise, or an eagle — to
every public paper he was required to
sign. It was like a monarch affixing his

* Atatarho, the first president of the
Iroquois Confederacy, is represented by the
Indians as living, at the time he was chosen,
in grim seclusion in a swamp, where his
dishes and drinlving-vessels, lilie those of half-
barbarian Caucasians, were made of the
skulls of his enemies slain in battle. When a
delegation went to him to offer him the
symbol of supreme power, they found him
sitting smoking his pipe, but unapproachable,
because he was entirely clothed with hissing
snakes. Here is the old story of Medusa s
snaky tresses unveiled in the forests of the
new-found world

IROQUOIS CONFEDERACY

NO. 1.

seal. Each of the original Five Nations
was divided into three tribes, those of the
Mohawks being designated as the Tortoise
or Turtle, the Bear, and the Wolf. These
totems consisted of representations of
those animals. These were sometimes ex-
ceedingly rude, but were sufficient to de-
note the tribe of the signer; as. No. 1,
appended to the
signature of Little
Hendrick, a Mo-
hawk chief, repre-
sents his totem — a
turtle; No. 2, ap-
pended to the signa-
ture of Kanadagea, a chief of the Bear
tribe, represents a bear lying on his
back; and No. 3 is the signature of
Great Hendrick, of the Wolf tribe, the
rude representation of that animal ap-
pearing at the end of his signature.

As each confederated union was di-
vided into tribes, there were thirty or
forty sachems in the
league. These had in-
ferior officers under
them, and the civil
power was widely
distributed. Office
NO- 2- was the reward of

merit alone; mal-
feasance in it brought dismissal and pub-
lic scorn. All public services were com-
pensated only by public esteem. The
powers and duties of the president of
the league were similar to those con-
ferred and imposed upon the chief mag-
istrate of our republic. He had au-
thority to assemble a congress of rep-
resentatives; had a cabinet of six ad-
visers, and in the council he was a
moderator. There was no coercive
power, excepting public opinion,
lodged anywhere. The military dom-
inated the civil power in the league.
The chiefs derived their authority
from the people, and they sometimes,
like the Romans, deposed civil offi-
cers. The army was composed wholly
of volunteers, and conscription was im-
possible. Every able-bodied man was
bound to do military duty, and he who
shirked it incurred everlasting disgrace.
The ranks were always full. The re-
cruiting-stations were the war-dances.
Whatever was done in civil councils

was subjected to review by the soldiery,
who had the right to call councils when
they pleased, and approve or disapprove
public measures. The matrons formed
a third and powerful party in the legis-
lature of the league. They had a right
to sit in the councils, and there exercise
the A'eto power on the subject of a dec-
laration of war, and to propose and
demand a cessation of hostilities. They
were pre-eminently peace-makers. It was
no reflection ujion the courage of warriors
if, at the call of the matrons, they with-
diew from the war-path. These women
wielded great influence in the councils, but
they modestly delegated the duties of
speech-making to some masculine orator.
With these Indians, woman was man's co-
worker in legislation — a thing unheard of
among civilized people. So much did the
Iroquois reverence the " inalienable rights
of man," that they never made slaves of
their fellow-men, not even of captives
taken in war. By unity they w^ere made
powerful; and to prevent degeneracy,
members of a tribe were not allowed to
intermarry with each other.

Like the Romans, they caused their
commonwealth to expand by annexation
a,nd conquest. Had they remained undis-
covered by the Europeans a century longer
the Confederacy might have embraced the
whole continent, for the Five Nations had
already extended their conquests from
the Great Lakes to the Gulf of Mexico,
and were the terror of the other tribes
east and west. For a long time the
French in Canada, who taught them the
use of fire-arms, maintained a. doubtful
struggle against them. Champlain found

NO. 3.

them at war against the Canada Indian?
from Lake Huron to the Gulf of St. Law-
rence. He fought them on liake Cham-
plain in 1009; and from that time until
the middle of that century their ■wars
against the Canada Indians and their
French allies were fierce and dis-

IROQUOIS CONFEDERACY

CHAMPLilX'S FIRST FIGHT WITH THE IROQOOIS.

tressing. They made friends of the
Dutch, from whom they obtained fire-
arms; and they were alternately at
war and peace with the French for
about sixtj^ years. The latter invaded the
cantons of the league, especially after the
Five Nations became allied with the Eng-
lish, who, as masters of New York, used
their dusky neighbors to carry out their
designs. The Iroquois, meanwhile, car-
ried their conquests almost to Nova Sco-
tia on the east, and far towards the
Mississippi on the west, and subdued the
Susquehannas in Pennsylvania. In 1649
they subdued and dispersed tlie Wyandottes
in the Huron country. Some of the fugi-
tives took refuge among the Chippewas ;
others fled to Quebec, and a few were in-
corporated in the Iroquois ConfederacJ^
The Wyandottes were not positively sub-
dued, and claimed and exercised sover-
eignty over the Ohio country down to the
close of the eighteenth century. Then the
Five Nations made successful wars on
their eastern and western neighbors, and
in 1655 they penetrated to the land of the
Catawbas and Cherokees. They conquered
the Miamis and Ottawas in 1057. and in
1701 made incursions as far as the Roan-

oke and Cape Fear rivers, to the land of
their kindred, the Tuscaroras. So deter-
mined were they to subdue the Southern
tribes that when, in 1744, they ceded a
part of their lands to Virginia, they re-
served a perpetual privilege of a war-path
through the territory.

A French invasion in 1693, and again in
1696, was disastrous to the league, which
lost one-half of its warriors. Then they
swept victoriously southward early in the
eighteenth century, and took in their kin-
dred, the Tuscaroras, in North Carolina,
when the Confederacy became known as
the Six Nations. In 1713 the French gave
up all claim to the Iroquois, and after
that the Confederacy was generally neu-
tral in the wars between France and Eng-
land that extended to the American colo-
nies. Under the influence of William
Johnson, the English Indian agent, they
went against the French in 1755, and some
of them joined Pontiac in his conspiracy
in 1763. When the Revolution broke out,
in 1775, the Iroquois, influenced by the
Johnson family, adhered to the crown,
excepting the Oneidas. Led by Brant and
savage Tories, they desolated the Mohawk,
Cherrv. and Wvoming vallevs. The coun-

IROQUOIS CONFEDERACY— IRRIGATION

try of the Western Iroquois, in turn, was
desolated by General Sullivan in 1779, and
Brant retaliated fearfully on the frontier
settlements. At the close of the war the
hostile Iroquois, dreading the vengeance
of the exasperated Americans, took refuge
in Canada, excepting the Oneidas and Tus-
caroras.

By treaties, all the lands of the Six
Nations in New York passed into the pos-
session of the white people, excepting some
reservations on which their descendants
still reside. In the plenitude of their

ished them in human form as fiercely ss
Henry VIII., or the rulers and the Gospel
ministers at Salem in later times. Their
'■ medicine men " and " prophets " were
as expert deceivers as the priests, oracles,
and jugglers of civilized men. They tor-
tured their enemies in retaliation for kin-
dred slain with almost as refined cruelty
as did the ministers of the Holy Inquisi-
tion the enemies of their opinions; and
they lighted fires around their more emi-
nent prisoners of war, in token of their
power, as bright and hot as those kindled

ATTACK ON AN IROQUOIS FORT (Froiii an olcl print).

power the Confederacy numbered about
15,000; they now number about 13,000,
distributed at various points in Canada
and the United States. In 1899 there
were 2,767 Senecas, 549 Onondagas, 161
Cayugas, 270 Oneidas, and .388 Tuscaroras
in New York State; 1,945 Oneidas in Wis-
consin; and 323 Senecas in Indian Terri-
tory. Like the other Indians of the con-
tinent, the Iroquois were superstitious and
cruel. They believed in witches as firmly
as did Cotton Mather and his Puritan
brethren in New England, and they jmn-

by enlightened Englishmen around -loan
of Arc as a sorceress, or Bishops Latimer
and Ridley as believers in what they
thought to be an absurdity.

Irrigation, artificial watering of land
in arid regions for the purpose of utiliza-
tion. This subject has claimed much at-
tention in the United States since 1890
on the part of the general and State gov-
ernments, of large corporations, and of
private individuals. Associations de-
signed to promote investigations into the
water and forest resources of the country

IimiGATIOM'

have been formed in various localities.
These bodies have raised large sums of
money with which they have co-operated
with various bureaus, chiefly the Geologi-
cal Survey. The surprise is that there
has not been much greater interest mani-

A CALIFORNIA ORAXGE GROVE, SHOWING RKSULTS OF IRRIGATION,

fested in this subject, since one-third of and extending westward to the foot of the
the United States territory is officially Sierra Nevada Mountains and the Cas-
included in what is known as the great cade ^Mountains in Oregon and Washing-
" arid region," which needs only the ton. It comprises an immense territory,
magic touch of
water to change it
into fertile fields.

This vast area
falls topographical-
ly into the follow-
ing divisions:

1. The Great
Plains, stretching
from the 100th
meridian west to
the Rocky Moun-
tains, a distance of
250 miles, and hav-
ing an extent of
about 700 miles
from Manitoba on
the north to Texas
on the south. g,

2. A region be- |
ginning at the east- fc,,
ern foothills of the
l.\pcky Mountain^ reBioATio.v bt pipe system.

mRIGATION

In 1900 these
divisions taken as
a whole contained
a population of
9,000,000 people,
and over 50;000,-
000 acres of land
under some form
of cultivation.
Abcut 9,000,000
acres of this land
have been made
available through
irrigation, by
means of artesian
wells in a few
cases, but for the
most part by the
construction of
canals and ditches.
At a number of
irrigation con-

which includes the park system of the gresses held in the West the national
Eockies, culminating in Wyoming, Colo- government was strongly urged to under-
i-ado. New Mexico, and northeast Arizona, take an active part in the reclamation of
The section contains many mountain sys- the large arid areas susceptible of a high
tems, the Great Basin of Salt Lake, the state of agricultural development imder
great cafion system and plateau of the such liberal conditions as the national

IRRIGATION BT ARTESIAN-WELL SYSTEM.

-it:

^^1k^\

i|iijp ^

Coloiado, the meadow-lands of
"Nevada, the noitln\est Columbia
Basin, and the National Park.

3. A region including about one-
fourth of the territory of Cali-
fornia, and divided into two parts
■ — the foothills of the Sierras and
the broad, level valley lying be-
tween the Sierras and the Coast
Range.

SWEETWATER DAM, SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA, USED IN IRRIGATION.

IRVINE— IRVING

government alone could afToid. The cen-
fsns of lUOO, tmiong ireneral inif^ation sta-
tistics of the United States, reported the
following: Number of irrigators, 108,218;
acres irrigated, 7,53!), 545; area in crops,
5.944,412 acres, and in pasture and un-
matured crops, 1,595,133 acres; value of
irrigated crops, $80,860,491; and cost of
irrigation systems, $67,770,942. In 1902
a bill was approved by the President,
June 17, providing for the appropria-
tion, as a special fund to be used in
the construction of irrigation works, of
all moneys received from the sale of public
lands in Arizona, California, Colorado,
Idaho, Kansas, Montana, Nebraska, Ne-
vada, New Mexico, North Dakota, Okla-
homa, Oregon, South Dakota, Utah,
Washington, and Wyoming, beginning
with the fiscal year ending June 30, 1901.
Under this law the fund amounted in
1901 to $3,144,821, and in 1902 to $4,585,-
516. This total, $7,730,337, was appor-
tioned among the States and Territories
in 1903 as follows: Arizona, $81,773;
California, $503,270; Colorado, $628,995;
Idaho, $507,448; Kansas, $49,135; Mon-
tana, $772,377; Nebraska, $235,194; Ne-
vada, $23,414; New Mexico, $147,237;
North Dakota, $1,227,496; Oklahoma,
$1,008,795; Oregon, $910,061; South Da-
kota, $307,562; Utah, $146,824; Washing-
ton, $794,088; Wyoming, $385,762. On
June 30, 1904, the auditor of the Depart-
ment of the Interior reported that the ac-
cumulations of the reclamation fund then
amounted to approximately $25,000,000.

Irvine, James, military ofhcer; born in
Philadelphia, Pa., Aug. 4, 1735; took part
in Colonel Bouquet's expedition as cap-
tain in a Pennsylvania regiment. During
the Revolutionary War he was captain
and later lieutenant-colonel of the 1st
Pennsylvania; and was commissioned
colonel of the 9th Pennsylvania Regiment,
Oct. 25. 1776. He was taken prisoner
during the action at Chestnut Hill, Dee.
5, 1777, carried to New York, and remain-
ed there till he was exchanged in 1781.
After the close of the war he was a mem-
ber of the General As-embly of Pennsyl-
vania m 1785-86, and of the State Senate
in 1795-99. He died in Philadelphia, Pa.,
April 28, 1819.

Irvine, William, military officer; born
in Fermanagh, Ireland, Nov. 3, 1741;

was surgeon of a ship-of-war; came to
the United States after the peace of
1763, and practised medicine at Carlisle,
Pa. He was an active patriot, and raised
and commanded the 6th Pennsylvania
Regiment in 1776; was captured in the
battle at Three Rivers, Canada; ex-
changed in May, 1778; served under
Wayne, and in 1781 was stationed at Fort
Pitt, charged with the defence of the
Northwestern frontier. He was a mem-
ber of Congress in 1786-88, and took a
civil and military part in the task of
quelling the Whiskey Insurrection. He was
again a member of Congress in 1793-95.
He died in Philadelphia, July 29, 1804.

Irving, Sir Henry, actor; born in
Keinton, near Glastonbury, England, Feb.
6, 1838. His real name was John Henry
Brodribb, but he preferred the name of
" Irving," and in 1887 was permitted by
royal license to continue the use of it.
He was educated in a private school in
London, and began his dramatic career
in 1856, when he took the minor part of
Orleans in Richelieu. In 1866 he estab-
lished his reputation as an actor of merit
at the St. James Theatre, in London, as
Doricourt in The Belle's Stratagem. In
1870 he appeared as Digby Grant in the
Two Roses, which v/as played for 300
nights; and in 1871, after playing the
part of Mathias in The Bells at the
Lyceum Theatre, he came to be regarded
as the greatest actor in England. He as-
sumed the management of the Lyceum
Theatre in 1878, and raised that house to
an international reputation. In May,
1881, he opened a memorable engagement
with Edwin Booth, producing Othello, in
which the two actors alternated the parts
of Othello and lago. He has made sev-
eral successful tours of the United States
in company with Ellen Terry, on one of
which (1884) he delivered an address on
The Art of Acting before the students of
Harvard University. In a lecture on
Amusements, before the Church of Eng-
land Temperance Society, he made a
strong defence of the morality of the
stage. He published Impressions of
America (1884). In 1895 he received the
honor of knighthood.

Irving, Wasiiincton, author; born in
New York City, April 3, 1783. His father
was a Scotchman, his mother an English-
79

IRVING, WASHINGTON

WASHINGTON IRVING.

woman. He engaged in literature while
yet a youth, and was in Europe for his
health in 1804-06. In 1807 he published,

1808, his Knickerbocker's History of Neto
York. After editing a magazine during
the War of 1812-15, he went to Europe,
where he resided seventeen years; when,
after the failure of a mercantile house
in New York with which he was connected,
he was left to rely on his literary labors
for support. He spent his time partly
in England, France, Germany, and Spain,
and published his Life of Columbus in
1828, which was followed by the Con-
quest of Granada and the Alhambra.
From 1829 to 1831 he was secretary of
the American legation in London, and re-
ceived from George IV. the fifty-guinea
gold medal awarded for eminence in his-
torical composition. He returned to New
York in 1832, and prepared and published
several works; and from 1839 to 1841
contributed to the Knickerbocker Maga-
zine. From 1842 to 1846 he was minister
to Spain, and on his return to New York

TlIK OLD CIIL'iiCU AT SLKICl'Y HOLLOW.

in connection with his brother Peter and lie published a revised edition of all his
James K. Paulding, Salmagundi, and in works in 15 volumes, which had a

IRVING— ISABELLA

\ery large sale. His last work was a
Life of Washington, in 5 volumes, com-
pleted a few months before his death.
Mr. Irving never married. The honorary
degree of LL.D. was conferred upon him
by Harvard College, Oxford University,
in England, and Columbia College, in New
York. His remains rest near the sum-
mit of a gentle slope in the cemetery at-
tached to the ancient Dutch church at
the entrance to " Sleepy Hollow," near

built in 10G9, and is the oldest church
edifice in the State of New York. Over
the Sleepy Hollow brook, near it, is the
bridge where Brom Bones, the supposed
" headless horseman," hurled the pump-
kin at the frightened Ichabod, and drove
him from the neighborhood and Ka-
trina van Tassell forever. Mr. Irving
died in Irvington, N. Y., Nov. 28,
1859.

Irwin, Jared, legislator; born in

Tarrytown, N. Y. They lie by the side
of those of his mother. In a row lie the
remains of his father, mother, brothers,
and sisters. The old church, which he
made famous by the story of Ichabod
Crane (a leader in the psalm-singing there
on Sundays) in his Legend of Sleepy Hol-
low, remains the same as when it was
v.— F 8

Mecklenburg county, N. C, in 1750; re-
moved to Georgia, and served throughout
the Revolutionary War ; was a member of
the State constitutional conventions of
1789, 1795, and 1798; and was elected
governor of the State in 1796 and 1806.
iie died in Union, Ga., March 1. 1818.

Isabella, Queen of Castile and Leon :
born in Madrigal, Old Castile. April 2.3,
1451; lived in retirement with her mother,
a daughter of John II., of Portugal, until
her twelfth year. At the age of eleven
years she was betrothed to Carlos, brother
of Ferdinand (whom she afterwards mar

ISABELLA

ried), then forty-six years old. His death
prevented the union. Other candidates
for her hand were proposed, but, being a

ISABELLA OF CASTILE.

young woman of spirit, she rejected them.
Her half-brother Henry, on the throne,
contracted a marriage for her, for state
purposes, with the profligate Don Pedro
Giron, grand-master of the Order of Cala-
trava. "I will plunge a dagger in Don
Pedro's heart," said the maiden, " before I
will submit to the dishonor." The grand-
master died as suddenly as Carlos, while
on his way to the nuptials, probably from
the effects of poison. Henry now made
an arrangement by which Isabella was
recognized as heir to Castile and Leon,
with the right to choose her own husband,
subject to the King's approval. She chose
Ferdinand, Prince of Aragon, who signed
the marriage contract at Cervera, Jan. 7,
1469, guaranteeing to his betrothed all
the essential rights of sovereignty in Cas-
tile and Leon. King Henry, offended be-
cause his sister would not marry the
King of Portugal, sent a force to seize
her person. She escaped to Valladolid,
whither Ferdinand hastened in disguise,
and they were married, Oct. 19, 1409,
in the cathedral there. Civil war ensued.
The King died late in 1474, and Isabella
was declared Queen of Castile and Leon ;
but her authority was not fully recog-
nized until after a war with the King

of Portugal, who was affianced to Juana,
the rival of Isabella for the throne. After
that her career was brilliant. She ap-
peared in arms at the head of her troops
in her wars with the ]\Ioors.

From a conviction that it was for the
safety of the Roman Catholic religion,
she reluctantly, it is said, gave her con-
sent to the establishment of the Inquisi-
tion; and for this act, and her fiery zeal
for the Church, amounting at times to
fanatical cruelty, she is known in history
as Isabella, " the Catholic." Ferdinand
was now King of Aragon, and their king-
doms were united and formed a strong
empire, and the consolidated Christian
power of the Spanish peninsula was ef-
fected. The two monarchs w^ere one in
love, respect, and interest. They ruled as
separate sovereigns, each having an inde-
pendent council, and sometimes holding
their courts at points distant from each
other at the same time; but they were a
unit in the general administration of the
consolidated kingdoms, all acts of sover-
eignty being executed in the name of
both, all documents signed by both, and
their profiles stamped together on the na-
tional coins, while the royal seal dis-
played the united arms of Castile and

VALLADOLIU CATHEDRAL.

Aragon. The religious zeal of Isabella
was inflamed when Columbus, in his ap-
plication for aid, declared that one great

ISABELLA— ISLAND NUMBER TEN

DEATH-BED OF QUEEN ISABELLA.

object of his ambition was to carry the
Gospel to the heathen of undiscovered
lands. But public affairs at first so en-
grossed the attention of the monarchs
that the suit of the navigator did not pre-
vail for a long time. Finally he was sum-
moned before the monarchs, and pleaded
his cause in person. The Queen's zeal was
so increased that she resolved to give him
aid. " Our treasury," said Ferdinand,
'■ has been too much drained by the war
to warrant us in the undertaking." The
Queen said, " I will undertake the enter-
prise for my own crown of Castile; and,
if necessary, will pledge my jewels for the
money." Then she fitted out the expedi-
tion that sailed from Palos in the autumn
of 1492. Afterwards she opposed the en-
slaving of the natives of the western con-
tinent; and when Columbus sent a cargo
of captives to Spain, she ordered them to
be carried back to their own country.
With Cardinal Ximenes she eff'ected a
radical reform in the Church, as she had
in the State; and criminals, high or low,
the clergy and common oflfenders, felt the

sword of justice fall with equal severity.
Masculine in intellect, feminine in her
moral qualities, pious and loving, Isa-
bella's virtues — as virtues were estimated
then and there — made a favorite theme
for the praise of Spanish writers. In
person she was beautiful — well formed,
with clear complexion, light blue eyes,
and auburn hair. She had one son and
four daughters. Her youngest daughter,
Catharine, became the wife of Henry VIII.,
of England. See Columbus, Christo-
pher.

Island Number Ten. This island lies
in a sharp bend of the Mississippi River,
about 40 miles below Columbus, and with-
in the limits of Kentucky. At the begin-
ning of the Civil War it was considered
the key to the navigation of the lower
Mississippi. To this island some of the
troops and munitions of war were trans-
ferred when General Polk evacuated
Columbus, and all the troops there were
in charge of Beauregard. On March 8,
1S62, he sent forth a proclamation in
which he called for bells with which to

ISLAND NUMBER TEN

make cannon, and tliere was a liberal re-
sponse. " In some cities," wrote a Con-
federate soldier, " every church gave up
its bells. Court-houses, public institu-
tions, and plantations sent them. And
the people furnished large quantities of
old brass — andirons, candlesticks, gas-
fixtures, and even door-knobs." These
were all sent to New Orleans to be used
in cannon foundries. There they were
found by General Butler, sent to Boston,
and sold at auction. Beauregard had
thoroughly fortified the island, and, after
the capture of New Madrid, it became
an object of great interest to both par-
ties, for it was besieged by the Nationals.
i'oY this purpose Commodore Foote left
Cairo, March 14, 1862, with a powerful
fleet of gun and mortar-boats. There
were seven of the former iron-clad and
one not armored, and ten of the latter.
On the night of the 15th Foote was at
Island Number Ten, and the next morn-
ing (Sunday) he began the siege with a
bombardment by the rifled cannon of his
flag-ship, the Boston. This was followed
by the mortar-boats, moored at proper
points along the river shore, from which
tons of iron were hurled upon the island
and the batteries on the Kentucky bank
opposite. All day long the artillery duel
was kept up without much injury to
either party. Meanwhile a battery of
Illlinois artillery had been landed on the
Missouri shore, in a position to assail
the Confederate flotilla near the island.
The next day a tremendous attack on the
Confederate works was made by a float-
ing battery of ten guns, formed of three

gunboats lashed together, side by side,
followed by three others separately. The
day's work was barren of any decisive re-
sult. The island shores were lined with

A MOKTAR-BOAT.

batteries. So the siege went on, with
varying fortunes, until the first week in
April, when Beauregard telegraphed to
Richmond that the " Federal guns " had
" thrown 3,000 shells and burned 50 tons
of gunpowder " without damaging his
batteries or killing one of his men.

The public began to be impatient; but
victory was near. General Pope was
chafing with impatience at New Madrid.
He wished to cross the river to the
peninsula and attack the island in the
rear, a movement that would insure its
capture. The opposite shore was lined
with Confederate batteries, and it would
be madness to attempt a crossing until
these were silenced. Gen. Schuyler Ham-

ISLAND NUMBER TE^,

ISLAND NUMBER TEN

MAP OP ISLAKD NUMBER TBN.

ilton proposed the construction of a dangerous voyage. Perceiving the peril-
canal across the neck of a swampy penin- ous fate that awaited them after the
siila of sufficient capacity to allow the completion of the canal, thf Confederates
passage of gunboats and transports, so as sank steamboats in the channel of the
to effectually flank Island Number Ten and river to prevent the gunboats descend-
insure its capture. It was undertaken ing it, and they unsuccessfully attempted
under the supervision of Colonel Bissell, to escape from the island. After the
and was successfully performed. In the Carondelet had passed the batteries,
mean time daring feats against the shore Beauregard was satisfied that the siege
batteries had been performed; and dur- must speedily end in disaster to his com-
ing a terrible thunder-storm on the night mand; so, after turning over the com-
of April 3, Captain Walke ran by the mand on the island to General McCall,
Confederate batteries with the gunboat and lea\'ing the troops on the Kentucky
Carondelet, assailed by all of them, her and Tennessee shores in charge of Gen-
position being revealed by the flashes of eral McCown, he, with a considerable
lightning. It w^as the first vessel that number of his best soldiers, departed for
ran by Confederate batteries on the Mis- Corinth to check a formidable movement
sissippi River. She had not fired a gun of National troops through middle Ten-
during her passage, but the discharge of nessee towards Northern Alabama,
three assured anxious Commodore Foote The vigorous operations of Pope after
of the safety of the Carondelet after the he passed through the wonderful canal

ISLAND NUMBER TEN

tiastened the crisis. McCall and his
troops, in their efforts to escape from
the island, were intercepted by Pope's
forces under Generals Stanley, Hamilton,
and Paine; and on April 8, 18G2, Island

THE CARONDELET.

Number Ten, with the troops, batteries,
and supports on the main, was surren-
dered. Over 7,000 men became prisoners
of war; and the spoils of victory were 123
cannon and mortars, 7,000 small-arms,
many hundred horses and mules, four
steamboats afloat, and a very large
amount of animunibion. The fall of Isl-
and Niimber Ten was a calamity to the

Confederates which they never retrieved.
It caused widespread alarm in the Mis-
sissippi Valley, for it appeared probable
that Memphis, one of the strongholds of
the Confederates, where they had immense
work-shops and armories,
would soon share the fate
of Columbus, and that Na-
tional gunboats would
speedily patrol the great
river from Cairo to New
Orleans. Martial law was
jjroclaimed at Memphis,
and only by the wisdom
and firmness of the mayor
were the troops and panic-
stricken citizens prevented
from laying the town in
ashes. Preparations for
flight were made at Vicks-
burg, and intense alarm
prevailed at New Orleans
among the disloyal population. It seem-
ed as if the plan devised by Fremont,
and now partially executed, was about to
be successfully carried out. Curtis had
already broken the military power of the
Confederates west of the Mississippi, and
a heavy National force, pressing on tow-
ards Alabama and Mississippi, had just
achieved a triumph on the banks of the

BOMBAUDMENT Ol' 1^1 ANL' NUMBER TEN,
80

ISLES— lUKA SPEINGS

Tennessee, a score of miles from Corinth. IturlDide, Augustin de, Emperor of
See Fremont, John Charles. Mexico; born in Valladolid, Mexico, Sept.

Isles, Andre des, military officer; born 27, 1783. Leading in a scheme for over-
in Dieppe, France, in 1530 ; sent to Amer- throwing the Spanish power in Mexico in
ica in 1560 by Coligni for the purpose of 1821, he took possession of the capital
erecting a society for the settlement of with troops in September in the name of
French Huguenots. He landed on the the nation, and established a regency.
Florida coast near Cape San Juan, and He was declared Emperor, INIay 18, 1822,
erected a wooden fort, which he left in but rivals and public distrust caused him
charge of twenty men. Coligni sent 600 to abdicate, and he went to Europe in
Huguenots and three ships, under com- 1823. An insurrection in his favor in
mand of Captain Ribaut, with Des Isles Mexico induced him to return in 1824,
as lieutenant. In 1563 Des Isles returned when he was seized and shot, in Padilla,
with 300 additional emigrants, but owing July 19, 1824. After his execution Mexico
to eternal strife between the leaders, granted his family a pension of $8,000
Ribaut and Des Isles, on the one hand, per year. Angel, the eldest son of
and Laudonniere, on the other, the colony the Emperor, married Miss Alice Green,
was greatly reduced, and in this condition of Georgetown, D. C, and their son
was attacked by the Spaniard Menendez, Augustin was adopted by the Emperor
who massacred all the French. Maximilian as his heir. In April, 1890,

Italy. The relations of the United Augustin Iturbide, who had entered the
States with Italy, as with other Conti- Mexican army, published an attack on
nental countries, have usually been har- the IMexican government, for which he
nionious. In 1891, however, an incident was court-martialled.

occurred which temporarily strained the luka Springs, Battle near. After
mutual good feelings. Several murders the evacuation of Corinth (q. v.), Gen-
had been committed in New Orleans, which eral Rosecrans was placed in command
had been attributed by many to the influ- of the forces under Pope, who had gone
ence of a secret Italian society— the Mafia, to Virginia, to occupy northern Missis-
A number of Italians had been arrested, sippi and Alabama, in the vicinity of Co-
but the normal procedure seemed to nu- rinth, and eastward to Tuscumbia. His
merous inhabitants of New Orleans en- forces were known as the Army of the
tirely inadequate. On March 14, 1891, Mississippi, with headquarters at Corinth,
eleven Italian prisoners were lynched in There were no more stirring events in
the city prison by an assemblage largely the region of General Grant's command
composed, so it was stated, of the " lead- (under whom was Rosecrans) than
ing citizens " of New Orleans. This event guerilla operations, from June until Sep-
created intense excitement. The Italians tember. At the beginning of September
in this country and Italy were greatly the Confederates under Price and Van
aroused. The comments^ of Americans Dorn moved towards the Tennessee River,
varied from downright condemnation of and, when Bragg moved into Tennessee,
the proceedings to partial praise. The Price attempted to cut off communica-
Italian government recalled its minister, tions between Grant and Buell. General
Baron Fava. Eventually, April 12, 1892, Armstrong (Confederate), with over
'the United States government appropri- 5,000 cavalry, struck the Nationals, Aug.
ated $25,000 for the families of the vie- 30, 1862, at Bolivar, with the intention
tims. and diplomatic relations were re- of severing the railway there. He was
sumed. repulsed by less than 1,000 men, under

Itata, Chilean cruiser. She put in at Colonel Leggett. He was repulsed at
San Diego. Cal., April 25, 1891, for arms Jackson the next day, and again, on Sept.
and ammunition, and was seized by the 1, at Britton's Lane, after a battle of four
United States government for violation of hours with Indiana troops, under Colonel
neutrality laws. She escaped, and was Dennis. At the latter place Armstrong
pursued by the United States ship left 179 men. dead and wounded, on the
riuirlrsfon.^ On J\ine 4. 1891. the Itafa field. Informed of this raid, at Tuscum-
survcndered to the Charleston at Iquique. bia, Rosecrans hastened to luka, a little

lUKA SPRINGS, BATTLE NEAR

village celebrated for its fine mineral
springs, about 15 miles east of Corinth,
where a large amount of stores had been
gathered. There, with Stanley's division,
he encamped at Clear Creek, 7 miles east
of Corinth, and, at the same time, Price
moved northward from Tupelo with about

listening for the sound of Ord's guns, and
skirmishing briskly by the way, had
reached a point within 2 miles of luka, on
densely wooded heights. There he formed
a line of battle. He sent forward his skir-
mishers, who were driven back, and a
severe battle immediately followed. The

J^-t f cfei: JLL^ =^-- -^^ -^^ni^x^^ — "-^

lUKA SPRINGS, 1862.

12,000 Confederate troops. Price struck
luka, Sept. 10, and captured the National
property there.

Grant at once put two columns in mo-
tion to crush Price — one, under Rosecrans,
to attack his flank and rear, and another,
under General Ord, to confront him. These
movements began on the morning of Sept.
18. Ord, with 5,000 men, advanced to
Burnsville, followed by General Ross with
more, while Rosecrans moved with the
separated divisions of Stanley and C. S.
Hamilton, about 9,000 strong, during a
drenching rain, to San Jacinto, 20 miles
southward of luka. On the next morning,
Sept. 19, they pushed on towards luka,
Mizner's cavalry driving a Confederate
guard. Early in the afternoon Hamilton,

11th Ohio Battery was, after a severp
struggle, placed in position on the crest of
the hill. With this battery, a few regi-
ments of Iowa, Missouri, Minnesota, and
Indiana troops fought more than three
times their number of Confederates, led
by Price in person. Finally, when Colonel
Eddy, of an Indiana regiment, was mor-
tally wounded, the remainder of his regi-
ment was hurled back in disorder, leaving
the almost disabled battery to be seized
by the Confederates. For the possession
of these guns desperate charges and coun-
tercharges were made, until at length the
Confederate soldiers dragged the guns off
the field. All of the horses and seventy-two
of the artillerymen had been killed. The
battle raged warmly elsewhere, when the

IVES— IZARD

Confederates were driven to the shelter of
the hollows near the village. Darkness end-
ed the battle of luka. The National loss was
nearly 800, killed, wound-
ed, and missing ; that of the
Confederates was nearly
1,400. Ord, meanwhile,
whom Grant had sent co
assist Rosecrans, had been
watching the movements
of Confederates who were
making feints on Corinth.
Expecting to renew the
battle at luka in the
morning, Stanley pressed
forward for the purpose,
but found that Price had
fled southward under cov-
er of the darkness, leaving
behind the captured guns
of the 11th Ohio Battery.
Price was pursued all day,
but escaped.

Ives, Halsey Cooley, artist; born in
Montour Falls, K Y., Oct. 27, 1846;
studied art; was chief of the art depart-
ment of the World's Columbian Exposi-
tion; and Professor of Drawing and De-

Izard, George, military officer ; born in
South Carolina in 1777; son of Ralph
Izard. Having finished his education and

'^^^'^)lu "<"i,'^;"-

GEORGE IZARO.

sign, and Director of the Museum and
School of Fine Arts in Washington Uni-
versity.

GRAVES OF THE llTH OHIO BATTERY-MEN.

made a tour in Europe, he entered the
United States army, in 1794, as lieuten-
ant of artillery. He was appointed aide
to General Hamilton in 17D9; resigned in
1803; commissioned colonel of artillery in
the spring of 1812; and promoted
to brigadier - general in March,
1813. He was in command on
Lake Champlain and on the Niag-
ara frontier, in 1814, with the
rank of major-general. From 1825
until his death he was governor
of Arkansas Territory. Early in
September, 1814, he moved tow-
ards Sackett's Harbor, under the
direction of the Secretary of War.
with about 4,000 troops, where he
received a despatch from General
Brown at Fort Erie, Sept. 10,
urging him to move on to his sup-
port, as he had not more than
2,000 effective men. The first
division of Izard's troops arrived
at Lewiston on Oct. 5. He moved
up to Black Rock, crossed the Ni-
agara River, Oct. 10-11, and en-
camped 2 miles north of Fort
Erie. Ranking General Brown, he
took the chief command of the
combined forces, then numbering,
with volunteers and militia, about 8,000
men. He prepared to march against
Drummond, who, after the sortie at Fort
S9

IZARD

Erie, had moved down to Queenston. Izard
moved towards Chippewa, and vainly en-
deavored to draw Drummond out. He had
some skirmishing in an attempt to destroy
a quantity of grain belonging to the Brit-
ish, in which he lost twelve men killed and
fifty-four wounded; the British lost many
more. Drummond fell back to Fort
George and Burlington Heights. Perceiv-
ing further operations in that region to
be useless, and perhaps perilous, Izard
crossed the river and abandoned Canada.
Knowing Fort Erie to be of little service,
ha caused it to be mined and blown up,
Nov. 5. He died in Little Rock, Ark.,
Nov. 22, 1828.

Izard, Ralph, statesman; born near
Charleston, S. C, in 1742; was educated
at Cambridge, England, and in 1767 mar-

ried a daughter of Peter De Lancey,of New
York. They spent some time in Europe,
and Mr. Izard was appointed by Congress
commissioner to the Court of the Grand
Duke of Tuscany, and resided in Paris,
where he took sides with Arthur Lee
against Silas Deane and Franklin (see
Deane, Silas). He returned home in
1780; procured for General Greene the
command of the Southern army, and
pledged his large estates for the purchase
of ships-of-war in Euroj^e. He was in
Congress in 1781-83, and in the United
States Senate in 1789-95. Two years
afterwards he was prostrated by paral-
ysis. His intellect was spared, and he
lived in comparative comfort about eight
years, without pain, when a second shock
ended his life, May 30, 1804.

Jackson, city and capital of tlie State opposition, and began tearing up the rail-

of Mississippi; on tlie Pearl River and way between that town and the capital,

several important railroads; is a large Sherman was also marching on Jackson,

cotton-shipping centre and has extensive while McClernand was at a point near

manufactories; population in 1890, 5,920; Raymond. The night was tempestuous.

in 1900, 7,816. In the morning, Sherman and McPherson

In 1863, while the troops of General pushed forward, and 5 miles from Jack-

SENATE CHAMBER AT JACKSOJJ, MUSS.

Grant were skirmishing at Raymond, he son they encountered and drove in the

learned that Gen. Joseph E. Johnston was Confederate pickets. Two and a half

hourly expected at Jackson. To make miles from the city they were confronted

sure of that place, and to leave no enemy by a heavy Confederate force, chiefly

in his rear. Grant pushed on towards Georgia and South Carolina troops, under

Jackson. McPherson entered Clinton ear- General Walker. General Crocker's di-

iy in the afternoon of May 13, without vision led the van of the Nationals, and

JACKSON

a battle began at eleven o'clock, while a back. Grant sent Sherman reinforce-

sbower of rain was falling. The Confed- ments, giving that leader an army 50,000

erate infantry were in a hollow, with strong. With these he crossed the Big

their artillery on the crest of a hill be- Black River, during a great drought. In

yond them. Crocker pressed the Confed- dust and great heat the thirsty men

erates out of the hollow and up the slopes and animals went on to Jackson, John-

to their artillery. Still onward the Na- ston retiring before them and taking

^^>.«i.— ^ ^^.- --

GOVLRNOR'S MAV<!ION AT JACKSON M!SS

tionals pressed in the face of a severe fire,
when the Confederates broke and fled tow-
ards the city, closely pursued for a mile
and a half to their earthworks. Under a
heavy storm of grape and canister shot
poured upon their works, the Nationals
reformed for the purpose of making an
assault; but there was no occasion, for
the garrison had evacuated the fort. They
left behind them seventeen cannon, and
tents enough to shelter a whole division.
The commissary and quartermaster's
stores were in flames. The city was taken
possession of by the Nationals, and the
stars and stripes were unfurled over the
State House by the 50th Indiana Regiment.
Entering Jackson that night, Grant
learned that Johnston had arrived, taken
charge of the department, and had or-
dered Gen, J. C. Pemberton to march im-
mediately out of Vicksburg and attack
the National rear.

After the fall of Vicksburg, Johnston
hovered menacingly in Grant's rear.
Sherman had pushed out to press him

position behind his breastworks there.
Sherman invested Jackson, July 10, each
flank resting on the Pearl River. He
planted 100 cannon on a hill, and open-
ed on the city, July 12; but his trains
being behind, his scanty ammunition was
soon exhausted. In the assault. General
Lauman pushed his troops too near the
Confederate works, and in the course of
a few minutes 500 of his men were killed
or wounded by sharp - shooters and the
grape and canister from twelve cannon.
Two hundred of his men were made prison-
ers. Under cover of a fog, Johnston made
a sortie, July 13, but with no beneficial
result, and on the night of July 16-17
he withdrew with his 25,000 men, hur-
ried across the Pearl River, burned the
bridges behind him, and retreated to Mor-
ton, Sherman did not pursue far, his
object being to drive Johnston away and
make Vicksburg secure. For this purpose
he broke up the railways for many miles,
and destroyed everything in Jackson that
might be useful to the Confederates.

JACKSON, ANDREW

Jackson, Andrew, seventh President of from the North of Ireland, in 1765, and
the United States: born in the Waxhaw were of the Scotch-Irish, At fourteen
Settlement, Mecklenburg eo., N. C, March years of age, Andrew joined the Revolu-
15, 1767. His parents had emigrated tionary forces in South Carolina. In

JACKSON, ANDREW

that service he had two brothers killed, with a blue gauze veil, with a silver star
He was with Sumter in the battle of on her brow. These personated the several
Hanging Rock (q. v.), and in 1781 was States and Territories of the Union. Each
made a prisoner. He was admitted to carried a basket filled with flowers, and
the practice of the law in western North behind each was a lance stuck in the
Carolina in 1786; removed to Nashville ground, and bearing a shield on which
in 1788: was United States attorney for v»'as inscribed the name and legend of the
that district in 1790; member of the con- State or Territory which she represented,
vention that framed the State constitu- These were linked by festoons of ever-
tion of Tennessee in 1796; member of the greens that extended from the arch to the
United States Senate in 1797; and judge door of the cathedral. At the appointed
of the Tennessee Supreme Court from 1798 time, Jackson, accompanied by the oSicers
to 1804. From 1798 until 1814 he was of his stafl", passed into the square, and,
major-general of the Tennessee militia, and amid the roar of artillery, was conducted
conducted the principal campaign against to the raised floor of the arch. As he
the Creek Indians, which resulted in the stepped upon it, the two little girls leaned
complete subjugation of that nation in the gently forward and placed the laurel
spring of 1814. On May 31, 1814, he was crowns upon his head. At the same mo-
appointed a major-general in the regular nient, a charming Creole maiden (Miss
army and given command of the Depart- Kerr), as the representative of Louisiana,
ment of the South. His victory at New stepped forward, and, with modesty in
Orleans, Jan. 8, 1815, gave him great re- voice and manner, addressed a few con-
nown. gratulatory words to the general, eloquent

On Jan. 21, with the main body of his with expressions of the most profound
army, he entered the city. He was met in gratitude. To these words Jackson made
the suburbs by almost the entire popula- a brief reply, and then passed on towards
tion, who greeted the victors as their the church, the pathway strewn with flow-
saviors. Two days afterwards there was ers by the gentle representatives of the
an imposing spectacle in the city. At States. At the cathedral entrance he was
Jackson's request, the apos-
tolic prefect of Louisiana ap-
pointed Jan. 23 a day for the
public offering of thanks to
God for the victory just won.
It was a beautiful winter
morning on the verge of the
tropics. The religious cere-
monies were to be held in
the old Spanish cathedral,
which was decorated with
evergreens for the occasion.
In the centre of the public
square in front of the cathe-
dral, a temporary triumphal
arch was erected, supported
by six Corinthian columns,
and festooned by flowers and
evergreens. Beneath this arch
stood two beautiful little
girls, each upon a pedestal,

and holding in her hand a civic crown received by the apostolic prefect (Abbe du
of laurel. Near them stood two dam- Bourg) in his pontifical robes, supported
sels, one personifying Liberty, the other by a college of priests in their sacerdotal
Justice. From the arch to the church, garments. The abbe addressed the general
arranged in two rows, stood beautiful with eloquent and patriotic discourse, af-
girls dressed in white, each covered ter which the latter was seated conspicu-

BIRTHPLACE OF ANDREW JACKSOX

JACKSON, ANDREW

ously near the great altar, while the Tc
Deum Laudamus was chanted by the choir
and the people. When the pageant was
over, the general retired to his quarters
to resume the stern duties of a soldier;
and that night the city of Xew Orleans
blazed with a general illumination. On
the spot where the arch was erected, in
the centre of the public square in front
of the cathedral, has been erected a bronze
equestrian statue of Jackson, by Clark
Mills.

Jackson, like a true soldier, did not
relax his vigilance after the victory that
saved Louisiana from British conquest.
He maintained martial law in New Or-
leans rigorously, even after rumors of a

Jackson's headqcartiirs, xkw oklkaxs.

proclamation of peace reached that city.
When an official announcement of peace
was received from Washington he was
involved in a contention with the civil
authorities, who had opposed martial law
as unnecessary. In the legislature of
Louisiana was a powerful faction opposed
to him personally, and when the officers
and troops were thanked by that body
(Feb. 2, 181.5), the name of Jackson was
omitted. The people were very indignant.
A seditious publication soon appeared,
which increased their indignation, and as
this was a public matter, calculated to
produce disaflfection in the army, Jackson
caused the arrest of the author and his

trial by martial law. Judge Dominic A.
Hall, of the Supreme Court of the United
States, issued a writ of habeas corpus in
favor of the offender. Jackson considered
this a violation of martial law, and or-
dered the arrest of the judge and his ex-
pulsion beyond the limits of the city. The
judge, in turn, when the military law was
revoked (March 13, 1815) in consequence
oi the proclamation of peace, required
Jackson to appear before him and show
cause why he should not be punished for
contempt of court. He cheerfully obeyed
the summons, and entered the' crowded
court-room in the old Spanish-built court-
house in citizen's dress. He had almost
reached the bar before he was recognized,
when he was greeted with huzzas by a
thousand voices. The judge was alarmed,
and hesitated. Jackson stepped upon a
bench, procured silence, and then, turning
to the trembling judge, said, " There is
no danger here — there shall be none. The
same hand that protected this city from
outrage against the invaders of the coun-
try will shield and protect this court, or
perish in the effort. Proceed with your
sentence." The agitated judge pronounced
him guilty of contempt of court, and fined
him $1,000. This act was greeted by a
storm of hisses. The general immediately
drew a check for the amount, handed it to
the marshal, and then made his way for
the coiirt-house door. The people were in-
tensely excited. They lifted the hero upoiv
their shoulders, bore him to the street, and
there an immense crowd sent up a shout
that blanched the cheek of Judge Hall.
He was placed in a carriage, from which
the people took the horses and dragged it
themselves to his lodgings, Avhere he ad-
dressed them, urging them to show their
appreciation of the blessings of liberty and
a free government by a willing submission
to the authorities of their country. Mean-
time, $1,000 had been collected by volun-
tary subscriptions and placed to his credit
in a bank. The general politely refused to
accept it, and begged his friends to dis-
tribute it among the relatives of those
who had fallen in the late battles. Nearly
thirty years afterwards (1843), Congress
refunded the sum with interest, amounting
in all to $2,700.

In 1817 he successfully prosecuted the
war against the Seminoles. In 1819 he

JACKSON, ANDBEW

JACKSON'S RECIiPTION BY THE CITIZENS OF NEW ORLEANS.

resigned his military commission, and was
governor of newly acquired Florida in
1821-22. He was again United States
Senator in 1823-24; a"nd in 1828, and also
in 1832, he was elected President of the
United States (see Cabinet, Presi-
dent's). His warfare on the United
States Bank during his Presidency re-
sulted in its final destruction.

President Jackson possessed great firm-
ness and decision of character; was

honest and true; not always correct in
judgment; often rash in expressions and
actions ; misled sometimes by his hot anger
into acts injurious to his reputation; of
unflinching personal courage; possessed
of a tender, sympathizing nature, although
sometimes appearing fiercely leonine ; and
a patriot of purest stamp. He retired
from public life forever in the spring of
1837. His administration of eight years
was marked by great energy, and never

JACKSON, ANDREW

were the affairs of the republic in its
domestic and foreign relations more pros-
perous than at the close of his term of
office. He died in " The Hermitage," near
ISiashville, Tenn., June 8, 1845. In 1852

THE OLD CODRT-HOUSE WHERE JACKSON WAS FINED FOR CONTEMPT OF COURT.

an equestrian statue of Jackson, in bronze,
by Clark Mills, was erected at Washing-
ton, at the expense of the nation.

Nullification.— On Sept. 19, 1832, Presi-
dent Jackson issued the following procla-
mation against nullification:

Whereas, a convention assembled in the
State of South Carolina have passed an
ordinance, by which they declare " that
the several acts and parts of acts of the
Congress of the United States, purport-
ing to be laws for the imposing of duties
and imposts on the importation of for-
eign commodities, and now having actual
operation and effect within the United
States, and more especially " two acts
for the same purposes passed on May 29,
1828, and on July 14, 1832, "are un-
authorized by the Constitution of the
l.nited States, and violate the true mean-
ing and intent thereof, and are null and
void, and no law," nor binding on the
citizens of that State or its officers; and
by said ordinance it is further declared
to be unlawful for any of the constituted

authorities of the State or of the United
States to enforce the payment of the
duties imposed by the said acts within
the same State, and that it is the duty
of the legislature to pass such laws as
may be neces-
sary to give
full effect to
the said ordi-
nance;

And whereas,
by the said
ordinance, it is
further ordain-
ed that in no
case of law or
equity decided
in the courts
of said State,
wherein shall
be drawn in
question the
validity of the
said ordinance
or of the actc
of the legislat-
ure that may
be passed to
give it effect, or
of the said laws
of the United States, no appeal shall be
allowed to the Supreme Court of the
United States, nor shall any copy of the
record be permitted or allowed for that
purpose, and that any person attempting
to take such appeal shall be punished as
for a contempt of court ;

And, finally, the said ordinance declares
that the people of South Carolina will
maintain the said ordinance at every
hazard; and that they will consider the
passage of any act by Congress abolish-
ing or closing the ports of the said State,
or otherwise obstructing the free ingress
or egress of vessels to and from the said
ports, or any other act of the federal gov-
ernment to coerce the State, shut up her
ports, destroy or harass her commerce,
or to enforce the said acts otherwise
than through the civil tribunals of the
country, as inconsistent with the longer
continuance of South Carolina in the
Union; and that the people of the said
Svate will thenceforth hold themselves
absolved from all further obligation to
maintain or preserve their political con-

i)^^;>^v.

JACKSON, ANDREW

nection with the people of the other
States, and will forthwith proceed to
organize a separate government, and do
all other acts and things which sovereign
and independent States may of right do.
And, whereas, the said ordinance pre-
scribes to the people of South Carolina a
course of conduct in direct violation of
their duty as citizens of the United

must inevitably result from an observ-
ance of the dictates of the convention.

Strict duty will require of me nothing
more than the exercise of these powers
with which I am now, or may hereafter
be, invested, for preserving the peace of
the Union, and for the execution of the
laws. But the imposing aspect which
opposition has assumed in this case, by

States, contrary to the laws of their clothing itself with State authority, and
country, subversive of its Constitution, the deep interest which the people of the
and having for its object the destruction United States must feel in preventing a
of the Union : that Union which, coeval resort to stronger measures, while there
with our political existence, led our is a hope that anything will be yielded
fathers, without any other ties to unite to reasoning and remonstrance, perhaps
them than those of patriotism and a com- demand, and will certainly justify, a full
mon cause, through a sanguinary struggle exposition to South Carolina and the na-
tion of the views I entertain of this im-
portant question, as well as a distinct
enunciation of the course which my sense
of duty will require me to pursue.

The ordinance is founded, not on the
indefeasible right of resisting acts which
are plainly unconstitutional, and too op-

to a glorious independence; that sacred
Union, hitherto inviolate, which, perfect-
ed by our happy Constitution, has
brought us, by the favor of heaven, to
a state of prosperity at home, and high
consideration abroad, rarely, if ever,
equalled in the history of nations. To

preserve this bond of our political exist- pressive to be endured, but on the strange
ence from de-
struction, to
maintain invio-
late this state
of national
honor and pros-
perity, and to
justify the con-
fidence my fel-
low - citizens
have reposed in
me, I, Andrew
Jackson, Presi-
dent of the
United States,
have thought
proper to issue
this my procla-
mation, stating
my views of the
Constitution
and laws ap-
plicable to the
measures adopt-
ed by the con-
vention of South Carolina, and to the rea- position that any one State may not only
sons they have put forth to sustain them, declare an act of Congress void, but pro-
declaring the course which duty will re- hibit its execution; that they may do this
quire me to pursue, and. appealing to the consistently with the Constitution; that
understanding and patriotism of the peo- the true construction of that instrument
pie, warn them of the consequences which permits a State to retain its place in the
v. — a 97

THE HERMITAGE IN 1861.

JACKSON, ANDREW

Union, and yet be bound by no other of decision in theory, and the practical illus-
its laws than those it may choose to con- tration shows that the courts are closea
sider as constitutional. It is true, they against an application to review it, botli
add, that to justify this abrogation of a judges and jurors being sworn to decide
law, it must be palpably contrary to the in its favor. But reasoning on this sub-
Constitution; but it is evident that, to jeet is superfluous, when our social corn-
give the right of resisting laws of that pact, in express terms, declares that the
description, coupled with the uncontrolled laws of the United States, its Constitu-
right to decide what laws deserve that tion, and treaties made under it, are the
character, is to give the power of resisting supreme law of the land; and for greater
all laws. For as, by the theory, there is caution adds " that the judges in every
no appeal, the reasons alleged by the State shall be bound thereby, anything
State, good or bad, must prevail. If it in the Constitution or laws of any State

to the contrary not-
withstanding." And
it may be assert-
ed, without fear of
refutation, that no
federal government
could exist without
a similar provision.
Look for a moment
to the consequences.
If South Carolina
considers the reve-
nue laws unconsti-
tutional, and has a
right to prevent
their execution in
the port of Charles-
ton, there would be
a clear constitu-
tional objection to
their collection in
every other port,
and no revenue
could be collected
anywhere, for all
imposts must bQ
equal. It is no an-
swer to repeat that
an unconstitutional
law is no law, so
should be said that public opinion is a long as the question of its legality is to be
sufficient check against the abuse of this decided In' the State itself; for every law
power, it may be asked why it is not operating injuriously upon any local in-

JACKSON S TOMB.

deemed a sufficient guard against the pas-
sage of an unconstitutional act by Con-
gress? There is, however, a restraint in
this last case, which makes the assumed
power of a State more indefensible, and
which does not exist in the other. There
are two appeals from an unconstitutional
act passed by Congress — one to the ju-
diciary, the other to the people and the non-intercourse law in the Eastern States,
States. There is no appeal from the State the carriage tax in Virginia, were all

tcrest will be perhaps thouglit, and cer-
tainly represented, ns unconstitutional,
and, as has been shown, there is no ap-
peal.

If this doctrine had been established at
an earlier day the Union would have
been dissolved in its infancy. Tho excise
law in Pennsvlvania, the embarsro and

JACKSON, ANDBEW

JACKSON AS PRKSIDENT RKCBIVING DELKGATES.

deemed unconstitutional, and were more of victory and honor, if the States who
unequal in their operation than any of supposed it a ruinous and unconstitutional
the laws now complained of; but fortu- measure had thought they possessed the
r.ately none of those States discovered right of nullifying the act by which it
that they had the right now claimed by was declared, and denying supplies for
South Carolina. The war into which we its prosecution. Hardly and unequally
were forced to support the dignity of the as those measures bore upon several mem-
nation and the rights of our citizens might bers of the Union, to the legislatures of
have ended in defeat and disgrace instead none did this efficient and peaceful remedy,

JACKSON, ANDREW

as it is called, suggest itself. The dis- proposed to form a feature in our govern-
covery of this important feature in our ment.

Constitution was reserved to the present In our colonial state, although depend-
day. To the statesmen of South Caro- ing on another power, we very early con-
lina belongs the invention, and upon sidered ourselves as connected by common
the citizens of the State will unfortu- interest with each other. Leagues were
nately fall the evils of reducing it to formed for common defence, and before
practice. the Declaration of Independence we were

If the doctrine of a State veto upon the known in our aggregate character as the
laws of the Union carries with it internal l^nited Colonies of America. That deci-
evidence of its impracticable absurdity, sive and important step was taken jointly.

We declared ourselves a nation by a joint,
not by several acts, and when the terms
of our confederation were reduced to form,
it was in that of a solemn league of sev-
eral States, by which they agreed that
they would collectively form one nation
for the purpose of conducting some cer-
tain domestic concerns and all foreign re-
lations. In the instrument forming that
Union is found an article which de-
clares " that every State shall abide by
the determinations of Congress on all
questions which, by that confederation,
should be submitted to them."

Under the confederation, then, no State
could legally annul a decision
of the Congress or refuse to
submit to its execution; but
no provision was made to en-
force these decisions. Con-
gress made requisitions, but
they were not complied with.
The government could not op-
erate on individuals. They
had no judiciary, no means of
collecting revenue.

But the defects of the con-
federation need not be detailed.
Under its operation we could scarcely
be called a nation. We had neither
prosperity at home nor consideration
abroad. This state of things could
not be endured, and our present happy
Constitution was formed, but foi-med
in vain, if this fatal doctrine prevails.
It was formed for important objects
that are announced in the preamble
made in the name and by the authority
of the people of the United States,
whose delegates framed and whose con-
ventions approved it. The most im-
portant among these objects, that
our constitutional history will also afford which is placed first in rank, on
abundant proof that it would have been which all the others rest, is " to form
repudiated with indignation had it been a more perfect Union." Now, is it pos-

100

ANDREW JACKSON IN 1814.

JACKSON, ANDREW

sible that even if there were no express
provision giving supremacy to the Con-
stitution and laws of the United States
over those of the States, can it be con-
ceived that an instrument made for the
purpose of " forming a more perfect
Union " than that of the confederation,
could be so constructed by the assembled
wisdom of our country as to substitute
for that confederation a form of govern-
ment dependent for its existence on the
local interest, the party spirit of a State,
or of a prevailing faction in a State?
Every man of plain, unsophisticated un-
derstanding, who hears the question, will
give siich an answer as will preserve the
Union. Metaphysical subtlety, in pursuit
of an impracticable theory, could alone
have devised one that is calculated to de-
stroy it.

I consider, then, the power to annul a
law of the United States assumed by one
State, incompatible with the existence of
the Union, contradicted expressly by the
letter of the Constitution, unauthorized
by its spirit, inconsistent with every prin-
ciple on which it was founded, and de-
structive of the great object for which
it was formed.

After this general view of the leading
principle, we must examine the particular
application of it which is made in the
ordinance.

The preamble rests its justification on
these grounds: It assumes as a fact that
the obnoxious laws, although they purport
to be laws for raising revenue, were in
reality intended for the protection of man-
ufactures, which purpose it asserts to be
unconstitutional ; that the operation of
these laws is unequal; that the amount
raised by them is greater than is required
by the wants of the government ; and,
finally, that the proceeds are to be applied
to objects unauthorized by the Constitu-
tion. These are the only causes alleged
to justify an open opposition to the laws
of the country, and a threat of seceding
from the Union if any attempt should be
made to enforce them. The first virtually
acknowledges that the law in question was
passed under a power expressly given by
the Constitution to lay and collect im-
posts; but its constitutionality is drawn
in question from the motives of those
who passed it. However apparent this

purpose may be in the present case, noth-
ing can be more dangerous than to admit
the position that an unconstitutional pur-
pose, entertained by the members who as-
sent to a law enacted under a constitu-
tional power, shall make that law void;
foi how is that purpose to be ascertained?
Who is to make the scrutiny? How often
may bad purposes be falsely imputed? In
how many cases are they concealed by
false professions? In how many is no
declaration of motive made? Admit this
doctrine, and you give to the States an
uncontrolled right to decide, and every
law may be annulled imder this pretext.
If, therefore, the absurd and dangerous
doctrine should be admitted that a State
may annul an unconstitutional law, or
one that it deems such, it will not apply
to the present case.

The next objection is that the laws
in question operate unequally. This objec-
tion may be made with truth to every law
that has been or can be passed. The wis-
dom of man never yet contrived a system
of taxation that would operate with per-
fect equality. If the unequal operation of
a law makes it unconstitutional, and if all
laws of that description may be abrogated
by any State for that cause, then indeed is
the federal Constitution unworthy of the
slightest elTort for its preservation. We
have hitherto relied on it as the perpetual
bond of our Union. We have received it
as the work of the assembled wisdom of
the nation. We have trusted to it as to
the sheet-anchor of our safety in the
stormy times of conflict with a foreign
or domestic foe. We have looked to it
with sacred awe as the palladium of our
liberties, and with all the solemnities of
religion have pledged to each other our
lives and fortunes here and our hopes of
happiness hereafter, in its defence and
support. W^ere we mistaken, my country-
men, in attaching this importance to the
Constitution of our country? Was our
devotion paid to the wretched, inefficient,
clumsy contrivance which this new doc-
trine would make it? Did we pledge our-
selves to the support of an airy nothing —
a bubble that must be blo\ATi away by the
first breath of disaffection? Was this
self-destroying, visionary theory the work
of the profound statesmen, the exalted
patriotism to whom the task of constitu-
01

JACKSON, ANDREW

tional reform was intrusted? Did the who abuse it, and thus procure redress
name of Washington sanction — did the Congress may, undoubtedly, abuse this
States deliberately ratify such an anomaly discretionary power, but the same may be
in the history of fundamental legislation? said of others with which they are vested.
No. We were not .mistaken. The letter of Yet the discretion must exist somewhere,
this great instrument is free from this The Constitution has given it to the rep-
radical fault; its language directly con- resentative of all the people, checked by
tradicts the imiJutation ; its spirit, its evi- the representatives of the States and by
dent intent, contradicts it. No, we do not the executive power. The South Carolina
err. Our Constitution does not contain the construction gives it to the legislature or
absurdity of giving power to make laws, the convention of a single State, where
and another power to resist them. The neither the people of the dilTerent States,
sages, whose memory will always be rev- nor the States in their separate capacity,
eneed, have given us a practical and, as nor the chief magistrate, elected by the
they hoped, a permanent constitutional com- people, have any representation. Which
pact. The Father of this country did not is the most discreet disposition of the
affix his revered name to so palpable an power? I do not ask you, fellow-citizens,
absurdity. Nor did the States, when they which is the constitutional disposition;
severally ratified it, do so under the im- that instrument speaks a language not
pression that a veto on the laws of the to be misunderstood. But if you were
United States was reserved to them, or assembled in general convention, which
that they could exercise it by implica- would you think the safest depository of
tion. Search the debates in all their con- this discretionary power in the last re-
ventions; examine the speeches of the most sort? Would you add a clause giving it
zealous opposers of federal authority; look to each of the States, or would you sane-
at the amendments that were proposed, tion the wise provisions already made
They are all silent; not a syllable uttered, by your Constitution? If this should be
not a vote given, not a motion made to the result of your deliberation when pro-
correct the explicit supremacy given to viding for the future, are you, can you
the laws of the Union over those of the be ready to risk all that we hold dear
States, or to show that implication, as is to establish, for a temporary and a local
now contended, could defeat it. No, we purpose, that which you must acknowledge
have not erred. The Constitution is still to be destructive, and even absurd, as a
the object of our reAerence, the bond of general provision? Carry out the conse-
our Union, our defence in danger, the quenees of this right vested in the different
source of our prosperity in peace; it shall States, and you must perceive that the
descend as we have received it, uncor- crisis your conduct presents at this day
rupted by sophistical construction, to our would recur whenever any law of the
posterity; and the sacrifices of local in- United States displeased any of the States,
terest, of State prejudices, of personal and that we should soon cease to be a na-
animosities, that were made to bring it tion.

into existence, will again be patriotically The ordinance, with the same knowledge

offered for its support. of the future that characterized a former

The two remaining objections made by objection, tells you that the proceeds of

the ordinance to these laws are that the the tax will be imconstitutionally applied,

sums intended to be raised by them are If this could be ascertained with certainty,

greater than are required, and that the the objection would, with more propriety,

proceeds will be unconstitutionally em- be reserved for the law so applying the

ployed. proceeds, but surely cannot be urged

The Constitution has given expressly against the laws levying the duty.
to Congress the right of raising revenue. These are the allegations contained in

and of determining the sum the public the ordinance. Examine them seriously,

exigencies will require. The States have my fellow-citizens — judge for yourselves,

no control over the exercise of this right I appeal to you to determine whether

other than that which results from the they are so clear, so convincing, as to

power of changing the representatives leave no doubt of their correctness; and

102

JACKSON, ANDREW

even if you should come to this conclu- these questions according to its sound

sion, how far they justify the reckless, discretion. Congress is composed of the

destructive course which you are directed representatives of all the States, and of

to pursue. Review these objections, and all the people of all the States; but we,

the conclusions drawn from them, once part of the people of one State, to whom

more. What are they? Every law, then, the Constitution has given no power on

for raising revenue, according to the the subject, from whom it has expressly

South Carolina ordinance, may be right- taken it away; we, who have solemnly

fully annulled, unless it be so framed agreed that this Constitution shall be

as no law ever will or can be framed, our law; we, most of whom have sworn

Congress has a right to pass laws for to support it, we now abrogate this law,

raising revenue, and each State has a right and swear, and force others to swear, that

to oppose their execution — two rights di- it shall not be obeyed. And we do this

rectly opposed to each other; and yet, is not because Congress has no right to pass

this absurdity supposed to be contained such laws — this we do not allege — but

in an instrument drawn for the express because they have passed them with im-

purpose of avoiding collisions between the proper views. They are unconstitutional

States and the general government by an from the motives of those who passed

assembly of the most enlightened states- them, which we can never with certainty

men and purest patriots ever embodied know; from their unequal operation, al-

for a similar purpose? though it is impossible, from the nature

In vain have these sages declared that of things, that they should be equal;
Congress shall have power to lay and col- and from the disposition which we pre-
lect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises; sume may be made of their proceeds, al-
in vain have they provided that they though that disposition has not been
shall have power to pass laws which declared. This is the plain meaning of
shall be necessary and proper to carry the ordinance in relation to laws which
those powers into execution; that those it abrogates for alleged unconstitutional-
laws and the Constitution shall be the ity. But it does not stop there. It re-
" supreme law of the land, and that the peals, in express terms, an important part
judges in every State shall be bound of the Constitution itself, and of laws
tliereby, anything in the constitution or passed to give it effect, which have never
laws of any State to the contrary not- been alleged to be unconstitutional. The
withstanding." In vain have the people Constitution declares that the judicial
of the several States solemnly sanctioned powers of the United States extend to
these provisions, made them their para- cases arising under tlie laws of the Unit-
mount law, and individually sworn to ed States, and that such laws, the Con-
support them whenever they were called stitution and the treaties, shall be para-
on to execute any office. Vain provisions! mount to the State constitution and
ineffectual restrictions! vile profanation laws. The judiciary act prescribes the
of oaths! miserable mockery of legisla- mode by which the case may be brought
tion! if a bare majority of the voters in before a court of the United States, by
any one State may, on a real or sup- appeal, when a State tribunal shall decide
posed knowledge of the intent with which against this provision of the Constitu-
a law has been passed, declare themselves tion. The ordinance declares there shall
free from its operation — say here it gives be no appeal; makes the State law
too little, there too much, and operates paramount to the Constitution and laws
luicqually; here it suffers articles to be of the United States; forces judges and
free that ought to be taxed ; there it taxe^ jurors to swear that they will disregard
those that ought to be free; in this case their provisions; and even makes it penal
the proceeds are intended to be applied in a suitor to attempt relief by appeal,
to purposes which we do not approve; It further declares that it shall not be
in that the amount raised is more than lawful for the authorities of the United
is wanted. States, or of that State, to enforce the

Congress, it is true, is invested by the payment of duties imposed by the revenue

Constitution with the right of deciding laws within its limits.

103

JACKSON, ANDREW

Here is a law of the United States, not
even pretended to be unconstitutional, re-
pealed by the authority of a small ma-
jority of the voters of a single State.
Here is a provision of the Constitution
which is solemnly abrogated by the same
authority.

On such expositions and reasonings the
ordinance grounds not only an assertion
of the right to annul the laws of which it
complains, but to enforce it by a threat
of seceding from the Union if any at-
tempt is made to execute them.

This right to secede is deduced from thr
nature of the Constitution, which, the^
say, is a compact between sovereign
States, who have preserved their whole
sovereignty, and therefore are subject to
no superior; that, because they made the
compact, they cannot break it, when, in
their opinion, it has been departed from
by the other States. Fallacious as this
course of reasoning is, it enlists State
pride, and finds advocates in the honest
prejudices of those who have not studied
the nature of our government sufficiently
to see the radical error on which it rests.

The people of the United States form-
ed the Constitution, acting through the
State legislatures in making the compact,
to meet and discuss its provisions, and
acting in separate conventions when they
ratified these provisions, but the terms
used in its construction show it to be a
government in which the people of the
States collectively are represented. We
are one people in the choice of the Presi-
dent and Vice-President. Here the States
have no other agency than to direct the
mode in which the votes shall be given.
The candidates having the majority of all
the votes are chosen. The electors of a
majority of States may have given their
votes for one candidate, and yet another
may be chosen. The people then, and not
the States, are represented in the execu-
tive branch.

In the House of Representatives there
is this difference, that the people of one
State do not, as in the case of President
and Vice-President, all vote for the same
officers. The people of all the States do
not vote for all the members, each State
electing only its o\vn representatives.
But this creates no material distinction.
When chosen, they are all representa-

tives of the United States, not repre-
sentatives of the particular State from
which they come. They are paid by the
United States, not by the State, nor are
they accountable to it for any act done
in the performance of their legislative
functions; and however they may in prac-
tice, as it is their duty to do, consult and
prefer the interests of their particular
constituents when they come in conflict
with any other partial or local interest,
yet it is their first and highest duty, as
representatives of the United States, to
romote the general good.

The Constitution of the United States,
then, forms a government, not a league,
and whether it be formed by compact be-
tween the States or in any other manner,
its character is the same. It is a govern-
ment in which all the people are repre-
sented, which operates directly on the
people individually, not upon the States —
they retained all the power they did not
grant. But each State having expressly
parted with so many powers as to con-
stitute, jointly with the other States, a
single nation, cannot from that period
possess any right to secede, because such
secession does not break a league, but
destroys the unity of a nation, and any
injury to that unity is not only a breach
which would result from the contraven-
tion of a compact, but it is an offence
against the whole Union. To say that any
State may at pleasure secede from the
Union is to say that the United States are
not a nation, because it would be a sole-
cism to contend that any part of a nation
might dissolve its connection Avith the
other parts, to their injury or ruin, with-
out committing any offence. Secession,
like any other revolutionary act. may be
morally justified by the extremity of op-
pression, but to call it a constitutional
right is confounding the meaning of terms,
and can only be done through gross error,
or to deceive those who are willing to as-
sert a right, but would pause before they
made a revolution, or incur the penalties
consequent on a failure.

Because the Union was formed by com-
pact, it is said the parties to that com-
pact may, when they feel themselves
aggrieved, depart from it; but it is
precisely because it is a compact that they
cannot. A compact is an agreement or

104

JACKSON, ANDREW

binding obligation. It may by its terms
have a sanction or penalty for its breach,
or it may not. If it contains no sanction,
it may be broken with no other conse-
quence than moral guilt; if it have a
sanction, then the breach insures the
designated or implied penalty. A league
between independent nations generally has
no sanction other than a moral one, or if
it should contain a penalty, as there is
no common superior, it cannot be en-
forced. A government, on the contrary,
always has a sanction, express or implied,
and in our case it is both necessarily im-
plied and expressly given. An attempt,
by force of arms, to destroy a government
is an offence by whatever means the con-
stitutional compact may have been formed,
and such government has the right, by
the law of self-defence, to pass acts for
punishing the offender, unless that right
is modified, restrained, or resumed by the
constitutional act. In our system, al-
though it is modified in the case of trea-
son, yet authority is expressly given to
pass all laws necessary to carry its powers
into effect, and under this grant provi-
sion has been made for punishing acts
which obstruct the due administration of
the laws.

It would seem superfluous to add any-
thing to show the nature of that union
which connects us; but as erroneous opin-
ions on this subject are the foundation of
doctrines the most destructive to our
peace, I must give some further develop-
ment to my views on this subject. No
one, fellow-citizens, has a higher reverence
for the reserved rights of the States than
the magistrate who now addresses you.
No one would make greater personal sac-
rifices or official exertions to defend them
from violation, but equal care must be
taken to prevent on their part an improper
interference with our resumption of the
rights they have vested in the nation.
The line has not been so distinctly drawn
as to avoid doubts in some cases of the
exercise of power. Men of the best in-
tentions and soundest views may differ
in their construction of some parts of the
Constitution, but there are others on
which dispassionate reflections can leave
no doubt. Of this nature appears to be
the assumed right of secession. It treats,
as we haA'e seen, on the alleged undivided

sovereignty of the States, and on their
having formed, in this sovereign capacity,
a compact which is called the Constitu-
tion, from which, because they made it,
they have the right to secede. Both of
these positions are erroneous, and some
of the arguments to prove them so have
been anticipated.

The States severally have not retained
their entire sovereignty. It has been
shown that in becoming parts of a nation,
not members of a league, they surrendered
many of their essential parts of sovereign-
ty. The right to make treaties, declare
war, levy taxes, exercise exclusive judicial
and legislative powers, were all of them
functions of sovereign power. The States,
then, for all these purposes were no longer
sovereign. The allegiance of their citi-
zens was transferred in the first instance
to the government of the United States.
They became American citizens, and owed
obedience to the Constitution of the
United States, and to laws inade in con-
formity with the powers it vested in Con-
gress. This last position has not been
and cannot be denied. How, then, can
that State be said to be sovereign and
independent whose citizens own obedience
to laws not made by it, and whose
magistrates are sworn to disregard those
laws when they come in conflict with
those passed by another? What shows
conclusively that the States cannot be
said to have reserved an undivided sov-
ereignty is that they expressly ceded
the right to punish treason, not treason
against their separate powers, but treason
against the United States. Treason is an
offence against sovereignty, and sovereign-
ty must reside with the powers to punish
it. But the reserved rights of the State
are not less sacred because they have,
for their common interest, made the gen-
eral government the depository of these
powers.

The unity of our political character (as
has been shown for another purpose) com-
menced with its very existence. Under
the royal government we had no separate
character ; our opposition to its oppres-
sion began as united colonies. We were
the United States under the confederation,
and the name was perpetuated, and the
Union rendered more perfect, by the federal
Constitution. In none of these stages did
0.5

JACKSON, ANDREW

we consider ourselves in any other light
than as forming one nation. Treaties
and alliances were made in the name of
all. Troops were made for the joint de-
fence. How, then, with all these proofs
that, under all changes of our position, we
had, for designated purposes and defined
powers, created national governments —
how is it that the most perfect of these
several modes of union should now be
considered as a mere league that may be
dissolved at pleasure? It is from an
abuse of terms. Compact is used as sy-
nonymous with league, although the true
term is not employed, because it would
at once show the fallacy of the reason-
ing. It would not do to say that our
Constitution was only a league, but it is
fabored to prove it a compact (which in
one sense it is ) , and then to argue that
as a league is a compact, every compact
between nations must, of course, be a
league, and that from such an engage-
ment every sovereign power has a right
to recede. But it has been shown that, in
this sense, the States are not sovereign,
and that even if they were, and the na-
tional Constitution had been formed by
compact, there would be no right in any
one State to exonerate itself from its ob-
ligations.

So o]bvious are the reasons which forbid
this secession, that it is necessary only
to allude to them. The Union was formed
for the benefit of all. It was produced
by natural sacrifices of interest and
opinions. Can these sacrifices be recalled?
Can the States, who magnanimously sur-
rendered their title to the territories of
the West, recall the grant? Will the in-
habitants of the inland States agree to
pay the duties that may be imposed with-
out their assent by those on the Atlantic
or the Gulf, for their own benefit? Shall
there be a free port in one State and
onerous duties in another? No one be-
lieves that any right exists in a single
State to involve all the others in these
and countless other evils contrary to
the engagements solemnly made. Every
one must see that the other States, in
self - defence, must oppose it at all haz-
ards.

These are the alternatives that are pre-
sented by the convention: a repeal of all
the acts for raising revenue, leaving the

106

government without the means of sup-
port, or an acquiescence in the dissolution
of our Union by the secession of one of
its members. When the first was pro-
posed, it was known that it could not
be listened to for a moment. It was
known, if force was applied to oppose the
execution of the laws, that it must be re-
pelled by force; that Congress could not,
without involving itself in disgrace and
the country in ruin, accede to the propo-
sition ; and yet if this is not done in
a given day, or if any attempt is made to
execute the laws, the State is, by the or-
dinance, declared to be out of the Union.
The majority of a convention assembled
for the purpose have dictated these terms,
or rather this rejecting of all terms, in
the name of the people of South Caro-
lina. It is true that the governor of
the State speaks of the submission of their
grievances to the convention of all the
States, which, he says, they " sincerely and
anxiously seek and desire." Yet this ob-
vious and constitutional mode of obtain-
ing the sense of the other States on the
construction of the federal compact, and
amending it, if necessary, has never been
attempted by those who have urged the
State on to this destructive measure. Tlie
State might have proposed the call for a
general convention to the other States,
and Congress, if a sufficient number of
them concurred, must have called it. But
the first magistrate of South Carolina,
Avhen he expressed hope that, " on a re-
view by Congres's and the functionaries
of the general government of the merits
of the controversy," such a convention
will be accorded to them, must have known
that neither Congress nor any function-
ary of the general government has au-
thority to call such a convention, unless
it be demanded by two-thirds of the
States. This suggestion, then, is another
instance of the reckless inattention to
the provisions of the Constitution with
which this crisis has been madly hurried
on, or of the attempt to persuade the
people that a constitutional remedy had
Ibeen sought and refused. If the legislat-
ure of South Carolina " anxiously de-
sire " a general convention to consider
their complaints, why have they not made
application for it in the way the Consti-
tution points out? The assertion that

JACKSON, ANDREW

tliey " earnestly seek it " is completely
negatived by the omission.

This, then, is the position in which we
stand. A small majority of the citizens
of one State in the Union have elected
delegates to a State convention; that con-
vention has ordained that all the revenue
laws of the United States must be re-
pealed, or that they are no longer a mem-
ber of the Union. The governor of that
State has recommended to the legislature
the raising of an army to carry the seces-
sion into eii'ect, and that he may be em-
powered to give clearances to vessels in
the name of the State. No act of violent
opposition to the laws has yet been com-
mitted, but such a state of things is
hourly apprehended, and it is the intent
of this instrument to proclaim, not only
that the duty imposed on me by the Con-
stitution " to take care that the laws be
faithfully executed," shall be performed
to the extent of the powers already in-
\ ested in me by law, or of such others as
the wisdom of Congress shall devise and
intrust to me for that purpose, but to
warn the citizens of South Carolina who
have been deluded into an opposition to
the laws, of the danger they will incur by
obedience to the illegal and disorganizing
ordinance of the convention ; to exhort
those who have refused to support it to
persevere in their determination to iip-
hold the Constitution and laws of their
country, and to point out to all the peril-
ous situation into which the good people
of that State ha^'e been led, and that the
course they have been urged to pursue is
one of ruin and disgrace to the very State
whose rights they affect to support.

Fellow-citizens of my native State, let
me not only admonish you, as the first
magistrate of our common country, not
to incur the penalty of its laws, but use
the influence that a father would over his
children whom he saw rushing to certain
ruin. In that paternal language, with
that paternal feeling, let me tell you, my
countrymen, that you are deluded by men
who are either deceived themselves or wish
to deceive you. Mark under what pre-
tences you have been led on to the brink
of insurrection and treason on which you
stand ! First, a diminution of the value
of your staple commodity, lowered by over-
production in other quarters, and the con-

sequent diminution in the value of your
lands, were the sole effect of the tariff
laws.

The effect of those laws was confess-
edly injurious, but the evil was greatly
exaggerated by the unfounded theory you
were taught to believe, that its burdens
were in proportion to your exports, not to
your consumption of imported articles.
Your pride was roused by the assertion
that a submission to those laws was a
state of vassalage, and that resistance to
them was equal, in patriotic merit, to the
opposition our fathers offered to the op-
pressive laws of Great Britain. You
were told that this opposition might be
peaceably, might be constitutionally
made; that you might enjoy all the ad-
vantages of the Union, and bear none of
its burdens. Eloquent appeals to your
passions, to your State pride, to your
native courage, to your sense of real in-
jury, were used to prepare you for the
period when the mask which concealed the
hideous features of disunion should be
taken off. It fell, and you were made to
look with complacency on objects which,
not long since, you would have regarded
with horror. Look back to the arts
which have brought you to this state ;
look forward to the consequences to
which it must inevitably lead! Look
back to what was first told you as an in-
ducement to enter into this dangerous
course! The great political truth was re-
peated to you, that you had the revolu-
tionary right of resisting all laws that
were palpably unconstitutional and in-
tolerably oppressive; it was added that
the right to nullify a law rested on the
same principle, but that it was a peace-
able remedy. This character which was
given to it made you receive, with too
nuich confidence, the assertions that were
made of the unconstitutionality of the
law and its oppressive effects. Mark, my
fellow-citizens, that, by the admission of
your leaders, the unconstitutionality
must be palpable, or it will not justify
either resistance or nullification! What
is the meaning of the word palpable in
the sense in which it is here used? That
which is apparent to every one; that
which no man of ordinary intellect will
fail to perceive. Is the unconstitution-
ality of these laws of that description?

107

JACKSON, ANDREW

Let those among your leaders, who once tection so many different States — giving

approved and advocated the principle of to all their inhabitants the proud title ot

protective duties, answer the question, American citizens, protecting their com-

and let them choose whether they will be merce, securing their literature and their

considered as incapable then of perceiv- arts; facilitating their intercommunica-

ing that which must have been apparent tion; defending their frontiers; and mak-

to every man of common understanding, ing their name respected in the remotest

or as imposing upon your confidence, and parts of the earth. Consider the extent

endeavoring to mislead you now. In of its territory; its increasing and happy

either case they are unsafe guides in the population; its advance in arts which ren-

perilous path they urge you to tread, der life agreeable; and the sciences which

I'onder well on this circumstance, and elevate the mind! See education spread-

you will know how to appreciate the ex- ing the lights of religion, morality, and

aggerated language they address to you. general information into every cottage in

They are not champions of liberty emu- this wide extent of our Territories and

lating the fame of our Revolutionary States! Behold it as the asylum where

fathers ; nor are you an oppressed peo- the wretched and the oppressed find a

pie contending, as they repeat to you, refuge and support! Look on this pict-

against worse than colonial vassalage. ure of happiness and honor, and say, we.

You are free members of a flourishing too, are citizens of America! Carolina is
and happy Union. There is no settled de- one of these proud States; her arms have
sign to oppress you. You have, indeed, defended, her best blood has cemented, this
felt the unequal operation of laws which happy L^nion ! And then add, if you
may have been unwisely, not unconstitu- can, without horror and remorse, this hap-
tionally, passed; but that inequality must py Union we will dissolve; this picture of
necessarily be removed. At the very mo- peace and prosperity we will deface; this
ment when you were madly urged on to free intercourse we will interrupt; these
the unfortunate course you have begun, fertile fields we will deluge with blood ;
a change in public opinion had com- the protection of that glorious flag we
menced. The nearly approaching pay- renounce; the very name of Americans
m.ent of the public debt, and the conse- we discard. And for what, mistaken men ;
quent necessity of a diminution of duties, for w^hat do you throw away these ines-
had already produced a considerable re- timable blessings? For what would you
duction, and that, too, on some articles exchange your share in the advantages
of general consumption in your State, and honor of the U^nion? For the dream
The importance of this change was under- of separate independence — a dream inter-
rated, and you were authoritatively told rupted by bloody conflicts with your neigh-
that no further alleviation of your bur- bors, and a vile dependence on a foreign
dens Avas to be expected at the very time power. If your leaders could succeed in
when the condition of the country im- establishing a separation, what would be
periously demanded fuch a modification your situation? Are you united at home ;
of the duties as should reduce them to a are you free from the apprehension of civil
just and equitable scale. But, as if ap- discord, with all its fearful consequences?
prehensive of the efl'ect of this change in Do your neighboring republics, every day
allaying your discontents, you were pre- suffering some new revolution, or contend-
cipitated into the fearful state in which ing with some new insurrection — do they
you now find yourselves. excite your envy? But the dictates of a

I have urged you to look back to the high duty oblige me solemnly to announce

means that were used to hurry you on tliat you cannot succeed. The laws of the

to the position j^ou have now assumed, and LTnited States must be executed. I have

forward to the consequences it will pro- no discretionary power on the subject;

duce. Something more is necessary. Con- my duty is emphatically pronounced in

template the condition of that country the Constitution. Those who told you

of which you still form an important part, that you might peaceably prevent their

Consider its government uniting in one execution deceived you ; they could net

bond of common interest and general pro- have been deceived themselves. They know

ins

JACKSON, ANDREW

that a forcible opposition could alone pre-
vent the execution of the laws, and they
know that such opposition must be re-
pelled. Their object is disunion; but be
not deceived by names: disunion, by armed
force, is treason. Are you really ready to
incur its guilt? If you are, on the heads
of the instigators of the act be the dread-
ful consequences; on their heads be the
dishonor, but on yours may fall the pun-
ishment. On your unhappy State will
inevitably fall all the evils of the con-
flict you force upon the government of
your country. It cannot accede to the
mad project of disunion, of which you
would be the first victims; its first magis-
trate cannot, if he would, avoid the per-
formance of his duty. The consequence
must be fearful for you, distressing to
your fellow-citizens here, and to the
friends of good government throughout
the world. Its enemies have beheld our
prosperity with a vexation they could not
conceal ; it was a standing refutation of
their slavish doctrines, and they will point
to our discord with the triumph of malig-
nant joy. It is yet in your power to dis-
appoint them. There is yet time to show
that the descendants of the Pinckneys,
the Sumters, the Rutledges, and of the
thousand other names which adorn the
pages of your Revolutionary history, will
not abandon that Union, to support which
so many of them fought, and bled, and
died.

I adjure you, as you honor their mem-
ory, as you love the cause of freedom, to
which they dedicated their lives, as you
prize the peace of your country, the lives
of its best citizens, and your own fair
fame, to retrace your steps. Snatch from
the archives of your State the disorgan-
izing edict of its convention ; bid its
members to reassemble, and promulgate
the decided expressions of your will to
remain in the path which alone can con-
duct you to safety, prosperity, and honor.
Tell them that, compared to disunion, all
other evils are light, because that brings
with it an accumulation of all. Declare
that you will never take the field irnless
the star-spangled banner of your country
shall float over you ; that yoii will not
be stigmatized when dead, and dishonored
and scorned while you live, as the au-
thors of the first attack on the Constitu-

109

tion of your country. Its destroyers you
cannot be. You may disturb its peace;
you may interrupt the course of its pros-
perity; you may cloud its reputation for
stability, but its tranquillity will be re-
stored, its prosperity will return, and
the stain upon its national character will
be transferred and remain an eternal blot
on the memory of those who caused the
disorder.

Fellow-citizens of the United States,
the threat of unhallowed disunion — the
names of those once respected, by whom
it is uttered — the array of military force
to support it — denote the approach of a
crisis in our affairs on which the con-
tinuance of our unexampled prosperity,
our political existence, and, perhaps, that
of all free governments, may depend.
The conjuncture demanded a free, a full,
and explicit enunciation, not only of my
intentions, but of my principles of action;
and, as the claim was asserted of a right
by a State to annul the laws of the Union,
and even to secede from it at pleasure, a
frank exposition of my opinions in rela-
tion to the origin and form of our gov-
ernment, and the construction I give to
the instrument by which it was created,
seemed to be proper. Having the fullest
confidence in the justness of the legal
and constitutional opinion of my duties,
which has been expressed, I rely, with
equal confidence, on your undivided sup-
port in my determination to execute the
laws, to preserve the Union by all con-
stitutional means, to arrest, if possible,
by moderate but firm measures, the neces-
sity of a recourse to force; and, if it be
the will of Heaven, that the recurrence
of its primeval curse on man for the
shedding of a brother's blood should fall
upon our land, that it be not called down
by an offensive act on the part of the
United States.

Fellow - citizens, the momentous case
is before you. On your undivided sup-
port of your government depends the de-
cision of the great question it involves,
whether your sacred Union will be pre-
served, and the blessings it secures to us
as one people shall be perpetuated. No
one can doubt that the unanimity with
which that decision will be expressed wili
be such as to inspire neAV confidence in
republican institutions, and that the pru-

JACKSON

dence, the wisdom, and the courage which camped around Lawrence, Kan., where he

it will bring to their defence will trans- took measures to prevent a legal polling

mit them unimpaired and invigorated to of votes at an election for members of

our children. the territorial legislature, late in March.

May the Great Ruler of nations grant His followers threatened to hang a judge

that the signal blessings with which He who attempted to secure an honest vote,

has favored ours may not, by the madness and by threats compelled another to re-

of party or personal ambition, be disre- ceive every vote offered by a Missourian.

garded and lost; and may His wise Provi- When the Civil War broke out, Jackson

dence bring those who have produced this made strenuous efforts to place Missouri

crisis to see their folly before they feel on the side of secession, but was foiled

the misery of civil strife, and inspire a re- chiefly through the efforts of Gen. Na-

turning veneration for that Union which, thaniel Lyon. He was deposed by the

if we may dare to penetrate His designs, Missouri State convention, in July, 1861,

He has chosen as the only means of attain- when he entered the Confederate military

ing the high destinies to which we may service as a brigadier-general. He died

reasonably aspire. in Little Rock. Ark., Dec. 6, 18G2.

In testimony whereof, I have caused the Jackson, Francis, social reformer;

seal of the United States to be hereunto born in Newton, Mass., March 7, 1789;

affixed, having signed the same with my president of the Anti-Slavery Society in

hand. Boston for many years. He published a

Done at the city of Washington, this IJistory of Newton, and died there Nov.

10th day of December, in the year of our 14, 1861.

Lord one thousand eight hundred and Jackson, Fraxcis James, British min-

thirty-two, and of the independence of the ister to the United States, who succeeded

United States the fifty-seventh. David M. Erskine in 1809. An experi-

Jackson, Charles Thomas, geologist; enced diplomatist, he had lately figured

born in Plymoiith, Mass., June 21, 1805; discreditably in the affair of the seizure

graduated at Harvard in 1829, and after- of the Danish fleet by British men-of-war

wards studied in Paris. He Avas appoint- at Copenhagen. He had become known as

ed State geologist of Maine and surveyor " Copenhagen Jackson," whose conduct did

of public lands in 1836, and of Rhode Isl- not commend him to the good-will of the

and in 1839; and subsequently was engaged people of the United States. The impres-

on the geological survey of New Hamp- sion was that he had come with explana-

shire; explored the southern shore of Lake tions of the cause of the rejection of

Superior in 1844; and was appointed to Erskine's arrangement. The Secretary of

survey the mineral lands of Michigan in State, finding he had nothing to offer, ad-

1847. He is author of a large number of dressed Jackson in a letter in which a tone

reports on the geology of Maine, New of discontent was conspicuous, declaring

Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, the surprise and regret of the President

etc. He claimed to be the discoverer of that he had no explanations to offer as to

etherization, and received the Montyon the non-ratification of the Erskine ar-

prize from the French Academy of rangement, or authority to substitute any

Sciences. He died in Somerville, Mass., new arrangement for it. The object of the

Aug. 28, 1880. letter, probably, was to draw out from

Jackson, Claiborne Fox, statesman ; Jackson an explicit admission, as a basis

born in Fleming county, Ky., April 4, for an appeal to the nation, that he had

1807; became conspicuovis as a leader no authority to treat except upon the

in the efforts of pro-slavery men to make ground of Canning's three conditions —

Kansas a slave-labor State. In 1822 he namely, 1. The repealing as to Great

went to Missouri; was a captain in the Britain, but the keeping in force as to

Black Hawk War; served several years in France, and all countries adopting her

the State legislature; and was elected gov- decrees, so long as these decrees were con-

ornor of Missouri by the Democrats in tinned, all American non-importation and

1860. In 1855 he led a band of lawless non-intercourse acts; 2. The renunciation

men from Missouri, who, fully armed, en- by the United States, during the present

JACKSON

war, of any pretensions to carry on any
trade with the colonies of belligerents not
allowed in time of peace; and 3. The allow-
ing British ships-of-war to enforce, by
caj ture, the American non-intercourse acts
wi\.h France and her allies. Jackson de-
clared that the rejection of that part of
the arrangement of Erskine relating to
the affair of the Chesapeake and Leopard
was owing partly to the offensive terms
employed in the American note to Erskine
concerning it. This note had offended the
old monarch, with whom Admiral Berkeley
was a favorite. In it Secretary Smith
said, April 17, 1809: " I have it in express
charge from the President to state that,
while he forbears to insist on a further
punishment of the offending officer, he is
not the less sensible of the justice and
utility of such an example, nor the less
persuaded that it would best comport with
what is due from his Britannic Majesty
to his own honor." Jackson's manner was
offensive. He had an unbounded admira-
tion for the government he represented,
and a pj'ofound contempt for the Ameri-
cans as an inferior people. He treated the
officers of the United States government
with the same haughty bearing that he did
those of weak and bleeding Denmark, and,
after one or two personal interviews. Sec-
retary Smith refused to have any further
intercourse with him except in writing.
The insolent diplomat was offended, and
wrote an impudent letter to the Secretary.
He was informed that no more communi-
cations would be received from him, when
Jackson, disappointed and angry, left
Washington with every member of the
diplomatic family, and retired to New
York. The United States government re-
quested his recall, and early in 1810 he
was summoned to England. No other
minister was sent to the United States for
about a year.

Jackson, Helen Maria Fiske, author;
born in Amherst, Mass., Oct. 18, 1831;
daughter of Prof. Nathan W. Fiske; was
educated in the Ipswich Female Semi-
nary; married Capt. Edward B. Hunt in
18.52. She first became known as an au-
thor under the letters " H. H." in 1875,
when she married William S. Jackson.
In 1879 she became deeply interested in
the condition of the American Indians and
their treatment by the United States

government. In 1883, while a special
commissioner to inquire into the circum-
stances of the Mission Indians of Cali-
fornia, she studied the history of the early
Spanish missions, and a short time prior
to her death she wrote the President a
letter pathetically asking for the " right-
ing of the wrongs of the Indian race."
Her works include Verses; Bits of Travel;
Nelly's Silver-Mine; The Story of Boone;
A Century of Dishonor; Mammy Little-
hack and her Family ; Ramona; Glimpses
of Three Coasts; Hetty's Strange History,
and others. She died in San Francisco,
Cal., Aug. 12, 1885.

Jackson, Henry Bootes, military offi-
cer; born in Athens, Ga., June 24, 1820;
graduated at Yale College in 1839, and
admitted to the bar in 1840, when he
settled in Savannah. He was appointed
United States district attorney for
Georgia in 1843. During the Mexican
War he was colonel of the 1st Georgia
Volunteers. At the close of the war he
became part proprietor of The Georgian,
in Savannah. In 1853 he was sent to the
Court of Austria as the United States
charge d'affaires. In 1854-58 he was
minister to Austria. Returning to the
United States he was commissioned a
special United States district attorney for
Georgia, to aid in trying notorious slave-
trading cases. When the Civil War broke
out he entered the Confederate army with
the rank of brigadier-general. During the
battle of Nashville, in December, 1864, he
was taken prisoner, and was held till the
close of the war. Returning to Savannah
he resumed law practice. In 1875-88 he
was a trustee of the Peabody Educational
Fund. In 1885 he was appointed minister
to Mexico, but served only a few months,
owing to his opposition to the govern-
ment in seizing the American ship Re-
hecca. He published Tallulah, and other
Poems. He died in Savannah, Ga., May
23, 1898.

Jackson, Howell Edmunds, jurist;
born in Paris, Tenn.. April 8, 1832; grad-
uated at the West Tennessee College in
1848; admitted to the bar in 1856; elected
United States Senator from Tennessee in
1881, but resigned in 1880, when he was
appointed United States district judge by
President Cleveland ; appointed justice of
the United States Supreme Court in 1893.
11

JACKSON

He died in West Meade, Tenn., Aug. 8,
1895.

Jackson, James, military officer; born
in Devonshire, England, Sept. 21, 1757;
removed to Savannah, Ga., in 1772; stud-
ied law; entered the military service;
and was brigade-major of the Georgia
militia in 1778. He took part in the
defence of Savannah; and, when the Brit-
ish seized it at the close of 1778, he fled
to South Carolina, where he joined Gen-
eral Moultrie. His appearance was so
wretched while in his flight, that he was
arrested, tried, and condemned as a spy,
and was about to be executed, when a
reputable citizen of Georgia, who knew
him, saved him. Jackson fought a duel

JAMES JACKSON.

in March, 1780, with Lieutenant-Governor
Wells, killing his antagonist, and being
severely wounded himself. He joined Col.
Elijah Clarke, and became aide to Sum-
ter. With Pickens he shared in the vic-
tory at the Cowpens. He afterwards did
good service as commander of a legionary
corps, and was presented with a dwelling
in Savannah by the Georgia legislature.
In 1786 he was made brigadier-general,
and in 1788 was elected governor of
Georgia, but the latter office he declined.
From 1789 to 1791 he was a member of
Congress, and from 1793 to 1795, and
from 1801 to 1806, United States Senator.
From 1798 to 1801 he was governor of
the State. He died in Washington, D. C,
March 12, 1806.

Jackson, Jonathan, patriot; born in
Boston, Mass., June 4, 1743; graduated at

Harvard College in 1761 ; held a seat in
the Provincial Congress in 1775; was
United States marshal in 1789-91. He
wrote Thoughts upon the Political Situa-
tion of the United States. He died in
Boston, Mass., March 5, 1810.

Jackson, Sheldon, clergyman; born
in Minaville, N. Y., May 18, 1834; gradu-
ated at Union College in 1855, and at
Princeton Theological Seminary in 1858,
and was ordained a minister in the
Presbyterian Church on May 5 of the lat-
ter year. The same year he went as a
missionary to the Choctaw Indians. In
1859-69 he was engaged in missionary
work in western Wisconsin and southern
Minnesota; in 1869-70 was superintend-
ent of the Presbyterian missions in
western Iowa, Nebraska, and the Rocky
Mountain Territories; and in 1877 became
superintendent of the Presbyterian mis-
sions in Alaska. In 1885 he was ap-
pointed United States general agent of
education for the Territory of Alaska.
In 1887 he organized at Sitka the Alaskan
Society of Natural History and Ethnol-
ogy; in 1884 induced Congress to grant
a district organization to Alaska; in 1891
introduced reindeer into that region; and
in 1898 was authorized to secure a colony
of Laplanders for Alaska. He was sev-
eral times a commissioner to the general
assembly of the Presbyterian Church,
and moderator in 1897. He gave $50,000
to establish a Christian college in Utah
in 1896. He is a member of the National
Geographical Society, and many other
similar organizations. His publications
include Alaska and Missions on the
North Pacific Coast; Education in
Alaska, and elaborate reports on Alaska
in the annual reports of the United States
Commissioner of Education.

Jackson, Thouas Jonathan, military
officer; born in Clarksburg, Va., Jan. 21,
1824; graduated at West Point in 1840,
entering the 2d Artillery; served in
the war with Mexico ; was brevetted
captain and major; and resigned in 1852
with health impaired, becoming profess-
or in the Military Institute at Lexing-
ton, Va. He entered the Confederate ser-
vice, as colonel, in April, 1861, and com-
manded the " Army of Observation " at
Harper's Ferry. His first engagement was
at Falling Waters. Jackson commanded
12

JACKSON J..CKSON AND ST.

THOMAS J. ("stonewall") JACKSON.

a brigade in the battle of Bull Run, where orphan, at an early age; At the breaking
he received the name of " Stonewall." A out of the Revolutionary War he entered
furious clvirge, made by a New York regi- the military service. He finally became

aide to General Lincoln, and was made a
prisoner at Charleston in 1780. He was
secretary to Col. John Laurens, special
minister to France, and was in Washing-
ton's military family as aide, with the
rank of major. Jackson was assistant
Secretary of War under Washington, and
was secretary to the convention that
framed the national Constitution in 1787.
From 1789 to 1792 he was aide and private
secretary to President Washington ; from
1796 to 1801 was surveyor of the port of
Philadelphia, and was secretary to the
General Society of the Cincinnati. He
died in Philadelphia, Dec. 17, 1828.

Jackson and St. Philip, Forts, two
fortifications on the Mississippi River,
57 miles southeast of New Orleans, which
command the lower approach to that
city. Both were strongly fortified by the
ment, under Col. Henry W. Slocum, had Confederates in the early part of the
shattered the Confederate line, and the Civil War, and were passed by the fleet
troops had fled to a plateau whereon Gen- under Farragut, April 24, 1862.
eral Jackson had just arrived
with reserves. " They are
beating us back ! " exclaimed
Gen. Bernard E. Bee. "Well,
sir," replied Jackson, " we will
give them the bayonet." Bee
was encouraged. " Form !

form!" he cried to the fugi-
tives; "there stands Jackson
like a stone wall." The effect
of these words was wonderful.
The flight was checked, order
was brought out of confusion,
and ever afterwards the calm
general was called " Stone-
wall." He attained the rank
of lieutenant-general, and was
accidentally shot by his own
men, while reconnoitring dur-
ing the battle of Chancel-
lorsville; and, from his
wounds, and a sudden at- < .•
tack of pneumonia, he

military officer; born in
Cumberland, England,
March 9. 1759; was taken
to Charleston, S. C, an
V — H

died in Guinea Station. vAx'H\-^lvi) r'A, i' '' > ■'['
Va.. May 10, 1863. " ^l^^W^ '^-■

Jackson, William, V^H.^M-i'^' jf^'-M''

.^i-i

z^'

II, T

GRAVE OV THOMAS J JACKSON.

113

JACOB— JACOBI

Although Farragut had passed these
forts, and the Confederate flotilla had
been destroyed, the fortifications were still
lirmly held. The mortar-fleet under Por-
ter was below them. General Butler, who
had accompanied the gunboats on their
perilous passage on the Saxon, had re-
turned to his transports, and in small
boats his troops, under the general pilot-
age of Gen. Godfrey Weitzel, passed
through bayous to the rear of Fort St.
Philip. When he was prepared to assail
it, the garrison was surrendered without

cer; born in Oldham county, Ky., in 1825;
went to California in 1846, where he aided
Gen. John C. Fremont in conquering that
section. In 1862 he recruited a regiment
of 1,244 cavalry at Eminence, Ky. ; in
1863 became lieutenant-governor of Ken-
tucky. He was strongly opposed to Presi-
dent Lincoln's emancipation proclamation,
holding that it not only deprived those
loyal citizens who owned slaves of their
property, but it was unjust to the friends
of the Union.

Jacobi, Mary Putnam, physician; born

'^ississ^^

FORTS JACKSON AND ST. PHILIP AND ENVIRONS.

resistance (April 28), for they had heard
of the destruction of the Confederate flo-
tilla. The commander of Fort Jackson,
fearing that all was lost, accepted gener-
ous terms of surrender from Commodore
Porter. 'The prisoners taken in the forts
and at the quarantine numbered about
1 ,000. The entire loss of the Nationals
from the beginning of the contest until
New Orleans was taken was forty killed
and 177 wounded. See New Orleans.
Jacob, Piic'iiARD Taylor, military offi-

in London, England, Aug. 31, 1842;
daughter of George P. Putnam, of New
York. She studied in the Philadelphia
Medical College for Women, and grad-
uated at the New York College of Phar-
macy. She was the first woman ma-
triculated at the Ecole de Medecine, in
Paris, France, where she graduated in
1871. For twelve years she was the dis-
pensary physician at the Mount Sinai
Hospital, and for ten years was professor
in the Woman's Medical College, both in

JACOBS— JAMES I.

New York. Her essay, The Question of
Rest for Women during Menstruation,
won the Boylston prize. She is the au-
thor of The Value of Life; Cold Pack and
Massage in Ancemia; Hysteria; Brain
Tumor, and other Essays; Studies in Pri-
inary Education ; Common-Sense Applied
to Woman Suffrage; and numerous articles
in medical periodicals.

Jacobs, Benjamin Franklin, philan-
tiiropist; born in Paterson, N. J., Sept.
18, 1834; received a liberal education;
and engaged in business in Chicago in
1854. At an early age he became deep-
ly interested in Sunday-school work. In
1856 he was superintendent of the First
Baptist Mission Sunday-school of Chi-
cago, and in 1864 director of the First
Baptist Sunday Choir. During the Civil
War he was secretary of the northwestern
branch of the United States Christian
Commission. He founded the Waif's
Mission in Chicago, and with others or-
ganized the Immanuel Baptist Church
there in 1881, becoming superintendent of
its Sunday-school. He originated the
International Sunday-school Lessons which
are used now by all evangelical denom-
inations. In 1872 he became a member
of the international lesson committee.
For seA'eral years he has been chairman
of the executive committee of the Inter-
national Sunday-school Association.

Jacobs, Henry Eyster, theologian ;
born in Gettysburg, Pa., Nov. 10, 1844;
graduated at Pennsylvania College in 1862,
and at the Lutheran Theological Seminary.
Gettysburg, in 1865; became Professor of
Systematic Theology at the Lutheran
Theological Seminary in 1888. He is the
author of History of the Lutheran Church
in America; The German Emigration to
America, 1709-.'i0, etc.

Jamaica, Conquest of. When Crom-
well had made peace with the Dutch
(1654) he declared war against Spain,
and sent a fleet under Admiral Penn and
an army imder General Venables to attack
the Spanish West Indies. Edward Winslow
went with the fleet as one of Cromwell's
commissioners to superintend the con-
quered covuitries. By volunteers from
Barbadoes and the Leeward Islands the
army was increased to 10,000. Santo Do-
mingo was first attacked. The English
>vere repulsed, and then proceeded to Ja-

maica, which they easily took possession
of, for it was inhabited by only a few of
the enervated descendants of old Spanish
colonists and some negro slaves. Winslow
died at sea soon after the repulse at Santo
Domingo, and Sedgwick, of Massachu-
setts, was put in his place. He framed an
instrument of government for Jamaica,
liaving a supreme executive council, of
which he was the head. Cromwell, anx-
ious to retain and people the island with
subjects of Great Britain, ordered the en-
listment in Ireland of 1,000 girls and
young men, and sent them over. " Idle,
masterless robbers and vagabonds, male
and female," were arrested and sent to
Jamaica; and to have a due admixture of
good morals and religion in the new col-
ony, Cromwell sent agents to New Eng-
land for emigrants. Many at New Haven,
not prospering at home, were disposed to
go, but, the magistrates opposing, few
went. The island was of great commercial
importance when the outbreak between the
English- American colonies and the mother
country occurred. In December its legis-
lature interposed. They affirmed the rights
of the colonies, enumerated their griev-
ances, and, enforcing their claims to re-
dress, implored the King to become the
mediator for peace, and to recognize the
title of the Americans to the benefits of
the English constitution. They disclaimed
any intention of joining the American con-
federated colonies, for they were too weak,
leing only a small colony of white inhab-
itants, with more than 200.000 slaves.
Their petition was received by the King,
but no heed was given to it.

James I., King of England, etc.;
born in Edinburgh Castle, June 19, 1566;
son of Mary Queen of Scots and Henry
Lord Darnley. Of him Charles Dickens
writes: "He was ugly, awkward, and
shuffling, both in mind and person. His
tongue was much too large for his mouth,
his legs were much too weak for his body,
and his dull google-eyes stared and rolled
like an idiot's. He was cunning, covet-
ous, wasteful, idle, drunken, greedy, dirty,
cowardly, a great swearer, and the most
conceited man on earth. His figure — what
was commonly called rickety from his
birth — presented the most ridiculous ap-
pearance that can be imagined, dressed
in thick - padded clothes, as a safeguard
15

JAMES I.

against being stabbed (of which he lived land, after experiencing many vicissitudes,
in constant fear), of a grass-green color March 24, 1603.

from head to foot, with a hunting horn
dangling at his side instead of a sword,
and his hat and feather sticking over one
eye or hanging on the back of his head,
as he happened to toss it on. He used to

loll on the necks of his favorite courtiers,

He was regarded as a " Presbyterian
king," and the Puritans expected not only
the blessings of toleration and protection
for themselves, but even hope for suprem-
acy among the religionists of the realm.
Soon after his accession, James called a
conference of divines at Hampton Court.
He was chief actor at that conference, in
the rSle of " brute and mountebank."
Some of the Puritan divines ranked
among the brightest scholars in the land.
They were greatly annoyed by the coarse
browbeating of the bishop of London and
the coarser jests of the King. The ven-
erable Archbishop Whitgift was present,
and bent the supple knee of the courtier
in the presence of royalty. When the
vulgar King said to the Puritan ministers,
"You want to strip Christ again; away
with your snivelling," and much more to
that effect, Whitgift, the primate, ex-
claimed, " Your Majesty speaks by the
special assistance of God's spirit." And
the bishop of London fell upon his knees
and said, "I protest my heart melts
within me for joy that Almighty God, of
His singular mercy, has given us such a
King as, since Christ's time, has not been."
This was the beginning of those royal and

and slobber their faces, and kiss and pinch prelatical revilings and persecutions of the

Puritans by the Stuarts and the hier-
archy which drove the Puritans, in large
numbers, to seek asylum in the wilds of
North America.

The King's gross, ill manners and bad

their cheeks; and the greatest favorite he
ever had used to sign himself, in his let-
ters to his royal master, ' his Majest/s
dog and slave.' He was the worst rider
CA-er seen, and thought himself the best.

He was one of the most impertinent talkers personal appearance made an unfavor-

(of the broadest Scotch) ever heard, and
boasted of being unanswerable in all man-
ner of argument. He wrote some of the
most turgid and most wearisome treaties
ever read — among others, a book upon
witchcraft, in which he was a devout be-
liever— and thought himself a prodigy of
authorship. He thought, and said, that a
king had a right to make and unmake
what laws he pleased, and ought to be ac-
countable to nobody on earth. This is the
plain, true character of the personage
whom the greatest men about the Court
praised and flattered to that degree that I
doubt if there be anythino- more shameful
in the annals of human nature!" James
was the sixth King of Scotland of that
name, and came to the throne of Eng-

able impression on the English people.
He had trouble with Parliament and
with the religionists of his realm from
the beginning of his reign. Glad to
get rid of troublesome subjects, he read-
ily granted charters for settlements in
America; and in 1612 two "heretics"
were burned in England, the last exe-
cution of that kind that occurred in
that country. His son Henry, Prince of
Wales, died the same year, and his daugh-
ter Elizabeth was married to the Elector
Palatine in 1613. His treatment of Sir
Walter Raleigh, whom he caused to be
beheaded (October. 1618). was disgrace-
ful to human nature: his foreign policy,
also, was disgraceful to the English name.
Fickle, treacherous, conceited, and arbi-

116

JAMES II.— JAMES

trary, his whole life was an example to be
avoided by the good. Dickens's portrayal
of his personal character is a fair picture
of his reign so far as the King was con-
cerned. It was during that reign that a
new translation of the Bible was author-
ized (1604) — the English version yet in
use. The Duke of Buckingham was
James's special favorite for a long time;
and he and the Queen were suspected of
causing the King's last illness, by poison.
James II., King of England; born in
St. James's Palace, London, Oct. 14, 1G33;
son of Charles I. and Henrietta Maria.
During the civil war, in which his father
lost his head, James and his brother
Gloucester and sister Elizabeth were un-
der the guardianship of the Duke of
Northumberland, and lived in the palace.
When the overthrow of monarchy ap-
peared inevitable, in 1648, he fled to
the Netherlands, with his mother
and family, and he was in Paris
when Charles I. was beheaded. He
entered the French service (1651),
and then the Spanish (1655), and
was treated with much consideration
by the Spaniards. His brother as-
cended the British throne in 1660 as
Charles 11., and the same year James
married Anne Hyde, daughter of the
Earl of Clarendon. She died in
1671, and two years afterwards,
James married Maria Beatrice Elea-
nor, a princess of the House of Este.
of INIodena, twenty-five years yoimger
than himself. While in exile James
had become a Roman Catholic, but
did not acknowledge it until 1671.
He had become a commander in the
British navy, but the test - act of
1673 caused him to leave all public
emploj'ments. Being sent to Scot-
land as head of the administration
there, he treated the Covenanters
with great cruelty. WHien Charles
died, James became King (Feb. 6,
1685). The prime object of his ad-
ministration was to overthrow the
constitution of England and give the
control of the nation to Roman
Catholics. His rule was vigorous — often-
times tyrannous — and in less than three
years almost the whole of his subjects
detested him. The foreign policy of
the government was made subservient to

that of France. Finally, the announce-
ment that the Queen had given birth
to a son brought on a political crisis.
The people had been restrained from revo-
lution by the belief that the government
would soon fall into the hands of his eld-
est daughter, who had married the Prot-
estant Prince William of Orange. Now
that event seemed remote, and William
was invited by leading men of the realm
to invade England. He did so in Novem-
ber, 1688, when the King was abandoned
by every one but the Roman Catholics —
even by his daughter Anne, who was after-
wards Queen of England. James fled to
France, where he was received by Louis
XIV. with open arms. He made efforts to
regain his kingdom, but failed, and died
in St. Germain, France, Sept. 6, 1701.

ii:

James, Bexjamin, lawyer; born in
Stafford county, Va., April 22. 1768; be-
came a lawyer and practised in Charles-
ton, S. C.,"^ till 1796. Removed to his
native place and followed his profession

JAMES

till 1808, when he settled permanently in
Laurens district, S. C. He published
Digest of the Statute and Common Law
of Carolina. He died in Laurens district,
S. C, Nov. 15, 1825.

James, Edmund Janes, educator; born
in Jacksonville, 111., May 21, 1855; was
educated at the Illinois State Normal
School and at the Northwestern and Har-
vard universities. In 1878-79 he was
principal of the High School at Evanston,
111.; in 1879-82 principal of the Model
High School at Normal, 111.; and in 1883-
95 Professor of Public Finance and Ad-
ministration in the Wharton School of
Finance and Economy of the University of
Pennsylvania. He was also Professor of
Political and Social Science in the Univer-
sity of Pennsylvania in 1884-95, and
editor of Political Economy and Public
Economy and Public Law Series, publish-
ed by the University of Pennsylvania, in
1886-95. He became president of the
American Academy of Political and Social
Science in 1889, and from 1890 to 1895
edited its Annals. In the latter year he
was made associate editor. In 1895 he
was chosen Professor of Public Adminis-
tration and director of the Extension
Division in the L^niversity of Chicago. In
1891-95 he was president of the American
Society for the Extension of University
Teaching. He is the author of Our Legal-
Tender Decisions ; The Education of Busi-
ness Men; The Relation of the Modern
Municipality to the Gas Supply; and also
numerous papers and addresses on polit-
ical and educational topics.

James, Edwin, geologist; born in Wey-
bridge, Vt., Aug. 27, 1797; graduated at
Middlebury College in 1816; and after-
wards studied medicine, botany, and geol-
ogy in Boston. He is the author of a
Report of the Expedition to the Rocky
Mountains, 1818-19; Narrative of John
Tanner, etc. He died in Burlington, la.,
Oct, 28, 1861.

James, Henry, author ; born in New
York City, April 15, 1843; was educated in
France, Switzerland, and in the Harvard
Law School. His literary career opened
in 186)>. A year or two later he began
writing serial stories, but produced no ex-
tended novel till 1875. He has since been
a prolific writer, not only of novels but
also of contributions to the periodical

press on engrossing questions of the day.
Since 1869 he has lived chiefly in England.
His publications include Trans- Atlantic
Sketches (1875); A Passionate Pilgrim;
The American; The Europeans; An Inter-
national Episode; The Siege of London;
The Bostonians; Poor Richard; Watch
and Ward; Life of Eaiothorne ; A Little
Tour in France; A London Life; The
Tragic Muse; The Lesson of the Master;
Embarrassments ; Tales of Three Cities;
Essays in London and Elsewhere ; The
Wheel of Time; What Maisie Kneio, etc.

Jam.es, Henry Ammon, lawyer; born in
Baltimore, Md., April 24, 1854; graduated
at Yale College in 1874, and at its law
school in 1878; began practice in New
York City in 1880. He is the author of
Communism in America.

Jam.es, Lewis George, historian; born
in Providence, R. L, Feb. 19, 1844; grad-
uated at Providence High School ; instruc-
tor in history in the Adelphia Academy,
Brooklyn, in 1894-95. He is the author
of Samuel Gorton, a Forgotten Founder
of our Liberties, etc.

James, Thomas, clergyman ; born in
England in 1592; graduated at Cambridge
in 1614; emigrated to the United States
in 1632, where he became the first pastor
of the church in Charlestown, Mass. In
consequence of dissension he removed to
New Haven and subsequently to Virginia,
but was obliged to leave Virginia as he
refused to conform to the English Church.
He returned to New England in 1643, but
went back to England, where he became
pastor of a church in Needham till 1662,
when he was removed for non- conformity
after the accession of Charles II. He died
in England in 1678.

James, Thomas, navigator; born in
England about 1590. In 1631 he was
sent out by an association at Bristol to
search for a northwest passage. With
twenty-one men, in the ship Henrietta
Maria (named in honor of the Queen),
he sailed May 3. On June 29 he spoke
the ship of Capt. Luke Fox. who had been
sent on the same errand by the King, and
furnished with a letter to the Em{)eror
of Japan, if he should find that country.
Neither James nor Fox discovered the cov-
eted " passage," but the former made valu-
able discoveries in Hudson Bay. James
was a man of science, and in his Journal
IS

JAMES— JAMESTOWN

he recorded his observations on rarities he History at the University of Chicago. He

had discovered, " both philosophical! and is the author of William Usselinx, Found-

mathematical!." James and his crew suf- er of the Dutch and Swedish West India

fered terribly, for they passed a winter in Companies ; History of Historical Writing

those high latitudes, and returned in in America; Dictionary of United States

1632. In the following year he published History, etc. He is also the editor of Es-

The Strange and Dangerons Voyage of says on Constitutional History of the

Capt. Thomas James for the Discovery %f
a Northicest Passage to the South Sea.
James, Thomas Lemuel, journalist;
born in Utica, N. Y., March 29, 1831;
proprietor of the Madison County Jour-
nal, published at Hamilton, N. Y., 1851-
61 ; toolc an active interest in polities,
serving the State and nation in various
capacities; was appointed postmaster of
New York City in 1873; Postmaster-Gen-
eral, March 6, 1881; and resigned in 1882,

United States; and The Correspondence of
John C. Calhoun.

Jamestown. On May 13, 1607, more
than 100 Englishmen landed on a sliglitly
elevated peninsula on the left bank of
the " River of Powhatan," Virginia, 40
or 50 miles from its mouth; chose the
spot for the capital of a new colony;
cleared the trees from the ground; and
began the building of a village, which, in
compliment to their King (James I.),

when he organized and became president they named Jamestown. They also gave

of the Lincoln National Bank, New York his name to the river. The spot is more

City. of an island than a peninsula, for the

James, William, psychologist; born in marshy isthmus that connects it with the

New York City, Jan. 11, 1842; was edu-
cated in private schools and at the Law-
rence Scientific School. In 1872 he became
Professor of Philosophy at Harvard Uni-
versity. He is the author of Principles

mainland is often covered with water. The
Rev. Robert Hunt, the pastor of the col-
ony, preached a sermon and invoked the
blessings of God upon their undertaking.
Then, in the warm sunsliine, and among

of Psychology; Psychology: Briefer the shadowy woods and the delicious per-

Course; The Will to Believe, and other fume of flowers, the sound of the metal

Essays in Popular

Philosophy. He

was appointed Gif-

ford lecturer on

natural religion

in the University

of Edinburgh for

1899-1901.

Jameson, John
Franklin, educa-
tor; born in Bos-
ton, Sept. 19,
1859; graduated
at Amherst in
1879. In 1895,
when the American
Historical Review
was founded, he
became its man-
aging editor. In
the same year,

when the Historical Manuscript Commis-
sion was instituted, he was made its
chairman, and served as such till 1899.
He was Professor of History at Brown
University in 1888-1900. In the latter
year he accepted a call to the chair of

THE ARRIVAL AT JAMK.STOWX.

- axe was first heard in Virginia. Th<-
first tree was felled for a dwelling on the
spot first settled, permanently, by English-
men in America. The Indians were at
first hostile, and the settlement built a
stockade. Their first church edifice there

119

JAMESTOWN

was very simple. " When I first went
to Virginia," says Captain Smith, " I
well remember we did hang an awning
(which was an old sail) to three or four

MAP OF JAMESTOWN SETTLEMENT.
(From Capt. John Smith's Historie ot Virginia.)

trees to shadow us from the sun ; our
walls were rails of wood, our seats un-
liewed trees, till we cut planks; our pul-
pit a bar of wood nailed to two neighbor-
ing trees; in foul weather we shifted
into an old, rotten tent, for we had few
better. . . . This was our church till
we built a homely thing, like a barn, set
upon crotchets, covered with rafts, sedge,
and earth; so were also the walls. The
best of our houses were of the like curios-
ity, but, for the most part, of far worse
workmanship, that could neither well de-
fend wind nor rain. Yet we had daily
common prayer morning and evening,
every Sunday two sermons, and every
ihree months comnumion till our minister
died." The church — " the homely thing,

like a barn " — was burned while Captain
Smith was a prisoner among the Indians,
and he found the settlers building a house
for the president of the council. When,
not long after, he was installed in
that office, he ordered the " building
of the palace to be stayed, as a thing
needless," and the church to be re-
built at once.

Commissioners under the new
charter arrived at Jamestown in
the spring of 1610. Of the 490
persons left there by Smith the
previous autumn, only sixty remain-
ed alive. They had refused to fol-
low the admonitions of Smith to
provide food for the winter, but
relied upon the neighboring Indians
to supply them. When Smith de-
parted, the Indians showed hostility
and withheld corn and game. They
matured a plan for the destruction
of the settlers at Jamestown, when
Pocahontas {q. v.), like an angel of
mercy, hastened to the settlement un-
der cover of darkness, warned them
of their danger, put them on their
guard, and saved them. Terrible had
been the sufferings of the colonists
through the winter. More than 400
had perished by famine and sickness
in the space of six months. It was
long after referred to by the sur-
vivors as " the starving time." The
settlers were in the depths of despair
when the commissioners arrived. Sir
Thomas Gates, who was acting gov-
ernor, saw no other way to save the
lives of the starving men than to abandon
the settlement, sail to Newfoundland, and
distribute them among the fishermen
there. They were embarked in four pin-
naces, but, at dawn, they met Lord Dela-
ware, with ships, supplies, and emigrants,
at the mouth of the river. All turned
back and, landed at deserted Jamestown,
they stood in silent prayer and thanks-
giving on the shore, and then followed
Rev. Mr. Buckle (who had succeeded ]\Ir.
Hunt) to the church, where he preached
a sermon in the evening twilight. The
congregation sang anthems of praise, and
were listened to by crouching savages in
the adjacent woods. In that little chapel
at Jamestown Pocahontas was baptized
and married a few years later. The fire

120

THE BURNING OF JAMESTOWN

JAMESTOWN

that consumed the first church also de-
stroyed a large portion of the town
and surrounding palisades. There seems
to have been another destructive fire
there afterwards, for Smith, speaking
of the arrival of Governor Argall, in
1617, says: "In Jamestown he found
but five or six houses, the church down,
the palisades broken, the bridge [across
the marsh] in pieces, the well of fresh
water spoiled, and the storehouse used

colony was 4,000 strong and shipped tG
England 40,000 pounds of toba<;co. This
was raised with the aid of many bound
apjjrentices — boys and girls picked up in
the streets of London and sent out — and
of many " disorderly persons " sent by
order of the King."

Suddenly a great calamity overtook the
colony. Powhatan was dead, and his suc-
cessor, Opechancanough (q. V.) , always
hostile, planned a blow for the extermina-

ARRIVAL OF THS YOUNG WOSfEN AT JAMESTOWJI.

for a church." In the same year Smith's
Genevan Historic recalls a statement by
John Rolfe : " About the last of August
came a Dutch man-of-war and sold us
20 Negars." A more desirable acces-
sion came in 1621 through the ship-
ment by the company of " respectable
young women for wives of those colonists
who would pay the cost of transporta-
tion"— at first 120 lbs. of tobacco, af-
terwards 150 lbs. In July. 1620, the

tion of the white people. It fell with
terrible force late in March, 1622, and
eighty plantations were reduced to eight.
The settlers at Jamestown escaped the
calamity throvigh the good offices of
Chanco, a friendly Indian, who gave them
timely warning of the plot, and they were
prepared for defence. Jamesto\\Ti became
a refuge from the storm for the western
settlements. Sickness and famine en-
sued, and the colony was greatly reduced
21

JAMESTOWN— J ANNBY

N <*-

uy^^

JAMESTOWN IN 1622.

in number, for many left through fear, having reached Bacon that the royalist

It soon recovered, and increased in tioops were coming upon him. The torch

strength. A new and substantial church v.'as applied just at twilight, and the Vir-

was built, with a heavy brick tower, prob- gmia capital was laid in ashes. Nothing

ably between 1620 and 1625. During Ba- remained the next morning but the brick

JAMKSTOWN IX 19i 2.

con's Uobellion, in 1676, Jamestown — "the tower of the church and a few solitary
only village in all Virginia" — was entered chimneys.

by that leader, after driving away the Janney, Sami'El jMacPherson, author;
governor, and, in a council of war it was born in Loudon county, Ya., Jan. 11, 1801;
determined to burn the town, a rumor became a Quaker preacher; was appointed

122

JANVIER— J ARBOE

a superintendent of Indian affairs in 1869.
His publications include An Historical
Sketch of the Christian Church during the
Middle Ages; Life of William Penn; His-
tory of the Religious Society of Friends
from Its Rise to the Year 1828, etc. He
died in Loudon county, Va., April 30,
1880.

Janvier, Thomas Allibone, author;
born in Philadelphia, Pa., July 16, 1849.
He is the author of The Aztec Treasure-
House; In Old New York; Stories of Old
New Spain, etc.

Japan and the United States. Japan,
like China, had always been a sort of seal-
ed kingdom to the commerce of the world.
The foundation of the States of California
and Oregon, on the Pacific coast, suggest-
ed the .great importance of commercial
intercourse with Japan, because of the
intimate relations which must soon exist
between that coast and the East Indies.
This consideration caused an expedition
to be fitted out by the United States gov-
ernment in the summer of 1852 to carry
a letter from the President (Mr. Fill-
more) to the Emperor of Japan soliciting
the negotiation of a treaty of friendship
and commerce between the two nations,
by which the ports of the latter should be
thrown open to American vessels for pur-
poses of trade. For this expedition seven
ships-of-war were employed. They were
placed under the command of Commodore
M. C. Perry, a brother of the victor on
Lake Erie. The diplomatic portion of the
mission was also intrusted to Commodore
Perry. He did not sail until November,
1852". The letter which he bore to the Em-
peror was drafted by Mr. Webster before
his decease, but countersigned by Edward
Everett, his successor in office. Perry
carried out many useful implements and
inventions as presents to "the Japanese
government, including a small railway
and equipments, telegraph, etc. He was
instructed to approach the Emperor in the
most friendly manner; to use no violence
unless attacked ; but if attacked, to let
the Japanese feel the full weight of his
power. Perry delivered his letter of cre-
dence, and waited some months for an
answer, without being permitted to land
on the shores of the empire. Meanwhile
he visited and surveyed the Loo Choo Isl-
ands.

In February, 1854, he returned to the
Uay of Jeddo, and finally effected a land-
ing and commenced negotiations, which
were happily successful. The treaty then
made stipulated that ports should be
thrown open to American commerce, to a
limited extent, in different Japanese isl-
ands; that steamers from California to
China should be furnished with supplies
of coal ; and that American sailors ship-
wrecked on the Japanese coasts should re-
ceive hospitable treatment. So Japan was
first opened to friendly relations with the
Americans. Before this treaty the Dutch
had monopolized the trade of Japan. Sub-
sequently a peculiar construction of the
treaty on the part of the Japanese au-
thorities, in relation to the permanent
residence of Americans there, threatened
a disturbance of the amicable relations
which had been established. The matter
was adjusted, and in 1860 the first em-
bassy from Japan visited the United
States. It was an imposing array of Jap-
anese officials. There was great opposi-
tion in the empire to this intercourse with
" the barbarians." Civil war ensued. A
rapid change now marked public opinion
in Japan in regard to foreigners; and
from that time the intimate relations, so-
cial and commercial, between the United
States and Japan have constantly in-
creased, with results wonderfully bene-
ficial to both countries. Early in 1872 the
government of Japan sent another embas-
sy to the United States, this one charged
to inquire about the renewal of former
treaties. It consisted of twenty-one per-
sons, composed of the heads of the several
departments of the Japanese government
and their secretaries. Among them was
an imperial prince — Mori — who came to
represent Japan at Washington as charge
d'affaires, and also twelve students. The
mission arrived at Washington at the be-
ginning of March, and Mori had the honor .
of being the first minister ever sent by
his government to reside in a foreign
"ountry.

Jarboe, John W., inventor; born in
1830. He served through the Civil War
in the 71st New York Regiment, and was
later influential in securing the display
of the American flag over the public
school-houses of the country. He was the
inventor of a process of making house-

123

JARNAC— JASPER

hold utensils from papier-raaclie and sev-
eral articles employed in the manufacture
of sugar. He died in New York City,
June 30, 1901.

Jarnac, Gaston Louis de, military offi-
cer; born in Angoiileme, France, in 1758;
served in the French army during the
Revolutionary War; emigrated to the
United States in 1795; returned to France
in 1805, but, being obliged to leave the
country on account of his criticisms of
Napoleon, he again came to the United
States, where he took service under Jean
Lafitte, the Louisiana buccaneer. Jarnac
was killed by the Indians in Texas, in
1818.

Jarves, James Jackson, author; born
in Boston, Mass., Aug. 20, 1820; estab-
lished the first newspaper printed in the
Hawaiian Islands, in 1840. In 1850 he
was appointed b\' King Kamehameha III.
commissioner to the United States, Great
Britain, and France, for the purpose of
negotiating treaties, and in 1879 United
States vice-consul in Florence, Italy.
Among his works are History of Haioaii;
Parisian Sights and French Principles
seen through American Spectacles; Italian
Sights, etc. He died in Terasp, Switzer-
land, June 28, 1888.

Jasper, William, military hero; born
in South Carolina, about 1750; became a

sergeant in the 2d South Carolina Regi-
ment; and greatly distinguished himself
in the attack on Fort Sullivan, June 28,
1776, by the British fleet. During the
hottest of the attack the South Carolina
flag that waved over the fort fell to the
ground outside the fort, its staff having
been cut in two by a cannon-ball. Ser-
geant Jasper, seeing the flag fall, leaped
down from one of the embrasures, seized
the ensign, climbed back, fixed the colors
to a sponge-staff, mounted the parapet,
stuck the improvised flag-staff in the
sand of one of the bastions, and returned
to his place in the fort. A few days after- .
wards Governor Rutledge took his own
sword from his side and presented it to
Jasper. He also offered him a lieuten-
ant's commission, which the young man
modestly declined, because he could
neither read nor write, saying, "I am not
fit to keep officers' company; I am but a
sergeant." He was given a sort of roving
commission by Colonel Moultrie, and,
with five or six men, he often brought in
prisoners before his commander was
aware of his absence. An earnest Whig
lady of Charleston, Mrs. Susannah El-
liot, presented Jasper's regiment with
a stand of colors wrought with her own
hands. They were shot down at the as-
sault on Savannah (1779), and in trying

SKRGKANT JASFl'.R ItHPLAClNG THE COLORS.

124

JAY

to replace them on the parapet of a re-
doubt, Jasper was mortally wounded, but
brought them off. He died Oct. 9, 1779.
Jay, John, diplomatist; born in New
York City. June 23, 1817; graduated at
Columbia College in 183G; admitted to the
bar in 1839; appointed minister to Austria
in 18G9; chairman of the committee to
investigate the New York custom-house
in 1877; and member of the State civil
service in 1883. Mr. Jay was a prominent
abolitionist and author of a number of
pamphlets, among them are The Dignity of
the Abolition Cause; The American Church
and the American Slave-Trade; The Great
Conspiracy and England's Neutrality;
Caste and Slavery in the American
Church; America Free, or America Slave,
etc. He died in New York City, May 5,
1894.

Jay, John, statesman ; born in New
York City, Dec. 12, 1745; was of Hugue-
not descent. Graduated at King's College
(now Columbia University) in 1764, he
was admitted to the bar in 1768, and
formed a partnership with Robert R. Liv-
ingston. In 1774 he was a delegate in the
first Continental Congress, and the same
year he married a daughter of William
Livingston, of New Jersey. In that Con-
gress, though the youngest member but
one, he took a conspicuous part, being the
author of the Address to the People of
Great Britain. His facile pen was often
employed in framing documents in the
Congress of 1775. Early in 1776 he left
Congress and engaged in the public affairs
of his own State, being a leading member
of the Provincial Congress in 1776. He
wrote the able address of the convention
at Fishkill in December, 1776; reported a
bill of rights to the New York constitu-
tional conA-ention in March, 1777; and
was the chief author of the first consti-
tution of the State of New York. After
assisting in putting in motion the ma-
chinery of his State government, and be-
ing made a judge he entered Congress
again late in 177S and became presi-
dent of that body. In September, 1779,
he was sent to Spain to negotiate a loan.
^Ir. Jay was one of the commissioners for
negotiating a treaty of peace with Great
Lritain. He returned to New York in
1784, and was secretary for foreign
affairs from that year until the organ-

ization of the government under the
national Constitution. Mr. Jay was as-
sociated with Hamilton and Madison in
writing the series of articles in support
of the Constitution known collectively as
The Federalist. Washington appointed
Jay the first chief-justice of the Supreme
Court of the United States.

On April 7, 1794, a motion was made
in the House of Representatives that all
commercial intercourse with Great Brit-
ain and her subjects be suspended, so far
as respected all articles of the growth or
manufacture of Great Britain or Ireland,
until the surrender of the Western posts
and due compensation for all losses and
damages growing out of British aggres-
sions on our neutral rights should be
made. This motion, if adopted, would
lead directly to war. Its adoption seemed
piobable, and Washington, to avert the
calamitous consequences, proposed to send
a special minister to England to negotiate
an amicable settlement of the existing
disputes. There were grave charges of
violations of the treaty of 1783 made by
the two parties against each other. Wash-
ington desired to send Hamilton on the
mission. Violent opposition to this was
made by his political enemies, whose ha-
tred and jealousy were intense. Fearing
Hamilton might not have the confirmation
of the Senate, Washington nominated Mr.
Jay (April 16), which nomination was
confirmed April 19. The special minister
arrived in England in June, where he was
received with great courtesy by the Brit-
ish government. He negotiated a treaty
which was not wholly satisfactory to his
countrymen, closing his labors on Nov. 19;
and from 1795 to 1801 he was governor
of New York, under whose administration
slavery was abolished. This was his last
public office. He died in Bedford, N. Y.,
May 17, 1829. See Ames, Fisher.

Jay's Treaty. — After Mr. Jay's formal
reception in London, Lord Grenville, then
at the head of foreign affairs, expressed
great anxiety to bring the negotiations
to a successful issue. There was a wide
difference of views concerning matters
in dispute. The Americans complained
that, contrary to the provisions of the
ixef'^ of peace (1783), a large number
of negroes had been carried off by the
evacuatinff armies; and for this loss com-

125

JAY, JOHN

pensation was demanded for the owners, dered on June 1, 1796, the present resi-
They complained, also, of the detention dents to have the option of removing or
of the Western posts, which was the main of becoming American citizens. There
cause of the hostility of the Northwestern vv'as to be a mutual reciprocity of inland
tribes. They also alleged numerous viola- trade and intercourse between the North

American territories of the two na-
tions, including the navigation of the
Mississippi; but it did not extend to
the Hudson Bay Company, nor to the
admission of American vessels into
the harbors of the British North
American colonies, nor to the naviga-
tion of the rivers of those colonies
below the highest port of entry. These
were the principal features of the
first ten articles of the treaty, which
were to be perpetual. Eighteen oth-
ers, of the nature of a treaty of com-
merce, were limited to two years.
They provided for the admission of
American vessels into British ports
in Evirope and the East Indies on
teVms of equality with British ves-
sels; but no terms were made con-
cerning the East India coasting trade,
or the trade between Europe and the
British West Indies. There were re-
strictions upon the American trade to
the British West Indies; and British
vessels were to be admitted to Ameri-
joHN JAY. can ports on terms of the most fa-

vored nations. Privateers were to
tions of their neutral rights, especially give bonds to respond to any dam-
on the high seas, such as the impressment ages they might commit against neu-
of seamen and the exclusion of American trals, and other regulations of that ser-
shipping from the trade of the British vice were made. The list of contraband
West Indies. There were other complaints articles was clearly defined. No vessel
on the part of the Americans ; but the attempting to enter a blockaded port was
matters more immediately provocative to be captured unless she had first been
of war were the disputed questions of notified and turned away. Neither nation
neutral rights and the detention of the was to allow enlistments within its ter-
Western posts. Deeming it wise to adjust ritory by any third nation at war with
these two important difficulties. Jay the other; nor were the citizens or sub-
thought it best to yield, temporarily, other jects of either to be allowed to accept
considerations, or leave them for future commissions from such third nation, or
adjustment, and he was induced to sign to enlist in its service, on penalty of
a treaty, Nov. 19, 1794, defective in some being treated as pirates. Ships-of-war
respects and objectionable in others. It of the contracting parties were to be
provided for the collection of British debts nuitually admitted in a friendly man-
in the United States contracted before the ner into the ports of each other, such
Revolution, but it did not secure indem- vessels to be free from any claim of
nity to those who lost slaves. It secured search, but were to depart as speedily
indemnity for imlawful captures on the as might be. Other and stringent regu-
high seas, and the evacuation of the lations were made concerning privateers,
military posts on the frontiers yet held In case of rupture or war, the citizens
by thg British. These were to be surren- or subjects of either nation resident in

126

^"^^

JAY, JOHN

the territories of the other were to be der of American rights. In order to pre-
allowed to remain and to continue their vent misrepresentations, and to elicit the
trade so long as they behaved peaceably, expressions of the people, Washington
They might be ordered off, in case of caused the whole treaty to be published,
suspicion, on twelve months' notice, or A* mad, seditious cry went over the land
without any notice, if detected in viola- from the opposition. In several cities
tions of the laws. No reprisals were to mobs threatened personal violence to the
be ordered by either party till satisfaction supporters of the treaty. Hamilton was
had first been demanded. Fugitives from stoned at a public meeting in New York,
justice charged with murder or forgery while speaking in the open air. The Brit-
were to be mutually given up. ish minister at Philadelphia was insulted;
Early Opposition. — The treaty was con- and in Charleston the British flag was
eluded at London on Nov. 19, 1794. It trailed in the dust of the streets. Jay
reached the President in March, 1795, was denounced as a traitor; and in Vir-
after the adjournment of Congress. The ginia disunion was recommended as a cure
Senate was convened, in special session, for political evils. The Democratic socie-
to consider it, early in June, 1795. After ties and orators put forth claims for
a debate for a fortnight, in secret session, sympathy for France. " She has a govern-
a vote of 20 to 10 — precisely a constitu- ment congenial to our own. Citizens, your
tional majority — advised (June 24) the security depends on France. Let us unite
ratification of the treaty, excepting the with her and stand or fall together!"
article which related to the renunciation shouted opposition orators throughout the
by the Americans of the privilege of trans- country. The Democrats adorned their
portation of sugar, molasses, coffee, co- hats with the French cockade. Jay was
coa, and cotton in the West India trade, burned in effigy in many places, and long-
Cotton was then just promising to be ings for the guillotine were freely express-
of vast importance in the carrying-trade, ed in public assemblies.
and such an article was wholly inadmissi- When the President had proclaimed the
ble. The President had determined, before treaty as the law of the land, he, accord-
the meeting of the Senate, to ratify the ing to promise, sent a copy of it, March
treaty; and when it was laid before the 2, 1796, to the House. Its appearance was
cabinet all agreed with him excepting the beginning of a violent debate in that
the Secretary of State (Edmund Ran- body, which turned upon the question
dolph, of Virginia), who raised the point whether the House possessed discretionary
that by the ratification, before an ob- power to carry the treaty into execution
noxious British Order in Council concern- or not at its pleasure. The debate arose
ing neutrals should be repealed, the Brit- on a motion of Edward Livingston, of
ish claim to the right, of search and im- New York, calling upon the President for
pressment would be conceded by the his instructions to Jay and other papers
Americans. Hamilton, who had been relating to the treaty. After about thirty
consulted, advised the ratification, but speeches, in a debate of three weeks, which
to withhold the exchange of ratifications grew warmer and warmer the longer it
imtil that order should be repealed. The lasted, the resolution was adopted, March
Senate had removed the seal of secrecy 24, by a vote of 62 to 37. The President
from their proceedings, but had forbidden consulted his cabinet, and they unanimous-
any publication of the treaty itself. State- ly decided that the House had no right
ments concerning the provisions of the to make such a call, as they were not a
treaty soon appeared. The Democratic part of the treaty-making power. They
societies and newspapers had resolved to also decided that it was not expedient
oppose and attack the treaty whatever for the President to furnish the papers,
might be its provisions. They had opposed for the call should be considered as an
the mission to negotiate it. After it was unfounded claim of power on the part
received Randolph revealed enough of its of the House to interfere with the privi-
character lo give a foundation for many leges of the President and Senate. The
attacks upon it in the newspapers. It President, therefore, declined to comply
was denounced as a pusillanimous surren- with the request of the House, giving

]9.7

JAY— JAYHAWKERS

his reasons in a special message. Reso-
lutions asserting the majesty of the House
were introduced ( April 6 ) , and were sup-
ported by Madison. These resolutions were
adopted bj' a vote of 57 to 35, and the
subject of the " British treaty " was a
staple topic of debate for some time after-
wards. Finally, April 30, the House pass-
ed a resolution — 51 to 48 — that it was
expedient to pass laws for carrying the
treaty into effect.

The discussions of the treaty were soon
transferred from public meetings and the
newspapers to the arena of State legisla-
tures. Governor Shelby, in his speech to
the Kentucky legislature, attacked the
treaty. The House seemed to agree with
him (Nov. 4, 1794), but the Senate evaded
any decided committal. The house of
delegates of Virginia adopted, by a vote
of 100 to 50, a resolution appi'oving the
conduct of their Senators in voting (Nov.
20) against the treaty. A counter-resolu-
tion declaring their undiminished confi-
dence in the President was lost — 59 to
79 ; but another resolution disclaiming
any imputation of the President's motives
was passed — 78 to 62. The legislature of
Marvland resolved that they felt a deep
concern at efforts to detach from the
President the " well-earned confidence of
his fellow-citizens," and declared their
" unabated reliance in his judgment, integ-
rity, and patriotism." The Senate of Penn-
sylvania made a similar declaration. The
legislature of New Hampshire "expressed,
Dec. 5, 1795, their "abhorrence of those
disturbers of the peace " who had endeav-
ored to render abortive measures so well
calculated to advance the happiness of the
country. The North Carolina legislature,
by a decided majority, adopted a series of
resolutions, Dec. 8, reprobating the treaty
and thanking their Senators for having
opposed it. In the legislature of . South
Carolina resolutions were introduced de-
claring the treaty " highly injurious to
the general interests of the United
States " ; when the friends of the treaty,
finding themselves in a minority, declared
the legislature had no business to interfere
with the duties of the President and Sen-
ate of the United States, and refused
to vote, the resolutions were adopted unan-
imously. The House did not venture to
send up these resolutions to the Senate.

128

A resolution declaring the treaty uncon-
stitutional was defeated. The legislature
of Delaware passed, Jan. 14, 1796, a reso-
lution of approval. Gov. Samuel Adams,
of Massachusetts, spoke of the treaty
as " pregnant with evil," suggested a con-
flict of authority between the President
and Senate and the House of Representa-
tives, and transmitted to the general
court the resolutions of Virginia on the
subject of amendments to the Constitu-
tion. The Massachusetts Senate declared
their concurrence in the belief of the
governor that the national government
was in " honest hands," and the house sug-
gested " a respectful submission on the
part of the people to the constituted au-
thorities as the surest means of enjoying
and perpetuating the invaluable blessings
of our free and representative govern-
ment." The general court of Rhode Island
expressed their confidence in the genera^
government. So, also, did the legislature
of New York.

Jay, John, diplomatist; born in New
York City, June 23, 1817; son of William
Jay; became manager of the New York
Young Men's Anti-slavery Society in 1834;
was graduated at Columbia College in
1836; admitted to the bar in 1839; acted
as counsel without pay for many fugitive
slaves; minister to Austria in 1869-75;
chairman of the committee to investigate
the system of the New York Custom-
House in 1877; and president of the New
York State Civil Service Commission in
1883-88. He died in New York City, May
5, 1894.

Jay, William, jurist ; born in New
York City, June 16, 1789; son of John
Jay; graduated at Yale in 1807; appoint-
ed judge of the Court of Common Pleas in
1818; reappointed under the new consti-
tution in 1822; served till 1843, when he
was superseded on account of his anti-
slavery views. He was the author of Life
of Johti Jay; The Action of the Federal
Government in Behalf of Slai^erij ; War
and Peace, in which he suggested that
international disputes should be settled
by arbitration; The Mexican War; etc.
He died in Bedford, N. Y.. Oct. 14, 1858.

Jayhawkers and Red Legs, names ap-
plied to Free-State men who, during the
Kansas conflict in 1854-59, began a series
of reprisals for outrages committed by

JAYNE— JEFFERSON

pro-slavery men, but ultimately practical- Adelphi Theatre, London, and, although

ly became bandits. he has since played in many of the most

Jayne, Horace, biologist; born in Phila- popular comedies of the day, and in vari-

delphia, March 5, 1859; graduated at ous parts of the world, he will be remem-

the University of Pennsylvania in 1879, bered longest for his presentations of that

and at its medical school in 1882; studied character. Mr. Jefferson has also distin-

biology at Leipzig and Jena in 1883-84; guished himself as an orator and a paint-

and, returning to the United States, was er, and in 1899 he made an exhibition

first appointed lecturer in biology in the of sixteen of his landscape - paintings

University of Pennsylvania, and subse- in oil in the national capital. He pub-

quently Professor of Vertebrate Morphol- lished an autobiography in 1890. He

ogy there. For a number of years he was died, April 23, 1905, at West Palm Beach,

dean of the faculty. In 1900 he was di- Florida.

rector of the Wistar Institute of the Uni- As the representative of the dramatic

versify of Pennsylvania. He is the author profession, Mr. Jefferson was invited by

of Mammalian Anatomy; Revision of the the faculty of Yale University to deliver

Dermestidce of North America; Abnormi- a lecture on Dramatic Art, which was

ties Observed in North American Coleop- given on April 27, 1892, in tlie course of

tera, etc. which he says:

Jeannette, Voyage of the. See De

Long. If I am asked to reason from my knowl-

Jeffers, William Nicholson, naval edge and engraft it on the history of
officer ; born in Gloucester county, N. J., the past, I would unhesitatingly declare
Oct. 6, 1824; joined the navy in 1840; that the stage is in a much better con-
served in the war with Mexico, and also dition now than it ever was before. The
through the Civil War; was promoted social and moral status of the whole
commodore in February, 1878. His pub- world has undoubtedly improved, and gone
lications include Short Methods in Navi- hand in hand with scientific and material
gation; Theory and Practice of Naval progress; and permit me to assure you
Gunnery; Inspection and Proof of Can- that the stage in this respect has not been
non; Marine Surveying ; Ordnance In- idle, but that, to my knowledge, it has
structions for United States Navy, etc. in the march of improvement kept pace
He died in Washington, D. C, July 23, foot by foot with every social advance.
1883. Even the coarse dramas of the olden

Jefferson, the name proposed to be time were in keeping with the conditions

given to what is now the State of Colo- of the social and literary society tJiat sur-

rado, in 1858, when an attempt was made rounded it. Those plays that appealed

to establish a provisional government, to the lowest tastes were not only welcome

The scheme failed in consequence of con- but demanded bj^ the court of Charles,

flicting claims on the part of the surround- Old Pepys, who lived during this time,

ing Territories. When, however. Congress says in his diary: "I went last night

created the new Territory in 1861, the to see A Midsummer Night's Dream; it

name Colorado was given to it. was a great waste of time, and I hope I

Jefferson, Joseph, actor ; born in Phila- shall never again be condemned to see

delphia. Pa., Feb. 20, 1829; is descended such a poor play. Ah, give me a com-

from several generations of actors ; made edy of Ethelridge, and let us have no more

his first appearance on the stage when of this dull, vague Shakespeare." It was

three years old; played in the old Span- not, therefore, that there were no good

ish theatre in Matamoras, Mexico, two plays, but that the vicious public wanted

days after that city was taken by the bad ones, and while rakes and unprin-

Americans; and in 1857 established his cipled gallants and vile women were the

reputation as a comedian by his perform- heroes and heroines of the stage, the

ance as Asa Trenchard in Our American plays of Shakespeare had been written for

Cousin, in New York City. In 1865 he a hundred years. Such lovely creatures

appeared for the first time in his inimi- as Rosalind, Desdemoiia. Beatrice, Ophelia,

table role of Rip Van Winkle, in the Imogene, Portia, and Juliet, together with
v.— I 129

JEFFERSON

their noble mates, Orlando, Benedict, Ham- And so the people insisted that the actors

let, Eomeo, and a host of pure and mar- should give them an exhibition of the

vellous creations, were moulding on the licentious times rather than the splendid

shelves, because the managers had suffered lessons of Shakespeare. As the social

bankruptcy for daring to produce them, world improved in its tastes the drama

Shakespeare says that the actors are " the followed it — nay, in some instances has

abstract and brief chronicles of the times." led it.

JEFFERSON, THOMAS

Jefferson, Thomas, third President of
the United States; born in Shadwell, Va.,
April 2, 1743; was educated at the Col-
lege of William and Mary; studied law
under George Wythe; and was admitted
to the bar in 1767. From 1769 to 1775
he was an active member of the Virginia
House of Burgesses. In that body he
introduced a bill empowering masters to
manumit their slaves. On Jan. 1, 1771,

STATUE OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.

he married Martha Skelton, a rich and
beautiful young widow of twenty-three.
He was a member of the committee of
correspondence of Virginia, which he as-
sisted in forming, and was engaged in
active public life until his retirement
from the Presidency of the United States.
In 1774 he wrote his famous Summary

View of the Rights of British America,
which, it is believed, procured for him
a place in the list of American traitors
denounced by the British Parliament. He
had taken an active part against the
Boston port bill. Mr. Jefferson took his
seat in the Continental Congress in June,
1775, when he was thirty-two years of
age. In that body he served on the most
important committees, and in drawing up
state papers. On the committee to draft
the Declaration of Independence, to Mr.
Jefferson was assigned the duty of writ-
ing that important paper, which he ad-
vocated and signed. True to the proclivi-
ties of his nature in favor of human
liberty, he introduced a clause censuring
slavery, which was stricken out. In Oc-
tober, 1776, he retired from Congress to
take part in his o\vn State affairs, and
for two years and a half was employed
in revising the laws of Virginia and pro-
curing some wise enactments, such as
abolishing the laws of primogeniture, giv-
ing freedom to convicts, etc. During the
entire Revolutionary War Jefferson was
very active in his own State, serving as
its governor from June, 1779, to 1781.
At the time of his retirement from the
chair, Cornwallis, invading Virginia, des-
olated Jefferson's estate at Elk Hill, and
he and his family narrowly escaped capt-
ure. Mr. Jefferson was again in Con-
gress in 1783, and, as chairman of a
committee, reported to that body the
definite treaty of peace with Great Brit-
ain. Assisting the suggestions of Gouver-
neur Morris, he proposed and carried a
bill establishing the decimal system of
currency. In 1785 he succeeded Dr.
Franklin as minister at the French Court,
where he remained until 1789, when he
returned and took a seat in Washing-
ton's cabinet as Secretary of State.
In France he had published his Notes
30

JEFFEliSON, THOMAS

on Virginia, and he had there become ed men of his own country and of Europe.
thoroughly imbued with the spirit of In person he was tall and slender, with
the French revolutionists previous to sandy hair, llorid complexion in his youth,
the bloody era of 1793. Not finding at and brilliant gray eyes, a little inclining
home the same enthusiastic admiration to brown. He was buried in a family
of the French people in
their struggle against " the
conspiracy of the kings,"
he became morbidly sus-
picious of a monarchical
party in the United States
that might overthrow the
government. He formed
and led an active party
called " Republican " or
" Democratic," and there
was much acrimonious
feeling soon engendered
between that and the
Federal party, of which
Alexander Hamilton was
the active leader. Mr. Jef-
ferson was an able leader
of the Democratic party,
and secured so large a fol-
lowing that in 1800 he was
elected President, and
served eight years, retir-
ing in March, 1809, when
he withdrew from public
life and retired to his seat
at Monticello, near Char-
lottesville, Va. Among the
important events of his
administration were the
purchase of Louisiana, an
exploration of the conti-
nent from the Mississippi
Eiver to the Pacific Ocean,

and difficulties with France and Great cemetery near his house at Monticello
Britain on account of their violation of and over his grave is a granite monument,
the rights of neutrals. Mr. Jefferson was bearing the inscription, written by him-
the founder of the University of Virginia self, and found among his papers after his
(1819) at Charlottesville, Va., and was death, "Here lies buried Thomas Jeffer-
its rector until his death, which occurred son, author of the Declaration of Inde-
on the same day, and almost at the same pendence, of the Statute of Virginia for
hour, as that on which John Adams died, religious freedom, and father of the Uni-
who was his associate in drafting the versity of Virginia." Mr. Jefferson ^-e-
Declaration of Independence, and sign- garded slavery as a moral and political
ing it, just fifty years befoi-e (July 4, evil, and did much to alleviate its hard-
1826). ships. His correspondence with men of

Jeff'erson was a keen politician, though all classes was voluminous, for he was a
no speaker ; a man of great learning and fluent writer and had a very wide ac-
fine scholarly as well as scientific attain- quaintance. Few men have exerted as
ments, and in conversation extremely at- much influence in establishing the free
tractive. His house was the resort of learn- institutions of the United States as

131

CJIKICATUUK OF JEFFERSON.

JEFFERSON, THOMAS

rhomas Jefferson. He adopted for the
motto of his private seal that of Oliver
Cromwell — " Rebellion to tyrants is
obedience to God." See Lewis, Meri-
wether.

When, in the early summer of 1781,
Cornwallis was overrunning a portion of
Virginia, he sent Tarleton with his cav-
alry to capture the Virginia Assembly
siting at Charlottesville, and also Gov-
ernor Jefferson, who lived 2 miles from
that place. On the way Tarleton destroyed
twelve wagon-loads of clothing intended
for Greene's army in North Carolina.
Within 10 miles of Charlottesville Tarle-
ton detached Captain McLeod, with a
party of horsemen, to capture Governor
Jefferson at Monticello, while he pressed
forward. On his way he captured some
members of the legislature, but when he
arrived at Charlottesville the remainder,
forewarned, had fled and escaped. Mc-
Leod's expedition to Monticello was quite
as unsuccessful. Jefferson was entertain-
ing several members of the legislature, in-
cluding the presiding officers of both
houses, when the British cavalry were
seen coming up the winding road towards
the mansion. Jefferson immediately sent
his family away, while he and the others
escaped on horseback. Jefferson had not
been gone ten minutes when McLeod rode
up and found the house deserted.

The leaders of the two great parties

Laws with powerful effect against him.
The Federalists were defeated. Jefferson
and Burr had each seventy-three votes in
the electoral college, and, according to
the provisions of the Constitution, the
election was carried into the House of
Representatives. There exciting scenes
occurred. Two or three members, too

JEFFERSON'S SEAL.

Motto: "Rebellion to tyrants is obedience to God.'"

sick to appear otherwise, were brought to
the House on beds. For seven days the
balloting went on. After it was ascer-
tained that a Democrat was elected, the
Federalists all voted for Burr, as being
less objectionable than Jefferson; but the
friends of the latter were stronger than
all opposition, and he was elected. The
whole Federal party were mortified
and humiliated by the triumph of Jef-
ferson, their arch - enemy. He was in-
augurated March 4, 1801. See Cabinet,
President's; Louisiana; Mazzei, Philip.
Inaugural Address. — The following is
the principal part of the inaugural ad-
dress, delivered on March 4, 1801:

PART OF JF.FFKRSON'S GIO.

nominated their respective candidates for
the Presidency in 1800, the Federalists
choosing to be voted for John Adams and
Charles Cotesworth Pinckney; the Demo-
crats, Thomas Jefferson and Aaron Burr.
There was a breach in the Federal party,
owing to extended dislike of Adams, and
the Democrats used the Alien and Sedition

Friends and Fellow - citizens, — Called
upon to undertake the duties of the first
executive officer of our country, I avail
myself of the presence of that portion of
my fellow-citizens which is here assembled,
to express my grateful thanks for the
favor with which they have been pleased
to look towards me. to declare a sincere
consciousness that the task is above my
talents, and that I approacli it with those
anxious and awful presentiments which
the greatness of the charge and the weak-
ness of my powers so justly inspire. A
rising nation, spread over a wide and
.32

JEFFERSON, THOMAS

fruitful land, traversing all the seas with
the rich productions of their industry,
engaged in commerce with nations who
feel power and forget right, advancing
rapidly to destinies beyond the reach of
mortal eye; when I contemplate these
transcendent objects, and see the honor,
the happiness, and the hopes of this be-
loved country committed to the issue and
the auspices of this day, I shrink from
the contemplation, and humble myself be-
fore the magnitude of the undertaking.
Utterly, indeed, should I despair, did
not the presence of many whom I see

which we have passed, the animation of
discussions and of exertions has sometimes
worn an aspect which might impose on
strangers unused to think freely, and to
speak and to w'rite what they think; but
this being now decided by the voice of the
nation, announced according to the rules
of the Constitution, all will of course ar-
range themselves under the will of the law,
and unite in common efforts for the com-
mon good. All, too, will bear in mind
this sacred principle, that though the will
of the majority is in all cases to prevail,
that will, to be rightful, must be reason-

BEDROOM IN WHICH JKFFERSON DIED.

here remind me that, in the other high
authorities provided by our Constitu-
tion, I shall find resources of wisdom,
of virtue, and of zeal, on which to
rely under all difficulties. To you, then,
gentlemen, who are charged with the sov-
ereign functions of legislation, and to
those associated with you, I look with en-
couragement for that guidance and sup-
port which may enable us to steer with
safety the vessel in which we are all em-
barked, amid the conflicting elements of
a troubled world.

During the contest of opinion through

able; that the minority possess their
equal rights, which equal laws must pro-
tect, and to violate wiiich would be op-
pression. Let us then,- fellow-citizens,
unite with one heart and one mind, let us
restore to social intercourse that harmony
and affection without which liberty and
even life itself are but dreary things. And
let us reflect that, having banished from
our land that religious intolerance under
which mankind so long bled and suffered,
we have yet gained little, if we counte-
nance a political intolerance as despotic,
as wicked, and as capable of bitter and
3.3

JEFFERSON, THOMAS

bloody persecutions. During the throes that this government, the world's best
and convulsions of the ancient world, dur- hope, may, by possibility, want energy to
ing the agonizing spasms of infuriated preserve itself ? I trust not. I believe this,
man, seeking through blood and slaughter on the contrary, the strongest government
his long-lost liberty, it was not wonderful on earth. I believe it is the only one
that the agitation of the billows should where every man, at the call of the law,
reach even this distant and peaceful shore; would fly to the standard of the law, and
that this should be more felt and feared would meet invasions of the public order
by some, and less by others, and should as his own personal concern. Sometimes
divide opinions as to measures of safety; it is said that man cannot be trusted with
but every difference of opinion is not a the government of himself. Can he then
difference of principle. We have called be trusted with the government of others?
by different names brethren of the same Or have we found angels, in the form of
principle. We are all republicans; we kings, to govern him? Let history answer
are all federalists. If there be any this question.

among us who wish to dissolve this Let ns, then, with courage and confl-
Union, or to change its republican form, dence, pursue our own federal and repub-
let them stand undisturbed as monu- lican principles; our attachment to union
ments of the safety with which error and representative government. Kindly
of opinion may be tolerated, where reason separated by nature and a wide ocean
is left free to combat it. I know, indeed, from the exterminating havoc of one quar-
that some honest men fear that a republi- ter of the globe; too high-minded to en-
can government cannot be strong; that dure the degradation of the others; pos-
this government is not strong enough. But sessing a chosen country, with room
would the honest patriot, in the full tide enough for our descendants to the thou-
of successful experiment, abandon a gov- sandth generation; entertaining a due
ernment which has so far kept lis free and sense of our equal right to the use of
firm, on the theoretic and visionary fear our own faculties, to the acquisition of

our own industry,
to honor and con-
fidence from our fel-
low-citizens, result-
ing not from birth,
but from our actions
and their sense of
them; enlightened
by a benign religion,
professed indeed and
practised in various
forms, yet all of
them inculcating
honesty, truth, tern
perance, gratitude,
and the love of
man ; acknowledging
and adoring an over-
ruling Providence,
which, by all its dis-
pensations, proves
that it delights in
the happiness of
man here, and his
greater happiness
hereafter ; with all
these blessings, what
more is necessary to

ySn"'^

MONTICBLLO, JEFFERSON'S HOME.

134

JEFFERSON, THOMAS

make us a happy and prosperous people? the general government in its whole con-
Still one thing more, fellow-citizens — a stitutional vigor, as the sheet-anchor of
wise and frugal government, which shall our peace at home and safety abroad; a
restrain men from injuring one another, jealous care of the right of election by
^liall leave them otherwise free to regu- the people, a mild and safe corrective of

abuses which are lopped by the sword of
revolution where peaceable remedies are
unprovided; absolute acquiescence in the
decisions of the majority, the vital princi-
ple of republics, from Avhich there is no
appeal but to force, the vital principle
and immediate parent of despotism; a
well-disciplined militia, our best reliance
in peace, and for the first moments of
war, till regulars may relieve them ; the
supremacy of the civil over the military
authority; economy in the public expense,
that labor may be lightly burdened; the
honest payment of our debts, and sacred
preservation of the public faith; encour-
agement of agriculture, and of commerce
as its handmaid; the diffusion of informa-
tion, and arraignment of all abuses at the
bar of the public reason ; freedom of re-
ligion, freedom of the press, and freedom
of person, under the protection of the
habeas corpus; and trial by juries impar-
tially selected. These principles form the
bright constellation which has gone before
us, and guided our steps through an age
of revolution and reformation. The wis-
late their own pursuits of industry and dom of our sages, and blood of our heroes,
improvement, and shall not take from the have been devoted to their attainment;

THOMAS JEFFERSON'S GRAVE.

mouth of labor the bread it has earned.
This is the sum of good government; and
this is necessary to close the circle of our
felicities.

About to enter, fellow-citizens, upon the
exercise of duties which comprehend every-
thing dear and valuable to you, it is

they should be the creed of our political
faith, the text of civic instruction, the
touchstone by which to try the services of
those we trust; and should we wander
from them in moments of error or of
alarm, let us hasten to retrace our steps,
and to regain the road which leads alone

proper you should understand what I deem to peace, liberty, and safety. . . ,
the essential principles of our government, The Jeffersonian Policy. — Soon after

and, consequently, those which ought to his inauguration, Jefferson indicated his

shape its administration. I will compress policy in a letter to Nathaniel Macon,

them within the narrowest compass they in Congress, as follows: "1. Levees are

will bear, stating the general principle, done away with. 2. The first communi-

but not all its limitations. Equal and ex- cation to the next Congress will be, like

act justice to all men, of whatever state all subsequent ones, by message, to which

or persuasion, religious or political ; peace, no answer will be expected. 3. Diplo-

commerce, and honest friendship with all matic establishments in Europe will be

nations, entangling alliances with none; reduced to three ministers. 4. The com-

the support of the State governments in pensation of collectors depends on you

all their rights, as the most competent [Congress], and not on me. 5. The army

administrations for our domestic concerns, is undergoing a chaste reformation. 6.

and the surest bulwarks against anti-re- The navy will be reduced to the legal

publican tendencies; the preservation of establishment by the last of this month

135

JEIFERSON

FORT JEFFERSON, GARDEN KET.

[May, 1801]. 7. Agencies in every de- he had to abandon the undertaking. Jef-
partment will be revived. 8. We shall ferson, then governor of Virginia, gave
push you to the uttermost in economiz- instructions for the occupation of a sta-
ing. 9. A very early recommendation tion on the Mississippi River between the

mouth of the Ohio
and the parallel of
36° 30'; and in
the spring of 1780
Clarke chose a
strong position 5
miles below the
mouth of the Ohio,
whereon he built
Fort Jefferson.
Here the Ameri-
cans planted their
first sentinel to
watch over the
freedom of the
navigation of
the " Father of
Waters."

Jefferson and
Taylor, Forts. At
has been given to the Postmaster-General the Garden Key, one of the Tortugas
to employ no traitor, foreigner, or Revo- Islands, off the extremity of the Florida
lutionary Tory in any of his offices." Peninsula, was Fort Jefferson; and at
Three days after his inauguration he Key West was Fort Taylor. Neither of
wrote to Monroe: "I have firmly refused these forts was quite finished at the be-
to follow the counsels of those who have ginning of 1861. The Confederates early
desired the giving of offices to some of the contemplated their seizure, but the
Federalist leaders in order to reconcile laborers employed on them by the United
them. I have given,
and will give, only
to Republicans un-
der existing cir-
cumstances." The
doctrine, " To the
victor belong the
spoils," which has
been accepted as
orthodox in the
politics of our re-
public ever since,
was then first pro-
mulgated.

Jefferson, Fort,
a fortification built
by Col. George
Rogers Clark
{q. V.) , on the west
side of the Missis-
sippi. He had designed to extend his in- States government were chiefly slaves,
vasion to Detroit, but troops to reinforce and their masters wished to reap the
him had been added to the force of an- fruit of their labor as long as possible,
other bold leader (see Shelby, Evan), and It was believed these forts might be

136

FOKT TAYLOR, KEY WEST.

JEFFBEYS— JENKINS

seized at any time by the Floridians. Cap- make laws to that end; and when, in 1689,
tain Brannan, with a company of artil- the Stuarts were driven from the throne
lery, occupied barracks about half a mile of England, these people were pardoned,
from Fort Taylor. Some of the military and the Virginians received them with
and civil officers there were Confederates, open arms as brethren. Sir George died
and they determined to oppose Captain in London, April 18, 1689.
Brannan if he should attempt to take Jenckes, Joseph, colonial governor;
possession of that fort. Finally Captain born on the site of the city of Pawtucket,
Brannan succeeded by a stratagem in R. I., in 1656; held a seat in the General
gaining possession. The steamer Wyan- Assembly of Rhode Island in 1679-93;
dotte lay near the fort, and her guns com- was appointed to arrange the boundary
manded the bridge that connected it disputes with Connecticut and Massachu-
with the island. One Sunday morning, setts, and afterwards those which had
while the inhabitants were at church, arisen between Massachusetts and New
Captain Brannan marched his men by a Hampshire and Maine. He was also
back road, crossed the bridge, and entered made commissioner to answer a letter
the fort. Supplies had already been for- of the King regarding the " condition
warded by water. Both forts were of affairs in Rhode Island," and to re-
strengthened and were lost to the Con- ply to a number of questions proposed
federates. by the lords of the privy council. He
Jeffreys, Sir George, jurist; born in was governor of Rhode Island in 1727-
Acton, Denbighshire, in 1648; was called 32. He died June 15, 1740.
to the bar in 1668; became chief -justice Jenckes, Thomas Allen, legislator
of England in 1683; and was elevated to born in Cumberland, R. I., Nov. 2, 1818
the post of lord chancellor in 1685. He graduated at Brown University in 1838
was of a blood-thirsty and cruel dispo- admitted to the bar in 1840; served in
sition, delighting in the severe punishment Congress in 1862-71. He was the author
of the enemies of the King. After the re- of the United States bankruptcy law, which
bellion of the Duke of Monmouth (1685) was passed in 1867; and was also one of
was crushed he held courts in the insur- the earliest and most prominent advocates
gent districts which are known in history of civil service reform. His bill in ad-
as the " Bloody Assizes." The partisans vocacy of the same was passed in 1868.
of Monmouth in arms were fully 6,000 in He died in Cumberland, R. I., Nov. 4,
number, many of them persons of great re- 1875.

spectability. They were brought before Jenkins, Charles Jones, jurist; born

the court of the chief-justice by scores, in Beaufort district, S. C, Jan. 6, 1805;

He seemed to delight in convicting and settled in Jefferson county, Ga., in 1816;

punishing them. He caused 320 to be graduated at Union College in 1824; held

hanged or beheaded, and more than 800 a seat in the Georgia legislature in 1836-

to be sold as slaves in the West Indies and 50. He was a Union delegate to the Geor-

Virginia. Many of the latter were given to gia convention in 1850, and as chairman

court favorites that they might sell them of that body drafted the resolutions known

on speculation or extort money for their as " The Platform of 1850," in which it

pardon from those who had any to give. In was resolved " that the State of Georgia,

this nefarious business Lord Effingham, even to the disruption of every tie which

governor of Virginia, engaged ; and many binds her to the Union, resist any act

men of culture, as well as good mechanics, of Congress abolishing slavery." He was

were sent to Virginia to be sold as slaves, a judge of the Supreme Court of Geor-

and so added excellent social materials for gia in 1859 - 65, and governor in 1865-

society in that colony. " Take care," 68. Mr. Jenkins received two votes for

wrote King Charles to Effingham, " that President of the United States in the

they continue to serve for ten years at electoral college of 1872. He died in

least, and that they be not permitted in Summerville, Ga., June 13, 1883.
any manner to redeem themselves by Jenkins, James G., jurist; born in

money or otherwise until that term be Saratoga Springs, N. Y., July 18, 1834;

fully expired." The Assembly refused to was liberallv educated in New York State;

137

JENKINS— JENKINSON'S FERRY

and was admitted to the bar in New York 1869-71; and has since done much work

City in 1855. Two years later he removed in bridge-building. He was in charge of

to Milwaukee, Wis., where he practised the construction of the Randolph bridge

till 1888, when he was appointed United over the Missouri River, at Kansas, Mo.,

States judge for the district of Wiscon- and was employed on the Mississippi

sin. In 1893 he was promoted to the levees. He has been chief engineer of

bench of the United States Circuit Court railroads in the South and Southwest,

of the 7th Judicial Circuit. In December, and was also chief engineer of the Ar-

1893, he issued an injunction forbidding ansas Pass harbor and jetty works in

all employes of the Northern Pacific Rail- Texas. In 1898-99 he was major of the

road (which at that time was in the Volunteer Engineer Corps, and chief

hands of receivers appointed by the court) engineer officer of the 1st Division of the

from joining or conspiring with others in 2d Army Corps. In 1887 he became a

striking against reduced wages. The Cir- member of the American Society of Civil

cuit Court of Appeals sustained this in- Engineers.

junction in a modified form. Upon this Jenkinson, Charles, English politi-

action the labor leaders endeavored to cian; was private secretary to Lord Bute

have Judge Jenkins impeached, but with- when he was the English premier, and,

out result. when he resigned, Jenkinson became the

Jenkins, John, military officer; born principal secretary of the treasury. He

in New London, Conn., Nov. 27, 1751; was an Oxford scholar, and, becoming per-

served throughout the Revolutionary War sonally acquainted with George III., when

as a lieutenant; and during the Wyoming he was Prince of Wales, became devoted

massacre commanded Forty Fort. He died to his service. He had great tact in

in Wyoming, Pa., March 19, 1827. dealing with delicate personal matters,

Jenkins, John Stilwell, author ; born and so was fitted to please all ; or, rather,

in Albany, N. Y., Feb. 15, 1818; edu- not to oflfend any. He was chiefly instru-

cated at Hamilton College, and began the mental in pushing forward the English

practice of law in Weedsport, N. Y. His ministry in their schemes for taxing the

publications include Generals of the Last English - American colonists, and was

War with Great Britain; a condensation really the author of Townshend's obnox-

of Hammond's History of Neio York; Life ious bills and Grenville's Stamp Act. He

of Silas Wright; History of the Mexican held a place with Lord North at the

War; Lives of the Governors of Neio Treasury board, in 1768, and was the

York; Lives of Jackson, Polk, and Gal- chief instigator of that minister's bills

houn, etc. He died in Weedsport, N. Y., for asserting the absolute authority of

Sept. 20, 1852. the Parliament over the American colo-

Jenkins, Thornton Alexander, naval nies.
officer; born in Orange county, Va., Dec. Jenkinson's Ferry, Battle at. In
11, 1811; appointed midshipman in 1828; 1864, General Steele, at Little Rock, Ark.,
commissioned lieutenant in 1839; pro- tried to co-operate with the Red River
moted captain in 1862; and rear-admiral expedition, but was unable to do so effect-
in 1870. In 1834 to 1860 he was employed ually, for he was confronted by a heavy
on the coast survey, and in the light- body of Confederates. He started south-
house board. He was fleet captain, and ward, March 23, with 8,000 troops,
commanded the Hartford when Farragut cavalry and infantry. He was to be
passed Forts Jackson and St. Philip be- joined by General Thayer at Arkadelphia,
low New Orleans, April 24, 1862; com- with 5,000 men, but this was not then
manded the Richmond when Farragut accomplished. Steele pushed on for the
captured Mobile in 1864. He died in purpose of flanking Camden and draw-
Washington, D. C, Aug. 9, 1893. ing out Price from his fortifications there.

Jenkins, William Dunbar, civil engi- Early in April Steele was joined by
neer; born in Adams county, Miss., Sept. Thayer, and on the evening of the 15th
19, 1849; was educated at military they entered Camden as victors. Serious-
schools in France and Belgium; studied ly menaced by gathering Confederates,
civil engineering in Lexington, Va., in Steele, who, hy the retreat of Banks, had

138

JENKS— JERSEY PRISON-SHIP

been released from duty elsewhere, moved Jenney, William Le Baron, architect;
towards Little Rock. He crossed the born in Fairhaven, Mass., Sept. 25, 1832;
Washita on the night of April 26. At was educated at Phillips Academy, An-
Jenkinson's Ferry, on the Sabine River, dover, Mass.; graduated at the Ecole
he was attacked by an overwhelming Centrale des Arts et Metiers, Paris, in
force, led by Gen. Kirby Smith in person. 1856. He also studied art and archi-
Steele's troops, though nearly famished, tecture in Paris studios in 1858-59. On
fought desperately during a most sangui- his return he was commissioned a cap-
nary battle that ensued. Three times the tain in the United States army; was as-
Confederates charged heavily, and were signed to engineer duty ; and served on
repulsed. The battle was fought by in- the stafl" of Gen. U. S. Grant from the
fantry alone, and the Nationals finally battle of Cairo to Corinth, and then on
drove their adversaries and gained a com- that of Gen. W. T. Sherman until 1866,
plete victory. Then they crossed the receiving the brevet of major in 1864;
river and moved on towards Little Rock, he settled in Chicago as an architect in
In the struggle at Jenkinson's Ferry the 1868; was landscape engineer for the West
Confederates lost over 3,000 men, includ- Chicago parks in 1870-71; invented the
ing more than 300 officers. The Nationals skeleton construction (now generally used
lost 700 killed and wounded. Steele's in tall buildings) in 1883; and was the
broken army reached Little Rock on architect for the Union League Club and
May 2. the Siegel & Cooper Building, in New

Jenks, Jeremiah Whipple, educator; York City; The Fair, and the Horti-

born in St. Clair, Mich., Sept. 2, 1856; cultural Building at the World's Colum-

graduated at the University of Michi- bian Exposition, in Chicago, and other

gan in 1878; and was admitted to the notable structures.

bar of that State. Later he taught Ger- Jersey Prison-ship, one of the prisons

luan, Latin, and Greek at Mount Morris used by the British at New York during

(111.) College, In 1886-89 he was Pro- a part of the Revolutionary War. Noth-

fessor of Political Science and English ing could exceed the horrors of these

Literature at Knox College, Galesburg, crowded prisons. ^ The sugar-houses of

TIL; in 1889-91 was Professor of Political New York being large, were used for the

Economy and Social Science in the Indiana purpose, and therein scores suffered and

University; and in 1891 became Professor died. But the most terrible scenes oc-

of Political Science in Cornell University, curred on board several old hulks, which
He is the author of Henry C. Carey als
Nationalokonom; Road Legislation for the
American State, and contributions on
monopolies, political methods, etc., to
reviews, magazines, and encyclopsedias
in the United States, Germany, and Eng-
land.

Jenks, Joseph, inventor; born near
London; came to America in 1645, and

is supposed to have been the first brass- the jkrset prison-ship.
founder on this continent. On May 6,

1648, he secured a patent from the Massa- were anchored in the waters around New
chusetts legislature for a water-mill and York, and used for prisoners. Of them
for a saw-mill. In 1652 he made the dies, the Jersey was the most notorious for the
it is said, for the silver coinage — the sufferings it contained, and the brutality
" pine-tree " money of that province. In of its officers. From these vessels, anchor-
1654 he made a fire-engine for Boston, and ed near the present na^y-yard at Brook-
in 1655 he received a patent for an im- lyn, almost 11,000 victims were carried
proved method of manufacturing scythes, ashore during the war, and buried in
In 1667 he had an appropriation for the shallow graves in the sand. Their re-
encouragement of wire-drawing. He died mains were gathered in 1808 and put
in Lynn, Mass., in 1683. in a vault situated near the termination

139

JEBSEYS— JESUIT MISSIONS

of PVoiit Street and Hudson Avenue, to promote the power and dominion ot
Brooklyn. Prance in America. Within three yeara

Jerseys, The. Collective name for the after the restoration of Canada to the
colonies of East and West New Jersey. French there were fifteen Jesuit priests

Jervis, John Bloomfield, engineer; in the province (1636). The first most
born in Huntington, N. Y., Dec. 14, 1795; noted of these missionaries were Brebeuf
assisted in the construction of the Erie and Daniel, who were bold, aggressive,
and the Delaware and Hudson canals. He and self-sacrificing to the last degree,
was connected with railroads from their Then came the more gentle Lallemande,
first introduction, and made many im- who, with others, traversed the dark
provements in locomotives; and was chief wilderness with a party of Hurons who
engineer of the Croton aqueduct in 1836. lived far to the westward, on the borders
He is the author of A Description of the of one of the Great Lakes. They sufi'ered
Croton Aqueduct ; A Report of the Hud- incredible hardships and privations — eat-
son River Railroad; Railway, Property; ing the coarsest food, sleeping on the bare
Labor and Capital, etc. He died in Eome. earth, and assisting their red companions
N. Y., Jan. 12, 1885. in dragging their canoes at rough port-

Jessup, Henry Harris, clergyman; ages. On a bay of Lake Huron they
born in Montrose, Pa., April 19, 1832; erected the first house of the society
graduated at Yale University in 1851, among the North American Indians. That
and at Union Theological Seminary little chapel, which they called the cradle
in 1855; and after ordination went to a of the Church, was dedicated to St. Jo-
missionary to Tripoli, where he served in seph, the husband of the Blessed Virgin.
1856-60. In the latter year he went to They told to the wild children of the
Beirut. In 1879 he was moderator of the forest the story of the love of Christ and
General Assembly. He is the author of his crucifixion, and awed them with the
Mohammedan Missionary Problem; The terrors of perdition. For fifteen years
Women of the Arabs; The Greek Church Brebeuf carried on his missionary labors
and Protestant Missions; Syrian Eome among the Hurons, scourging his flesh
Life; Ka7nil, Moslem Convert, etc. twice a day with thongs; wearing an iron

Jesuit Missions. In 1539 the Society girdle armed at all points with sharp pro-
of Jesus, or Jesuit's, was established by jections, and over this a bristly hair-
Ignatius Loyola. Its members were, by shirt, which continually . " mortified the
its rules, never to become prelates. Their flesh"; fasted frequently and long: kept
vows were to be poor, chaste, and obe- his pious vigils late into the night, and
dient, and in constant readiness to go on by penitential acts resisted every tempta-
missions against heresy and heathenism, tion of the flesh.

Their grand maxim was the widest diff'u- As missionary stations multiplied in
sion of influence, and the closest internal the western wilderness, the central spot
unity. Their missions soon spread to was called St. Mary. It was upon the
every part of the habitable globe then outlet of Lake Superior into Lake Huron,
known. They planted the cross in Europe, There, in one year, 3,000 Indians received
Asia, Africa, and America, and on the a welcome at the hands of the priest,
islands of the sea; and when Chaniplain This mission awakened great sympathy
had opened the way for the establishment in France. Everywhere prayers were ut-
of French dominion in America, to the tered for its protection and prosperity.
Jesuits was assigned the task of bearing The King sent magnificently embroidered
the Christian religion to the dusky in- garments for the Indian converts. The
habitants in North America. More per- Pope expressed his approbation, and to
severing and more eff"ective than the vo- confirm and strengthen these missions a
taries of commerce and trade, the Jesuits college in New France was projected. The
became the pioneers of discovery and set- pious young Marquis de Gaenache, with
tlement in North America. Their para- the assent of his parents, entered the So-
mount object was the conversion of the ciety of Jesus, and with a portion of their
heathen and an extension of the Church; ample fortune he endowed a seminary for
their secondary, yet powerful, object was education at Quebec. Its foundation was

140

JESUIT MISSIONS

laid in 1635, just before the death of and adventures of missionary life. On
Champlain. That college was founded his way from Quebec to the Hurons he
two years before the first high seminary was captured by a roving band of Mo-
of learning was established in the Protes- hawks, and he who was one of the first to
tant colonies in America by John Har-
vard (see Harvard Uni\'ersity). At
Ihe same time the Duchess d'Acquillon,
aided by her uncle, Cardinal Richelieu,
endowed a public hospital at Quebec,
open to the afflicted, whether white or
red men, Christians or pagans. It was
placed in charge of three young nuns,
the youngest twenty-two, and the oldest
twenty-nine years of age, who came
from Paris for the purpose. In 1640,
Hochelaga ( Montreal ) was taken pos-
session of as a missionary station, with
solemn religious ceremonies, and the
Queen of Angels was petitioned to take
the island of Montreal under her protec-
tion. Within thirteen years the remote
wilderness was visited by forty-two
Jesuit missionaries, besides eighteen other
devoted men. These assembled two or
three times a year at St. Mary's; the re-
mainder of the time they Avere scattered
through the forests in their sacred work.

A plan was conceived in 1G38 of estab-
lishing missions among the Algon-
quians, not only on the north, but .on
the south of the Gi'eat Lakes, and at
Green Bay. The field of labor opened
to the view of the missionaries a vast
expanse of wilderness, peopled by many
tribes, and they prayed earnestly for re-
cruits. Very soon Indians from very re-
mote points appeared at the mission
stations. The hostilities of the Five
Nations had kept the French from
navigating Lakes Ontario and Erie;
finally, in 1640, Brebeuf was sent to
the Neutral Nation {q. v.), on the
Niagara RiA'er. The further penetra-
tion of the country south of the Lakes
was then denied, but a glimpse of the
marvellous field soon to be entered upon
was obtained. In September and October,
1641, Charles Raymbault and Isaac Jogues the first to bear it to the villages of the
penetrated to the Falls of St. Mary, in the Five Nations. At the villages on the way
strait that forms the outlet of Lake from the St. Lawrence to the Mohawk
Superior, where they heard of the Sioux, domain Father Jogues was compelled to
They yearned to penetrate the country of submit to the horrors of running the
this famous people. This favor was denied gantlet, yet he never repined, but re-
the missionaries. Father Raymbault re- joiced in his tribulations, and was made
turned to Quebec and died, but Father happy by the conversion, here and there.
Jogues was destined to endure many trials of one of the savages, whom, on one occa-

141

A JESUIT TRAVELLING THROL'GH THK WILDBKXESS.

carry the cross 'uto Michigan was now

JESUIT MISSIONS

sion, he baptized with drops of dew. As
he roamed through the forests of the Mo-
hawk Valley he carved the name of Jesus
and the figure of a cross on the trees, and
with a chant took possession of the coun-
try in the name of Christ. He was ran-
somed by the Dutch at Albany, sailed for
J^rance, but soon returned to Canada.

Another missionary (Bressani), who
suffered horribly, was also ransomed by
the Dutch. In the summer of 1646 the
Jesuits established a mission among the
Indians of Maine, and so French out-
posts were established on the Kennebec
and the upper Lakes fourteen years after
these missionary labors were begun.
There was then a lull in hostilities be-
tween the French and the Five Nations,
and Father Jogues went to the Mohawks
as ambassador for Canada. His report
caused an effort to establish a mission

cast his body into the Mohawk River.
In 1648, warriors from the Mohawk Valley
feil upon the Hurons, and the Jesuit mis-
sions among them were destroyed, and
priests and converts were murdered after
horrible tortures. Finally, in 1654, when
peace between the French and the Five
Nations had been restored. Father Le
Moyne was sent as ambassador to the
Onondagas, when he was cheered by the
sight of many Hurons holding on to their
faith. Le Moyne was allowed to establish
a mission in the Mohawk Valley. Very
soon the Onondagas received Father Da-
blon and his companions kindly, and
chiefs and followers gathered around the
Jesuits with songs of welcome. A chapel
was built in a day. " For marbles and
precious metals," Dablon wrote, " we em-
ployed only bark; but the path to
heaven is as open through a roof of bark

A JKSCIT MISSIONARY PREACHING TO THR INDIANS.

among them, and he alone understand- as through arched ceilings of silver and
ing their language, was sent, but lost his gold." Fifty French people settled near
life among the Mohawks, who hung his the missionary station, and very soon
liead upon the palisades of a village, and there were Christian laborers among the

142

JESUIT MISSIONS

Cayugas and Oneidas. A change came. Aug. 28, 1657, but was recalled to Mon-
War was again kindled, and Jesuits and treal. Rene Menard was with Le Mercier
settlers were obliged to flee from the at Onondaga from 1656 to 1658, and after-
bosom of the Five Nations. After that, wards among the Cayugas. Julien Gar-
the self-sacri/icing Jesuits penetrated the nier, sent to the Mohawks in May, 1668,
western wilderness to the Mississippi passed to Onondaga, and thence to the
River, carrying the cross as the emblem Senecas, and was engaged in this mission
of their religion, and the lilies of France until 1683. Claude Dablon, at Onondaga
as tokens of political dominion. In these a few years after 1655, and was after-
labors they were assisted by the votaries wards among the tribes of the Upper
of commerce. Seeds of civilization were Lakes. Jacques Freniin, at Onondaga
planted here and there, until harvests from 1656 to 1658; was sent to the Mo-
were beginning to blossom all along the hawks in July, 1667; left there for the
Lakes and the Mississippi to the Gulf of Senecas in October, 1668, where he re-
Mexico. The discoveries of these priests niained a few years. Pierre Rafeix, at
and traders gave to France a claim to Onondaga from 1656 to 1658; chaplain in
that magnificent domain of millions of Coureelle's expedition in 1665; sent to
square miles, extending from Acadia the Cayugas in 1671, thence to Seneca,
along the St. Lawrence and the Lakes, where he was in 1679. Jacques Bruyas,
and the establishment of French domin- sent to the Mohawks, July, 1667, and to
ion in Louisiana, on the borders of the the Oneidas in September, where he spent
Gulf of Mexico. It has been truthfully four years, and thence returned to the
said, "The history of these [Jesuit] Mohawks in 1672; was at Onondaga in
labors is connected with the origin of 1679, 1700, and 1701. Etienne de Car-
every celebrated town in the annals of heil, sent to Cayuga in 1668, and was ab-
French America; not a cape was turned or sent in 1671-72; returned, and remained
a river entered but a Jesuit led the way." until 1684. Pierre Milet was sent with
There were twenty-four different Jesuit De Carheil to the Cayugas in 1668, and
missionaries among the Six Nations be- left in 1684; was at Niagara in 1688,
tween 1657 and 1769. Their names and and was taken prisoner at Cataraqua in
places of service were as follows: Paul 1689. Jean Pierron was sent to the Mo-
Ragneneau, at Onondaga, from July, 1657, hawks in July, 1667; went among the
to March, 1658. Isaac Jogues, prisoner Cayugas in October, 1668, and was with
among the Mohawks from August, 1642, the Senecas after 1672, where he was in
to August, 1643; a missionary to the same 1679. Jean de Lamberville was at Onon-
nation in 1646, and killed in October of daga in 1671-72; was sent to Niagara in
the same year. Francis Joseph Le Mer- 1687. Francis Boniface was sent to the
cier, at Onondaga, from May 17, 1656, to Mohawks in 1668, and was there after
March 20, 1658. Francis Duperon, at 1673. Francis Vaillant de Gueslis sue-
Onondaga, from 1657 to 1658. Simon Le ceeded Boniface among the Mohawks about
Moyne, at Onondaga, July, 1654; with 1674: accompanied the expedition against
the Mohawks from Sept. 16, 1655, until the Senecas in 1687 ; was sent to New York
Nov. 9 of the same year; then again in in December, 1687. and to the Senecas in
1656, until Nov. 5; again there (third 1703. Pierre de Mareuil was at Onon-
time) from Aug. 26, 1657, until May, daga in June, 1709, where he surrendered
1658; at Onondaga, from July, 1661. until himself to the English in consequence of
September, 1662; ordered to the Senecas war breaking out between the latter and
in July. 1663, but remained at Montreal, the French, and was courteously treated
He died in Canada in 1665. Francis Jo- at Albany. Jacques d'Heu was among
seph Bressani, a prisoner among the Mo- the Onondagas in 1708. and the Senecas
hawks from April 30 to Aug. 19, 1644. in 1709.' Anthony Gordon founded St. Re-
Pierre Joseph Mary Chaumont, at Onon- gis in 1769, with a colony from St. Louis,
daga from September, 1655. until March There were two " Sulpieians " as mission-
20, 1658. Joseph Anthony Poncet was a aries in northern New York, Francis
prisoner among the Iroquois from Aug. Piquet, who founded Oswegatchie (Ogdens-
20 to Oct. 3, 1652; started for Onondaga burg) in 1748, and his successor at Oswe-

143

JESUP— JEWS

gatchie, Pierre Paul Francis de la Garde.
For Jesuit missions in California, see
JUNIPEKO.

Jesup, MoKRis Ketchum, philanthro-
pist; born in Westport, Conn., June 21,

for his services in the battle of Lundy'a
Lane, or Niagara, in which he was severe-
ly wounded. After the war, he was pro-
moted to adjutant-general and quarter-
master-general of the armyin 1818, with the

1830; removed to New York City; was a rank of brigadier-general, and was brevet-
clerk in a manufacturing house till 1852, ted major-general in 1828. In 1836 he was in
and thence till 1884 was engaged in command of the army in the Creek nation,
banking business. He was elected presi- and at the close of the year he commanded
dent of the Five Points House of Industry the army in Florida. He was wounded
in 1872, and the same year became a by the Seminoles in January, 1838. He
founder and president of the Young Men's died in Washington, D. C, June 10, 1860.
Christian Association of New York City. Jewell, Marshall, diplomatist; born
In 1881 he was elected president of the in Winchester, N. H., Oct. 20, 1825; learn-
New York City Mission and Tract Society, ed the tanner's trade; and established a
for which he built the DeWitt Memorial leather business. He was elected governor

Church, in memory of his father-in-law,
and also president of the Museum of
Natural History, to which he presented
a collection of native woods valued at
$100,000. He was elected president of
the New York Chamber of Commerce in
1899. Besides the above institutions, he
has been an officer in the leading benevo-
lent and educational institutions in New
York City and elsewhere. Mr. Jesup has
been exceedingly liberal in his benefac-

of Connecticut in 1869, re-elected in 1871
and 1872; appointed minister to Russia
in 1873; and became Postmaster-General
in 1874. He died in Hartford, Conn., Feb.
10, 1883.

Jewett, Sarah Orne, author; born in
South Berwick, Me., Sept. 3, 1849; was
educated at the Berwick Academy. She
has travelled extensively in the United
States, Canada, and Europe; and is
widely known as a short-story writer.

tions, and has extended his aid to a large Her works include Decphaven; Play
variety of interests. In 1897 he assumed Days; Old Friends and New; A White
the expense, estimated at from $50,000 Heron; A Marsh Island; Betty Leicester;
to $75,000, of a series of expeditions to Country By-icays; The Mate of the Day-
secure anthropological material for the light, and Friends Ashore; A Country
Museum of Natural History, with special Doctor; The Story of the Xormatis; The
reference to the origin of the ancient King of Folly Island, and other People;

population of this continent and its re-
lation to the ancient inhabitants of the
Old World. This project involves the
thorough exploration of the coast of the
north Pacific Ocean. In 1891 he gave to
Yale Divinity School $51,000, and the
Women's Hospital, in New York City,
$100,000; in 1899 he erected Jesup Hall
for Williams College, at a cost of $35,000;
and in 1900 he presented to Yale Univer-
sity the collection of Arabic manuscripts
made by Count Landberg, a distinguished
Swedish collector and traveller, for which

Strangers and Wayfarers ; A Native of Win-
by, and Other Talcs; The Life of Nancy;
The Country of the Pointed Firs, etc.

Jews. The Jewish citizenship of the
United States is one of the most substan-
tial of all foreign constituents of our com-
plex population. The Jews are an exceed-
ingly law-abiding people, and in their
charities are unsurpassed by any race
among us. Their homes, asylums, hospi-
tals, and educational establishments are
among the best endowed and most pro-
gressive institutions in the country, and

he paid $20,000. He also erected, for the the benevolent acts of prosperous Hebrew

Union Theological Seminary, a building
known as Jesup Hall.

Jesup, Thomas Sidney, military offi-
cer; born in Virginia, in 1788; entered
the army in 1808, and was Hull's adju-
tant-general in 1813. For his good con-

men towards objects and institutions other
than those of their own people have re-
ceived a high and a deserved recognition.

At the fifteenth annual meeting of the
Association of Jewish Immigrants, in
Philadelphia, in 1899. President Levy's re-

duct at the battle of Chippewa, he was port treated especially of the general in-
brevetted lieutenant-colonel; also colonel crease in immigration. Of the 312,000 im-

144

JEWS

migrants to this country, representing an " In 1818 Mordecai M. Noah estimated
increase of 3G per cent, over the figures the Jewish population at 3,000. In 182(1
of the preceding year, the Jewish con- Isaac C. Harby placed the figures at G,000,
tingent was 37,000, an increase of 32.1 and in 1840 these were further increased
per cent. A large proportion of the Jew- by the estimate published in the American
ish immigrants came from Russia, where. Almanac to 15,000. In 1848 M. A. Berk
however, the persecutions to which the made their number 50,000. In 1880 Will-
Jews were subjected were being less rigor- iam B. Hackenburg put the figures at
ously enforced than formerly. The fer- 230,257; in 1888 Isaac Markens put them
nient infused into the European social at 400,000, and in 1897 David Sulzbero-er
body by the Dreyfus affair appeared to estimated the total at 937,800."
have had a clarifying effect, even the Pro- The following figures are then given:

curator of the Russian Holy Synod hav-
ing in a recent interview disavowed anti-
Semitic sentiments. The actual storm
centre of Slavic anti-Semitism had moved
o\'er the border from Russia to Austria
and Rumania, and in Bohemia the condi-
tion of affairs was described as gravely
foreboding. In Vienna the fever of anti-
Semitism had passed its critical stage.
This had been, in part, due to the disclos-
ure of colossal frauds in the administra-
tion of the city finances by numerous
leaders of the anti-Semite majority. In
Germany and France the conditions were
still more favorable.

Turning to the subject of Jewish colo-
nization. President Levy said that the
movement to colonize Jews in Palestine
had been stemmed by the interference of
the Turkish government. Jewish colonies
had been established in Cyprus, and the
De Hirsch colonies in Argentine wei'e
showing unmistakable signs of progress.
Of the New Jersey colonies, the one at

JEWISH IMMIGRATION INTO THE UNITED STATES,
1885-99.

Year.

New York.

Philadelphia.

Baltimore.

1885

18,535
27,348
25,788
29,602
22,674
32,321
62,574
52,134
25,678
16,381
27,065
23,802
17,278
22,921
12,909

1,076
2,310
1,680
1,761
1,288
1,982
4,984
3,039
6,324
3,825
2,791
2,499
1,752
2,079

1886

1887

1888

1889

1890

1891

1,581
5,152
1.941
1,902
2,221
1,817
l,r,61
2,409
1,463

1892

1893

1894

1895

1896

1897

1898

To July, 1899...

Total

417,010

36,390

20,140

Immigration for 1881-84 74,310

New York, 1885-99 417,010

Philadelphia, 1885-99 36,390

Baltimore, 1885-99 20,140

Total 547,850

" If we add this immigration to the
estimate of Mr. Hackenburg made in
Woodbine, under the fostering care of the 1880," says Mr. Adler, "we can secure a
American De Hirsch Fund trustees, was total of 778,107, without making any al-
growing in importance, and left no doubt as lowance for the natural increase in twenty
to its ultimately successful establishment, years, nor for the immigration through
The other colonies at Alliance, Norma, Car- Canada and other ports of the United
mel, and Rosenhayn had passed the prob- States than New York, Philadelphia, and
lematic stage and gave promise of success. Baltimore."

In the American-Jewish Year-Boole for P'arly in 1904 Professor Haman, of
1899-1900 (Hebrew year, 5660), Cyrus Basel, Switzerland, calculated that there
Adler, the editor, considering the number were about 19.000.000 Jews in the world,
of Jews in the United States, said: "As of whom nearly 11.000,000 were in Europe
the census of the United States has, in and 8,000,000 outside of Europe, including
accordance with the spirit of American 1,000,000 in the United States. Accord-
institutions, taken no heed of the religious ing to his estimates Russia had 5,500,000;
convictions of American citizens, whether Austria-IIuncrary. 1,860,000: Germany,

native-born or naturalized, all statements
concerning the number of Jews living in
this country are based upon estimate,
though several of the estimates have been
most conscientiously made.

V. — K

145

568.000 ; Rumania, 300,000 : Great Britain,
22,000; Turkey, 120,000; Holland. 97,000;
France, 77,000: Italy, 50.000: Bulgaria,
31,000; Switzcrl.and. 12,000; Greece, 6.000;
Servia, 5,000; Denmark, 4,000; Sweden,

JEWS AND JUDAISM

3,500; Belgium, 3,000; Spain, 2,500; and
Portugal, 300.

The Arnerican Jewish Year-Boole for
1903-04 stated the Jewish population of
the United States at 1,127,268, which
would make the United States rank third
among the nations of the world in respect
to Jewish citizens. The Year-Book esti-
mated that fully 500,000 Jews were resi-
dents of New York State, the greater
part being on Manhattan Island. The
following States were credited with hav-
ing 10,000 or more Jews among their
people: California, 28,000; Illinois, 75,000;
Indiana, 25,000; Kentucky, 12,000; Loui-
siana, 12,000; Maryland, 26,500; Massa-

chusetts, 60,000; Minnesota, 10,000; Mis-
souri. 50,000; New Jersey, 23,000; New
York, 500,000; Ohio, 50,000; Pennsylvania,
05,000; Tennessee, 10,000; Texas, 15,000;
Virginia, 15,000; Wisconsin, 15,000. The
immigration figures for 1903 show that
in 1902-03, 58,079 Jews entered the port
of New York, of whom 30,536 were Rus-
sians, 18,113 Austrians, 8,314 Rumanians,
527 Germans, 271 Turks, 233 English, 35
Dutch, 28 French, 12 Swedes, 5 Scotch,
and 5 South Americans. From Aug. 27,
1902, to Aug. 25, 1903, 24 synagogues were
dedicated in fourteen of the United States,
16 hospitals and many other institutions
were opened.

JEWS AND JUDAISM

Jews and Judaism. Professor Richard dependent upon the political conditions of

these countries. More than seventy years
ot the century had passed before this
struggle had been fought out.

The cause of Jewish emancipation in

England sufTered no such sudden changes

as it did on the continent. It proceeded

For the Jew the Middle Ages did not by regular stages through the abrogation

end with the Reformation and the Renais- of the Act of Test in 1828, the admission

sance; but only disappeared in the trans- of Jews as citizens of London in 1830, as

formation brought about gradually by the sheriffs in 1835, as magistrates in 1845,

French Revolution. During this period and in 1858 as members of Parliament by

J. H. Gottheil, the scholarly writer on
Jewish questions, and son of the well-
known Rabbi Gottheil, of New York,
writes as follows regarding Hebraism in
America.

the Jew has passed through more up-
heavals than many nations have during
three or four times the number of years.
The modern European and American world

the removal of the words " upon the faith
of a Christian " in the oath taken by the
members.

There are between 10,000.000 and 11,-

has had a hard fight to find its way into 000,000 Jews to-day in the world ; of these,

its present changed condition; but much about 9,000.000 live in Europe; 1,000.000

harder by far was the task laid upon the in the United States and Canada; 350.000

Jew; and, whether he has succeeded or in Africa: 350,000 in Asia; and 16,000

not, he has made an honest fight. The in Australasia.

tale of the Jew of the nineteenth century In England and America no organiza-

is a record of his endeavor to do justice tion of the Jews has been effected, as the

to the two demands which were made upon stat* does not there take cognizance of the

him: the one from the outside world — -to religioiis belief of the people. In both

fit himself to take his place worthily and these countries attempts have been made

do his work side by side with the other by the Jews themselves to organize imder

citizens of the state in which he lived; the one head upon a purely religious basis,

otlier from within his own ranks to har- but without nuich success. The congrega-

monize his religious belief with his new
point of view and to adapt his religious
exercises to modern social conditions. The
struggle of the Jews in the various Euro-
pean countries for civil rights and for
equality before the law was long drawn

tional system has been carried to its ut-
most limits in the United States, where
each congregation is a law unto itself and
absolutely rejects any interference on the
part of any larger body. From time to
time a desire has been manifested to super-

out, and was marked by varying fortunes sede this purelv congregational system by

146

JEWS AND JUDAISM

some form of union. The late Dr. Isaac of the French language and of French cult-

M. Wise, of Cincinnati, had at various ure in the East. This one-sidedness of

times attempted to bring the Jews of the its work is best seen in the fact that by its

United States "together with an authorita- side similar organizations have been cre-

tive synod at their head. Out of this and ated in other countries, " The Board of

other attempts have come the Central Con- Delegates of American Israelites " in the

ference of American Rabbis and The Union United States, " The Anglo-Jewish Associa-

of American Congregations ( founded in tion " in England, the " Israelitische Al-

1873), which now comprises about ninety- liance " in Austria, and the " Deutsche Ge-

one congregations. These organizations, meindebund " in Germany. At one point

however, do not by any means represent it was hoped that the B'nai B'rith, estab-

either all of the Jewish ministers or all lished in this country in 1843, by Isidor

of the Jewish congregations, and the
Union itself is merely a deliberative body
having no power to do anything in the in-
ternal affairs of one of its constituent
synagogues. Since the union of American
Jewish congregations comprises only such

Busch, Julius Bien, and others, would
form such a union of Jews, where the
theological differences would be eliminated.
But though this order, which has 315
lodges in the United States and Canada,
has established itself in such countries

as stand upon a Reform platform, a union as Germany, Rumania, Austria, Algeria,

of Orthodox congregations was formed in Bulgaria, and Egypt, and despite the good

New York two or three years ago, and it work it has so far done, the mere fact

is hoped that this organization will do that it is a secret organization prevents it

much towards binding together the very from standing forth as the representative

many congregations of those who adhere of international Jewry. Where, then, and in

strictly to traditional Judaism. what manner is such a body to be found?

But"^ the organization of Jews as a It is a mistake to suppose that the Jews

church has not been found sufficient. It as a people are rich. The proletariat

was early felt that some more secular
bond must be found which should unite
the Jews of various porsuasiojis for com-
mon and concerted action. The first at-
tempt in this direction was nobly made
by Narcisse Leven, Eugene Emanuel,
Charles Netter, and a few others, in found-
ing (1880) the "Alliance Israelite Uni-
verselle " in Paris, whose object it was to
aid in removing Jewish disabilities wher-
ever they might exist, and to raise the

among them is proportionately much
larger than it is among other people; and
thus it came about that the Jewish quar-
ters in all the large cities were already
well filled when they were (almost at a
moment's notice) called upon to receive
double or triple the number they already
held. The actual number of the Jewish
poor was thereby greatly increased; for
many a family that had been wealthy or
in easv circumstances in Russia, Galicia,

spiritual" condition of their coreligionists or Rumania, had been reduced to want
in northern Africa, eastern Europe, and and been compelled to take its place
western Asia by the founding of schools, among those who needed the help of their
From these small beginnings the Alliance brethren. This help was freely and cheer-
has grown to be an important factor in fully given all the world over. Great
the conservation of Jewish interests, sacrifices were made by the richer Jews
Faithful to its programme, it has estab- to meet the pressing needs of the hour,
lished a large number of elementary and and, with no help from the outside world,
technical schools, and has intervened ac- excepting the London Mansion House
tively in Algeria, Morocco, the Turkish Fund in 1882, the thousands and tens of
Empire, and Persia whenever Jews or Jew- thousands of immigrants were cared for.
ish interests were in any way threatened. The Jewish charitable organizations, the
Its attempt, however, to represent the development of which has been during the
whole Jewish people has not been success- bitter half of the nineteenth century the
ful; for the reason that it has been allied brightest spot in Jewish communal life,
too closely with French national interests; rose to the demands of the occasion, and
and side by side with the " Alliance Fran- the more than princely munificence of
caise " it has been an active propagandist Baron and Baroness Maurice de Hirsch,

147

JEWS AND JUDAISM

in regard to the Russian Jews, may justly of Jews there must be stopped, and the

be looked upon with pride. crowding into certain distinct fields of

New Ghettos, however, were formed in work must be brought to an end. A deter-
nearly all the cities to which these immi- mined effort has already been made to
grants came; and this name for the habi- force the new immigrants into less crowded
tat of the poorer Jews became again famil- parts of the land to which they come. In
iar, aided by the popularity which some this country this is being done by the
modern novelists had given to it. In the United Hebrew Charities, and notably by
Middle Ages and down to our own time the B'nai B'rith. A distinct clannish feel-
the Jews had been forced by the state ing has, however, to be overcome, and a
to live apart in such Ghettos; sometimes fear of venturing into an unknown coun-
for their own protection, sometimes to try where the immigrant will be surround-
preserve the outside world from contact ed by people who do not understand his
with them. The modern Ghetto is a volun- peculiar social and religious customs,
tary gathering of the Jews for the purpose That the Jew has taken by preference
of mutual help and from a feeling of re- to certain branches of trade and work is
ciprocal obligations. To the outside ob- due to the fact that anti-Jewish legisla-
server it presents an unsightly appear- tion has for centuries closed many walks
ance; it is the abode of poor people, and of life to him, and the guild organization
its population is usually strange in dress, excluded him rigorously from many
manners, and speech. The sweating sys- spheres of activity. Then, too, his richly
tem (which in one form or another is to developed home life has induced a certain
be found in all these Ghettos) has been a distaste for occupations which take the
dreadful incentive towards grinding the wage-earner out of his home and away
face of the poor; and the results of too from his family. That, however, these
great a hoarding are often quite apparent; inherited instincts can easily be overcome
so that the general morality of the Jews is clearly seen whenever the occasion
in these Ghettos has suffered in conse- offers. Even in Amsterdam, where three-
quence. A people ignorant of the Ian- fourths of the diamond inditstry is in the
guage of their new home are a prey to the hands of Jews, there are to be found Jew-
evil - intended, who make use of their ish cobblers, cigar-makers, plumbers, car-
ignorance for their own commercial and pet - weavers, mattress - makers, watch-
political advancement. This has been makers, etc. In the East End of London
notably seen in the city of New York, there are, it is true, 10,000 Jews who
where a lax city government has permitted are engaged in the clothes - making
the vampires of society to fasten their trades, but the rest of 40,000 Jewish
fangs upon the Ghetto and to produce con- wage - earners of this quarter are scat-
ditions which call for the active interfer- tered over all possible branches of
ence of all those forces which seek to work — masonry, metal-working, textile
stamp out crime and vice. But, on the industries, furniture-making, cap-making,
other hand, to one who is acquainted with and the like. The same is true of New
the inner life of the Ghetto the virtues York, where, although the number of Jews
which have hitherto characterized the employed in the tailoring indvistries is
Jews — industry and sobriety — are still to disproportionately large, the following
be found there; much more frequently list of Hebrew unions shows how far
than in those parts where the richer afield the Jewish workman has gone:
classes congregate, and whose wealth Cap-Makers, Cap-Blockers, Shirt-Makers,
enables them to withdraw their doings Mattress-Makers, Purse-Makers, Liberty
from the public gaze. Its members are as Musical Union, Jewish Chorus Union,
industrious as bees in a hive ; and though Jewellers' Union, Tin-Smithers' Union,
axtremely litigations, drunkenness is un- Bill-Posters, Waiters' Alliance, Architect-
known and actual crime is comparatively ural Ironworkers, Hebrew Typographical
rare. L'^nion, Tobacco Cutters, Paper - Makers,

In order to correct the abuses of the Bookbinders. The same is relatively true

(ghetto, two things are absolutely neces- of all other countries where Jews live in

sary — the increase of the actual number large numbers.

148

JEWS AND JUDAISM

It is a popular misconception that the
Jew has an innate distaste for agricult-
tir«. His continued commercial life, forced
upon him for many centuries, has, it
is true, disaccustomed the Jew to the
life of a tiller of the soil. But the Jewish
state was largely an agricultural one; the
legislation of the Bible and the later Law
Books was clearly intended for an agri-
cultural people; and Jews have never
shown an unwillingness to return again
to the soil. In Southern Russia there are
to-day 225 Jewish colonies with a popula-
tion of 100,000. In Palestine there are
now more than twenty colonies with a
population of more than 5,000, and similar
agricultural colonies have been established
at various times in the United States,
Canada, and the Argentine Republic. In
many cases, it is true, these colonies have
not yet become self-supporting, but this
has been due in a large measure to mal-
administration and to the popular con-
ditions under which the colonies were
founded.

It cannot be denied that a goodly part
of the Jewish proletariat belongs to the
Socialist party. The whole Biblical sys-
tem is in itself not Avithout a Socialist
tinge; and the two great founders of the
iiiodern system, Lasalle and Marx, were
Jews. But the Jew is by nature peace-
loving; and under more favorable circum-
stances, and with the opportunity of a
greater development of his faculties,
Socialism in his midst has no very active
life ; the Jew very soon becoming an ar-
dent partisan of the existing state of
affairs.

The facility with which the Jews attach
themselves to changed circumstances
stands out characteristically through their
whole history. It might, indeed, be said
with some show of truth that this pli-
ability is the weak side in the Jewish
character. The readiness of the Jew to be
almost anything and not simply his own
self has been one of the factors producing
a certain ill Avill against him. Disraeli
was the most jingo of all imperialists in
England ; Lasker, the most ardent advo-
cate of the newly constituted German Em-
pire. This pliability is the result of the
v.'andering life he has led and the various
cixnlizations of which he has been a part.
He has to find his way into Hellenism in

Alexandria, into Moorish culture in Spain,
into Slavism in E,ussia and Poland. When
the first wave of the modern spirit com-
menced to break from France eastward
over the whole of Eiirope, it reached the
Jew also. While in France the new spirit
was largely political in Germany it was
more spiritual. In its political form as
well as in its spiritual form it reacted
not only upon the political condition of
the Jew, but especially upon his mental
attitude. The new spirit was intensely
modern, intensely cosmopolitan, intensely
Occidental, and intensely inductive. The
Jew had preserved to a great degree his
deductive, Oriental, particularistic, and
ancient mode of thought and aspect of
life. The two forces were bound to meet.
As a great oak is met by the storm, so was
Israel set upon by the fury of this terrible
onslaught. It is of interest to see in what
manner he emerged from this storm —
whether he has been able to bend to its
fury, to lose perhaps some of his leaves
and even some of his branches, but to
change only in such a way as to be able
10 stand upright again when the storm
is past.

It was in the United States that the
Reform movement developed its full ca-
pacity and bore its most perfect fruit.
In a new land, which was untrammelled
by traditions of the past, and where the
congregational system became the basis of
Jewish communal life, the ideas which the
Gei-man Reformers had sown had a most
fruitful ground in which to grow. It can-
not be said that the Reform movement
here was actually started by the Ger-
mans, for already, in 1825, one of the
congregations in Charleston, S. C, made
up almost entirely of Sefardic Jews,
had developed " The Reformed Society of
Israelites"; and the formation of the
society seems to ha^e been due, not only
to the demand for an a?sthetic service, but
to an attempt to formulate a creed which
should omit all reference to the coming of
the Messiah, the return to Palestine, and
the bodily resurrection. This attempt at
formulating a Theistic Church, however,
v/as unsuccessful ; and it was not until the
advent from Germany in the 50's and 60's
of rabbis who had been influenced hv the
moA'ement in Germanv that reform com-
menced to make itself felt -here. Merz-

149

JEWS AND JUDAISM

bacher in New York, Isaac M. Wise in Al-
bany and Cincinnati, S. Hirsch in Phila-
delphia, David PJinhorn in Baltimore, are
only a few of the names of those who
fought in the thick of the fight. About the
year 1843 the first real Reform congrega-
tions were established, the Temple Emanu-
el in New York and Har Sinai in Balti-
more. It cannot be my purpose here
to trace the history of the movement in
this country; suffice it to say that the un-
trammelled freedom which existed here
very soon played havoc with most of the
institutions of the Jewish religion. Each
congregation and each minister, being a
law to itself, shortened the service, excised
prayers, and did away with observances
a8 it thought best. Not that the leaders
did not try, from time to time, to regulate
the measure of reform to be introduced,
and to evolve a platform upon which the
movement should stand. Rabbinical con-
ferences were held for that purpose in
Cleveland (1856), Philadelphia (1869),
Cincinnati (1871), and Pittsburg (1885).
While in the earlier conferences the at-
tempt was made to find some authoritative
statement upon which all parties could
agree, in the subsequent ones the attempt
was given up. They became more and
more meeting-places simply for the ad-
vanced Reform wing of the Jewish Church.
The position of this wing of the Reformed
synagogue may best be seen in the declara-
tion of principles which was published by
the Pittsburg conference. It declared
that Judaism presents the highest con-
ception of the God idea; that the Bible
contains the record cf the consecration of
the Jewish people; that it is a potent in-
strument of religious and moral instruc-
tion; that it reveals, however, the primi-
tive ideas of its own age; that its moral
laws only are binding; and that all cere-
monies therein ordained which are not
ndapted to the views and habits of modern
civilization are to be rejected; that all
Mosaic and rabbinical laws regulating
diet, priestly functions, and dress, are for-
eign to our present mental state ; that the
Jews are no longer a nation, and therefore
do not expect a return to Palestine ; that
Judaism is a progressive religion, always
striving to be in accord with the postulates
of reason ; that the belief in bodily resur-
rection. W *he existence of a hell and a

150

paradise, are to be rejected ; and that it is
the duty of Jews to participate in the
great task of modern times to solve on the
basis of justice and righteousness the
problems presented by the transitions and
evils of the present organization of soci-
ety. Such a platform as this could not
fail to arouse intense opposition on the
part of the Orthodox Jews, and to lose for
the conference even some of its more con-
servative adherents. As in Charleston, in
1825, a platform of Theism was here postu-
lated, which was bereft of all distinctively
Jewish characteristics, and which practi-
cally meant a breaking away from historic
Judaism. This position of the advanced
Reformers is also manifested in the stand
which they have taken in regard to the
necessity of the Abrahamic covenant. At
a meeting of the Central Conference of
American (Reformed) Rabbis, held at
Baltimore in 1881, a resolution was passed
to the effect that no initiatory rite or cere-
mony was necessary in the ease of one de-
siring to enter the Covenant of Israel, and
that such a one had merely to declare his
or her intention to worship the one sole
and eternal God, to be conscientiously gov-
erned in life by God's laws, and to adhere
to the sacred cause and mission of Israel
as marked out in Holy Writ.

The service in Reform synagogues in the
United States has kept pace with this de-
velopment of doctrine, or rather with this
sloughing-off of so much that is distinctive-
ly Jewish. The observance of the second-day
festivals has been entirely abolished, as
well as the separation of the sexes and the
covering of the head in prayer. The ritual
has been gradually shortened, the ancient
language of prayer (Hebrew) has been
pushed further and further into the back-
ground, so that in some congregations the
service is altogether English ; and in a
few congregations an additional service
on Sunday, intended for those who cannot
attend upon the regular Sabbath-day, has
been introduced. Only one congregation,
Sinai in Chicago, has followed the old Ber-
lin Reform sjmagogue and has entirely
abolished the service on Friday night and
Saturday morning. But whatever criti-
cism one might like to offer on the Reform
movement in the United States, it deserves
great praise for the serious attempt it
has made to understand its own position

JEWS AND JUDAISM

ENTRANOK TO TNMI'LE BETH-EI,, A JEWISH SYNAGOGUE IN NKW YORK CITY.

uiid to square its observance with that
position. It has also been most active in
its modern institutional development. It
lias certainly beautified and spiritualized
the synagogue service: it has founded a
Union of American Hebrew Congregations,
and a seminary (Hebrew Union College in

151

Cincinnati). It has published a Union
Praj'er-book and a Union Hymn-book, and
has given great care to the development of
the Confirmation and the bettering of the
Sunday-school. It has tried to make the
synagogue a centre for the religious and
spiritual development of its members;

JEWS AND JUDAISM

and it cannot be denied that the very
large mass of educated Jews in this coun-
try, in so far as they have any affiliation
with the synagogue, belong to the Re-
form wing. But at the same time
it must not be forgotten that there is
a very large body of Orthodox and
conservative Jews, whose number has
been greatly increased during the last
twenty years through the influx of Rus-
sian, Galician, and Rumanian Jews.

Reform Judaism without some centrif-
ugal force is bound to continue on the
road it has once taken. The logical out-
come of the principles formulated at the
Pittsburg conference is a gradual develop-
ment into an ethical Theism without any
distinctive Jewish coloring. The leader of
advanced Reform Judaism in this country
has recently said that Judaism must be
recast along the lines of a universal ethi-
cal religion ; that then all distinctive Jew-
ish elements of the synagogue symbolism
will pass away, and that such a denation-
alized Jewish temple will seek a closer al-
liance with Unitarianism and Theism, and
with them, perhaps in a few decades, will
form a new church and a new religion for
united humanity. That such a tendency
is inherent in Reform Judaism is seen also
in the formation of the Society of Ethical
Culture in New York. The leader of this
movement is the son of a former promi-
nent rabbi of the leading Reform congre-
gation in this country. In seeking to
bring out the underlying ethical prin-
ciples of Judaism, he has gone entirely
outside the pale of the ancient faith ; and
the movement would not concern us here
were it not that nearly all the members
(at least of the parent society in New
York) are Jews, whose evident desire it
is not to be recognized as such, at least
so far as religious ceremonies and social
affiliations are concerned. The society
does not even bear the name Jewish, but
with a certain leaning towards liberal
Christianity tries to find a basis for the
morality and ethics of the old synagogue
outside the sphere of supernatural re-
ligion. While the Ethical Culture Society
has been quite a power in certain lines of
charitable and educational work, it may
reasonably be questioned whether it has
any future as a form of church organiza-
tion. The inborn longing of man for some

hold upon things which are supernatural
will lead many of its members to seek
satisfaction elsewhere. That they will
seek it in the Jewish synagogue is hardly
probable, seeing how the racial and other
ties have been broken or at least greatly
loosened. They or their children will
glide rather into some form of the domi-
nant church, possibly, in the swinging of
the pendulum, into some orthodox form
of that church. I cannot help quoting the
words of an intelligent outside observer
of the Jewish question, the Right Hon.
James Bryce, M. P. : " If Judaism be-
comes merely Theism, there will be little
to distinguish its professors from the per-
sons, now pretty numerous, who, while
Christian in name, sit loose to Christian
doctrine. The children of Jewish theists
will be almost as apt as the children of
other theists to be caught up by the move-
ment wiiich carries the sons and daughters
of evangelical Anglicans and of Noncon-
formists towards, or all the way to, the
Church of Rome."

Where, then, is this centrifugal force to
be found, which will hold together the
various elements in Israel, no matter what
their theological opinions may be? Before
attempting to answer this question, a word
mast be said in regard to the anti-Semitic
movement, the recrudescence of which has
so profoundly affected the Jewish people
during the last twenty years of the nine-
teenth century. A word only, because the
facts are of too recent date to need a de-
tailed statement here. The great master-
mind, Zunz, writing in Germany in 1832,
believed that persecution for religious be-
lief could not withstand the onslaughts of
the new era. Theodore Reinach, some
fifty years later, asserted that anti-Semi-
tism was impossible in France. How
sadly has a dementi been given to the
hopes thus expressed, especially in these
two coimtries!

I pass over the outbreaks against the
Jews during the early years of the nine-
teenth century, even the Damascus blood-
accusation in 1840, and the forcible bap-
tism of little Edgar Mortara in 1S58 ; they
were believed to belong to the old order of
things, with which the new, at least in
that direction, bad nothing in common.
Starting in Germany, perhaps as a po-
litical move on the part of Bismarck, it
52 ^-

JEWS AND JUDAISM— JOHN ADAMS

spread into Russia, Galicia, Austria, Ru-
mania, and France. In most of these coun-
tries it not only found expression in the
exclusion of the Jews from all social inter-
course with tlicir fellows, but in Russia
produced the riots of 1881 and 1882; in
Austria and Bohemia the turbulent scene
in the Reichstag, and even the pillaging of
Jewish houses and Jewish synagogues; in
Rumania it received the active support
of the government and reduced the Jews
there to practical penury; while in France
it showed itself in accusations against the
Jews which for barbarity could match any
that were brought against them in the
Middle Ages. The charges against the
Jews are varied in their character. In
Germany they have been blamed for ex-
ploiting the agricultural class and for
serving the interests of the Liberal party,
forgetting that Leo and Stahl, the found-
ers of the Orthodox party in Prussia,
were themselves Jews, and that Disraeli
iu England 'U'as born of the same race.
The most foolish accusations on almost
CA'ery conceivable subject have been lodged
against them by such men as Ahlwart,
Stocker, Lueger, and Drumont; and in
late years the old and foolish charge that
the Jews use the blood of Christian chil-
dren in the making of Passover bread has
been revived, in order to infuriate the
populace ; despite the fact that popes,
ecclesiastics, and hosts of Christian pro-
fessors have declared the accusation to be
purely imaginary and malignant. The
false charge that a Jewish officer in France

Among the few bright spots on the
^vorld's chart are those countries inhabited
by the Anglo-Saxon race. Anti-Semitism
is unknown in England (though the at-
tempt has been made to fix the blame for
the Boer war on the Jews) ; and the in-
stitutions of the United States have up
til] now prevented the entrance here of
the disease, though in the mild form of
social anti-Semitism which debars Jewish
children from private schools and Jewish
people from clubs and summer hotels, it
has insinuated itself into some of the
Eastern cities, notably into New York.

Jogues, Isaac, missionary; born at
Orleans, France, Jan. 10, 1607; became a
Jesuit at Rouen in 1624; was ordained in
1636; and, at his own request, was imme-
diately sent to Canada. He was a most
earnest missionary among the Indians on
both sides of the Lakes. Caught, tortured,
and made a slave by the Mohawks, he re-
mained with them until 1643, when he es-
caped to Albany, and was taken to Man-
hattan. Returning to Europe, he was
shipwrecked on the English coast. He
returned to Canada in 1646, where he con-
cluded a treaty between the French and
the Mohawks. Visiting Lake George, he
named it St. Sacrament, and, descending
the Hudson River to Albany, he went
among the Mohawks as a missionary, who
seized and put him to death as a sorcerer,
at Caughnawaga, N. Y., Oct. 18, 1646.

John Adams, The. The naval opera-
tions on the sea in 1814, though not so
important as in the two preceding years

PLACK WHERK THK JOHN ADAMa WAS DESTROYER.

kad betrayed secrets of his goveruTnent was in some respects, fully sustained the char-
sufficient to unloosen the most savage at- acter of the American navy. The John
lacks upon the Jews which the modern Adams frigate had been cut down to a
world has seen. corvette of twenty-eight guns in 1813, and

153

JOHN DOE— JOHNSON

was the first that figured after the open-
ing of 1814. She started on a cruise from
Washington in January, and on the niglit
of the 18th passed the British blockading
squadron in Lynn Haven Bay, put to sea,
and ran to the northeast to cross the track
of the West India merchantmen. She
made a few prizes, and on March 25 she
captured the Indiaman Woodbridge. While
taking possession of her the commander
of the Adams (Capt. Charles Morris) ob-
served twenty-five merchant vessels, with
two ships-of-war, bearing down upon her
with a fair wind. Morris abandoned his
prize, and gave the Adams wings for flight
from danger. In April she entered the
harbor of Savannah for supplies, and on
May 5 sailed for the Manila Reef to watch
for the Jamaica convoy, but the fleet pass-
ed her in the night. She gave chase in the
morning, but was kept at bay by two ves-
sels of war. She crossed the Atlantic, and
on July 3 was off the Irish coast, where
she was chased by British vessels, but al-
ways escaped. For nearly two months the
weather was foggy, cold, and damp, be-
cause the ocean was dotted with icebergs.
Her crew sickened, and Captain Morris de-
termined to go into port. He entered
Penobscot Bay, and was nearly disabled
by striking a rock, Aug. 17, 1814, and
made his way up the Penobscot River to
Hampden. British vessels followed, and
to prevent her falling into the hands of
his enemy, Morris burned her.

John Doe and Richard Roe, names
used in legal fictions, especially as stand-
ing pledges for the prosecution of suits.
In early times real and substantial persons
were required to pledge themselves to
answer to the crown for an amercement,
or fine, set upon the plaintiff, for raising
a false accusation, if he brought action
without cause, or failed in it; and in 1285,
13 Edward I., sheriffs and bailiffs were,
before deliverance of a distress, to receive
pledges for pursuing a suit, and for the
return of the property, if awarded. But

this becoming a matter of form, the ficti-
tious names of Doe and Roe were used
until the form was abolished by the com-
mon-law procedure act, 1852.

In the United States these names are
used in place of the unknown real names
of parties against whom legal proceedings
have been undertaken ; and the form Jane
Doe is similarly applied in cases of women.

Joh.nes, Edward Rodolph, lawyer; born
in Whitesboro, N. Y., Sept. 8, 1852; grad-
uated at Yale College in 1873 and at
Columbia Law School in 1876. He was the
Venezuelan representative in the boundary
dispute of that country and also counsel
in the Nicaragua and Costa Rica boun-
dary case. His publications include The
Monroe Doctrine as Applied to Venezuelan
Boundary Question ; English and American
Bankruptcy and Insolvency Laws, History
of Southampton, R. I., etc.

Johns Hopkins University, a non-
sectarian institution in Baltimore, Md. ;
organized in 1876 with funds provided by
Johns Hopkins {q. v.) ; coeducational in
its medical department. At the close of
1900 the university had 131 professors and
instructors; 645 students in all depart-
ments; 04,000 volumes in the library;
1,204 graduates; and an endowment of
$3,000,000. Under the presidency of
Daniel C. Oilman the institution achieved
a large measure of success and influence,
a distinctive feature being the original re-
search conducted by the students. Presi-
dent Oilman resigned his charge in 1901,
and was succeeded by Ira Remsen, LL.D.,
who had been Professor of Chemistry in
the university since its opening.

Johnson, Alexander Bryan, banker;
born in Oosport, England, May 29. 1786:
came to the United States in 1801 and
settled in Utica, N. Y. ; was in the banking
business over forty-five years. His pub-
lications include The Nature of Value,
Capital, etc. ; Guide to Right Understand-
ing of our American Union, etc. He died
in' Utica, N. Y., Sept. 9, 1867.

JOHNSON, ANDREW

Johnson, Andrew, seventeenth Presi-
dent of the United States ; born in Ra-
leigh, N. C, Dec. 29, 1808. He learned

to read. After working as a journeyman
in South Carolina, he went to Orecnville.
Tcnn., taking with him his mother, who

the trade of a tailor, and taught himself was dependent on him. There he worked

154

JOHNSON, ANDREW

at his trade, married, and was taught by Congress as an illegal body, deserving of

his wife to write; became alderman and no respect. The tour, made wholly for

mayor; a member of the legislature political effect, extended to St. Louis.

(1832-33 and 183'J) ; presidential elector His conduct at Cleveland and St. Louis

(1840) ; State Senator in 1841; and mem- was so offensive that the common coun-

ber of Congress from 1843 to 1853. From cils of Cincinnati and Pittsburg refused

1853 to 1857 he was governor of Tennes- to accord him a public reception. The at-

see, and from 1857 to 1863 United States tempt to establish a new party with

Senator. In 18G2 he was appointed mill- President Johnson as a leader was a fail-

tary governor of Tennessee, and in 1864 ure.

was elected Vice-President of the United When the cabinet of President John-
States. On the death of President Lin- son resigned, the friends of Mr. Stanton,
coin he succeeded to the office, in accord- Secretary of War, uiged him to retain
ancb with the provisions of the Constitu- the office, for it was believed the chief
tion, On the morning of the death of Mr. magistrate was contemplating some revo-
Lincoin, April 15, 1865, the cabinet offi- lutionary movement. The tenure of office
cers, excepting Mr. Seward, who was suf- act seemed to guarantee Mr. Stanton
fering from a murderous assault, ad- against removal, ^^he Fortieth Congress
dressea a note to the Vice-President, offi- met immediately after the adjournment
cially notifying him of the decease of the of the Thirty-ninth, and adjourned March
President, and that the emergency of the 31, 1867, to rneet on the first Wednesday
government demanded that he should im- in July following, for the express pur-
mediately enter upon the duties of the pose of preventing the President from
Presidency. Mr. Johnson appointed ten doing serious mischief. After removing
o'clock that morning, when he would be obstructions cast in the way of reor-
ready to take the oath of office. That ganization by the President, Congress
oath was administered by Chief-Justice adjourned, July 20, to meet Nov. 21,
Chase, in the presence of the cabinet offi- hoping the President would no longer
cers and several members of Congress, disturb the public peace by his conduct.
Then the President delivered a brief They were mistaken. As soon as Con-
speech to the gentlemen present. There, gress adjourned, in violation of the ten-
in the midst of universal and unparalleled ure of office act he proceeded to remove
excitement, the authority of the nation Mr. Stanton from office. He first asked
was quietly transferred to other hands a him, Aug. 5, to resign. " Grave public
few hours after the death of President considerations," he said, " constrain me
Lincoln. Mr. Johnson requested Mr. Lin- to request your resignation as Secretary
coin's cabinet to remain, and the govern- of War." Stanton replied, " Grave public
ment went on without a shock to its considerations constrain me to continue
steady movement. See Cabinet, Presi- in the office of Secretary of War until the
dent's. next meeting of Congress." He shared
On Aug. 14, 1866, a convention was held in the general suspicion that Johnson
in Philadelphia, composed largely of Con- was contemplating a revolutionary move-
federate leaders and their sympathizers ment in favor of the Confederates. A
in the North, for the purpose of organ- week later the President directed Gen-
izing a new political party, with Presi- oral Grant to assume the position and
dent Johnson as its standard - bearer, duties of Secretary of War. As a duti-
Whereupon Johnson and a part of his ful soldier, he obeyed his commander-in-
cabinet made a circuitous journey to Chi- chief. Stanton, knowing the firmness
cago, ostensibly for the purpose of being and incorruptible patriotism of Grant,
present at the dedication of a monument withdrew imder protest. This change
to Senator Douglas. He harangued the was followed by such arbitrary acts on
people on the way in language so un- the part of the President that the country
becoming the dignity of a chief magis- Avas thoroughly alarmed. Even the Presi-
trate of the republic that the nation felt dent's private friends were amazed anu
a relief from mortification after his re- mortified by his conduct. He gave un-
turn )i- September. He had denounced satisfactory reasons for dismissing Stan-

155

JOHNSON, ANDREW

ton. On Jan. 13, 1868, the Senate rein-
stated Stanton, when Grant quietly with-
drew. The enraged President reproached
the latter for yielding to the Senate,
charged him with having broken his
promises, and tried to injure his reputa-
tion as a citizen and a soldier. A ques-
tion of veracity between them arose, when
the general-in-chief felt compelled to say,
in a letter to the President : " When my
honor as a soldier and my integrity as a
man have been so violently assailed, par-
don me for saying that I can but regard
this whole matter, from beginning to end,
as an attempt to involve me in the resist-
ance of law for which you have hesitated
to assume the responsibility in orders,
and thus to destroy my character before
the country." The President's condvict
concerning Stanton led immediately to
his impeachment.

On Feb. 22, 1868, the House of Repre-
sentatives, by a vote of 126 to 47, "Re-
solved, that Andrew Johnson, President
of the United States, be impeached of
high crimes and misdemeanors." A com-
mittee presented nine articles of impeach-
ment ( see below ) . Managers were ap-
pointed, and on March 3 they presented
two other charges. The Senate organized
as a high court of impeachment, with
Chief -Justice Chase presiding, on the 5th;
the President was summoned to the bar
on the 7th, and appeared by counsel on
the 13th; and the trial was begun on the
30th. The examination of -witnesses
ended April 22; the arguments of counsel
were concluded May 6; and twenty days
were consumed in debates in the Senate.
The votes of fifty-four Senators present
were taken on the verdict on May 26,
when thirty-five were for conviction, and
nineteen for acquittal. As two-thirds of
the votes were necessary for conviction,
the President was acquitted by one vote.

Soon after the expiration of his term
as President, he was an unsuccessful can-
didate for the United States Senate; in
1872 he was defeated for Congressman-
at-Large; and in January, 187.5, he was
elected a United States Senator. He died
near Carter's Station, Tcnn., July 31,
1875.

Impeachment Proceedinqn. — Articles
exhibited by the House of Representa-
tives of the United States, in the name

of themselves and all the people of tha
United States, against Andrew Johnson,
President of the United States, in main-
tenance and support of their impeachment
against him for high erimes and misde-
meanors.

ARTICLE I.

That said Andrew Johnson, President
of the United States, on the 21st day of
February, in the year of our Lord 1868,
at Washington, in the District of Colum-
bia, unmindful of the high duties of his
office, of his oath of office, and of the re-
quirement of the Constitution that he
should take care that the laws be faith-
fully executed, did unlawfully, and in
violation of the Constitution and laws of
the United States, issue an order in writ-
ing for the removal of Edwin M. Stan-
ton from the office of Secretary for the
Department of War, said Edwin M. Stan-
ton having been theretofore duly appoint-
ed and commissioned, by and with the
advice and consent of the Senate of the
United States, as such Secretary, and said
Andrew Johnson, President of the United
States, on the 12th day of August, in the
year of our Lord 1SG7, and during the
recess of said Senate, having suspended
by his order Edwin M. Stanton from said
office; and within twenty days after the
first day of the next meeting of said
Senate — that is to say, on the 12th day of
December, in the year last aforesaid —
having reported to said Senate such sus-
pension, with the evidence tind reasons
for his action in the case, and the name
of the person designated to perform the
duties of such office temporarily until
the next meeting of the Senate, and said
Senate thcreafterward, on the 13th day
of January, in the year of our Lord
1868, having duly considered the evi-
dence and reasons reported by said
Andrew Johnson for said suspension and
having refused to concur in said suspen-
sion, whereby, and by force of the pro-
visions of an act entitled " An act regu-
lating the tenure of certain civil offices."
passed March 2, 1867, said Edwin M.
Stanton did forthwith resume the func-
tions of his office, whereof the said An-
drew Johnson had then and there due
notice, and said Edwin M. Stanton, by
reason of the premises, on said 21st day
of February, being lawfully entitled to

156

JOHNSON, ANDREW

bold said office as Secretary for the De-
partment of War, which said order for
the removal of said Edwin M. Stanton is,
in substance, as follows — that is to say:

" Executive Mansion,
" Washington, D. C, Feb. 21, 1868.
" Sir, — By virtue of the power aud au-
thority vested iu me as President by the
C'oiiStitutiou and laws of the United States,
you are hereby removed from office as Secre-
tary for the Department of AYar, and your
function as such will terminate upon re-
ceipt of this communication.

" You will transfer to Brevet Maj.-Gen.
Lorenzo Thomas, adjutant-general of the
army, who has this day been authorized and
empowered to act as Secretary of War, ad
interim, all records, books, papers, and other
public property now In your custody and
charge.

" Respectfully yours,

" Andrew Johnson.
" Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, Washington, D. C."

WTiich order was unlawfully issued,
with intent then and there to violate the
act entitled " An act regulating the tenure
of certain civil offices," passed March 2,
1SG7; and, with the further intent, con-
trary to the pi'ovisions of said act, in
violation thereof, and contrary to the pro-
visions of the Constitution of the United
States, and without the advice and con-
sent of the Senate of the United States,
the said Senate then and there being in
session, to remove said Edwin M. Stanton
from the office of Secretary of the Depart-
ment of War, the said Edwin M. Stanton
being then and there Secretary of War,
and being then and there in due and law-
ful execution and discharge of the duties
of said office, whereby said Andrew John-
son, President of the United States, did
then and there commit and was guilty
of a high misdemeanor in office.

ARTICLE II.

That on the said 21st day of February,
in the year of our Lord 1868, at Wash-
ington, in the District of Columbia, said
Andrew Johnson, President of the United
States, unmindful of the high duties of
his office, of his oath of office, and in vio-
lation of the Constitution of the United
States, and contrary to the provisions of
an act entitled " An act regulating the
tenure of certain civil offices," passed
March 2, 18G7, without the advice and
consent of the Senate of the United States,
said Senate then and there being in

session, and without authority of law,
did, with intent to violate the Constitu-
tion of the United States and the act
aforesaid, issue and deliver to one Lorenzo
Thomas a letter of authority, in substance
as follows, that is to say:

" Executive Mansion,
" AVashington, D. C, Feb. 21, 18GS.
" Sir, — Hon. Edwin M. Stanton having
this day been removed from office as Secre-
tary for the Department of War, you are
hereby authorized and empowered to act as
Secretary of War, ad interim, and will im-
mediately enter upon the discharge of the
duties pertaining to that office.

" Mr. Stanton has been instructed to trans-
fer to you all the records, books, papers, and
other public property now in his custody
and charge.

" Respectfully yours,

" Andrew Johnson.
•* To Brevet MaJ.-Gen. Lorenzo Thomas,
Adjutant-General United States Army,
Washington, D. C."

then and there being no vacancy in said
office of Secretary for the Department of
War; whereby said Andrew Johnson,
President of the United States, did then
and there commit and was guilty of a
high misdemeanor in office.

ARTICLE in.

That said Andrew Johnson, President of
the United States, on the 21st day of Feb-
ruary, in the year of our Lord 1868, at
Washington, in the District of Columbia,
did commit and was guilty of a high
misdemeanor in office, in this, that, Avith-
out authority of law, while the Senate of
the United States was then and there in
session, he did appoint one Lorenzo
Tliomas to be Secretary for the Depart-
ment of War, ad interim, without the ad-
vice and consent of the Senate, and with
intent to violate the Constitution of the
United States, no vacancy having hap-
pened in said office of Secretary for the
Department of War during the recess of
the Senate, and no vacancy existing in
said office at the time, and which said ap-
pointment, so made by said Andrew John-
son, of said Lorenzo Thomas, is in sub-
stance as follows, that is to say:

(Same as in Article IL)

ARTICLE IV.

That said Andrew Johnson. President
of the United States, unmindful of the

lo7

JOHNSON, ANDREW

high duties of his office, and of his oath
of office, in violation of the Constitution
and laws of the United States, on the 21st
day of February, in the year of our Lord
1868, at Washington, in the District of
Columbia, did unlawfully conspire with
one Lorenzo Thomas, and with other per-
sons, to the House of Representatives un-
known, with intent by intimidation and
threats unlawfully to hinder and prevent
Edwin M. Stanton, then and there the
Secretary for the Department of War,
duly appointed under the laws of the Unit-
ed States, from holding said office of Sec-
retary for the Department of War, con-
trary to and in violation of the Constitu-
tion of the United States, and of the pro-
visions of an act entitled " An act to de-
fine and pimish certain conspiracies," ap-
proved July 31, 1861, whereby said An-
drew Johnson, President of the United
States, did then and there commit and
was guilty of a high crime in office.

ARTICLE V.

That said Andrew Johnson, President of
the United States, unmindful of the high
duties of his office, and of his oath of office,
on the 21st day of February, in the year
of our Lord 1868, and on divers other days
and times in said year, before the 2d day
of March, a.d. 1868, at Washington, in
the District of Columbia, did unlawfully
conspire with one Lorenzo Thomas, and
with other persons to the House of Rep-
resentatives unknown, to prevent and hin-
der the execution of an act entitled " An
act regulating the tenure of certain civil
offices," passed March 2, 1867, and in pur-
suance of said conspiracy did unlawfully
attempt to prevent Edwin M. Stanton,
then and there being Secretary for the De-
partment of War, duly appointed and com-
missioned under the laws of the United
States, from holding said office, whereby
the said Andrew Johnson, President of the
United States, did then and there commit
and was guilty of a high misdemeanor in
office.

ARTICLE VI.

That said Andrew Johnson, President
of the United States, unmindful of the
high duties of his office and of his oath of
office, on the 21st day of February, in the
year of our Lord 1868, at Washington, in

the District of Columbia, did unlawfully
conspire with one Lorenzo Thomas by
force to seize, take, and possess the prop-
erty of the United States in the Depart-
ment of War, then and there in the cus-
tody and charge of Edwin M. Stanton,
Secretary for said Department, contrary
to the provisions of an act entitled " An
act to define and punish certain conspir-
acies," approved July 31, 1861, and with
intent to violate and disregard an act en-
titled " An act regulating the tenure of
certain civil offices," passed March 2, 1867,
whereby said Andrew Johnson, President
of the United States, did then and there
commit a high crime in office.

ARTICLE VII.

That said Andrew Johnson, Presi-
dent of the United States, unmindful of
the high duties of his office and of his
oath of office, on the 21st day of February,
in the year of our Lord 1868, at Washing-
ton, in the District of Columbia, did
unlawfully conspire with one Lorenzo
Thomas with intent unlawfully to seize,
take, and possess the property of the
United States in the Department of War,
in the custody and charge of Edwin M.
Stanton, Secretary of said department,
with intent to violate and disregard the
act entitled " An act regulating the tenure
of certain civil offices," passed March 2,
1867, whereby said Andrew Johnson, Pres-
ident of the United States, did then and
there commit a high misdemeanor in
office.

ARTICLE \^II.

That said Andrew Johnson, Presi-
dent of the United States, unmindful of
the high duties of his office and of his
oath of office, with intent unlawfully to
control the disbursement of the moneys
appropriated for the military service and
for the Department of War, on the 21st day
of February, in the year of our Lord 1868,
at Washington, in the District of Colum-
bia, did unlawfully and contrary to the
provisions of an act entitled "An act reg-
ulating the tenure of certain civil offices,"
passed March 2, 1867, and in violation of
Ihe Constitution of the United States, and
without the advice and consent of the Sen-
ate of the United States, and while the
Senate was then and there in session,

158

JOHNSON, ANDREW

there being no vacancy in the office of Sec-
retary for the Department of War, with
intent to violate and disregard the act
aforesaid, then and there issue and deliver
to one Lorenzo Thomas a letter of author-
ity in writing, in substance as follows,
that is to say:

(Same as in Article II.)

Whereby said Andrew Johnson, Presi-
dent of the United States, did then and
there commit and was guilty of a high
misdemeanor in office.

ARTICLE IX.

That said Andrew Johnson, President
of the United States, on the 22d day of
February, in the year of our Lord 1868,
at Washington, in the District of Colum-
bia, in disregard of the Constitution and
the laws of the United States, duly en-
acted, as commander-in-chief of the army
of the United States, did bring before
himself then and there William H. Emory,
a major-general by brevet in the army of
the United States, actually in command of
the Department of Washington and the
military forces thereof, and did then and
there, as such commander-in-chief, declare
to and instruct said Emory that part of a
law of the United States, passed March 2,
1867, entitled " An act making appropria-
tions for the support of the army for the
year ending June 30, 1868, and for other
purposes," especially the second section
thereof, which provides, among other
things, that " all orders and instructions,
relating to military operations, issued by
the President or Secretary of War, shall
be issued through the general of the army,
and. in case of his inability, through the
next in rank,"'fvas unconstitutional, and in
contravention of the commission of said
Emory, and which said provisions of law
had been theretofore duly and legally pro-
mulgated by general order for the govern-
ment and direction of the army of the
United States, as the said Andrew John-
son then and there well knew, with intent
thereby to induce said Emory, in his offi-
cial capacity as commander of the Depart-
ment of Washington, to violate the pro-
visions of said act, and to take and re-
ceive, act upon, and obey such orders as
he, the said Andrew Johnson, might make
and give, and which should not be issued
through the general of the armv of the

United States, according to the provisions
of said act, and with the further intent
thereby to enable him, the said Andrew
Johnson, to prevent the execution of an
act entitled " An act regulating the tenure
of certain civil offices," passed March 2,
1867, and to unlawfully prevent Edwin
M. Stanton, then being Secretary for the
Department of War, from holding said
office and discharging the duties thereof,
whereby said Andrew Johnson, President
of the United States, did then and there
commit and was guilty of a high misde-
meanor in office.

ARTICLE X.

That said Andrew Johnson, President
of the United States, unmindful of the
high duties of his office and the dignity and
proprieties thereof, and of the harmony
and courtesies which ought to exist and
be maintained between the executive and
legislative branches of the government of
the United States, designing and intend-
ing to set aside the rightful authority and
powers of Congress, did attempt to bring
into disgrace, ridicule, hatred, contempt,
and reproach the Congress of the United
States and the several branches thereof,
to impair and destroy the regard and re-
spect of all the good people of the United
States for the Congress and legislative
power thereof (which all officers of the
government ovight inviolably to preserve
and maintain), and to excite the odium
and resentment of all the good people of
the United States against Congress and
the laws by it duly and constitutionally
enacted ; and, in pursuance of said de-
sign and intent, openly and publicly, and
before divers assemblages of the citizens
of the United States convened in divers
parts thereof to meet and receive said
Andrew Johnson, as the chief magistrate
of the United States, did, on the 18th day
of August, in the year of our Lord 1866,
and on divers other days and times, as
well before as afterwards, make and de-
liver, with a loud voice, certain intemper-
ate, inflammatory, and scandalous ha-
rangues, and did therein utter loud threats
and bitter menaces as well against Con-
gress as the laws of the United States
duly enacted thereby, amid the cries,
jeers, and laughter of the multitudes then
assembled and within hearing, which aie
59

JOHNSON, ANDREW

set forth in the several specifications lating the tenure of certain civil offices,"

liereinafter written, in substance and passed March 2, 1867, by vnilawfully devis-

effect, that is to say: ing and contriving, and attempting to

[Here are set out three specifications, devise and contrive, means by which he

quoting parts of speeches alleged to have should prevent Edwin M. Stanton from

been made by the President, Aug. 15, forthwith resuming the functions of the

Sept. 3, and Sept. 8, 1866.] office of Secretary for the Department of

Which said utterances, declarations. War, notwithstanding the refusal of the
threats, and harangues, highly censurable Senate to concur in the suspension there-
in any, are peculiarly indecent and un- tofore made by Andrew Johnson of said
becoming to the chief magistrate of the Edwin M. Stanton from said office of
United States, by means whereof said An- Secretary for the Department of War, and
drew Johnson has brought the high office also by further unlawfully devising and
of the President of the United States into contriving, and attempting to devise and
contempt, ridicule, and disgrace, to the contrive, means then and there to pre-
great scandal of all good citizens, whereby vent the execution of an act entitled " An
said Andrew Johnson, President of the act making appropriations for the sup-
United States, did commit and was then port of the army for the fiscal year end-
and there guilty of a high misdemeanor in ing June 30, 1868, and for other pur-
office, poses," approved March 2, 1867, and also
ARTICLE XI ^^ prevent the execution of an act en-
titled " An act to provide for the more

That said Andrew Johnson, President efficient government of the rebel States,"
of the United States, unmindful of the passed March 2, 1867 ; weherby the said
high duties of his office and of his oath Andrew Johnson, President of the United
of office, and in disregard of the Consti- States, did then, to wit: on the 21st day
tution and laws of the United States, of February, 1868, at the city of Washing-
did heretofore, to wit: on the 18th day of ton, commit and was guilty of a high mis-
August, 1866, at the city of Washington, demeanor in office.

in the District of Columbia, by public And the House of Eepresentatives by

speech, declare and affirm in substance that protestation, saving to themselves the

the Thirty-ninth Congress of the United liberty of exhibiting at any time here-

States was not a Congress of the United after any further articles or other accu-

States authorized by the Constitution to sation, or impeachment against the said

exercise legislative power under the same, Andrew Johnson, President of the United

but, on the contrary, was a Congress of States, and also of replying to his an-

only part of the States, thereby denying swers which he shall make imto the arti-

and intending to deny that the legisla- cles herein preferred against him, and of

tion of said Congress Avas valid or obli- offering proof to the same and every

gatory upon him, the said Andrew Johnson, part thereof, and to all and every other

except in so far as he saw fit to approve article, accusation, or impeachment which

the same, and also thereby denying shall be exhibited by them, as the case

and intending to deny the power of said shall require, do demand that the said

Thirty-ninth Congress to propose amend- Andrew Johnson may be put to answer

nients to the Constitution of the United the high crimes and misdemeanors in of-

States; and, in pursuance of said decla- fice herein charged against him, and that

ration, the said Andrew Johnson, Presi- such proceedings, examinations, trials,

dent of the United States, afterwards, and judgments may be thereupon had and

to wit: on the 21st day of February, given as may be agreeable to law and

1868, at the city of Washington, in justice.

the District of Columbia, did unlawful- Senate of the United States, sitting as

ly and in disregard of the requirements a court of impeachment for the trial of

of the Constitution, that he should take Andrew Johnson, President of the United

care that the laws be faithfully exe- States.

cuted, attempt to prevent the execu- The answer of the said Andrew John-

tion of an act entitled " An act regu- son. President of the United States, to

160

JOHNSON, ANDREW

the articles of impeachment exhibited touching the department aforesaid, and

against hira by the House of Representa- for whose conduct in such capacity, sub-

tives of the United States. ordinate to the President, the President

is, by the Constitution and laws of the

ANS^VER TO ARTICLE I. United states, made responsible. And

For answer to the first article he says: this respondent, further answering, says
that Edwin M. Stanton was appointed he succeeded to the office of President of
Secretary for the Department of War on the United States upon, and by reason
the loth day of January, a.d. 18G2, of, the death of Abraham Lincoln, then
by Abraham Lincoln, then President of President of the United States, on the
the United States, during the first term 15th day of April, 1865, and the said
of his Presidency, and was commission- Stanton was then holding the said office
ed, according to the Constitution and of Secretary for the Department of War,
laws of the United States, to hold the said under and by reason of the appointment
office during the pleasure of the President; and commission aforesaid; and, not hav-
that the office of Secretary for the De- ing been removed from the said office by
partment of War was created by an act this respondent, the said Stanton con-
of the First Congress, in its first session, tinned to hold the same under the ap-
passed on the 7th day of August, a.d. pointment and commission aforesaid, at
1789, and in and by that act it was the pleasure of the President, until the
provided and enacted that the said Sec- time hereinafter particularly mentioned;
retary for the Department of War shall and at no time received any appointment
perform and execute such duties as shall or commission save as above detailed,
from time to time be enjoined on and in- And this respondent, further answering,
trusted to him by the President of the says that on and prior to the 5th day
United States, agreeably to the Constitu- of August, a.d. 1867, this respondent,
tion, relative to the subjects within the the President of the United States, re-
scope of the said department; and fur- sponsible for the conduct of the Secre-
thermore, that the said Secretary shall tary for the Department of War, and
conduct the business of the said depart- having the constitutional right to resort
ment in such a manner as the President to and rely upon the person holding that
of the LTnited States shall, from time to office for advice concerning the great and
time, order and instruct. difficult public duties enjoined on the

And this respondent, further answer- President by the Constitution and laws
ing, says that, by force of the act afore- of the United States, became satisfied
said, and by reason of his appointment that he could not allow the said Stanton
aforesaid, the said Stanton became the to continue to hold the office of Secretary
principal officer in one of the executive for the Department of War, without
departments of the government within hazard of the public interest; that the
the true intent and meaning of the sec- relations between the said Stanton and
ond section of the second article of the the President no longer permitted the
Constitution of the United States, and President to resort to him for advice, or
according to the true intent and meaning to be, in the judgment of the President,
of that provision of the Constitution of safely responsible for his conduct of the
the United States; and in accordance affairs of the Department of War, as by
with the settled and uniform practice of law required, in accordance with the
each and every President of the United orders and instructions of the President;
States, the said Stanton then became, and thereupon, by force of the Constitu-
and, so long as he should continue to tion and laws of the United States, which
hold the said office of Secretary for the devolve on the President the power and
Department of War, must continue to be, the duty to control the conduct of the
one of the advisers of the President of business of that executive department of
the United States, as well as the person the government, and by reason of the con-
intrusted to act for and represent the stitutional duty of the President to take
President in matters enjoined upon him care that the laws be faithfully exe-
or intrusted to him by the President, cuted, this respondent did necessarily
v.— L 161

JOHNSON, ANDREW

consider, and did determine, that the said
Stanton ought no longer to hold the said
office of Secretary for the Department of
War. And this respondent, by virtue of
the power and authority vested in him
as President of the United States, by the
Constitution and laws of the United
States, to give effect to such his decision
and determination, did, on the 5th day
of August, A.D. 1867, address to the said
Stanton a note, of which the following is
a true copy:

" SiRj — Public considerations of a liigh
character constrain me to say that your
resignation as Secretary of War will be
accepted."

To which note the said Stanton made
the following reply:

" War Department,
" Washington, Aug. 5, 1867.
" Sir, — Your note of this day has been
received, stating that ' public considerations
of a high character constrain you ' to say
' that my resignation as Secretary of War
will be accepted.'

" In reply I have the honor to say, that
public considerations of a high character,
which alone have induced me to continue at
the head of this Department, constrain me
not to resign the office of Secretary of War
before the next meeting of Congress.
" Very respectfully yours,

" Edwin M. Stanton."

This respondent, as President of the
United States, was thereon of opinion that,
having regard to the necessary official re-
lations and duties of the Secretary for the
Department of War to the President of the
United States, according to the Constitu-
tion and laws of the United States, and
having regard to the responsibility of the
President for the conduct of the said Sec-
retary, and having regard to the para-
mount executive authority of the office
which the respondent holds under the Con-
stitution and laws of the United States,
it was impossible, consistently with the
public interests, to allow the said Stanton
to continue to hold the said office of Secre-
tary for the Department of War ; and it
then became the official duty of the re-
spondent, as President of the United
States, to consider and decide what act
or acts should and might lawftilly be done
by him, as President of the United States,
to cause the said Stanton to sui'render
the said office.

This respondent was informed and verily

believed that it was practically settled
by the First Congress of the United States,
and had been so considered and, uniform-
ly and in great numbers of instances, act-
ed on by each Congress and President of
the United States, in succession, from
President Washington to and including
President Lincoln, and from the First
Congress to the Thirty - ninth Congress,
that the Constitution of the United States
conferred on the President, as part of the
executive power, and as one of the neces-
sary means and instruments of perform-
ing the executive duty expressly imposed
on him by the Constitution, of taking care
that the laws be faithfully executed, the
power at any and all times of removing
from office all executive officers, for cause,
to be judged by the President alone. This
lespondent had, in pursuance of the Con-
stitution, required the opinion of each
principal officer of the executive depart-
ments, upon this question of constitutional
executive power and duty, and had been
advised by each of them, including the
said Stanton, Secretary for the Depart-
ment of War, that under the Constitution
of the United States this power was
lodged by the Constitution in the Presi-
dent of the United States, and that, con-
sequently, it could be lawfully exercised
by him, and the Congress could not de-
piive him thereof; and this respondent,
in his capacity of President of the United
States, and because in that capacity he
was both enabled and bound to use his
best judgment upon this question, did, in
good faith, and with an earnest desire to
arrive at the truth, come to the conclusion
and opinion, and did make the same known
to the honorable the Senate of the United
States, by a message dated on the 2d day
of March, 18G7 (a true copy whereof is
hereunto annexed and marked A), that
the power last mentioned was conferred
and the duty of exercising it, in fit cases,
was imposed on the President by the Con-
stitution of the United States, and that
the President could not be deprived of
this power or relieved of this duty, nor
could the same be vested by law in the
President and the Senate jointly, either
in part or whole; and this has ever since
remained, and Avas the opinion of this re-
spondent at the time when he was forced,
as aforesaid, to consider and decide what
62

JOHNSON, ANDREW

act or acts should and might lawfully be
done by this respondent, as President of
the United States, to cause the said Stan-
ton to surrender the said office.

This respondent was also then aware
that by the first section of " An act regu-
lating the tenure of certain civil offices "
passed March 2, 1807, by a constitutional
majority of both Houses of Congress, it
was enacted as follows:

That every person holding any civil of-
fice to which he has been appointed by and
with the advice and consent of the Senate,
and every person who shall hereafter be
appointed to any such office, and shall
become duly qualified to act therein, is
and shall be entitled to hold such office
until a successor shall have been in like
manner appointed and duly qualified, ex-
cept as herein otherwise provided; Pro-
vided, that the Secretaries of State, of the
Treasury, of War, of the Navy, and of
the Interior, the Postmaster-General, and
the Attorney-General, shall hold their
offices respectively for and during the term
of the President by whom they may have
been appointed, and one month thereafter,
subject to removal by and with the ad-
vice and consent of the Senate.

This respondent was also aware that
this act was understood and intended to
be an expression of the opinion of the
Congress by which that act was passed,
that the power to remove executive officers
for cause might, by law, be taken from the
President and vested in him and the Sen-
ate jointly; and although this respondent
had arrived at and still retained the
opinion above expressed and verilybelieved,
as he still believes, that the said first
section of the last-mentioned act was and
is wholly inoperative and void by reason
of its conflict with the Constitution of
the United States, yet, inasmuch as the
same had been enacted by the constitu-
tional majority in each of the two Houses
of that Congress, this respondent consid-
ered it to be proper to examine and decide
whether the particular case of the said
Stanton, on which it was this respondent's
duty to act. was Avithin or without the
terms of that first section of the act; or.
if within it, wh'jther the President ha^
not the power, according to the terms of
the act, to remove the said Stanton from
the office of Secretary for the Department

of War, and having, in his capacity of
President of the United States, so ex-
amined and considered, did form the
opinion that the case of said Stanton and
his tenure of office were not affected by
the section of the last-named act.

And this respondent, further answer-
ing, says that, although a case thus ex-
isted which, in his judgment as President
of the United States, called for the exer-
cise of the executive power to remove the
said Stanton from the office of Secretary
for the Department of War, and although
this respondent was of opinion, as is
above shown, that under the Constitution
of the United States the power to remove
the said Stanton from the said office was
vested in the President of the United
States; and although this respondent was
also of the same opinion, as is above
shown, that the case of the said Stanton
was not aflTected by the first section of the
last-named act; and although each of the
said opinions had been formed by this re-
spondent upon an actual case, requiring
him, in his capacity of President of the
United States, to come to some judgment
and determination thereon, yet this re-
spondent, as President of the United
States, desired and determined to avoid,
if possible, any question of the construc-
tion and effect of the said first section of
the last-named act, and also the broader
question of the executive power conferred
on the President of the United States by
the Constitution of the United States to
remove one of the principal officers of one
of the executive departments for cause
seeming to him sufficient ; and this re-
spondent also desired and determined that
if, from causes over which he could exert
no control, it should become absolutely
necessary to raise and have in some way
determined either or both of the said last-
named questions, it was in accordance
with the Constitution of the United
States, and was required of the President
thereby, that questions of so much gravity
and importance, upon which the legisla-
tive and executive departments of the
government had disagreed, which involved
powers considered by all branches of the
government, during its entire history
Ao\\n to the year 1867, to have been con-
fided by the Constitution of the United
States to the President and to be neces-

163

JOHNSON, ANDREW

sary for the complete and proper execu- States, I am suspended from office as Secre-

tion of his constitutional duties, should ^^^^ ^^ "^^r, and will cease to exercise any

be in some proper way submitted to that ^^ a^'L'SZg ^^^i^^^o^nc? t^trSr

judicial department of the government in- to Gen. Ulysses S. Grant, who has this day

trusted by the Constitution with the been authorized and empowered to act as

power, and subjected by it to the duty, Secretary of War, ad interim, all records,

, ,„ f J ^ • • £ 11 xi books, papers, and other public property now

not only of determining finally the con- jq ^jy custody and charge. Under a sense

struction and efi"ect of all acts of Con- of public duty, I am compelled to deny your

gress, but of comparing them with the right, under the Constitution and laws of

Constitution of the United States, and ^^Li;l°'*^^ f^f ^1' r.'I^°o^*''^-.f ''V'^^''*I
... • , ^ 1 consent of the Senate, and without legal
pronouncing them inoperative when found cause, to suspend me from office as Secre-
in conflict with that fundamental law tary of War, or the exercise of any or all
which the people have enacted for the functions pertaining to the same, or without
iriiii,- i. Ajj. such advice and consent to compel me to
government of all their servants. And to transfer to any person the recoMs, books,
these ends, first, that, through the action papers, and public property in my custody
of the Senate of the United States, the as Secretary. But, inasmuch as the general
absolute duty of the President to substi- commanding the armies of the United States
"' . J. -,r oii bas been appointed, ad tntertm, and has
tute some fit person m place of Mr. Stan- notified me that he has accepted the ap-
ton as one of his advisers, and as a pointment, I have no alternative but to sub-
principal subordinate officer whose official ^^^' ^^^^^ protest, to superior force.
„„ J i 1- -ui j: J 1, J " To the President."
conduct he was responsible for, and had

lawful right to control, might, if possible, And this respondent, further answering,
be accomplished Avithout the necessity of gays, that it is provided, in and by the
raising any one of the questions afore- second section of "An act to regulate
said; and, second, if this duty could not the tenure of certain civil offices," that
be so performed, then that these questions, the President may suspend an officer from
or such of them as might necessarily the performance of the duties of the office
arise, should be judicially determined in held by him, for certain causes therein
manner aforesaid, and for no other end designated, until the next meeting of the
or purpose, this respondent, as President Senate, and until the case shall be acted
of the United States, on the 12th day of on by the Senate; that this respondent, as
August, 1867, seven days after the recep- President of the United States, was ad-
tion of the letter of the said Stanton, of y^^ed, and he verily believed and still be-
the 5th of August, hereinbefore stated, ]jeves, that the executive power of removal
did issue to the said Stanton the order from office, confided to him by the Consti-
following, namely: tution aforesaid, includes the power of

" Executive Mansion suspension from office at the pleasure of the

"Washington, Avg. 12. 1867. President, and this respondent, by the or-

" Sir,— By virtue of the power and author- der aforesaid, did suspend the said Stan-
ity vested in me, as President, by the Consti- j. ^ a- a j.-i ii j. a-

tution and laws of the United States, you *"" ^^'^^ o^^'^^'' ""^ ""^il the next meeting
are hereby suspended from office as Secre- of the Senate, or until the Senate should
tary of War, and will cease to exercise any have acted upon the case, but bv force of
and all functions pertaining to the same. ^he power and authority vested in him

"You will at once transfer to Gen. , , ' „ ,., ,. , / . ,, tt -j. j

Ulysses S. Grant, who has this day been ^Y the Constitution and laws of the United
authorized and empowered to act as Secre- States, indefinitely, and at the pleasure
tary of War, ad interim, all records, books, of the President, and the order, in form
.Zr" custody IT ch^a?S '""''''' '^'^^ '° aforesaid, was made known to the Senate
" Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War." of the United States on the 12th day of

_, , . . December, a.d. 1867, as will be moi-e

To which said order the said Stanton f^^^iy hereinafter stated,
made the following reply: ^-^^^ ^,^;g respondent, further answer-

" War Department, i".^' ^'^ys that, in and by the act of Feb.

"Washington City. Ann. 12, 1867. 13, 1795, it was, among other things, pro-

" Sir.— Your note of this date has been yided and enacted that, in case of vacancy
received, informing me that by virtue of ■ .i „ai„„ „f o„«,.„+.,,.„ f^^ +i,« r»«,^o^f
the powers vested In you as President, bv '" ^^^ ^^""^ of Secretary for the Depart-
the Constitution and laws of the United ment of War, it shall be lawful for the

164

JOHNSON, ANDREW

President, in case he shall think it neces- a copy whereof is hereunto annexed and
sary, to authorize any person to perform marked B, wherein he made kno^\'n the
the duties of that office until a successor orders aforesaid, and the reasons which
be appointed or such vacancy filled, but had induced the same, so far as this re-
not exceeding the term of six months; spondent then considered it material and
and this respondent, being advised and necessary that the same should be set
believing that such law was in full force forth, and reiterated his views concern-
and not repealed, by an order dated Aug. ing the constitutional power of removal
12, 1867, did authorize and empower vested in the President, and also ex-
Uij'sses S. Grant, general of the armies pressed his views concerning the con-
of the United States, to act as Secretary struction of the said first section of the
for the Department of War, ad interim, in last-mentioned act, as respected the power
the form in which similar authority had of the President to remove the said Stan-
theretofore been given, not until the next ton from the said office of Secretary for
meeting of the Senate, and until the Sen- the Department of War, well hoping that
ate should act on the case, but at the this respondent could thus perform what
pleasure of the President, subject only to he then believed, and still believes, to be
the limitation of six months, in the said his imperative duty in reference to the
last-mentioned act contained; and a copy said Stanton, without derogating from the
of the last-named order was made known powers which this respondent believed
to the Senate of the United States, on the were confided to the President, by the
12th day of December, a.d. 1867, as will Constitution and laws, and without the
be hereinafter more fully stated ; and, in necessity of raising, judicially, any ques-
pursuance of the design and intention tion concerning the same,
aforesaid, if it should become necessary. And this respondent, further answering,
to submit the said questions to a judicial says that, this hope not having been real-
determination, this respondent, at or near ized, the President was compelled either
the date of the last-mentioned order, did to allow the said Stanton to resume the
make known such his purpose to obtain a said office and remain therein contrary
judicial decision of the said questions, or to the settled convictions of the Presi-
such of them as might be necessary. dent, formed as aforesaid, respecting the
And this respondent, further answering, powers confided to him. and the duties re-
says that, in further pursuance of his in- quired of him by the Constitution of the
tentions and design, if possible, to per- United States, and contrary to the opinion
form what he judged to be his imperative formed as aforesaid, that the first sec-
duty, to prevent the said Stanton from tion of the last - mentioned act did not
longer holding the office of Secretary for affect the case of the said Stanton, and
the Department of War, and at the same contrary to the fixed belief of the Presi-
time avoiding, if possible, any question re- dent that he could no longer advise with
specting the extent of the power of re- or trust or be responsible for the said
moval from executive office confided to Stanton, in the said office of Secretary for
the President, by the Constitution of the the Department of War, or else he was
United States, and any question respect- compelled to take such steps as might,
ing the construction and effect of the first in the judgment of the President, be law-
section of the said " act regulating the ful and necessary to raise, for a judicial
tenure of certain civil offices," while he decison. the questions affecting the lawful
should not. by any act of his, abandon right of the said Stanton to resume the
and relinquish, either a power which he said office, or the power of the said Stanton
believed the Constitution had conferred to persist in refusing to quit the said
on the President of the United States, to office, if he should persist in actually re-
enable him to perform the duties of his fusing to quit the same: and to this end,
office, or a power designedly left to him and to this end only, this respondent did.
by the first section of the act of Congress on the 21st day of February. 1868, issue
last aforesaid, this respondent did. on the the order for the removal of the said Stan-
12th day of December. 1867, transmit to ton. in the said first article mentioned
the Senate of the United States a message, and set forth, and the order authorizing

165

JOHNSON, ANDEEW

the said Lorenzo Thomas to act as Secre-
tary of War, ad interim, in the said second
article set forth.

And this respondent, proceeding to an-
swer specifically each substantial allega-
tion in the said first article, says: He
denies that the said Stanton, on the 21st
day of February, 1868, was lawfully in
possession of the said office of Secretary
for the Department of War. He denies
that the said Stanton, on the day last
mentioned, was lawfully entitled to hold
the said office against the will of the
President of the United States. He
denies that the said order for the re-
moval of the said Stanton was unlaw-
fully issued. He denies that said order
was issued with intent to violate the act
entitled, " An act to regulate the tenure
of certain civil offices." He denies that
the said order was a violation of the last-
mentioned act. He denies that the said
order was a violation of the Constitution
of the United States, or of any law there-
of, or of his oath of office. He denies that
the said order was issued with an intent
to violate the Constitution of the United
States, or any law thereof, or this re-
spondent's oath of office; and he respect-
fully, but earnestly, insists that not only
was it issued by him in the performance
of what he believed to be an imperative
official duty, but in the performance of
what this honorable court will consider
was, in point of fact, an imperative offi-
cial duty. And he denies that any and
all substantive matters, in the said first
article contained, in manner and form
as the same are therein stated and set
forth, do, by law, constitute a high mis-
demeanor in office, within the true intent
and meaning of the Constitution of the
United States.

ANSWER TO ARTICLE II.

And for answer to the second article,
this respondent says that he admits he
did issue and deliver to said Lorenzo
Thomas the said writing set forth in
said second article, bearing date at Wash-
ington, District of Columbia, Feb. 21,
1868, addressed to Brevet Maj.-Gen.
Lorenzo Thomas, adjutant-general Unit-
ed States army, Washington, District of
Columbia; and he further admits that
the same was so issued without the ad-

vice and consent of the Senate of the
United States, then in session ; but he
denies that he thereby violated the Con-
stitution of the United States, or any
law thereof, or that he did thereby in-
tend to violate the Constitution of the
United States, or the provisions of any
act of Congress; and this respondent re-
fers to his answer to said first article
for a full statement of the purposes and
intentions with which said order was
issued, and adopts the same as part of
his answer to this article-/ and he further
denies that there was then and there no
vacancy in the said office of Secretary
for the Department of War, or that
he did then and there commit, or was
guilty of, a high misdemeanor in office ;
and this respondent maintains and will
insist:

1. That at the date and delivery of said
writing there was a vacancy existing in
the said office of Secretary for the Depart-
ment of War.

2. That, notwithstanding the Senate of
the United States was then in session, it
was lawful and according to long and well-
established usage to empower and author-
ize the said Thomas to act as Secretary
of War, ad interim.

3. That, if the said act regulating the
tenure of civil offices be held to be a valid
law, no provision of the same was violated
by the issuing of said order, or by the
designation of said Thomas to act as Sec-
retary of War, ad interim.

ANSWER TO ARTICLE III.

And for answer to said third article,
this respondent says that he abides by his
answer to said first and second articles,
in so far as the same are responsive to
the allegations contained in the said third
article, and, without here again repeating
the same answer, prays the same be taken
as an answer to this third article as fully
as if here again set out at length ; and as
to the new allegation contained in said
third article, that this respondent did ap-
point the said Thomas to be Secretary for
the Department of War, ad interim, this
respondent denies that he gave any other
authority to said Thomas than such as
appears in said written authority, set out
in said article, by which he authorized
and empowered said Thomas to act as

166

JOHNSON, ANDREW

tary for the Department of War exist-
ing at the date of said written au-
thority.

ANSWER TO ARTICLE IV.

And for answer to said fourth article

Secretary for the Department of War, ad the question could be brought before that

interim; and he denies that the same tribunal.

amounts to an appointment, and insists This respondent did not conspire or

that it is only a designation of an officer agree with the said Thomas or any other

of that department to act temporarily as person or persons, to use intimidation or

Secretary for the Department of War, ad threats to hinder or prevent the said Stan-

intcrim, imtil an appointment should be ton from holding the said office of Secre-

madc. But, whether the said written au- tary for the Department of War, nor did

thority amounts to an appointment, or this respondent at any time command or

to a temporary authority or designation, advise the said Thomas or any other per-

this respondent denies that in any sense son or persons to resort to or use either

lie did thereby intend to violate the Con- threats or intimidation for that purpose,

stitution of tlie United States, or that he The only means in the contemplation of

thereby intended to give the said order purpose of respondent to be used are set

the character or effect of an appointment forth fully in the said orders of Feb.

in the constitutional or legal sense of 21, the first addressed to Mr. Stanton,

that term. He further denies that there and the second to the said Thomas. By

was no vacancy in said office of Secre- the first order the respondent notified

Mr. Stanton that he was removed from
the said office^ and that his functions as
Secretary for the Department of War
were to terminate upon the receipt of that
order, and he also thereby notified the
said Stanton that the said Thomas had
this respondent denies that on the said been authorized to act as Secretary for
21st day of February, 18G8, at Washington the Department of War ad interim, and
aforesaid, or at any other time or place, ordered the said Stanton to transfer to
he did unlawfully conspire with the said him all the records, books, papers, and
Lorenzo Thomas, or with the said Thomas other public property in his custody and
and any other person or persons, with in- charge; and by the second order this re-
tent by intimidations and threats unlaw- spondent notified the said Thomas of the
fully to hinder and prevent the said Stan- removal from office of the said Stanton,
ton from holding said office of Secretary and authorized him to act as Secretary
for the Department of War, in violation for the department, ad interim, and di-
of the Constitution of the United States rected him to immediately enter upon the
or of the provisions of the said act of discharge of the duties pertaining to that
Congress in said article mentioned, or that office, and to receive the transfer of all
he did then and there commit or was guilty the records, books, papers, and other pub-
of a high crime in office. On the con- lie property from Mr. Stanton, then in
trary thereof, protesting that the said his custody and charge.
Stanton was not then and there lawfully Eespondent gave no instructions to the
the Secretary for the Department of War, said Thomas to use intimidation or
this respondent states that his sole pur- threats to enforce obedience to these
puse in authorizing the said Thomas to act orders. He gave him no authority to
as Secretary for the Department of War, call in the aid of the military, or any
ad interim was. as is fully stated in his other force to enable him to obtain pos-
answer to the said first article, to bring session of the office, or of the books,
the question of the right of the said Stan- papers, records, or property thereof. The
ton to hold said office, notwithstanding only agency resorted to or intended to be
his said suspension, and notwithstanding resorted to was by means of the said ex-
the said order of removal, and" notwith- ecutive orders requiring obedience. But
standing the said authority of the said the Secretary for the Department of War
Thomas to act as Secretary of War. ad refused to obey these orders, and still
interim, to the test of a final decision by holds undisturbed possession and custody
the Supreme Court of the United State^ of that department, and of the records,
Jn the earliest practicable mode by which books, papers, and other public property

167

JOHNSON, ANDREW

therein. Respondent further states that,
in execution of the orders so by this re-
spondent given to the said Thomas, he,
the said Thomas, proceeded in a peace-
ful manner to demand of the said Stan-
ton a surrender to him of the public
property in the said department, and to
vacate the possession of the same, and to
allow him, the said Thomas, peaceably to
exercise the duties devolved upon him
by authority of the President. That, as
this respondent has been informed and
believes, the said Stanton peremptorily
refused obedience to the orders so issued.
Upon each refusal no force or threat of
force was used by the said Thomas, on
authority of the President, or otherwise,
to enforce obedience, either then or at any
subsequent time.

This respondent doth here except to
the sufficiency of the allegations contained
in said fourth article, and states for
ground of exception that it was not
stated that there was any agreement be-
tween this respondent and the said
Thomas, or any other person or persons,
to use intimidation and threats, nor is
there any allegation as to the nature of
said intimidation and threats, or that
tliere was any agreement to carry them
into execution, or that any step was taken
or agreed to be taken to carry them into
execution, and that the allegation in said
article that the intent of said conspiracy
was to use intimidation and threats is
wholly insufficient, inasmuch as it is not
alleged that the said intent formed the
basis or became a part of any agreement
between the said alleged conspirators,
and, furthermore, that there is no allega-
tion of any conspiracy or agreement to
wse intimidation or threats.

ANSWER TO ARTICLE V.

And for answer to said fifth article,
this respondent denies that on said 21st
day of February, 1868, or at any other
time or times, in the same year, before
the said 2d day of March, 1868, or at any
prior or subsequent time, at Washington
aforesaid, or at any other place, this re-
sjjondent did unlawfully conspire with the
said Thomas, or with any other person or
persons, to prevent or hinder the execution
of the said act entitled " An act regulat-
ing the tenure of certain civil offices," or

that, in pursuance of said alleged con-
spiracy, he did unlawfully attempt to pre-
vent the said Edwin M. Stanton from
holding said office of Secretary for the
Department of War, or that he was there-
by guilty of a high misdemeanor in office.
Respondent, protesting that said Stanton
was not then and there Secretary for the
Department of War, begs leave to refer to
his answer given to the fourth article and
to his answer given to the first article as
to his intent and purpose in issuing the
orders for the removal of Mr. Stanton,
and the authority given to the said Thomas,
and prays equal benefit therefrom as if
the same were here again repeated and
fully set forth.

And this respondent excepts to the suf-
ficiency of the said fifth article, and
states his ground for such exception, that
it is not alleged to what means or by what
agreement the said alleged conspiracy was
formed or agreed to be carried out, or in
what way the same was attempted to be
carried out, or what were the acts done in
pursuance thereof.

ANSWER TO ARTICLE VI.

And for answer to the said sixth article,
this respondent denies that on the said
21st day of February, 1868, at Washing-
ton aforesaid, or at any other time or
place, he did unlawfully conspire with
the said Thomas by force to seize, take,
or possess, the property of the United
States in the Department of War, con-
trary to the provisions of the said acts
referred to in the said article, or either
of them, or with intent to violate either
of them. Respondent, protesting that
said Stanton was not then and there Sec-
retary for the Department of War, not
only denies the said conspiracy as charged,
but also denies unlawful intent in refer-
ence to the custody and charge of the
property of the United States in the said
Department of War, and again refers to
his former answers for a full statement
of his intent and purpose in the premises.

ANSWER TO ARTICLE VIT.

And for answer to the said seventh ar-
ticle, respondent denies that on the said
21st day of February, 1868. at Washing-
ton aforesaid, or at any other time and
place, he did unlawfully conspire with the

JOHNSON, ANDREW

said Thomas with intent unlawfully to 22d day of February, 1868, the following

seize, take, or possess the property of the note was addressed to the said Emory by

United States in the Department of War, the private secretary of the respondent:

with intent to violate or disregard the

said act in the said seventh article re- ., ^ " Executive Mansion,

< , . 4^1 X u jj i^u J xu "Washington, D. C, Feb. 22, 1868.

ferred to, or that he did then and there « general,— The President directs me to

commit a high misdemeanor in office. Re- say that he will be pleased to have you call

spondent, protesting that the said Stan-- "Po° ^'^^ as early as practicable.

ton was not then and there Secretary for " ^^'^^^ w''^ f"'^ ^'•"'y y°"Jf.

., T^ , i. ir T-,7 • f X William G. Mooke, U. S. A."

the Department of War, again refers to

his former answers, in so far as they are General Emory called at the Executive
applicable, to show the intent with which Mansion according to this request. Th«
he proceeded in the premises, and prays object of respondent was to be advised by
equal benefit therefrom as if the same General Emory, as commander of the De-
were here again fully repeated. Respon- partment of Washington, what changes
dent further takes exception to the suf- had been made in the military affairs of
ficiency of the allegations of this article as the department. Respondent had been in-
to the conspiracy alleged, upon the same formed that various changes had been
ground as stated in the exceptions set made which in nowise had been brought
forth in his answer to said article fourth, to his notice or reported to him from the

Department of War, or from any other

quarter, and desired to ascertain the facts.

And for answer to said eighth article, After the said Emory had explained in

this respondent denies that on the 21st detail the changes which had taken place,

day of February, 1808, at Washington said Emory called the attention of re-

ANSWEB TO ARTICLE VIII.

aforesaid, or at any other time or place
he did issue and deliver to the said
Thomas the said letter of authority set
forth in the said eighth article, with the
intent unlawfully to control the disburse-
ments of the money appropriated for the
military service and for the Department
of War. This respondent, protesting that
there was a vacancy in the office of Secre-
tary for the Department of War, admits of all concerned :
that he did issue the said letter of author-
ity, and he denies that the same was with
any unlawful intent whatever, either to
violate the Constitution of the United
States or any act of Congress. On the
contrary, this respondent again affirms
that his sole intent was to vindicate his
authority as President of the United
States, and by peaceful means to bring
the question of the right of the said Stan-
ton to continue to hold the office of Secre-
tary of War to a final decision before the
Supreme Court of the United States, as
has been hereinbefore set forth : and he
prays the same benefit from his answer
in the premises as if the same were here
again repeated at length.

spondent to a general order which he re-
ferred to and which this respondent then
sent for, when it was produced. It is as
follows:

" (General Orders, No. 17.)
" War Department, Adjutant-General's
Office.
" Washington, March 14, 1867.
" The following acts of Congress are pub-
lished for the information and government

" 11-PuBLic-No. 85.
" An act making appropriations for sup-
port of the army for the year ending June
30, 1868, and for other purposes.

ANSWER TO ARTICLE IX.

And for answer to the said ninth arti-

" Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, that
the headquarters of the general of the
army of the United States shall be at the
city of Washington, and all orders and in-
structions relating to military operations,
issued by the President or Secretary of War,
shall be issued throuorh the general of the
army, and, in case of his inability, through
the next in ranlc. The general of the army
shall not be removed, suspended, or relieved
from command or assigned to duty else-
where than at said headquarters, except at
his own request, without the previous ap-
proval of the Senate : and any orders or
instructions relating to military operations
issued contrary to the requirements of this
section shall be null and void ; and any
officer, who shall issue orders or instructions
contrary to the provisions of this section.

shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor in
cle, the respondent states that on the said office: and anv officer of the army who shall

IfiO

JOHNSON, ANDREW

transmit, convey, or obey any orders or In- obey any law or any order issued in con-

!*f!!fni°''^f ?H- '^^"^^- ^°°t''^^"y to the pro- formity with any law, or intend to offer
visions of this section, knowing that such • ■■ t. j. A ■ a -c x

orders were so issued, shall be liable to im- ^P^ inducement to the said Emory to

prisonment for not less than two or more violate any law. What this respondent

than twenty years, upon conviction thereof then said to General Emory was simply

in any court of competent jurisdiction. ^ ^j^^ expression of an opinion which he

"Approved March 2, 1867.' * ' then fully believed to be sound, and which

he yet believes to be so, and that is that,

"By order of the Secretary of War by the express provisions of the Consti-

"E. D. TowNSEND, Assistant Adjutant- ,,. .-.i jj. t^-jx-

General tution,, this respondent, as President, is

"Official : made the commander - in - chief of the

" , Assistant Adjutant-General." armies of the United States, and as such

General Emory not only called the at- he is to be respected, and that his or-

tention of respondent to this order, but <lers, whether issued through the War De-

to the fact that it was in conformity partment or through the general-in-chief,

with a section contained in an appropri- or by other channels of communication,

ation act passed by Congress. Respondent, are entitled to respect and obedience, and

after reading the order, observed, "This that such constitutional power cannot bef

is not in accordance with the Constitu- taken from him by virtue of any act of

tion of the United States, which makes Congress. Respondent doth therefore

me Commander-in-Chief of the Army and deny that by the expression of such

Navy, nor with the language of the com- opinion he did commit or was guilty of a

mission which you hold." General Em- high misdemeanor in office; and this re-

ory then stated that this order had met spondent doth further say that the said

respondent's approval. Respondent then article nine lays no foundations whatever

said in reply, in substance, "Am I to for the conclusion stated in the said

understand that the President of the article, that the respondent, by reason of

United States cannot give an order but the allegations therein contained, was

through the general-in-chief?" General guilty of a high misdemeanor in office.
Emory again reiterated the statement In reference to the statement made by

that it had met respondent's approval. General Emory, that this respondent had

and that it was the opinion of some of approved of said act of Congress contain-

the leading lawyers of the country that ing the section referred to, the respondent

this order was constitutional. With admits that his forma) approval was given

some further conversation, respondent to said act, but accompanied the same

then required the names of the lawyers by the following message, addressed and

who had given the opinion, and he men- sent with the act to the House of Rep-

tioned the names of two. Respondent resentatives, in which House the said act

then said that the object of the law was originated, and from which it came to

very evident, referring to the clause in respondent:

the appropriation act upon which the or- "To the House of Representatives, —
der purported to be based. This, accord- The act entitled 'An act making ap-
ing to respondent's recollection, was the propriations for the support of the army
substance of the conversation held with for the year ending June 30, 1868, and
General Emory. for other purposes,' contains provisions

Respondent denies that any allegations to which I must call attention. These
in the said article of any instructions or provisions are contained in the second sec-
declarations given to the said Emory, tion, which, in certain cases, virtually de-
then or at any other time, contrary to or prives the President of his constitutional
in addition to what is hereinbefore set functions as commander - in - chief of the
forth, are true. Respondent denies that, army, and in the sixth section, which de-
in said conversation with said Emory, he nied to ten States in the Union their con-
had any other intent than to express the stitutional right to protect themselves, in
opinions then given to the said Emory, any emergency, by means of their own
nor did he then nor at any other time militia. These provisions are out of
request or order the said Emory to dis- place in an appropriation act, but I anj

170

JOHNSON, ANDREW

compelled to defeat these necessary ap- lieves substantially a correct report) is
propriations if I withhold my signature hereto annexed as part of this answer,
from the act. Pressed by these consider- and marked Exhibit C.
ations, I feel constrained to return the That, thereupon, and in reply to the
bill with my signature, but to accompany address of said committee by their chair-
it with my earnest protest against the man, this respondent addressed the 'said
sections which I have indicated. committee so waiting upon him in one

"Washington, D. C, March 2, 18G7." of the rooms of the Executive Mansion;

Respondent, therefore, did no more than and this respondent believes that this,

to express to said Emory the same his address to said committee, is the

opinion which he had so expressed to the occasion referred to in the first specifica-

Ilouse of Representatives. tion of the tenth article; but this re-
spondent does not admit that the pas-

ANSWER TO ARTICLE X. . „ xi • ^ t t-u -t t x /

sage therein set forth, as if extracts from
And in answer to the tenth article and a speech or address of this respondent
specifications thereof, the respondent upon said occasion, correctly or justly pre-
says that, on the 14th and 15th days of sent his speech or address upon said
August, in the year 186G, a political con- occasion; but, on the contrary, this re-
vcntion of delegates from all, or most, of spondent demands and insists that if
the States and Territories of the Union this honorable court shall deem the
was held in the city of Philadelphia, said article and the said first specifica-
under the name and style of the National tion thereof to contain allegation of
Union Convention, for the purpose of matter cognizable by this honorable
maintaining and advancing certain polit- court as a high misdemeanor in office,
ical views and opinions before the peo- within the intent and meaning of the
pie of the United States, and for their Constitution of the United States, and
support and adoption in the exercise of shall receive or allow proof in support of
the constitutional suffrage in the elec- the same, that proof shall be required to
tion of representatives and delegates in be made of the actual speech and address
Congress, which were soon to occur in of this respondent on said occasion,
many of the States and Territories of which this respondent denies that said
the Union; which said convention, in article and specification contain or cor-/^
the course of its proceedings, and in rectly or justly represent,
furtherance of the objects of the same. And this respondent, further answer-
adopted a " declaration of principles " ing the tenth article and specifications
and " an address to the people of the thereof, says that at Cleveland, in the
United States," and appointed a com- State of Ohio, and on the 3d day of Sep-
mittee of two of its members from each teinber, in the year 1866, he was attended
State, and of one from each Territory, by a large assembly of his fellow-citizens,
and one from the District of Columbia, to and, in deference and obedience to their
wait upon the President of the United call and demand, he addressed them upon
States and present to him a copy of the matters of public and political consid-
proceedings of the convention; that, on eration; and this respondent believes that
the 18th day of the said month of August, said occasion and address are referred to
this committee waited upon the Presi- in the second specification of the tenth
dent of the United States, at the Exec- article; but this respondent docs not ad-
utive Mansion, and was received by him mit that the passages therein set forth
in one of the rooms thereof, and by their as if extracts from a speech of this re-
vhairman, Hon. Reverdy Johnson, then spondent on said occasion, correctly or
and now a Senator of the United States, justly present his speech or address upon
acting and speaking in their behalf, pre- said occasion; but, on the contrary, this
sented a copy of the proceedings of the respondent demands and insists that, if
convention, and addressed the President this honorable court shall deem the said
of the United States in a speech, of which article and the said second specification
a copy (according to a published report thereof to contain allegation of matter
of the same, and as the respondent be- cognizable by this honorable court as a

171

JOHNSON, ANDREW

high misdemeanor in office, within the
intent and meaning of the Constitution
of the United States, and shall recei^ :
01- allow proof in support of the same,
that proof shall be required to be made
of the actual speech and address of this
respondent on said occasion, which this
respondent denies that said article and
specification contain or correctly or justly
represent.

And this respondent, further answering
the tenth article and the specifications
thereof, says that at St. Louis, in the
State of Missouri, and on the 8th day of
September, in the year 18G6, he was at-
tended by a numerous assemblage of his
fellow-citizens, and in deference and obedi-
ence to their call and demand he addressed
them upon matters of public and political
consideration ; and this respondent be-
lieves that said occasion and address are
referred to in the third specification of
the tenth article; but this respondent does
not admit that the passages therein set
forth, as if extracts from a speech of this
respondent on said occasion, correctly or
justly present his speech or address upon
said occasion; but, on the contrary, this
respondent demands and insists that if
this honorable court shall deem the said
article and the said third specification
thereof to contain allegation of matter
cognizable by this honorable court as a
high misdemeanor in office, within the in-
tent and meaning of the Constitution of
the United States, and shall receive or
allow proof in support of the same, that
proof shall be required to be made of the
actual speech and address of this respon-
dent on said occasion, which this respon-
dent denies that the said article and speci-
fication contain or correctly or justly rep-
resent.

And this respondent, further answering
the tenth article, protesting that he has
not been unmindful of the high duties of
his office, or of the harmony or courtesies
which ought to exist and be maintained
between the executive and legislative
branches of the government of the United
States, denies that he has ever intended or
designed to set aside the rightful authority
or powers of Congress, or attempted to
bring into disgrace, rdicule, hatred, con-
tempt, or reproach, the Congress of the
United States, ir either branch thereof,

or to impair or destroy the regard or re-
spect of all or any of the good people of
the United States for the Congress or the
rightful legislative power thereof, or to
excite the odium or resentment of all or
any of the good people of the United
States, against Congress, and the laws by
it duly and constitutionally enacted. This
respondent further says that at all times
he has, in his official acts as President, rec-
ognized the authority of the several Con-
gresses of the United States, as constituted
and organized during his administration of
the office of President of the United States^

And this respondent, further answering,
says that he has, from time to time, un-
der his constitutional right and duty as
President of the United States, communi-
cated to Congress his views and opinions
in regard to such acts or resolutions there-
of, as, being submitted to him as Presi-
dent of the United States, in pursuance
of the Constitution, seemed to this re-
spondent to require such communications:
and he has, from time to time, in the ex-
ercise of that freedom of speech which be-
longs to him as a citizen of the United
States, and, in his political relations as
President of the United States, to the
people of the United States, is upon fit
occasions a duty of the highest obligation,
expressed to his fellow-citizens his views
and opinions respecting the measures and
proceedings of Congress; and that in such
addresses to his fellow-citizens, and in
such his communications to Congress, he
has expressed his views, opinions, and
judgment of and concerning the actual
constitution of the two Houses of Congress
without representation therein of certain
States of the Union, and of the eff"ect that
in wisdom and justice, in the opinion and
judgment of this respondent. Congress in
its legislation and proceedings shall give
to this political circumstance ; and what-
soever he has thus communicated to Con-
gress or addressed to his fellow-citizens or
any assemblage thereof, this respondent
says was and is within and according tq^
his right and privilege as an American'''
citizen, and his right and duty as Presi-
dent of the United States.

And this respondent not waiving or at
all disparaging his right of freedom of
opinion and of freedom of speech, as
hereinbefore or hereinafter more particu-

JOHNSON, ANDBEW

larly set forth, but claiming and insist-
ing upon the same, further answering the
said tenth article, says that the views and
opinions expressed by this respondent in
his said addresses to the assemblages of
his fellow-citizens, as in said article or in
this answer thereto mentioned, are not
and were not intended to be other or dif-
/ferent from those expressed by him in his
communications to Congress — that the
eleven States lately in insurrection never
had ceased to be States of the Union, and
that they were then entitled to representa-
tion in Congress by local Representatives
and Senators as fully as the other States
of the Union, and that, consequently, the
Congress, as then constituted, was not, in
fact, a Congress of all the States, but a
Congress of only a part of the States.
This respondent always protesting against
the unauthorized exclusion therefrom of
the said eleven States, nevertheless gave
his assent to all laws passed by said Con-
gress, which did not, in his opinion and
judgment, violate the Constitution, exer-
cising his constitutional authority of re-
turning bills to said Congress with his ob-
jections when they appeared to him to be
unconstitutional or inexpedient.

And, further, this respondent has also
expressed the opinion, both in his com-
munications to Congress, and in his ad-
dresses to the people, that the policy
adopted by Congress in reference to the
States lately in insurrection did not tend
to peace, harmony, and union, but, on the
contrary, did tend to disunion and the
permanent disruption of the States, and
that, in following its said policy, laws had
been passed by Congress in violation of
the fundamental principles of the govern-
ment, and which tended to consolidation
and despotism ; and, such being his de-
liberate opinions, he would have felt him-
self unmindful of the high duties of his
office if he had failed to express them in
his communications to Congress or in his
addresses to the people when called upon
by them to express his opinions on mat-
ters of public and political consideration.

And this respondent, further answering
the tenth article, says that he has always
claimed and insisted, and now claims and
insists, that both in his personal and pri-
vate capacity of a citizen of the United
States, and in the political relations o£

the President of the United States, to the
j)eople of the United States, whose ser-
vant, under the duties and responsibilities
of the Constitution of the United States,
the President of the United States is and
should always remain, this respondent had
and has the full right, and in his office
of President of the United States is held
to the high duty, of forming, and on fit
occasions expressing, opinions of and con-
cerning the legislation of Congress, pro-
posed or completed, in respect of its
wisdom, expediency, justice, worthiness,
objects, purposes, and public and political
motives and tendencies; and within and
as a part of such right and duty to form,
and on tit occasions to express, opinions
of and concerning the public character
and conduct, views, purposes, objects, mo-
tives, and tendencies of all men engaged
in the public service, as well in Congress
as otherwise, and under no other rules or
limits upon this right of freedom of opin-
ion and of freedom of speech, or of re-
sponsibility and amenability for the act-
ual exercise of such freedom of opinion
and freedom of speech than attend upon
such rights and their exercise on the
part of all other citizens of the United
States and on the part of all their public
servants.

And this respondent, further answering
said tenth article, says that the several
occasions on which, as is alleged in the
several specifications of said article, this
respondent addressed his fellow-citizens
on subjects of public and political consid-
erations were not, nor was any one of
them, sought or planned by this respon-
dent ; but, on the contrary, each of said
occasions arose upon the exercise of a
lawful and accustomed right of the peo-
ple of the United States to call upon their
public servants, and express to them their
opinions, wishes, and feelings upon mat-
ters of public and political consideration,
and to invite from such, their public ser-
vants, an expression of their opinions,
views, and feelings on matters of public
and political consideration; and this re-
spondent claims and insists before this
honorable court, and before all the people
of the United States, that of or concern-
ing this his right of freedom of opinion,
and of freedom of speech, and this his ex-
ercise of such right on all matters of
■3

JOHNSON, ANDREW

public and political consideration, and in
respect of all public servants, or persons
whatsoever engaged in or connected there-
with, this respondent, as a citizen, or as
President of the United States, is not
subject to question, inquisition, impeach-
ment, or inculpation, in any form or man-
ner whatsoever.

And this respondent says that neither
the said tenth article, nor any specification
thereof, nor any allegation therein con-
tained, touches or relates to any official
act or doing of this respondent in the
office of President of the United States,
or in the discharge of any of its constitu-
tional or legal duties or responsibilities;
but said article and the specifications and
allegations thereof, wholly and in every
part thereof, question only the discretion
oi propriety of freedom of opinion or free-
dom of speech, as exercised by this re-
spondent as a citizen of the United States
in his personal right and capacity, and
without allegation or imputation against
this respondent of the violation of any
law of the United States, touching or re-
lating to freedom of speech or its exer-
cise by the citizens of the United States,
or by this respondent as one of the said
citizens or otherwise; and he denies that,
by reason of any matter in said article
or its specifications alleged, he has said
or done anything indecent or unbecoming
in the chief magistrate of the United
States, or that he has brought the high
office of the President of the United States
into contempt, ridicule, or disgrace, or
that he has committed or has been guilty
of a high misdemeanor in office.

ANS^VER TO ARTICLE XI.

And in answer to the eleventh article
this respondent denies that on the ISth
day of August, in the year 1866, at the
city of Washington, in the District of
Columbia, he did, by public speech or
otherwise, declare or affirm, in substance
or at all, that the Thirty-ninth Congress
of the United States was not a Congress
of the United States authorized by the
Constitution to exercise legislative power
under the same, or that he did then and
there declare or affirm that the said
Thirty-ninth Congress was a Congress
of only part of the States in any sense
or meaning other than that ten States

of the Union were denied representation
therein; or that he made any or either
of the declarations or affirmations in this
behalf, in the said article alleged, as de-
nying or intending to deny that the legis-
lation of said Thirty-ninth Congress was
valid or obligatory upon this respondent,
except so far as this respondent saw fit
to approve the same; and as to the alle-
gation in said article, that he did thereby
intend or mean to be understood that the
said Congress had not power to propose
amendments to the Constitution, this re-
spondent says that in said address he
said nothing in reference to the subject
of amendments of the Constitution, nor
was the question of the competency of
the said Congress to propose such amend-
ments, without the participation of said
excluded States, at the time of said ad-
dress, in any way mentioned or con-
sidered or referred to by this respon-
dent, nor in what he did say had he any
intent regarding the same, and he denies
the allegation so made to the contrary
thereof. But this respondent, in further
answer to, and in respect of the said alle-
gations of the said eleventh article here-
inbefore traversed and denied, claims and
insists upon his personal and official right
of freedom of opinion and freedom of
speech, and his duty in his political re-
lations as President of the United States,
to the people of the United States, in
the exercise of such freedom of opinion
and freedom of speech, in the same man-
ner, form, and eflfect as he has in his
behalf stated the same in his answer to
the said tenth article, and with the same
effect as if he here repeated the same;
and he further claims and insists, as in
said answer to said tenth article he has
claimed and insisted, that he is not sub-
ject to question, inquisition, impeachment,
or inculpation, in any form or manner,
of or concerning such rights of freedom
of opinion or freedom of speech, or his
said alleged exercise thereof.

And this respondent further denies that,
on the 21st day of February, in the year
1868. or at any other time, at the city
of Washington, in the District of Co-
lumbia, in pursuance of any such decla-
ration as is in that behalf in said eleventh
article alleged, or otherwise, he did un-
lawfully, and in disregard of the require-

174

JOHNSON

luent of the Constitution that he should
lake care that the laws should be faith-
fully executed, attempt to prevent the exe-
cution of an act entitled " An act regu-
lating the tenure of certain civil offices,"
passed March 2, 1867, by unlawfully de-
vising or contriving, or attempting to
devise or contrive, means by which he
should prevent Edwin M. Stanton from
forthwith resuming the functions of Sec-
retary for the Department of War ; or
by unlawfully devising or contriving, or
attempting to devise or contrive, means
to prevent the execution of an act en-
titled, " An act making appropriations
for the support of the army for the fiscal
year ending June 30, 18G8, and for other
purposes," approved March 2, 1867, or to
prevent the execution of an act entitled,
" An act to provide for the more efficient
government of the rebel States," passed
March 2, 1867.

And this respondent, further answer-
ing the said eleventh article, says that he
has, in answer to the first article, set
forth in detail the acts, steps, and pro-
ceedings done and taken by this respon-
dent to and towards or in the matter of
the suspension or removal of the said Ed-
win M. Stanton in or from the office of
Secretary for the Department of War,
with the times, modes, circumstances, in-
tents, views, purposes, and opinions of
official obligation and duty under and with
which such acts, steps, and proceedings
were done and taken ; and he makes an-
swer to this eleventh article, of the mat-
ters in his answer to the first article,
pertaining to the suspension or removal
of said Edwin M. Stanton, to the same
intent and effect as if they were here re-
peated and set forth.

And this respondent further answering
the said eleventh article denies that by
means or reason of anything in said
article alleged this respondent, as Presi-
dent of the United States, did on the
21st day of February, 1868, or at any
other day or time, commit or that he
was guilty of a high misdemeanor in office.

And this respondent, further answering
the said eleventh article, says that the
same and the matters therein contained
do not charge or allege the commission
of any act whatever by this respondent,
in his office of President of the United

States, nor the omission by this respon-
dent of any act of official obligation or
duty in his oflice of President of the
United States; nor does the said article
nor the matters therein contained name,
designate, describe, or define any act or
mode or form of attempt, device, con-
trivance, or means, or of attempt at
device, contrivance, or means, whereby
this respondent can know or understand
what act or mode or form of attempt, de-
vice, contrivance, or means, or of at-
tempt at device, contrivance, or means,
are imputed to or charged against this
respondent in his office of President of
the United States, or intended so to be,
or whereby this respondent can more fully
or definitely make answer unto the said
article than he hereby does.

And this respondent, in submitting to
this honorable court this his answer to
the articles of impeachment exhibited
against him, respectfully reserves leave
to amend and add to the same from time
to time, as may become necessary or
proper, and when and as such necessity
and propriety shall appear.

Andrew Johnson.

Henry Stanbery,

B. R. Curtis,

Thomas A. R. Nelson,

William M. Evarts,

W. S. Groesbeck,
Of Counsel.

Johnson, Bradley Tyler, lawyer;
born in Frederick, Md., Sept. 29, 1829;
graduated at Princeton in 1849; studied
law at the Harvard Law School in 1850-
51, and began practice in Frederick. In
1851 he was State attorney of Frederick
county. In 1860 he was a delegate
to the National Democratic Conventions
in Charleston and Baltimore; voted for
the States' Rights platform; and, with
most of the Maryland delegates, with-
drew from the convention, and gave his
support to the Breckinridge and Lane
ticket. During the Civil War he served
in the Confederate army, rising from the
rank of captain to that of brigadier-gen-
eral. After the war he practised law in
Richmond, Va., till 1879, and then in
Baltimore till 1890. He wa? a member
of the State Senate in 187.5-7t) His pub-
lications include Chase's Decxr-.ions ; The
Foundation of Maryland; Life of General
75

JOHNSON

Washington ; Memoirs of Joseph E. John- published in 1G54 under the title of Won-
ston; Confederate History of Mary- der-working Providence of Zion's Saviour

land; etc. in Neio England. He died in Woburn,

Jolmson, BusHKOD Rust, military ofS- Mass., April 23, 1672.

cer; born in Belmont county, 0., Sept. Johnson, Fort, a former protective

6, 1817; graduated at West Point in work on the Cape Fear River, near Wil-

1840; he served in the Florida and Mexi- mington, N. C. On June 14, 1775, the

can wars ; and was Professor of Mathe- royal governor, Joseph Martin, took refuge

matics in military academies in Kentucky in the fort, as the indignant people had

and Tennessee. He joined the Confed- begun to rise in rebellion against royal

erate army in 1861; was made a briga- rule. From that stronghold he sent forth

dier-general early in 1862 ; was captured a menacing proclamation, and soon after-

at Fort Donelson, but soon afterwards wards preparations for a servile insur-

escaped; was wounded in the battle of rection were discovered. The nlmor went

Shiloh; and was made major-general in abroad that Martin had incited the slaves.

1864. He was in command of a division The exasperated people determined to drive

in Lee's army at the time of the sur- him from the fort and demolish it. A

render at Appomattox Court-house, and body of 500 men, led by John Ashe and

after the war was chancellor of the Uni- Cornelius Harnett, marched to the fort,

versity of Xashville. He died in Brigh- Martin had fled on board a British vessel

ton. 111., Sept. 11, 1880. of war in the river. The munitions of

Johnson, Cave, jurist; born in Robert- war had all been removed on board of a

son county, Tenn., Jan. 11, 1793; elected transport, and the garrison also had fled,

circuit judge in 1820; served in Congress, The people burned the barracks and demol-

1829-37; and appointed Postmaster-Gen- ished the walls.

eral in 1845. He died in Clarksville, Tenn., Johnson, Franklin, educator; born

Nov. 23, 1866. in Frankfort, 0., Nov. 2, 1836; grad-

Johnson, Clifton, author; born in uated at Colgate Theological Seminary

Hadley, Mass., Jan. 25, 1865; received a in 1861. He held pastorates in Michigan

common-school education. He is the au- and New Jersey in 1862-73, and in Cam-

thor of The Neio England Country; What bridge, Mass., in 1874-88. In 1890 he

They Say in Neto England; Studies of Nciv became president of the Ottawa Univer-

England Life and Nature, etc. sity, Kansas, and remained there two

Johnson, Eastman, artist; born in years, when he was called to the chair

Lovell, Me., July 29, 1824; was educated of History and Homiletics in the Uni-

in the public schools of Augusta, Me.; versity of Chicago.

studied in the Royal Academy of Diissel- Johnson, Guy, military officer; born in
dorf for two years, and was elected an Ireland in 1740; married a daughter of
academician of the National Academy of Sir William Johnson {q. v.), and in
Design in 1860. He has painted many 1774 succeeded him as Indian agent. He
notable pictures, including The Kentucky served- against the French from 1757 to
Home; Husking Bee; The Stage Coach; 1760. At the outbreak of the Revolution
Pension Agent; Prisoner of State, etc. he fled to Canada, and thence went with
His portraits include Tico Men, ex-Presi- the British troops who took possession of
dents Arthur, Cleveland, and Harrison, New York City in September, 1776; he re-
Commodore Vanderbilt, W. H. Vander- mained there some time, and became man-
bilt, Daniel ^^'ebster, John Quincy Adams, ager of a theatre. He joined Brant, and
John D. Rockefeller, Mrs. Dolly Madison, participated in some of the bloody out-
Mrs. August Belmont, Mrs. Hamilton rages in the Mohawk Valley. In 1779 he
Fish, and many others. fought with the Indians against Sullivan.

Johnson, Edward, author; born in He died in London, March 5, 1788.

Heme Hill, England, in 1599; emigrated Johnson, Hale, lawyer; born in

to the United States in 1630; elected Montgomery county, Ind., Aug. 21, 1847;

speaker of the Massachusetts House of admitted to the bar of Illinois in 1875;

Representatives in 1655. He is the author has been actively identified with the

of a history of New England which was Prohibition party for twenty years, and

176

JOHNSON

has been its candidate for governor of the
State of Illinois and for Vice-President in
1896.

Johnson, Helen Kendrick, author;
born in Hamilton, N. Y., Jan. 4, 1843;
daughter of Asahel C. Kendrick, the
Greek scholar and author; was educated
at the Oread Institute, Worcester, Mass.
She has edited Our J'amiliar 8oiigs, and
Those Who Made Them; The American
Woman's Journal, etc. Her original woiks
are The Roddy Books: Raleigh Westgate;
and Woman and the Republic. She has
contributed many articles to periodicals,
and is specially known as an opponent of
woman suffrage.

Johnson, Henry Phelps, historian;
born in 1842; became Professor of History
in the College of the City of New York.
He is the author of Loyalist History of the
Revolution; The Campaign of 1776 Around
New York; The Yorktown Campaign;
Yale and the Honor Roll in the American
Revohition, etc.

Johnson, Herschel Vespasian, legis-
lator; born in Burke county, Ga., Sept.
18, 1812; graduated at the University of
Georgia in 1834; appointed for an unex-
pired term to the United States Senate in
1848; elected judge of the Superior Court
of Georgia in 1849; governor in 1853 and
185.5. In the Civil War he was a member
of the Confederate Senate; was elected
to the United States Senate during the
reconstruction period, but was not al-
lowed to take his seat, and was appointed
judge of the circuit court in 1873. In
1860 Mr. Johnson was the candidate for
the Vice - Presidency on the ticket with
Stephen A. Douglas. He died in Jefferson
county, Ga., Aug. 16, 1880.

Johnson, John, educator; born in
Bristol, Me., Aug. 23, 1806; graduated at
Bowdoin College in 1832; Professor of
Natural Sciences at Wesleyan University
in 1837-73, when he was made professor
emeritus. He was the author of A His-
tory of the Towns of Bristol and Bremen
in the State of Maine, etc. He died in
^ Clifton, S. I., Dec. 2, 1879.
ft Johnson, John, Indian agent; born in

- Ballyshannon, Ireland, in March, 1775;
came to the United States in 1786 and
settled in Cumberland county, Pa. He par-
ticipated in the campaign against the
Indians in Ohio in 1792-93; was agent of
V. — M 1 7

Indian affairs for thirty-one years; served
in the War of 1812, becoming quarter-
master. In 1841-42 he was commissioner
to arrange with the Indians of Ohio for
their emigration from that district. He
was the author of an Account of the Ind-
ian Tribes of Ohio. He died in Wash-
ington, D. C, April 19, 1801.

Johnson, Sir John, military officer;
born in Mount Johnson, N. Y., Nov. 5,
1742; son of Sir William Johnson; was
a stanch loyalist, and in 1776 the Whigs
tried to get possession of his person. He
fled to Canada with about 700 followers,
where he was commissioned a colonel, and
raised a corps chiefly among the loyalists
of New York, known as the Royal Greens.
He was among the most active and bitter
foes of the patriots. While investing Fort
Stanwix in 1777, he defeated General
Herkimer at Oriskany, but was defeated
himself by General Van Rensselaer in
1780. After the war Sir John went to
England, but returned to Canada, where
he resided as superintendent of Indian
affairs until his death, in Montreal, Jan.
4, 1830. He married a daughter of John
Watts, a New York loyalist.

Johnson, John Butler, educator; born
in Marlboro, 0., June 11, 1850; grad-
uated at the University of Michigan in
1878, and became a civil engineer in the
United States Lake and Mississippi River
surveys. In 1883-98 he was Professor of
Civil Engineering in Washington Univer-
sity, St. Louis. Later he was made dean
of the College of Mechanics and Engineer-
ing in the University of Wisconsin. He
was director of a testing laboratory in St.
Louis, where all the United States timber
tests were made. He also had charge of
the index department of the journal pub-
lished by the Association of Engineering
Societies, and compiled two volumes of
Iy\dex Notes to Engineering Literature.
He is author of Theory and Practice of
Surveying ; Modern Framed Structures;
Engineering Contracts and Specifications;
itaterials of Construction, etc.

Johnson, Josiah Stoddard, author ;
born in New Orleans, Feb. 10, 1833; grad-
uated at Yale College in 1853 and at the
University Law School in 1854. He joined
the Confederate army in 1863, and served
till the close of the war. Later he en-
gaged in the practice of law and in jour-

JOHNSON-

RICHARD MENTOR JOHNSON.

nalism. He is the author of Memorial
History of Louisville; First Explorations
of Kentucky; Confederate History of Ken-
tucky, etc.

Johnson, Sir Nathaniel, colonial gov-
ernor of South Carolina in 1703-9. Dur-
ing his administration he defeated the
French who had attacked the colony in
1706. He died in Charleston in 1713.

Johnson, Oliver, journalist; born in
Peacham, Vt., Dec. 27, 1809; was man-
aging editor of The Independent in 1865-
70; and later was editor of the Christian
Union. He was the author of William
Lloyd Garrison and His Times, or Sketches
of the Anti-Slavery Movement in Amer-
ica. He died in Brooklyn, N. Y., Dec. 10,
1889.

Johnson, Reverdy, statesman ; born in
Annapolis, Md., May 21, 1796; was ad-
mitted to the bar in 1815. After serving
two terms in his State Senate, he was
United States Senator from 1845 to 1849,
when he became United States Attorney-
General under President Taylor. Mr.
Johnson was a delegate to the Peace Con-
vention; United States Senator from 1863 dent Grant in 1869; supported Horace
to 1868; and minister to Great Britain in Greeley in the Presidential campaign of
1868-69, negotiating a treaty for the set- 1872. He died in Annapolis, Md., Feb. 10,
tlement of the Alabama Claims {q. v.) 1876.

Johnson, Richard Mentor, Vice-Presi-
dent of the United States ; born in
Bryant's Station, Ky., Oct. 17, 1781;
graduated at Transylvania University;
- . became a lawyer and State legislator, and

raised a regiment of cavalry in 1812.
^ With them he served under Harrison, and

was in the battle of the Thames in 1813,
where he was dangerously wounded. From
1807 to 1819 and 1829 to 1837 he was a
member of Congress. He was United
States Senator from 1819 to 1829, and
Vice-President of the United States from
1837 to 1841. He died in Frankfort, Ky.,
Nov. 19, 1850.

Johnson, Richard W., military officer;
born in Livingston county, Ky., Feb. 7,
1827; graduated at West Point in 1849.
He was a captain of cavalry in the
Civil War until August, 1861, when he
was made lieutenant-colonel of a Ken-
tucky cavalry regiment. In October he
was commissioned a brigadier-general of
volunteers, and served under Buell. In
question, which was rejected by the United the summer of 1862 he commanded a divi-
States Senate. He was recalled by Presi- sion of the Army of the Tennessee, and

178

RKVERDY JOnNSOX.

JOHITSON

afterwards had the same command in the
Army of the Cumberland. In the battles
at Stone River and near Chickamauga,
and in the Atlanta campaign, he was a
most useful officer. He was severely
wounded at New Hope Church, and com-
manded a division of cavalry in the battle
of Nashville, in December, 1864. He was
brevetted major-general, U. S. V. and U. S.
A., for gallant services during the war ;
was retired in 1867; and was Professor
of Military Science in the Missouri State
University in 1868-G9, and in the Univer-
sity of Minnesota in 1869-71. He died in
St. Paul, Minn., April 21, 1897.

Johnson, Robert, colonial governor;
born in England in 1682; was appointed
governor of South Carolina in 1717; and
royal governor in 1731. He died in
Charleston, S. C, May 3, 1755.

Johnson, Robert Underwood, editor;
born in Washington, D. C, Jan. 12,
1853; graduated at Earlham College, Indi-
ana, in 1871. He became connected with
the editorial staff of the Century in 1873 ;
edited the Century War Series (with
Clarence Clough Buel), and subsequently
extended the work by 4 volumes, covering
the battles and leaders of the Civil War.
It was he who induced General Grant to
write his Memoirs, the first part of which
was published in the Century War Se7-ies.
He originated the movement which re-
sulted in the establishment of the Yosem-
ite National Park ; and was secretary of
the American Copyright League. His
works include The Winter Hour; Songs
of Liberty, etc.

Johnson, Rossiter, author and editor;
born in Rochester, N. Y., Jan. 27, 1840;
graduated at the University of Roch-
ester in 1863. In 1864-68 he was an as-
sociate editor of the Rochester Democrat ;
in 1869-72 was editor of the Concord
(N. H.) Statesman : and in 1873-77 was
an associate editor of the American Cyclo-
poedia. In 1870-80 he assisted Sydney
Howard Gay in preparing the last two
volumes of the Bryant and Gay History
of the United States. Since 1883 he has
been the sole editor of Appleton^s Annual
Cyclopadia. He edited The .Authorized
History of the World's Cohimhian E.rposi-
tion (4 vols.. 1898) ; and The World's
Great Boohs (1898-1901). He is also an
associate editor of the Standard Diction-

ary. His original books are A History
of the War Bettoeen the United States
and Great Britain, lS]:i-15; A History
of the French War, Ending in the Con-
quest of Canada; A History of the War
of Secession (1888; enlarged and illus-
trated, under the title Camp-fire and Bat-
tle-field, 1894); The Hero of Manila, etc.
He has been president of the Quill Club,
the Society of the Genesee, the New
York Association of Phi Beta Kappa, and
of the People's University Extension So-
ciety. He received the degree of Ph.D.
in 1888, and that of LL.D. in 1893.

Johnson, Samuel, jurist; born in Dun-
dee, Scotland, Dec. 15, 1733; was taken to
North Carolina by his father when he was
three years of age, and was in civil office
there under the crown until he espoused
the cause of the patriots. In 1773 he
was one of the North Carolina committee
of correspondence and an active mem-
ber of the Provincial Congress. He was
chairman of the provincial council in
1775, and during 1781-82 was in the Con-
tinental Congress. In 1788 he was govern-
or of the State, and presided over the
convention that adopted the national Con-
stitution. From 1789 to 1793 he was
United States Senator, and from 1800
to 1803 was judge of the Supreme Court.
He died near Edenton, N. C, Aug. 18,
1816.

Johnson, Thomas, jurist; born in St.
Leonards, Calvert co., Md., Nov. 4, 1732;
was an eminent lawyer, and was chosen a
delegate to the second Continental Con-
gress in 1775. He had the honor of nomi-,
nating George Washington for the post of
commander-in-chief of the Continental
armies. He was chosen governor of the
new State of Maryland in 1777, and was
associate-justice of the Supreme Court of
the United States from 1791 to 1793,
when he resigned. He was offered the post
of chief-justice of the District of Colum-
bia in 1801, but declined it. He died at
Rose Hill, near Frederickton, Oct. 26. 1819.

Johnson, Thomas Cary, clergyman ;
born in Fishbok Hill. Va.. July 19,' 1859;
graduated at Hampden-Sidney College in
1881 and at Union Theological Seminary,
Va.. in 1887; was ordained in the Pres-
byterian Church : became Professor of
Ecclesiastical History and Polity at Union
Theological Seminary, Va., in 1892. He

179

JOHNSON

is the author of A History of the Southern
Presbyterian Church; A Brief Sketch of the
United Synod of the Presbyterian Church
in the United States of America, etc.

Johnson, William, jurist; born in
Charleston, S. C, Dec. 27, 1771; grad-
uated at Princeton in 1790; admitted to
the bar in 1793; elected to the State legis-
lature in 1794; appointed an associate
justice of the United States Supreme
Court in 1804; served until his death,
in Brooklyn, N. Y., Aug. 11, 1834. He
is the author of the Life and Corre-
spondence of Maj.-Oen. Nathanael Greene.

Johnson, William, lawyer; born in
Middletown, Conn., about 1770; graduated
at Yale College in 1788; reporter of the
Supreme Court of New York in 1806-23,
and of the New York Court of Chancery
in 1814-23. He was the author of Neio
York Supreme Court Reports, 1799-1803;
Xew York Chancery Reports 18H-22; and
Digest of Cases in the Supreme Court of
Neiii York. He died in New York City in
July, 1848.

Johnson, Sir William, military offi-
cer; born in Smithtown, County Meath,
Ireland, in 1715; was educated for a mer-
chant, but an unfortunate love affair
changed the tenor of his life. He came to

SIR WII.LrAM JOHNSON.

America in 1738 to take charge of landed
property of his uncle, Admiral Sir Peter
Warren, in the region of the Mohawk
Valley, and seated himself the e, about 24
miles west of Schenectady, ( igaging in

the Indian trade. Dealing honestly with
the Indians and learning their language,
he became a great favorite with them.
He conformed to their manners, and, in
time, took Mary, a sister of Brant, the
famous Mohawk chief, to his home as his
wife. When the French and Indian War
broke out Johnson was made sole super-
intendent of Indian affairs, and his great
influence kept the Six Nations steadily
from any favoring of the French. He
kept the frontier from injury until the
treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle (1748).

In 1750 he was a member of the pro-
vincial council. He withdrew from his
post of superintendent of Indian affairs
in 1753, and was a member of the con-
vention at Albany in 1754. He also at-
tended grand councils of the Indians, and
was adopted into the Mohawk tribe and
made a sachem. At the council of gov-
ernors, convened by Eraddock at Alex-
andria in 1755, Johnson was appointed
sole superintendent of the Six Nations,
created a major-general, and afterwards
led an expedition intended for the capture
of Crown Point. The following year he
was knighted, and the King gave him the
appointment of superintendent of Indian
affairs in the North; he was also made a
colonial agent. He continued in the
militaiy service during the remainder of
the war, and was rewarded by his King
with the gift of 100,000 acres of land
north of the Mohawk River, which was
known as " Kingsland," or the " Eoyal
Grant." Sir William first introduced
sheep and blooded horses into the Mohawk
Valley. He married a German girl, by
whom he had a son and two daughters ;
also eight children by Mary (or Mollie)
Brant, who lived with him until his death.
Sir William lived in baronial style and
exercised great hospitality. He died in
Johnstown, N. Y., July 11, 1774.

Johnson, William Samuel, jurist;
born in Stratford, Conn., Oct. 7, 1727;
graduated at Yale College in 1744;
became a la^vyer ; and was distinguished
for his eloquence. He was a delegate to
the Stamp Act Coxgress (7. v.), and for
five years (from 1766 to 1771) was agent
for Connecticut in England. He cor-
responded with the eminent Dr. Johnson
several years. He was a judge of the
Supreme Court of Connecticut and a com-

180

JOHNSON-CLARENDON CONVENTION— JOHNSTON

missioner for adjusting the con-
troversy between the proprie-
tors of Pennsylvania and the
Susquehanna Company. Judge
Johnson was in Congress (1784
to 1787), and was also a mem-
ber of the convention that
framed the national Constitu-
tion, in which he was the first
to propose the organization of
the Senate as a distinct branch
of the national legislature. He
was United States Senator from
1789 to 1791, and, with his col-
league, Oliver Ellsworth, drew
up the bill for establishing the
judiciary system of the United
States. He was president of
Columbia College from 1787 to
1800. He died in Stratford,
Nov. 14, 1819.

Johnson - Clarendon Con-
vention, the treaty negotiated
by Reverdy Johnson, while
minister to England, dated Jan.
14, 1869. This treaty proposed
a mixed commission for the
consideration of all claims,
including the Alabama claims.
The treaty, which was the foun-
dation of the subsequent successful one,
was rejected by the United States Senate,
as the provision made in it for national
losses was not satisfactory. See JoiiNsox,
Ee\^rdy.

Johnston, Albert Sidney, military
officer; born in Washington, Mason co.,
Ky., Feb. 3, 1803; graduated at West
Point in 1826; served in the Black Hawk
War, and resigned in 1834. He entered
the Texan army as a private in 1836 and
v.^as soon made a brigadier-general, and
in 1838 became commander-in-chief of the
army and Secretary of War. He retired
to private life in Texas. He served in
the war with Mexico, and became pay-
master in the United States army in 1849.
In 1860-01 he commanded the Pacific De-
partment, and. sympathizing with the
Confederates, was superseded by General
Sumner and entered the Confederate ser-
vice, in command of the Division of the
West. At his death, in the battle of
Shiloh. April 6, 1862, General Beauregard
succeeded him.

Johnston, Alexander, historian ; born

WILLIAM SAMDBL JOHNSON.

in Brooklyn, N. Y., April 2, 1849;
graduated at Rutgers College, studied law.
and became a few years later Professor
of Jurisprudence and Political Economy
in Princeton University. His contribu-
tions to American history were valuable.
They include a Ilisionj of American Poli-
iics, histories of Connecticut and the
United States, the political articles in
T.alor's Ci/clopcedin of PolUical Science,
and the political sketch under the article
'■' United States " in the Encyclopaedia
Britannica. He died in Princeton, N. J.,
July 20, 1889.

Johnston, Joseph Eggleston, mili-
tary officer; born in Longwood. Va.. Feb.
3, 1809; graduated at West Point in
1829, and entered the artillery. He
served in the wars with the Florida Ind-
ians, and with Mexico, in which he was
twice wounded. He became lieutenant-
colonel of cavalry in IS.").), and quarter-
master-general, with the rank of briga-
dier-creneral, in June. 1800. He joined
the Confederates in the spring of 1861,
and Avas commissioned a major-general in
81

JOHNSTON, JOSEPH EGGLESTON

the Army of Virginia. He was in com- severe struggle. The Confederates ral-
mand at the battle of Bull Run, and lied, and, returning with an overwhelm-
fought gallantly on the Virginia penin- ing force, retook the hill. Palmer, find-
sula, until wounded at the battle of Fair ing his adversaries gathering in force
Oaks, or Seven Pines (1862), when he larger than his own, and learning that
was succeeded by Lee. He afterwards the object of his expedition had been ac-
opposed Grant and Sherman in the Mis- complished, in the calling back of Hardee
sissippi Valley. He was in command dur- by Johnston, fell back and took post
ing the Atlanta campaign in 1864 until (March 10) at Ringgold. In this short
July, when he was superseded by General campaign the Nationals lost 350 killed
Hood. and wounded; the Confederates about

When Johnston heard of Sherman's raid, 200.
and perceived that Polk could not resist With the surrender of Lee, the Civil
him, he sent two divisions of Hardee's War was virtually ended. Although he
corps, under Generals Stewart and Ander- was general-in-chief, his capitulation in-
son, to assist Polk. Grant, in command eiuded only the Army of Northern Vir-
at Chattanooga (February, 1864), sent ginia. That of Johnston, in North Caro-
General Palmer with a force to counter- Una, and smaller bodies, were yet in the
act this movement. Palmer moved with field. When Sherman, who confronted
his corps directly upon Dalton (Feb. 22), Johnston, heard of the victory at Five

Forks and the evacuation
of Petersburg and Rich-
mond, he moved on John-
ston (April 10, 18 65), with
his whole army. The lat-
ter was at Smithfield, on
the Neuse River, with ful-
ly 30,000 men. Jefferson
Davis and the Confeder-
ate cabinet were then at
Danville, on the southern
border of Virginia, and had
just proposed to Johnston
a plan whereby they might
secure their own personal
safety and the treasures
they had brought with
them from Richmond. It
was to disperse his army,
excepting two or three bat-
teries of artillery, the cav-
alry, and as many infan-
try as he could mount,
with which he should form
a giiard for the " govern-
ment," and strike for the
Mississippi and beyond,
with Mexico as their final
objective. Johnston spurn-
where Johnston was encamped. The Con- ed the proposition, and, deprecating the bad
federates were constantly pushed back and example of Lee in continuing what he
there was almost continual heavy skirmish- knew to be a hopeless war, had the moral
ing. In the centre of Rocky Face Valley, courage to do his duty according to the
on a rocky eminence, the Confederates dictates of his conscience and his nice
made a stand, but were soon driven from sense of honor. He refused to fight
the crest by General Turchin, after a any more, or to basely desert his

182

JOSEPH EGGLESTON JOHNSTON.

JOHNSTON

army far away from their home, as forty-eight hours. This notification was
the " government " proposed, and stated accompanied by a demand for the sur-
frankly to the people of North and render of Johnston's army, on the terms
South Carolina, Georgia, and Florida, in- granted to Lee. The capitulation was
eluded within his military department, agreed upon at the house of James Ben-
that " war could not be longer contin- nett, near Durham's Station, April 26.
ucd by them, except as robbers," and About 25,000 troops were surrendered,
that he should take measures to stop The capitulation included all the troops
it and save the army and people from in Johnston's military department. Gen-
further evil, and " avoid the crime of eral Taylor surrendered at Citronelle,
waging a hopeless war." Sherman was Ala., to General Canby, on the same
pushing Johnston with great vigor, when terms, and the Confederate navy on the
the former received a note from the lat- 1'ombigbee River was surrendered by
ter (April 14, 1865), asking if a tern- Commander Farrand to Rear - Admiral
porary suspension of
active hostilities might be
arranged to allow the
" civil authorities to enter
into the needful arrange-
ments to terminate the
existing war." Sherman
promptly replied that he
would do so, and was will-
ing to hold a conference.
He said that, as a basis
of action, he would under-
take to abide by the terms
made by Grant and Lee at
Appomattox Court-house.
Sherman and Johnston
met at Durham's Station,
half-way between Raleigh
and Hillsboro, at ten
o'clock, April 17. John-
ston said he regarded the
Confederate cause as lost,

and admitted that Grant's terms were Thatcher. After the war he mgaged in
magnanimous; but he insisted upon con- the fire insurance business; was a Demo-
ditions involving political guarantees, cratic member of Congress in 1876-78;
which Sherman had no authority to grant, and United States commissioner of rail-
At a second conference the next day, roads in 188.5-89. He died in Washington,
Sherman consented to a memorandum of D. C, March 21, 1891.

agreement as a basis for the considera- Johnston, Richard Malcolm, author;
tion of the government, which, if carried born in Powelton, Ga., March 8, 1822;
out, would have instantly restored to all graduated at Mercer University, Geor-
persons engaged in the rebellion every gia, in 1841, and a year later was
right and privilege, social and political, admitted to the bar. In 1857-61 he
which they had enjoyed before the war, was Professor of Literature in the Uni-
without any liability of punishment. It versify of Georgia. He was an officer in
was adroitly draAvn up by Breckinridge, the Confederate army throughout the
and was signed by the respective com- Civil War. In 1867 he moved to Balti-
manding generals. The national govern- more, and engaged in authorship. His
ment instantly rejected it. and General works include Qeorpia Sketches; Dukes-
Grant was sent to Raleigh to declare that horoufjh Tales; Historical Sketch of
rejection, which he did April 24, and English Literature (with W. H.
proclaimed that the truce would end in Bro^vne) ; Old Mark Langston; Ttco Grai)

183

PLACE OF JOHNSTON'S SURRENDER TO SHERMAN.

JOHNSTON

Tourists; Mr. Absalom Billingslea, and
Other Georgia Folk; Ogeechee Gross Fir-
i7i,gs; Widoio Guthrie; The Primes and
Their Neighbors; Studies: Literary and
Social; Old Times in Middle Georgia;
Pearse Amerson's Will, etc. He died in
Baltimore, Md., Sept. 23, 1898.

Johnston, William, revolutionist ; born
in Canada, in 1780; was an American spy
on the Canada frontier during the War
of 1812-15. He was living at Clayton,
N. Y., on the bank of the St. Lawrence,
when the " patriot " war in Canada broke
out in 1837. Being a bold and adventur-
ous man, and cordially hating the British,
Johnston was easily persuaded by the
American sympathizers in the movement
to join in the strife. The leaders regarded
him as a valuable assistant, for he was
thoroughly acquainted with the whole re-
gion of the Thousand Islands, in the St.
Lawrence, from Kingston to Ogdensburg.
He was employed to capture the steam-
boat Robert Peel, that carried passengers
and the mail between Prescott and To-
ronto, and also to seize the Great Britain,
another steamer, for the use of the " pa-
triots." With a desperate band, Johnston
rushed on board of the Peel at Wells's

WILLIAM JOHNSTON.

Island, not far below Clayton, on the
night of May 29, 1838. They were armed
with muskets and bayonets and painted
like Indians, and appeared with a shout,

"Remember the Carolina!" — a vessel
which some persons from Canada had cut
loose at Schlosser (on Niagara River), set
on fire, and sent blazing over Niagara

JOHNSTON'S COMMISSION.

I'alls. The passengers and baggage of the
Peel were put on shore and the vessel was
burned, because her captors could not
manage her. Governor Marcy, of New
York, declared Johnston an outlaw, and
offered a reward of $500 for his person.
The governor of Canada (Earl of Dur-
ham) offered $5,000 for the conviction of
any person concerned in the " infamous
outrage." Johnston, in a proclamation
issued from " Fort Watson," declared him-
self the leader of the band ; that his com-
panions were nearly all Englishmen ; and
that his headquarters were on an island
within the jurisdiction of the United
States. Fort Watson was a myth. It
was wherever Johnston was seated among
the Thousand Islands, where for a long
time he was concealed, going from one
island to another to avoid arrest. His
daughter, a handsome maiden of eighteen
years, who was an expert rower, went to
his retreat at night with food. At length
he was arrested, tried at Syracuse on a
charge of violating the neutrality laws,
and acquitted. Again arrested and put in
jail, he managed to escape, when a reward
of $200 was offered for him. He gave him-
self up at Albany, was tried, convicted,
and sentenced to one year's imprisonment
in the jail there and to pay a fine of $250.
His faithful daughter, who had acquired
the title of " The Heroine of the Thousand
84

JOHNSTON— JOHN THE PAINTER

Islands," hastened to Albany and shared
the prison with her father. He procured
a key that would unlock his prison-door.
His daughter departed and waited for him
at Rome. He left the jail, walked 40
miles the first night, and soon joined her.
They went home, and Johnston was not
molested afterwards. The " patriots "
urged him to engage in the struggle again.
He had had enough of it. They sent him
the commission of a commodore, dated at
" Windsor, U. C, Sept. 5, 1839," and
signed " H. S. Hand, Commander-in-Chief
of the Northwestern Army, on Patriot
Service in Upper Canada." On that com-
mission was the device seen in the engrav-
ing— the American eagle carrying off the
British lion. The maple-leaf is an emblem
of Canada. He refused to serve, and re-
mained quietly at home. President Pierce
appointed him light-house keeper on Rock
Island, in the St. Lawrence, in sight of
the place where the Peel was burned.

Johnston, William Preston, educator ;
born in Louisville, Ky., Jan. 5, 1831 ; son
of Gen. Albert Sidney Johnston. He grad-
uated at Yale University in 18.52, and
at the Louisville Law School in the fol-
lowing year, and began practice in Louis-
ville. When the Civil War broke out, he
ei'tered the Confederate army as major of
the 1st Kentucky Regiment. In 1862 he
was appointed by President Davis his
aide-de-camp with the rank of colonel.
When Lee surrendered Colonel Johnston
remained Avith the President, and was
captured with him. After his release he
lived a year in Canada and then resumed
law practice in Louisville. In 1867, when
General Lee was made president of Wash-
ington and Lee University, Colonel John-
ston was appointed Professor of English
History and Literature there, where he
remained till 1877. During 1880-83 he
was president of the Louisiana State Uni-
versity and the Agricultural and ISIechani-
oal College at Baton Rouge. In 1883, when
Tiilane University, in New Orleans, was
founded, he was elected its president, and
served as such till his death, in Lexing-
ton. Va.. July 16. 1899. His publications
include Life of Albert Sidney Johnston:
The Prototype of Hamlet; The Johnstons
of Salisbury : also the poems. My Garden
Walk; Pictures of the Patriarchs; and
Seekers After God.

Johnstone, George, diplomatist; bom
in Dumfries, Scotland; entered the British
navy; became post-captain 1762, and gov-
ernor of West Florida in 1763; and was
one of the commissioners sent to the Unit-
ed States to treat with Congress in 1778.
He had been an advocate of the Americans
in the House of Commons, and brought
letters of introduction to Robert Morris,
Joseph Reed, and other leading patriots.
Finding the commissioners could do noth-
ing, officially, with Congress, Johnstone
attempted to gain by bribery what could
not be acquired by diplomacy. To Morris
and others he wrote letters, urging the ex-
pediency of making arrangements with the
government, and suggesting, in some of his
letters, that those persons who should be
instrumental in bringing it about would
not fail of high honors and rewards from
the government. An American lady in
Philadelphia, whose husband was in the
British service, and who was a relative of
Ferguson, the secretary of the commission,
was induced by Johnstone to approach
Joseph Reed with a proposition. Mrs. Fer-
guson was a daughter of Dr. Graeme, of
Pennsylvania, a bright woman, in whose
prudence and patriotism the Whigs had
such confidence that the interchange of
visits among them and the Tories never
led to a suspicion that she would betray
the cause of her country. Johnstone made
her believe he was a warm friend of the
Americans, and he entreated her to go to
General Reed and say to him that if he
could, conscientiously, exert his influence
in bringing about a reconciliation, he
might command $50,000 and the highest
post in the government. " That," said
Mrs. Ferguso/i, " General Reed would con-
sider the offi?r of a bribe." Johnstone dis-
claimed any such intention, and Mrs. Fer-
guson carried the message to Reed as soon
as the British left Philadelphia. Reed in-
dignantly replied, " I am not worth pur-
chasing, but, such as I am, the King of Eng-
land is not rich enough to do it." These
facts being made known to Congress, reso-
lutions were passed, Aug. 11, 1778, accus-
ing the commissioner of an attempt at
bribery and corruption, and declining to
hold any further communication with him.
He died Jan. 8, 1787.

Johnstown Flood. See Inundations.

John the Painter. While Silas

185

JOHN THE PAINTEBr-JOIN-T HIGH COMMISSION

Deane (q. v.), commissioner of the Conti-
nental Congress, was in Paris (1777), a
stranger, advanced in years, called upon
him one day, and requested a strictly pri-
vate interview. It was granted, when the
stranger told Deane that he was a native
of Scotland, but was an American citizen,
and had lived at Amboy, N. J., where he
had a comfortable house. The British
troops stationed there, suspecting him of
being a Whig, had greatly abused him,
and finally burned his house to ashes.
He told Deane he had resolved on revenge;
that he had determined to kill King
George, and had come to Europe for the
purpose. He had been to England, had
laid his plans, and was ready to execute
them. He thought it right to acquaint
Deane, the United States minister, with
his scheme. He said he passed by the
name of " John the Painter." Mr. Deane
Disposed the assassination of the King as
cowardly and unjust. He was innocent
of wrong in the matter. If he must have
revenge, he should take it in a manly,
generous way; he should go into the
American army, and meet his enemy as a
soldier, and not as a vulgar assassin;
and if he could so meet King George, at
the head of his army, he could kill him
with propriety. It would be lawful to
so kill his generals. The man was finally
persuaded by Deane to abandon his regi-
cidal plan, and left. He soon returned,
thanked Deane for persuading him not to
lay violent hands on " the Lord's
Anointed," and said he was determined to
seek revenge by burning the naval stores
at Portsmouth, England. Deane said that
would tend to weaken the enemy in carry-
ing on the war, and was legitimate busi-
ness. He was astonished at the wisdom
of the man's plans. He warned him, how-
ever, that if he should be caught his life
would pay the penalty of his crime. " I
am an old man," was the reply, " and it
matters little whether I die now or five
years hence." He borrowed a guinea from
Deane, and crossed the channel.

At Portsmouth he took lodgings at the
house of a very poor woman on the out-
skirts of the town. While he was ab-
sent, she had the curiosity to examine a
bimdle which he had brought with him.
It contained some clothing and a tin box,
with some sort of a machine inside. John

wanted a top to it, and had one made by
a tinman. The same evening the naval
storehouses were fired by this " infernal
machine," and $500,000 worth of property
was destroyed. Strict search was made
for the incendiary in the morning at every
house in the town. The old woman told
them of John the Painter and his mys-
terious tin box. The tinman reported
making a top for it. John was fixed upon
as the incendiary. Not doubting he had
been sent by the enemy for the purpose,
and that relays of horses had been fur-
nished for his escape, horsemen were sent
out on every road, with orders to pur-
sue any person they should find riding
very fast. John, meanwhile, was trudg-
ing on foot towards London. Men came
up to him and asked him if he had seen
any person riding post-haste. " Why do
you inquire?" asked John. He was prop-
erly answered, when John told the pur-
suers they were mistaken, for he — " John
the Painter "—was the incendiary, and
gave them his reasons for the act. They
took him back to Portsmouth, where he
was recognized by the old woman and the
tinman. He candidly told them that he
should certainly have killed the King had
not Mr. Deane dissuaded him, and that
he was revenged, and was ready to die.
He was tried, condemned, and hung. A
false and unfair accovmt of his trial was
published, and no mention was made of
Mr. Deane's having saved the life of the
King. The Gentleman's Magazine for
1777 contains the English account of the
afi'air, Avith a portrait. The above is
compiled from manuscript notes made
from the lips of Deane by Elias Boudi-
not.

Joint High Commission. The gov-
ernment of the United States, in behalf
of its citizens, claimed from Great Britain
damages inflicted on the American ship-
ping interests by the depredations of
the Alabama (q. v.) and other Anglo-
Confederate cruisers. To effect a peace-
ful solution of the difficulty, Eea^rdt
Johnson {q. v.), of Maryland, was sent
to England, in 1868, to negotiate a treaty
for that purpose. His mission was not
satisfactory. The treaty which he nego-
tiated was almost imiversally condemned
by his countrymen, and was rejected by
the Senate. His successor, John Lo-

186

JOINT HIGH COMMISSION— JOLIET

THROP Motley {q. v.), appointed minister federate cruisers; (6) claims of British
at the British Court, was charged with subjects against the United States for
the same mission, but failed in that par- losses and injuries arising out of acts
ticular, and was recalled in 1870. The committed during the Civil War. A
matter was finally settled by arbitration, treaty was agreed to, and was signed
Much correspondence succeeded the efforts May 8, 1871, which provided for the
to settle by treaty. Finally, in January, settlement, by arbitration, by a mixed
1S71. the British minister at Washing- commission-, of all claims on both sides
ton, Sir Edward Thornton, in a letter to for injuries by either government to the
Secretary Fish, proposed, under instvue- citizens of the other, during the Civil
tions from his government, a Joint High War, and for the permanent settlement of
Commission, to be appointed by the two all questions in dispute between the two
governments, respectively, to settle dis- nations (see Washington, Treaty of).
putes of every kind between the United Arbitrators were appointed, who, at
States and Great Britain, and so estab- Geneva, Switzerland, formed w^hat was
lish a permanent friendship between the known as the Tribunal of Arbitration,
two nations. Mr. Fish proposed that the and reached a decision in which both par-
commission should embrace in its in- ties acquiesced. See Arbitration, Tri-
quiries the matter of the " Alabama binal of.

Claims," so that nothing should remain Joliet, Louis, discoverer ; born in Que-
to disturb amicable relations. The sug- bee, Canada, Sept. 21, 1645; was edu-
gcstion was approved, and each govern- cated at the Jesuit college in his native
ment appointed commissioners. The city, and afterwards engaged in the fur-
President appointed, for the United trade in the Western wilderness. In 1673
States, Hamilton Fish, Secretary of Intendant Talon, at Quebec, with the
State; Samuel Nelson, associate-justice sanction of Governor Frontenac, selected
of the United States Supreme Court; Joliet to find and ascertain the direc-
Robert C. Schenck, minister to England ; tion of the course of the Mississippi and
Ebenezer Rockwood Hoar, late United its mouth. Starting from Mackinaw, in
States Attorney-General; and George H. IMay, 1673, with Father Marquette and
Williams, United States Senator from five other Frenchmen, they reached the
Oregon. Queen Victoria appointed Mississippi June 17. They studied the
George Frederick Samuel, Earl de Gray country on their route, made maps, and
and Earl of Ripon ; Sir Stratford Henry gained much information. After inter-
Northcote; Sir Edward Thornton, her course with Indians on the lower Missis-
minister at Washington; Sir Alexander sippi, near the mouth of the Arkansas,
McDonald, of the pri^y council of Can- who had trafficked -with Europeans, they
ada, and attorney - general of that prov- were satisfied that the Mississippi
ince ; and Montague Bernard, Profess- emptied into the Gulf of Mexico, and
or of International Law in Oxford Uni- made their way back to Green Bay, where
versity. The commissioners first met in Joliet started alone for Quebec to report
\V'ashington, Feb. 27, 1871. Lord Tenter- to his superiors. His canoe was upset
den, secretary of the British commission, in Lachine Rapids, above Montreal, and
and J. C. Bancroft Davis, assistant Secre- his journals and charts were lost, but
tary of State of the United States, were he wrote out his narrative from memory,
chosen clerks of the Joint High Commis- which agreed, in essentials, with that of
sion. The commissioners of the United Marquette, Joliet afterwards went on an
States were instructed to consider: (1) expedition to Hudson Bay, in the service
the fisheries; (2) the navigation of the of his King, and was rewarded by his
St, Lawrence River; (3) reciprocal trade sovereign with the appointment of hydrog-
between the LTnited States and the Do- rapher to his Majesty, and was favored
minion of Canada; (4) the Northwest with the seigniory of the island of Anti-
water boundary and the island of San costi in 1680, La Salle's pretensions de-
Juan; (5) the claims of the United nicd him the privilege of making explo-
States against Great Britain for com- rations in the West. He dJ°'' in Canada
pensation for injuries committed by Con- in May, 1700.

187

JONATHAN— JONES

Jonathan, Brother, the name popular-
ly applied to the United States, as John
Bull is to Great Britain; originated
in Washington's humorous allusion to
Jonathan Trumbull (q. v.) , governor of
Connecticut, the only colonial governor
who favored independence.

Joncaire, or Jonquiere, Jacques
Pierre de Taffanel, Marquis de la,
naval officer; born in La Jonquiere,
France, in 1686; entered the navy in
1G98, and in 1703 was adjutant in the
French army. He was a brave and skil-
ful officer, and was in many battles. He
became captain in the navy in 1736, and
accompanied D'Anville in his expedition
against Louisburg in 1745. In 1747 he
was appointed governor of Canada, but,
being captured by the British, he did not
arrive until 1749. He died in Quebec,
May 17, 1752.

Jones, Charles Colcock, clergyman;
born in Liberty county, Ga., Dec. 20, 1804 ;
received his theological training at An-
dover and Princeton Theological Semi-
naries; was ordained in the Presbyterian
Church, and became active in the work
of educating the negro race. His publi-
cations include Religious Instruction for
Negroes in the Southern States; Sugges-
tions on the Instruction of Negroes in
the South; and a History of the Church
of God. He died in Liberty county, Ga.,
March 16, 1863.

Jones, Charles Colcock, lawyer; born
in Savannah, Ga., Oct. 28, 1831 ; grad-
uated at Princeton in 1852; admitted to
the bar of Georgia in 1856; during the
Civil War he served as colonel of artillery.
Among his historical works are Monumen-
tal Remains of Georgia; Historical Sketch
of the Chatham Artillery; Life of Gen.
Henry Lee; Commodore Josiah Tatnall;
Jean Pierre Purry; Richard Henry Wilde;
Siege of Savannah in 1119 ; De Soto and
His March through Georgia, etc.

Jones, Horatio Gates, lawyer; born
in Philadelphia, Pa., Jan. 9, 1822; gradu-
ated at the University of Pennsylvania in
1841 ; was admitted to the bar in 1847 ;
became connected with many historical
societies. His publications include History
of Roxborough and Manayunk; Report of
the Committee of the Historical Society
of Pennsylvania on the Bradford Bicen-
tenary; Andrew Bradford, Founder of the

]

Newspaper Press in the Middle States of
America, etc.

Jones, Jacob, naval officer; born near
Smyrna, Del., in March, 1768; gradu-
ated at the University of Pennsylvania,

JACOB JONES.

and entered the navy as a midshipman in
1799. He was an officer of the Phila-
delphia when she was captured at Trip-
oli. In 1810 he was made commander,
and when the War of 1812-15 broke out
he was in charge of the sloop-of-war
Wasp, in which he gained a victory. He
commanded the Macedonian, in Decatur's
squadron, as post-captain. After the war
he commanded the Mediterranean squad-
ron; was a commissioner of the navy
board ; and governor of the naval asylum
at Philadelphia. Congress voted him
thanks and a gold medal and several
States presented him with swords. He
died in Philadelphia. Aug. 3, 1850.

Jones, James Athearn, author; born
in Tisbury, Mass., June 4, 1790; received
a common - school education, and engaged
in journalism in Philadelphia in 1826;
later was editor in Baltimore, Md., and
in Buffalo, N. Y. His publications in-
clude Traditions of the North American
Indians, or Tales of an Indian Camp;
Letter to an English Gentleman on Eng-
88

JONES

GOLD ITEDAL AWARDKD BY CONGKESS TO JACOB JONES.

lish Libels of America; and Haverhill, commander the first salute ever given to
or Memoirs of an Officer in the Army of the Ameiican flag by a foreign man-of-war.
Wolfe. He died in Brooklyn, N. Y., in In April he scaled the walls of White-
August, 1853. haven, in England, on the borders of the

Jones, John Mather, journalist; born Irish Sea, and spiked thirty-eight can-
in Bangor, North Wales, June 9, 1826; non.

came to the United States in 1849; was In 1779, while cruising up and down
the founder of the Welsh town of New the east coast of Scotland, between the
Cambria, ]\ro., and also of Avonia, in Kan- Solway and the Clyde, he tried to capture
sas. In 1805-74 he was the owner and the Earl of Selkirk, in order to secure a
publisher of The Mirror, the first Welsh notable prisoner for exchange. He had
newspaper established in the United been an early friend of Jones's father.
States. He was the author of a History His seat was at the mouth of the Dee.
of the Rebellion (in Welsh). He died
in Utica. N. Y., Dec. 21, 1874.

Jones, John Paul, naval officer; born
in Kirkbean, Scotland, July 6, 1747. Be-
fore he was eighteen years old he com-
manded a vessel that traded with the
West Indies. Jones came to Virginia in
1773, inheriting the estate of his brother,
who died there. Offering his services
to Congress, he was made first lieutenant
in the navj'^ in December, 1775, when,
out of gratitude to General Jones, of
North Carolina, he assumed his name.
Before that he was John Paul. He was
a bold and skilful sea - rover, gathering
up many prizes. Made captain in the
fall of 1776, he raised the first flag ever
displayed on a Unite<l States ship-of-war
the Alfred. He destroyed the Port Royal
(N. S. ) fisheries, capturing all the vessels

and freight. In the summer of 1777 he Jones anchored his vessel, the Ran-
sailed in the Ranger to Europe, and in f/er, in the Solway at noon, and with
February, 1778, received from a French a few men, in a single boat, he went to a.

189

'H*\%v

JOHK PACI, JON-ES,

JONES, JOHN PAUL

wooded promontory on which the earl's
tine estate lay, where he learned that his
lordship was not at home. Disappointed,
he ordered his men back to the boat, when
his lieutenant, a large and fiery man, pro-
posed to go to the mansion and plunder
it of the family plate. Jones would not
listen to the proposition, for the memory
of old associations made his heart tender
towards Lady Selkirk, who had been very
kind to him. Again he ordered his men
back, but they and the lieutenant, eager
for prize-money, in defiance of his ex-
postulations, went to the hovise and de-
manded the plate. The frightened Lady
Selkirk surrendered it with her own
hands. When the prizes of the Ranger

tember, while Jones's squadron lay a few
leagues north of the mouth of the Hum-
ber, he discovered the Baltic fleet of forty
merchantmen (convoyed by the Serapis,
a 44 - gun ship, and the Countess of
Scarborough, of twenty - two guns ) ,
stretching out from Flamborough Head.
Jones signalled for a chase, and all but
the Alliance, Captain Landais, obeyed.
While the opposing war-ships were ma-
noeuvring for advantage, night fell upon
the scene. At seven o'clock in the even-
ing of Sept. 23, 1779, one of the niost des-
perate of recorded sea-fights began. The
Bon Homme Richard and Serapis, Captain
Pearson, came so close to each other that
their spars and rigging became entangled,

GOLU MEDAL PRESENTED TO JOHN PAUL JONES.

were sold Jones bought this plate, and
sent it back to Lady Selkirk with a letter
in which he expressed his regret because
of the annoyance she had suffered.

During the spring and summer of 1779,
American cruisers were very active, both
in American and European waters. At
the middle of August Jones was sent out
from the French port of L'Orient, with
five vessels, to the coast of Scotland. His
flag-ship was the Bon Homme Richard. As
he was about to strike some armed Brit-
ish vessels in the harbor of Leitli a storm
arose, which drove him into the North
Sea. When it ceased, he cruised along
the Scottish coast, capturing many prizes
and producing great alarm. Late in Sep-

and Jones attempted to board his antago-
nist. A short contest with pike, pistol,
and cutlass ensued, and Jones was re-
pulsed. The vessels separated, and were
soon placed broadside to broadside, so
close that the muzzles of their gims
touched each other. Both vessels were
dreadfully shattered ; • and, at one time,
the Serapis was on fire in a dozen places.
Just as the moon rose, at half-past nine
o'clock, the Richard, too, caught fire. A
terrific hand - to - hand fight now ensued.
Jones's ship, terribly damaged, could not
fioat much longer. The flames were
creeping up the rigging of the Serapis,
and by their light Jones saw that his
double-headed shot had cut the mainmast

190

JONES, JOHN PAUL

THE HAND-TO-HAND FIGHT ON THE DECK OF THE SKRAPIS.

of the Serapis almost in two. He hurled to Jones he said, in a surly tone, " It is
another, and the tall mast fell. Pearson painful to deliver up my sword to a man
saw his great peril, hauled down his flac, who has fought with a rope around his
and surrendered. As he handed hie sword neck!'' (Jones had been declared a

191

JONES

pirate by the British government.) The
battle ceased, after raging three hours.
The vessels were disengaged, and the Rich-
ard soon went to the bottom of the North
Sea. For this victory Congress gave
Jones the thanks of the nation, a gold
medal and a commission as commander of

JONES RAISING THE FIRST FLAG EVER DISPLAYED ON A
UNITED STATES SHIP-OF-WAR.

the America, which ship was soon pre-
sented to France. The King of France
made Jones a knight of the Order of
Merit, and presented him with a gold
sword. Jones entered the service of Rus-
sia as rear-admiral in 1787, and, in conse-
quence of a victory over the Turks, was

made vice - admiral and knighted. He
resigned from the Russian service,
and was appointed consul of the United
States at Algiers in 1792, but he died
before the commission reached him.
He died in Paris, July 18, 1792. His
body was brought back to the United
States by a squadron of war-ships in July,
1905, for interment at Annapolis.

Jones, John Percival, United States
Senator; born in Hay, Wales, in 1830;
came to the United States while a child;
removed to California in 1849; served
several terms in the State legislature.
Mr. Jones removed to Nevada in 1867,
and was elected to the United States
Senate for the term beginning March 4,
1873, and several times re-elected. Origi-
nally a Republican, he was one of the
founders of the " Silver " Republican
party, which acted with the Democratic
party in the campaigns of 1896 and 1900.

Jones, John Winston; born in
Chesterfield, Va., Nov. 22, 1791; grad-
?iated at William and Mary College in
1803; elected to Congress in 1835; served
until March, 1845; during his last term
he was speaker of the House. He died
Jan. 29, 1848.

Jones, Joseph, jurist; born in Vir-
ginia in 1727; elected a member of the
House of Burgesses; to the Continental
Congress in 1778; also to the convention
of 1778; in 1778 he was appointed judge
of the general court of Virginia ; resigned
in 1779, but accepted a reappointment
the same year. He died at his home in
Virginia, Oct. 28, 1805.

Jones, Leonard Augustus, author;
born in Templeton, Mass., Jan. 13, 1832;
graduated at Harvard College in 1855, and
at its Law School in 1858; began practice
in Boston. His publications include A
Treatise on the Law of Mortgages of
Real Property; A Treatise on the Law
of Railroads and Other Corporate Securi-
ties; Pledges, including Collateral Securi-
ties; An Index to Legal Periodical Liter-
ature, etc.

Jones, Marcus Eugene, scientist; born
in JeflFerson, 0., April 25, 1852; grad-
uated at Iowa College, in 1875; instructor
there in 1876-77; Professor of Natural
Science in Colorado College in 1879-80;
the same in Salt Lake City in 1880-81.
He was appointed a special expert in thf
92

JONES

United States Treasury Department in
1889, and was geologist for the Rio
Grande Valley Railroad in 1890-93. Sub-
sequently lie established himself as an
expert in botany, geology, and mining.
He is author of Excursion Botanique ; Salt
Lake City; Ferns of the West; Some
Phases of Mining in Utah; Botany of the
Great Plateau; and Geology of Utah.
Jones, Samuel Porter, clergyman;

born in Chambers county, Ala., Oct. 16,
1847; was admitted to the Georgia bar in
1SG9; but after beginning practice under
bright prospects his health failed; and in
1872 he was ordained to the ministry of
the Methodist Episcopal Church, South.
For eight years he served in various pas-
torates in the North Georgia Conference,
and for twelve years was agent of the
North Georgia Orphanage. Popularly

V. — N

JONES l.NVBSTKD WITB THK OKUER OF MILITAKY USRIT.
193

JONES— JORDAN

known as " Sam Jones," he has engaged Atlanta {q. v.) , on the night of Aug. 25,

extensively in evangelistic work and in
lecturing, in all parts of the United
States. His publications include Sermons
and Sayings by Sam Jones; Music Hall
Sermons; Quit Your Meanness; St. Louis
Series; Sam Jones's Oivn Book; and
Thunderbolts.

Jones, ThomAvS, lawyer; born in Fort
Neck, L. I., April 30, 1731; graduated
at Yale in 1750; admitted to the bar of
New York in 1755, and practised in New
York; was recorder of New York City
in 1769-73, when he was appointed judge
of the Supreme Court. He was arrested
a number of times as a loyalist, and was
exchanged for General Silliman in 1780;
went to England in 1781; was included
in the New York State act of attainder
in 1782. His estate on Long Island,
Tryon Hall, descended to his daughter,
who had married Richard Floyd, upon
condition that the name Jones be added
to that of Floyd. The estate is, still in the
Floyd-Jones family. Judge Jones wrote
a History of Neto York During the Revolu-
tionary War, a valuable contribution to
history, as it is the only one from the
view-point of a loyalist who participated
in the events of that time. He died in
England, July 25, 1792.

Jones, Thomas Ap Catesby, naval of-
ficer; born in Virginia, in 1789; entered
the navy in 1805. From 1808 to 1812 he
was engaged in the Gulf of Mexico in the
suppression of piracy, smuggling, and the
slave-trade. He fought the British flotilla
on Lake Borgne late in 1814, when he was
wounded and made captive. He command-
ed the Pacific squadron in 1842. He died
in Georgetown, D. C, May 30, 1858.

Jones, William; born in Philadelphia,
Pa., in 1760; served throughout the Revolu-
tionary War, at first in the army and later
in the navy; elected to Congress in 1801;
appointed Secretary of the Navy in 1813.
He died in Bethlehem, Pa., Sept. 5, 1831.

Jones, William Alfred; born in New
York City, June 26, 1817; graduated at
Columbia College in 1836; appointed li-
brarian of Columbia College in 1851. He
is the author of The Library of Columbia
College; The First Century of Columbia
College, etc.

Jonesboro, Battle at. Sherman began
his flanking when he raised the siege of

1864. General Slocum, with the 20th
Corps, proceeded to the protection of the
sick, wounded, and stores near the Chatta-
hoochee, and Howard and the rest of the
army moved for the West Point Railway.
General Stanley's corps was on the ex-
treme left, and the armies of Ho^tard,
Thomas, and Schofield pressed forward so
secretly that Hood was not informed of
the movement until the Nationals were de-
stroying that road. This was done, Aug.
28, for 12 miles, and the next day they
struck the Macon road. Schofield reached
the road at Rough-and-Ready Station, 10
miles from Atlanta. Thomas struck it at
Couch's ; and Howard, crossing the Flint
River half a mile from Jonesboro, ap-
proached it at that point. There he was
met by one-half of Hood's army, under
Hardee. With the remainder Hood was
holding the defences of Atlanta, but he
was too weak to attempt to strike Scho-
field. There was a severe fight at the
passage of the Flint River, on the morn-
ing of Aug. 31, between the forces of How-
ard and Hardee. Howard's army was dis-
posed with Blair's corps in the centre, and
rude breastworks were cast up. The con-
test was renewed very soon, when Hardee
attempted to crush Howard before he
could receive reinforcements. He failed.
The Nationals thus attacked were veterans.
For two hours there was a desperate strife
for victory, which was won by Howard.
Hardee recoiled, and in his hasty retreat
left 400 of his dead on the field and 300
of his badly wounded at Jonesboro. His
loss was estimated at 2,500 men. How-
ard's loss was abovit 500. Meanwhile
Sherman had sent relief to Howard. Kil-
patrick and Garrard were very active, and
General Davis's corps soon touched How-
ard's left. At four o'clock in the after-
noon Davis charged and carried the Con-
federate works covering Jonesboro on the
north, and captured General Govan and a
greater part of his brigade. In the morn-
ing Hardee had fled, pursued by the Na-
tionals to Lovejoy's.

Jordan, David Starr, educator; born
in Gainesville, N. Y., Jan. 19. 1851;
graduated at Cornell University in 1872;
and at the Indiana Medical College in
1875. He was Professor of Biology in But-
ler University, Indiana, in 1875-79; held

194

JORDAN— JUDAISM

the same chair in Indiana University in
1879-85; and was president there in 1885-
91. In the latter year he was elected presi-
dent of the Leland Stanford,. Jr., Uni-
versity. Since 1877 he has held several
appointments under the United States
government in connection with the fisheries
and the fur-seal industry. He is author of
A Manual of Vertebrate Animals of North-
ern United States; Science Sketches; Fish-
eries of North and Middle America; Fac-
tors of Organic Evolution; Matka and
Kotik; Care and Cidture of Men; The In-
numerahle Company; and many papers on
ichthyologj^

Jordan, John Woolf, antiquarian;
born in Philadelphia, Pa., Sept. 14, 1840;
graduated at Nazareth Hall in 1856; be-
came editor of the Pennsylvania Magazine
of History and Biography. He is the au-
thor of Friedensthal and Its Stockaded
Mill; A Moravian Chronicle, 111^9-61;
Bethlehem During the Revolution; The
Military Hospitals at Bethlehem and Li-
titz During the Revolution ; Occupation of
New York by the British, 1775-83, etc.

Jordan, Thomas, military officer ; born
in Luray, Va., Sept. 30, 1819; graduated
at West Point in 1840; took part in the
Seminole War, and in the war with
Mexico; he entered the Confederate army
in 1861 as lieutenant - colonel, but was
made adjutant - general ; served on the
staff of General Beauregard, and on that
of General Bragg. In 1869 he joined the
Cuban insurgents, but resigned the next
year and returned to the United States.

Josselyn, John, author; born in Eng-
land early in the seventeenth century;
travelled in America in 1638-39 and 1663-
71. He is the author of New England's
Rarities Discovered; An Account of Two
Voyages to New England, etc.

Jouett, James Edward, naval officer;
born in Lexington, Ky.. Feb. 27, 1828. He
Pilfered the navy as midshipman in 1841 ;
fought in the war with Mexico, and
graduated at the United States Naval
Academy in 1847. He went with the ex-
pedition to Paraguay and served in the
Berriby war. Later he was promoted
passed midshipman and in 1855 became
master and lieutenant. In 1861 he de-
stroyed the Confederate war vessel Royal
Yacht, in Galveston Harbor, while in
command of the frigate Santee. For this

19,

exploit he was given command of the
Montgomery. On July 16, 1862, he was
promoted to lieutenant-commander. In
1864 when the entrance to Mobile Bay was
forced he took a conspicuous part. In
1866 he was promoted commander; in
1874, captain; in 1883, commodore; in
1886, rear-admiral; and in 1890 was re-
tired. He had charge of the operations on
the Isthmus of Panama in 1885 and suc-
ceeded in obtaining a free transit across
the isthmus and in restoring peace between
the rebels and the government of Colom-
bia, for which he was thanked by the Pres-
ident of that country. Congress voted him
full pay for life.

Journal of Congress, the official name
of the authorized record of the proceed-
ings of the Congress of the United States;
has regularly been kept and published
from the first meeting of the Continental
Congress at Philadelphia, September, 1774.

Joutel, Henry, explorer ; born in Rouen,
France, in the seventeenth century; took
part in La Salle's expedition ; built Fort
St. Louis, and was made its commander;
escaped assassination at the time La Salle
was killed; and later returned to France
by way of the Great Lakes and the St.
Lawrence River. He wrote a History of
the La Salle Expedition, which was pub-
lished in Paris in 1713.

Juarez, Benito Pablo, statesman; born
in San Pablo Guelatao, Oaxaca, Mexico,
March 21, 1806; was descended from the
ancient Indian race. Well educated, he
gained distinction as a la\\'yer. He was a
legislator, and was governor of his na-
tive state from 1848 to 1852. Banished
by Santa Ana in 1853, he lived in New
Orleans until 1855, when he returned, and
became minister of justice. Experiencing
the vicissitudes of public life in that
country, he was elected President of
Mexico in June, 1861. Then came the
French usurpation and the short-lived
empire of Maximilian {q. v.). He de-
feated the imperial forces in 1867 and
caused the Emperor to be shot. In Oc-
tober Juarez was re-elected President, and
for five years Mexico was distracted by
revolutions. Peace was restored in 1872.
but Juarez, then President, worn down
with perplexities, died of apoplexy in the
city of ^Nlexico. July 18 of that year.

Judaism. See Jews.

JUDD— JUDICIARY OF THE UNITED STATES

Jndd, Albert Francis, jurist; born in
the Hawaiian Islands, Jan. 7, 1838; grad-
uated at Yale University in 1862; elect-
ed to the Hawaiian legislature in 1868;
appointed attorney - general of the Ha-
waiian Islands in 1873; a justice of the
Supreme Court of the islands in 1874;
chief-justice in 1881. He died in Hono-
lulu, May 20, 1900.

Judd, David Wright, journalist; born
in Lockport, N. Y., Sept. 1, 1838; gradu-
ated at Williams College in 1860; later
became proprietor and editor of Hearth
and Home. He served in the National
army during a part of the Civil War.

ate was busy in organizing a judiciary. A
bill drafted by Oliver Ellsworth, of Con-
necticut, Avhich embodied a plan of a judi-
ciary, was, after several amendments, adopt-
ed by both Houses and became a law.
It provided for a Supreme Court, having
one chief - justice and five associate jus-
tices, who were to hold two sessions annu-
ally at the seat of the national capital.
Circuit and district courts were also es-
tablished, which had jurisdiction over
certain specified cases. Each State was
made a district, as were also the Terri-
tories of Kentucky and Maine. The dis-
tricts, excepting Kentucky and Maine,
v/ere grouped together into three circuits.
An appeal from these lower courts to the
Supieme Court of the United States was
allowed, as to points of law,
in all civil cases where the

He published Txco years'
Campaigning in Virginia and
Maryland, and edited The
Life and Writings of Frank
Forester, and The Education-
al Cyclopcfdia. He died in
New York City, Feb. 6, 1888. supreme court in session, Washington.

Judd, Sylvester, author;
born in Westhampton, Mass., April 23,

1789; was a member of the State legislat- matter in dispute amounted to $2,000.
ure in 1817, and owner of the Hampshire A marshal for each was to be appointed
Gazette in 1822-34. He is the author of by the President, having the general pow-
Histortj of Hadley, and Thomas Judd and ers of a sheriff; and a district attorney.
His Descendants. He died in Northamp- to act for the United States in all cases
ton. Mass., April 18, 1800. in which the national government might

Judiciary, First National. Wliile be interested, was also appointed. John
the House of Representatives of the first Jay was made the first chief-justice of
Congress was employed (1789) in provid- the United States.

ing raeanp for a sufficient reveiiue, the Sen- Judiciary of the United States. Su-

196

JUDICIARY or THE UNITED STATES— JUDSON

preme Court. Under the confederation lished and organized by Congress, consists

thei'e was no national judicial department, of one chief-justice and four associate

The Supreme Court was organized in 1789, judges; salary, $6,000 per annum. Su-

with one chief-justice and five associate preme Court of the District of Columbia,

judges. There are now eight associate established and organized by Congress,

justices. It holds one term annually at consists of one chief-justice and four as-

the seat of government, commencing on sociate judges; salary of chief-justice,

the second Monday in October. The United .$0,.500; associate judges, $6,000. Terri-

Rtates are divided for judicial purposes lorial courts, established and organized

into nine circuits, and these circuits are by Congress. Arizona, one chief-justice

subdivided into two or more districts, and three associate judges; Indian Terri-

The 1st circuit consists of the States tory, one judge; New Mexico, one judge

of Maine, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and four associate judges ; Oklahoma, one

and Rhode Island; 2d, Connecticut, New chief -justice and two associate judges;

York, and Vermont; 3d, Delaware, New salary, $4,000 per annum. When any

Jersey, and Pennsylvania; 4th, Maryland, judge o.f any court of the United States

North Carolina, South Carolina, Virginia, resigns his office, after having held his

and West Virginia ; 5th, Alabama, Flor- commission as such at least ten years,

ida, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, and and having i-eached seventy years of age

Texas ; 6th, Kentucky, Michigan, Ohio, during Ids service, he shall receive during

and Tennessee; 7th, Illinois, Indiana, and life the same salary as at the time of

Wisconsin; Sth, Arkansas, Colorado. Iowa, his resignation. This right is given to

Kansas, Minnesota, Missouri, Nebi'aska, no other class of civil officers under the

North Dakota, South Dakota, and Wyo- government of the United States. The

ming; 9th, California, Idaho, Nevada, Ore- Attorney-General appears in the Supreme

gon, Montana, and Washington. Each Court of the United States in behalf of

judge of the Supreme Court is allotted a the government. There is also a United

circuit, and is required to attend that States district attorney appointed for each

circuit at least one term every two years, district in which circuit and district courts

Salary of chief - justice, $1.3.000; each are held, to look after the interest of the

justice, $12,500 a year. Circuit courts, government in all cases that concern it.

established and organized by Congi-ess. Women were admitted to practise in the

Each of the circuits has allotted to it one Supreme Court of the United States by

of the judges of the Supreme Court, and act of Congress, approved Feb. 15, 1879.

has a local judge appointed, termed cir- In addition to the above, there are

cuit judge. There are twenty-seven circuit special courts created from time to time

judges, all excepting two circuits hav- for specific purposes, as the court on

ing three judges each ; salary, $7,000 a Spanish War claims.

year. Circuit court of appeals, establish- In 1900 Congress established a district

ed and organized by Congress, 1891, for court for Alaska, with judges residing

the relief of the Supreme Court. The jus- in Juneau, St. Michael's, and Eagle City,

tice of the Supreme Court presiding over and also provided a civil code for the

the circuit, the circuit judge, and a jiidge Territory. In cases where constitutional

appointed for this special court constitute questions are involved, appeals and writs

it; salary, $7,000 a year. District courts, of error from this court may be taken

established and organized by Congress. Of to the United States Supreme Court;

these districts there are eighty-five, each where other questions are involved they

presided over by a judge, termed district may be taken to the United States Cir-

judge; salary, $6,000 a year. Court of cuit Court of the 9th District,

claims, established and organized by Con- For a full list of the judges of the Su-

gress, 1855, to hear and determine claims preme Court, Circuit Courts, District

against the United States. It consists of Courts, Court of Claims, etc., see Federal

one chief-justice and four associate judges. Go^*ER^'AIENT.

The solicitor-general appears before this Judson, AnoxiRAjr, missionary; born

court; salary of judges, $6,000 per an- in ^Maiden, IMass.. Aug. 9. 1788; grad-

nura. Court of private land claims, estab- uated at Brown University in 1807,

197

JUDSON— JULIEN

and Andover Theological Seminary in
1810. He was ordained on Feb. 6, 1812,
and with his wife, Anne Hasseltine, sailed
for Calcutta on the 19th. In Rangoon,
Burma, he toiled nearly forty years,
gathering around him thousands of con-
verts and many assistants, Americans and
Burmese. He translated the Bible into
the Burmese language, and had nearly
completed a dictionary of that language
at the time of his death. His wife dying
in 1826, he married (April, 1834) the
widow of a missionary (Mrs. Sarah H.
Boardman), who died in September, 1845.
While on a visit to the United States in
1846, he married Miss Emily Chubbuck
("Fanny Forester," the poet), who ac-
companied him back to Burma. His first
wife, Anne Hasseltine, was the first Amer-
ican woman missionary in the East Indies.
He died at sea, April 12, 18.50.

Judson, Edward, clergyman; born in
Maulmain, Burma, Dec. 27, 1844; son of
Adoniram Judson. He was brought to
the United States in 1850; studied in
Hamilton and Madison (now Colgate)
universities; graduated at Brown Uni-
versity in 1865. In 1867-74 he was Pro-
fessor of Latin and Modern Languages in
Madison University; in 1874-75 travelled
in foreign countries; and, returning to the
United States, was ])astor of the North
Baptist Church in Orange, N. J., till 1881,
when he resigned to take up mission work
in New York. He became pastor of the
Berean Baptist Church, and afterwards
built the Judson Memorial on Washington
Square. In 1897 he was appointed in-
structor in pastoral theology at Colgate
Theological Seminary, and in 1903 was
called to the University of Chicago. He
has published a Life of Adoniram Judson.

Judson, Harry Pratt, educator; born
in Jamestown, N. Y., Dec. 20, 1849;
graduated at Williams College in 1870;
called to the chair of History at the Uni-
(rersity of Minnesota in 1885; and was
made head Professor of Political Science,
and dean of the faculties of Arts, Litera-
ture, and Science at the University of
Chicago in 1892. He is the author of
Eifitory of the Troy Citizens' Corps;
Casar's Army; Europe in the 'Nineteenth
Century; The Growth of the Amerienn
Nation; The Eic/her Education as a Train-
ing for Business; The Latin in English;

The Mississippi Valley (in the United
States of Ameriea, by Shaler) ; and The
Young American, etc.

Julian, George Washington, legis-
lator; born near Centreville, Ind., May
5, 1817. He was self-educated; and was
admitted to the bar in 1840. After prac-
tising for five years, he was elected to
the legislature, and in 1849-51 repre-
sented the Free-soil party in Congress,
and in 1852 was the candidate for the
Vice-Presidency on the Free-soil ticket.
He also received five votes for Vice-Presi-
dent in the electoral college of 1872. He
was a strong ojjponent of slavery, and
a stanch supporter of the homestead
policy. He was again a member of Con-
gress in 1861-71. During the last period
be was a member of the committees on
conduct of the war, on reconstruction,
and on the preparation of articles of im-
peachment against President Johnson.
In 1872 he joined the Liberal Republican
party. In 1885-89 he was surveyor-gen-
eral of New Mexico. His publications
include Speeches on Political Questions ;
Political Recollections ; Later Speeches;
and Life of Joshua, E. Giddings. He died
in Irvington, Ind., July 7, 1899.

Julian, Isaac Hoover; born in Centre-
ville, Ind., June 19, 1823; editor and pro-
prietor of The True Repuhlican at Rich-
mond, Ind., and subsequently of the Peo-
ple's Era at San Marco, Texas; he is the
avithor of the early history of the White
Water Valley.

Julien, Alexis Anastay, geologist;
born in New York, Feb. 13, 1840; grad-
uated at Union College in 1859, and
the following year went as chemist to
the guano island of Sombrero, where he
studied geology and natural history.
While there he also collected birds and
shells and made meteorological observa-
tions for the Smithsonian Institution. Re-
tixrning to New York in 1864, he soon
after became assistant in charge of the
quantitative laboratory in the newly
founded Columbia School of Mines. In
1885-97 he had charge of the department
of biology in the same institution, and irt
the latter year became instructor in geol-
ogy. In 1875-78 he was connected with
the North Carolina Geological Survey.
He is a fellow of the American Geologi-
cal Society, the Geological Society of

198

JULIO— JURIES

America, the American Society of Nat- California missions. He founded the fol-

uralists, and other organizations, and lowing missions: San Diego, Cal., July 16,

a past vice-president of the New York 1769; San Carlos, at Monterey, June 3,

Academy of Sciences. 1770; San Antonio, July 14, 1771; San

Julio, E. B. D. Fabrino, artist; born Gabriel, near Los Angeles, Sept. 8, 1771;

on the island of St. Helena in 1843; edu- San Luis Obispo, Sept. 1, 1772; San Fran-

cated in Paris; came to the United States cisco, June 27, 1776; San Juan Capis-

about 1861, and after living in the North trano, Nov. 1, 1776; Santa Clara, Jan.

a number of years settled in New Or- 18, 1777; San Buenaventura, March 31,

leans, where he engaged in portrait-paint- 1782. He died in Monterey, Cal., Aug.

ing. He is principally known through 28, 1784.

his painting. The Last Meeting of Lee Junius, Letters of. During the

and Jackson. He died in Georgia, Sept. quarrel between Great Britain and her

15, 1879. colonies (1765-75), a series of letters ad-
Jumel, Eliza Bowen, society leader; dressed to King George III., his ministers,

born at sea in 1769. She married Col. and other distinguished public men in

Peter Croix in 1786, and, after his death, England, were published in the Public

Stephen Jumel, a wealthy merchant in Advertiser, and were generally signed

New York City, in 1801. Upon Jumel's " Junius " or " Philo-Junius." In the first

death she married Aaron Burr in 1830, authorized collection of these letters there

whom she sued for a divorce, which was were forty-four by " Junius " and fifteen

not granted. She died in New York, July by " Philo-Junius." They treated of

16, 1865. public men and public measures of
Juneau, Laurent Solomon, pioneer; that day in a style that produced a pro-
born near Montreal. Canada, Aug. 9, 1793; found impression and interest in the
was the first white settler in Milwaukee, public mind, and excited the hottest in-
where he traded in furs. He was the dignation of those who felt the lash. The
first postmaster and mayor of Milwaukee, style was condensed but lucid; full of
He died in Shawano, Wis., Nov. 14, 1856. studied epigrammatic sarcasm, brilliant
His remains were removed to Milwaukee, metaphor, and fierce personal attack.
Wis., in 1887, and a statue of heroic size The government and those interested in
erected in honor of his memory. the matter tried in vain to ascertain the

Jungman, Jonx George, clergyman; name of the author. It was evident
born in Hockheimer, Germany, April 19, that he was a man of wealth and refine-
1720; became a lay evangelist to the Ind- ment, and possessing access to minute in-
ians in 1742; ordained a deacon in the formation respecting ministerial measures
Moravian Church in 1770. Jungman was and intrigues. The most eminent legal
one of the earliest pioneers in the terri- advisers of the crown tried in vain to
lory of the Ohio. In 1781 Jungman was get a clew to the secret of his identity;
taken prisoner by the Hurons and con- and the mystery which has ever since
fined in the fort at Detroit. At the close enveloped the name of the author of the
of the war of the Revolution Jungman letters of " Junius "' has kept up an in-
continued his missions among the Ind- terest in them, which, because of the re-
ians in ]\Iichigan, but, broken in health, nioteness of their topics, could not other-
he was obliged to give up his labors in wise have been kept alive. Some after-
1785. He died in Bethlehem, Pa., July wards claimed their authorship, but with-

17, 1808. out a particle of proof in favor of the
Junipero, Miguel Jose Serra, mission- claim. The names of more than fifty per-

ary; born in the ishmd of Majorca, Nov. sons have been mentioned as the sus-
24, 1713; entered the order of St. Francis pected authors. An array of facts, cir-
in 1729; was sent to Mexico in 1750, where cumstances. and fair inferences has satis-
he was assigned to labor among the Ind- fied the most careful inquirers that Sir
ians of Sierra Gorda. When the Jesuits Philip Francis was "Junius." The let-
were expelled from Lower California in ters were chiefly written between 1769
1707, the Franciscans, under Junipero, and 1772.

were appointed to take charge of all the Juries. Trial by jury was introduced

199

JUBIES— JUSTICES OF THE SUPREME COURT

into England during the Saxon heptarchy, cases by jury, but not of civil cases. This

six Welsh and six Anglo-Saxon freemen caused dissatisfaction, people claiming

being appointed to try causes between that the omission was intended to abolish

Englishmen and Welshmen of property, trial by jury in civil cases, hence the

and made responsible with their whole Seventh Amendment was adopted at an

estates, real and personal, for false ver- early day, securing the rights of trial by

diets. By most authorities the institu- jury in suits at common-law where the

tion is ascribed to Alfred about 886. In value in controversy exceeds $20. Grand

Magna Charta, juries are insisted on as juries (of not less than twelve or more

a bulwark of the people's liberty. An act than twenty-three persons) decide whether

for trial by jury in civil cases in Scot- sufficient evidence is adduced to put the

land was passed in 1815. The constitu- accused on trial. In the United States,

tion of 1791 established trial by jury in owing to many striking instances of the

France. An imperial decree abolished miscarriage of justice, there has been in

trial by jury throughout the Austrian recent years an influential sentiment in

Empire Jan. 15, 1852. Trial by jury be- favor of having verdicts of juries rendered

gan in Russia Aug. 8, 1866; in Spain, on the majority vote of the jurors.

188J). In Scotland, Guernsey, Jersey, and Justice, Department of. See Cabinet,

France juries decide by a majority; in President's.

France, since 1831, a majority of two- Justices of the Supreme Court. A

thirds is required. Under the original complete list of all the justices will be

Constitution of the United States pro- found in the article on the Supreme

vision is made for the trial of criminal Court.

200

Kalb, JouANN, Baron de, military offi-
cer; born in Hiittendorf, Bavaria, June 29,
1721 ; entered the French military service
in 1743, and in 1747 rose to the rank of
brigadier-general under Marshal Broglie,
and obtained the order of military merit
in 1761. The next year he visited the
English-American colonies as a secret
agent of the French government, to ascer-
tain their political temper. He was a
brigadier-general in the French army when
{November, 1776) he was engaged by
Franklin and Deane to serve in the Con-
tinental army. He accompanied Lafayette
to America in 1777, and was appointed
major-general, Sept. 15, 1777, by the Con-
tinental Congress. He served under the
immediate command of Washington until
after the evacuation of Philadelphia, June,
1778; then in New Jersey and Maryland
until April, 1780, when he was sent to as-
sist Lincoln, besieged in Charleston. He
arrived too late. De Kalb became chief
commander in the South after the fall of

bAROK OE RAI.B

Cliarleston, but was soon succeeded oy
General Gates, when he became that offi-
cer's second in command. In the disas-

trous battle at Sander's Creek, near Cam-
den, S. C, he was mortally wounded, and
died three days afterwards, Aug. 19, 1780.

DE KALB S MONrSIKNT.

His body was pierced with eleven wounds.
It was buried at Camden. A marble mon-
ument was erected to his memory in front
of the Presbyterian Church " at Camden,
the corner-stone of which was laid by
Lafayette in 1825.

Kanakas. See Hawaii.

Kanawha, the name which was pro-
posed for the State consisting of the
western portion of Virginia, which had
refused to ratify the State ordinance of
secession. See West Virginia.

Kanawha, Battle of the Great. See
DuNiioRE, John ]Murray.

Kane, Elisiia Kent, explorer; born in
I'hiladelphia. Feb. 20, 1820; was educated
at the universities of Virginia and Penn-
sylvania, taking his medical degree in
1843. Ill-health led to his entering the
navy, and he sailed as physician to the
embassy to China in 1843. He travelled
extensively in Asia and Europe, traversed
Greece on foot, explored western Africa
to some extent, was in the war with Mex-

201

KANSAS

EUSHA KENT KANE.

ico, and in May, 1850, sailed as surgeon
and naturalist under Lieut. Edwin J. De
Haven, in search of Sir John Franklin.
Sir John, an English navigator, had
sailed on a voyage of discovery and ex-
ploration with two vessels, in May, 1845.
Years passed by, and no tidings of him or
his companions came.
Expeditions were sent
from England in
search of him. Pub-
lic interest in the fate
of Sir John was ex-
cited in Europe and
the United States, and
in May, 1850, Henry
Grinnell, a merchant
of New York, fitted
out two ships, the Ad-
vance and Rescue, and
placed them in charge
of Lieutenant De Ha-
ven, to assist in the
effort. These vessels
returned, after re-
markable adventures
in the polar seas, in
the autumn of 1851,
without success. In
connection with the

United States government, Mr. Grinnell
fitted out another expedition for the same
purpose in 1853. Two vessels, under the
command of Dr. Kane, sailed from New
York in May. Kane and his party made
valuable discoveries, among others, of an
" open polar sea," long suspected and
sought for by scientific men and navi-
gators. But they failed to find Sir John
Franklin. The companies of these two
vessels suft'ered much, and were finally
compelled to abandon the ships and make
their way in open boats to a Danish set-
tlement in Greenland. Their long absence
created fears for their safety, and a relief
expedition was sent in search of them.
They returned home in the vessels of the
latter in the autumn of 1855. Gold med-
als were awarded Dr. Kane by Congress,
the legislature of New York, and the Royal
Geographical Society of London; but his
own life and those of most of his compan-
ions were sacrificed. His health failed, and
he went first to London and then to Ha-
vana, Cuba, where he died, Feb. 16, 1857.

THE ADVANCE IN THE ICE.

KANSAS, STATE OF

Kansas, State of, was part of the Lou- repealed the Missouri Compromise act.
isiana purchase in 1803. The Territories This produced great agitation through-
of Kansas and Nebraska were established out the country, and great commotion
in 1854 by act of Congress, which really among the settlers in Kansas. On Jan.

202

KANSAS, STATE OF

29, 1861, Kansas was admitted into
the Union as a State. During the war
Kansas furnished to the National army
more than 20,000 soldiers. It is very rap-
idly increasing in population and wealth.
Its population in 1890 was 1,427,090; in SL^^^uX.n.;
1900, 1,470,495. Much of the Stale is a George T. Amijony
fine grazing country, well supplied with
rivers and watered by numerous creeks.

STATK GOVERNORS.

Charles Robinson.
Thomas Carney. ..
S. J. Crawford...

John f. St. John.
George W. t;l;ok.

John A. llartin

Lyman U. Humphreys.

L. D. Jewelling

E. N. Morrill

.Inbii \V. I.eeilv

William E. Stanley

Willis .T BaiU'v

Edward W. Ho'ch

1861
1862
1H64
1HG8
1H73
1876
1879
1883
1885
1887
1893
1895
1897
1899
1903
1905

to 18G2

" 1804

" 18C,8

" 1872

" 1875

" 1878

" 1883

" 1885

" 1887

" 1893

" 1895

" 1897

" 1899

" 1903

" 1905

" 1909

UNITED STATES SENATORS.

Name.

STATE SEAL OF KANSAS.

On its eastern border the navigable Mis-
souri River presents a waterfront of al-
most 150 miles. It has a coal - bear-
ing region which occupies the whole of
the eastern part of the State, and em-
braces about 17,000 square miles. The
climate of Kansas is beautiful and healthy,
and probably no other Western State
of the Union has so many bright, sun-
ny days. The raising of cattle is a
prominent industry. Kansas is a very
attractive State for enterprising set-
tlers, and promises to be one of the
finest portions of the Union. In 1903
the aggregate assessed valuation cl tax-
able property was $388,724,480, the
State tax rate was 6.40 per $1,000; and
the bonded debt (July 1) was $632,000,
all held in State funds. See United
States, Kansas, vol. ix.

TERRITORIAL GOVERNORS.

James H. Lane

Samuel C. Toineroy

Kdmuud G. lioss

Ale.\ander Caldwell

Kol)ert Crozicr

James M. Harvey

John J. Ingalls

I'reston B. Plumb

William A. I'efler

Bishop \V. Perkins

John Martin

Liicien Baker

William A. Harris

Jospph Ralph Burton

Chester I. l.ong

No. o." Congress.

37th to
37th "
39th "
42d
4:M
43d to
43d "
45th "
52d "
52d
53d
54th to
5oth
57th
5fith

39th
4;id
41st

44th
51st
52d
55th

56th
57th

58th

Alfred W. Benson 59th

1861
1861
1866
1871
1873
1874
1873
1877
1891
1892

1893
1895 to
1897 •>
1901 "
1903 "
1905 "

1806
1873
1871
1873
1874
1877
1891
1891
1897
1893

1901
1903
1905

The Kansas-Xebrasla Act. — The com-
promise of 1850 (see Omnibus Bill) did
not stop the agitation of the slavery ques-
tion. The following resolution was intro-
duced in Congress in 1852: "That the
series of acts passed during the first ses-
sion of the Thirty-first Congress, known as
compromises, are regarded as a final ad-
justment and a permanent settlement of
the questions therein embraced, and should
be maintained and executed as such." In
January, 1854, Senator Stephen A. Doug-
las, of Illinois, presented a bill in the
Senate for the erection of two vast Terri-
tories in mid-continent, to be called, re-
spectively, Kansas and Nebraska.

The following are some of the principal
provisions of this act:

Niune.

Andrew H. Reoder, Pa. .

Wilson Shannon, O

.lohn W. Gpnrv. Pa

Robert T Walker, Miss.

J W. Denver

Samuel Medary

George M. Bebee .

Term.

The executive power is vested in a gov-
ernor appointed by the President and
Senate.

A secretary of the Territory, appointed
for five years.

The legislative power to be vested in the

1854 to 1855
18.55 " 18.56
1856 " 18.57

18.57 " 1858
1858

18.58 to 1861 governor and a legislative Assembly, con-
^^''^ sisting of a council and a House of Rep-

203

KANSAS, STATE OF

resentatives; the council to consist of
thirteen members, and the House of
twenty-six. The latter may be increased,
but may not exceed thirty-nine.

The first election of members of the

one years of age and upward, actual resi-
dents of the Territory and citizens of the
United States, or having declared on oath
their intention to become citizens, were
entitled to vote at the first election; the

i,'M ij

OIK .j 1 fll^'ili fg a

» > 'Up

THE CAPITOL, TOPEKA.

legislature was to be held at such time
and place, and was to be conducted in
such manner, as the governor should pre-
scribe, lie was also to appoint the in-
spectors of election, and to direct the man-
ner of making the returns.

All free white male inhabitants, twenty-

qualifications of voters at subsequent
elections to be prescribed by the legisla-
tive Assembly.

Bills passed by the legislature were to
be submitted to the governor, but might
be passed against the veto by two-thirds
majorities.

204

KANSAS, STATE OP

The judicial power was to be vested in
a supreme court, district courts, probate
courts, and in justices of the peace. The
supreme court to consist of three judges,
one in each judicial district, and one of
them to be chief- justice. They were to be
appointed by the President and Senate.

The first election of delegates to Con-
jiress, and the time and places of election,
were subject to the appointment and direc-
tion of the governor.

The act also provided that the acts of
Congress for the reclamation of fugitive
slaves should extend to the Territories.
Not the least important was the follow-
ing:

" That the Constitution and all the laws
of the United States which are not locally
inapplicable, shall have the same force
and effect within the said Territory as
elsewhere within the United States, ex-
cept the eighth section of the act pre-

1S20, either protecting, establishing pro-
hibiting, or abolishing slavery."

After long and bitter discussions in
both Houses of Congress, the bill was
])assed, and became a law by receiving
the signature of the President, May 31,
1354. From that day the question of
slavery was a subject of discussion and
sectional irritation, until it was abolished
in 1863.

Civil War in Kansas. — The Kansas-
Nebraska act left all the Territories of
the United States open to the establish-

KANSAS AVENTR, ToPKKA, .SHOWING POST-OFFICK.

paratory to the admission of jMissouri ment in them of the social institutions of

into the Union, approved ]\Iarch 6, 1820, every State in the Union, that of slavery

which, being inconsistent with the prin- among others. It was a virtual repeal

ciple of non-intervention by Congress of the Missouri Compromise (q.v.).

with slavery in the States and Terri- The question immediately arose. Shall the

turies, as recognized by the legislation of domain of the repviblic be the theatre of

1850, commonly called the compromise all free or all slave labor, with the corrc-

measures, is hereby declared inoperative spending civilization of each condition as

and void; it being the true intent and a consequence? This question was suc-

meaning of this act, not to legislate ceeded by positive action by the friends of

slavery into any Territory or State, nor each labor system. Those in favor of the

to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the slave system, viewing the willingness of

people thereof perfectly free to form and those in the free-labor States to accede to

regulate their doinestic institutions in the wishes of the Southern politicians so

their own way. subject only to the Con- ns to secure -Southern trade, felt confident

stitution of the United States; Provided, that their supremacy was secure. That

that nothing herein contained shall be party sounded the trumpet for battle, and

construed to revive or put in force any the Territory of Kansas was the chosen

law or regulation which may have existed battle-field. The fugitive slave law had

prior to the act of the 6th of March, created an intense and wide-spread fed'

205

KANSAS, STATE OF

ing of hostility to slavery in the free-labor
States, and when the advocates of slavery
began to assert their exclusive right to
the government of Kansas, and thus cast
down the gauntlet before their opponents,
the latter gladly took it up. They re-
solved to carry on the contest with the
peaceful weapons of the ballot-box. Sud-
denly, emigration began to flow in a
steady, copious, and ever-increasing
stream from the free-labor States, espe-
cially from New England, into the new
Territory. It soon became evident that the
settlers from those States in Kansas
would soon outnTimber and outvote those
from the slave-labor States.

The dominant power in politics was
pro-slavery in its proclivities. Alarmed
by this emigration, it proceeded to organ-
ize physical force in Missouri to counter-
act the moral force of its opponents if
necessary. Combinations were formed
under various names — " Social Band,"
" Friends' Society," " Blue Lodge," " The
Sons of the South," etc. A powerful or-
ganization imder the title of the " Emi-
grant Aid Society " had been formed in
Boston under the sanction of the legislat-
ure of Massachusetts immediately after
the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska bill

(May, 1854) ; and the Southern societies
just mentioned were organized to oppose
this " Emigrant Aid Society." At a meet-
ing at Westport, Mo., early in July, 1854,
it was resolved that Missourians who
formed the associations represented there
should be ready at all times to assist,
when called upon by pro-slavery citizens
of Kansas, in removing from the Territory
by force every person who should attempt
to settle under the auspices of the Emi-
grant Aid Society. Both parties planted
the seeds of their respective systems in
Kansas. They founded towns: those from
the free-labor States founded Lawrence,
Topeka, Boston, Grasshopper Falls, Paw-
nee, and one or two others. Those from
the slave-labor States founded Kickapoo,
Doniphan, Atchison, and others on or near
the Missouri River. Immediately after
the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska bill,
hundreds of Missourians went to Kansas
and selected a tract of land, and put a
mark upon it for the purpose of estab-
lishing a sort of pre-emption title to it,
and at a public meeting resolved, " That
we will afford protection to no abolition-
ist as a settler of this Territory; that we
recognize the institution of slavery as al-
ready existing in this Territory, and ad-

'-'i^T*^'^

STREET SCENP, WICHITA.

206

KANSAS, STATE OF

vise slave-holders to introduce their prop-
erty as soon as possible."

The national government appointed A.
H. Reeder governor of the new Territory.
He arrived in October, 1854, and took
measures for the election of a territorial
legislature. With the close of this elec-
tion (March, 1855), the struggle for su-
premacy in Kansas between the friends
and opponents of the slave system began
in dead earnest. The pro-slavery men
had an overwhelming majority in the
legislature, for Missourians had gone over
the border by hundreds and voted. When,
in November, 1854, a delegate to Congress
for Kansas was elected, of nearly 2,900
votes cast, over 1,700 were pvit in by
Missourians who had no right there. At
the election of the legislature, there were
only 1,410 legal votes in the Territory of
Kansas: but there were 6,218 votes polled,
mostly illegal ones by Missourians. Fully
1,000 men came from Missouri, armed with
deadly weapons, two cannon, tents, and
other paraphernalia of war, led by Clai-
borne F. Jackson, and encamped around
the little town of Lawrence, and in like
manner such intruders controlled every
poll in the Territory. Then a reign of
terror was begun in Kansas. All classes
of men carried deadly weapons. The il-
legally chosen legislature met at a point
on the border of Missouri, and proceeded
to enact barbarous laws for upholding
slavery in the Territory. These Governor
Reeder vetoed, and they were instantly
passed over his veto. He was so ob-
noxious to the pro-slavery party that, at
the request of the latter. President Pierce
removed him. and sent Wilson Shannon,
of Ohio, to fill his place.

The actiial settlers in Kansas, who were
chiefly anti-slavery men. held a convention,
Sept. 5, 1855, when they resolved not to
recognize the laws of the illegal legislat-
ure as binding upon them. They refused
to vote for a delegate to Congress at an
election appointed by the legislature, and
they called a delegate convention at
Topeka on Oct. 19. At that convention
Governor Reeder was elected delegate to
Congress by the legal votes of the Ter-
ritory. On the 23d another convention
of legal voters assembled at Topeka and
framed a State constitution. It was ap-
proved by the legal vote of the Territory.

It made Kansas a free-labor State, and
under this constitution they asked for
admission into the Union, as such. The
strife between freedom and slavery was
then transferred to the national capital.
Reeder made a contest for a seat in Con-
gress with the delegate chosen by the
illegal votes. Meanwhile, elections had
been held (Jan. 17, 1856) in Kansas under
the legally adopted new State constitu-
tion, and matters seemed very dark for
the pro-slavery party in Kansas, when
President Pierce, in a message to Con-
gress (Jan. 24, 185G), represented the ac-
tion of the legal voters in the Territory
in framing a State constitution as re-
bellion. All through the ensuing spring
violence and bloodshed prevailed in the
unhappy Territory.

Seeing the determination of the actual
settlers to maintain their rights, armed
men flocked into the Territory from the
slave-labor States and attempted to coerce
the inhabitants into submission to the
laws of the illegally chosen legislature.
Finally Congress sent thither a com-
mittee of investigation. The majority re-
ported, July 1, 1856, that every election
had been controlled by citizens from Mis-
souri; that the action of the legal voters
of Kansas was valid, and that the State
constitution was the choice of the major-
ity of the people. The canvass for a new
President was now in operation, and so
absorbed public attention that Kansas had
rest for a while. James Buchanan was
elected by the Democratic party. At the
beginning of his administration the Dred
Scott case greatly intensified the strife
between the pro-slavery and anti-slavery
men, especially in Kansas. Mr. Buchanan
favored the views of the pro-slavery men,
and his strong support gaA'e them, in Kan-
sas, renewed courage. Then the opposing
parties were working with energy for the
admission of Kansas as a State, with op-
posing ends in view. The pro-slavery
party, in convention at Lecompton early
in September, 1857, framed a constitu-
tion in which was a clause providing that
the " rights of property in slaves now in
the Territory shall in no manner be inter-
fered with," and forbade any amendments
of the instrument until 1864. It was sub-
mitted to the votes of the people on Dec.
21, but bv the terms of the election law

207

KANSAS, STATE OF

passed by the illegal legislature no one up their arms to the sheriff. The in-

might vote against that constitution, vaders immediately entered the town,

The vote was taken^ " For the constitu- blew up and burned the hotel, destroyed

tion mth slavery," or " For the constitu- two printing-offices, and plundered stores

tion without slavery"; so in either and houses. The free-labor party were

case a constitution that protected and furnished with arms from the free-labor

perpetuated slavery would be voted for. States. Collisions occurred, and on May

Meanwhile, at an election for a territorial 2(j a fight took place at Ossawatomie, in

iegislature, the friends of free labor sue- which the anti-slavery men were led by

ceeded in electing a delegate to Con- John Brown {q. v.), where five men

gress. were killed. There was another skirmish

The legally elected legislature ordered at Black Jack (June 2), which resulted
the Lecompton constitution to be sub- in the capture of Captain Pots and thirty
mitted to the people for adoption or re- of his men. Emigrants from the free-
jection. It was rejected by over 10,000 labor States, on their way through Mis-
majority. Notwithstanding this strong souri, were turned back by armed parties,
popular condemnation of the Lecompton On Aug. 14, anti - slavery men captured
constitution. President Buchanan sent it a fort near Lecompton, occupied by Colo-
in to Congress (Feb. 2, 1858), wherein nel Titus with a party of pro - slavery
was a large Democratic majority, with a men, and made prisoners the commander
message in which he recommended its ac- and twenty of his men. On Aug. 25
ceptance and ratification. In that mes- the acting-governor (Woodin) declared
sage, referring to the opinion of Chief- the Territory in a state of rebellion. He
Justice Taney, the President said: "It and David E. Atchison, late United
has been solemnly adjudged, by the high- States Senator from Missouri, gathered a
est judicial tribunal known to our laws, considerable force, and, on Aug. 29, a
that slavery exists in Kansas by virtue of detachment sent by the latter attacked
the Constitution of the United States; Ossawatomie, which was defended by a
Kansas is, therefore, at this moment, as small band under John Bro^vn. The lat-
much a slave State as Georgia or South ter was defeated, with the loss of two
Carolina." The constitution was ac- killed, five wounded, and seven made
eepted by the Senate by a vote of 32 prisoners. The assailants lost five killed,
against 25, but in the House a substitute and thirty buildings were burned. At
was adopted, which provided for the re- the annual election at Leavenworth, a
submission of the Lecompton constitution, party from Missouri killed and wounded
It was done, and that instrument was several of the anti-slavery men, burned
again rejected by 10.000 majority, Aug. their houses, and forced about 150 to em-
2, 1858. A convention at Wyandotte bark for St. Louis. John W. Geary, who
adopted a new constitution, which was had been appointed governor, arrived in
framed by the opponents of slavery. This Kansas early in September, and ordered
was accepted, Oct. 4, 1859, by a vote of all armed men to lay down their weap-
10,421 against 5,530, under which, Jan. ens; but Missouri men, in number about
21, 1861, Kansas was admitted into the 2,000, and forming three regiments of
Union as a free-labor State. artillery, marched to attack Lawrence.

During the political excitement in Kan- Geary, with United States troops, prevail-
sas there was actual civil war, and some ed upon them to desist, and near the close
blood was shed. Early in April, 1856, of the year (1856) he was enabled to re-
armed men from Southern States, under port that peace and order prevailed in
Colonel Buford, arrived in Kansas. The Kansas.

United States marshal there took Bu- The Auihor on His Bill. — The follow-
ford's men into the pay of the govern- ing is the substance of the speech of
ment. and armed them with goveriiment Senator Stephen A. Douglas on the Kan-
muskets. Lawrence was again besieged sas-Nebraska bill, delivered in the Sen-
(May 5), and on the 21st the inhabi- ate on March 3, 1854:

tants, under a promise of safety to per-

ions and property, were induced to give The principle which we propose to

208

KANSAS, STATE OF

carry into effect by the bill is this:
That Congress shall neither legislate
slavery into any Territories or State,
nor out of the same; but the people shall
be left free to regulate their domes-
tic concerns in their own way, subject
only to the Constitution of the United
States.

In order to carry this principle into
practical operation, it becomes necessary
to remove whatever legal obstructions
might be found in the way of its free ex-
ercise. It is only for the purpose of carry-
ing out this great fundamental principle
of self-government that the bill renders
the eighth section of the Missouri act in-
operative and void.

Now, let me ask, will these Senators
who have arraigned me, or any one of
them, have the assurance to rise in his
place and declare that this great principle
was never thought of or advocated as ap-
plicable to territorial bills, in 1850; that
from that session until the present, no-
body ever thought of incorporating this
principle in all new territorial organiza-
tions ; that the committee on Territories
did not recommend it in their report; and
that it required the amendment of the
Senator from Kentucky to bring us up to
that point? Will any one of my accusers
dare to make the issue, and let it be tried
by the record? I will begin with the com-
promises of 1850. Any Senator who will
take the trouble to examine our journals,
will find that on March 25 of that year I
reported from the committee on Territories
two bills including the following measures:
the admission of California, a territorial
government for New Mexico, and the ad-
justment of the Texas boundary. These
bills proposed to leave the people of Utah
and New ^Mexico free to decide the slavery
question for themselves, in the precise lan-
guage of the Nebraska bill now imder dis-
cussion. A few weeks afterwards the com-
mittee of thirteen took these two bills and
put a wafer between them, and reported
them back to the Senate as one bill with
some slight amendments. One of these
amendments was that the territorial legis-
latures should not legislate upon the sub-
ject of African slavery. I objected to
that provision on the ground that it siib-
verted the great principle of self-gov-
ernment iipon which the bill had been

originally framed by the territorial com-
mittee. On the first trial, the Senate re-
fused to strike it out, but subsequently did
so, after full debate, in order to establish
that principle as the rule of action in ter-
ritorial organizations. . . . But my ac-
cusers attempt to raise up a false issue,
and thereby divert public attention from
the real one, by the cry that the Missouii
Compromise is to be repealed or violated
by the passage of this bill. Well, if the
eighth section of the Missouri act, which
attempted to fix the destinies of future
generations in those Territories for all time
to come, in utter disregard of the rights
and wishes of the people when they shall
be received into the Union as States, be
inconsistent with the great principler of
self-government and the Constitution of
the United States, it ought to be abrogated.
The legislation of 1850 abrogated the Mis-
souri compromise, so far as the country
embraced within the limits of Utah and
New INIexico was covered by the slavery re-
striction. It is true that those acts did
not in terms and by name repeal the act
of 1820, as originally adopted, or as ex-
tended by the resolutions annexing Texas
in 1845, any more than the report of the
committee on Territories proposed to re-
peal the same acts this session. But the
acts of 1850 did authorize the people of
those Territories to exercise " all right-
ful powers of legislation consistent with
the Constitution," not excepting the ques-
tion of slavery; and did provide that,
when those Territories should be admitted
into the Union, they should be received
with or without slavery as the people
thereof might determine at the date of
their admission. These provisions were in
direct conflict with a clause in the former
enactment, declaring that slavery should
be forever prohibited in any portion of said
Territories, and hence rendered such clause
inoperative and void to the extent of such
conflict. This was an inevitable conse-
quence, resulting from the provisions in
those acts, which gave the people the right
to decide the slavery question for them-
selves, in conformity with the Constitu-
tion. It was not necessary to go further
and declare that certain previous enact-
m.ents, which were incompatible with the
exercise of the powers conferred in
the bills, are hereby repealed. The

209

KANSAS, STATE OF

very act of granting those powers
and rights has the legal effect of re-
moving all obstructions to the exercise
of them by the people, as prescribed
in those territorial bills. Following
that example, the committee on Terri-
tories did not consider it necessary to
declare the eighth section of the Missouri
act repealed. We were content to or-
ganize Nebraska in the precise language
of the Utah and New Mexico bills. Our
object was to leave the people entirely free
to form and regulate their domestic insti-
tutions and internal concerns in their own
way, under the Constitution ; and we
deemed it wise to accomplish that object
in the exact terms in which the same thing
had been done in Utah and New Mexico
by the acts of 1850. This was the princi-
ple upon which the committee voted; and
our bill was supposed, and is now believed,
to have been in accordance with it. When
doubts were raised whether the bill did
fully carry out the principle laid down in
the report, amendments were made from
time to time, in order to avoid all mis-
construction, and make the true intent of
the act more explicit. The last of these
amendments was adopted yesterday, on
the motion of the distinguished Senator
from North Carolina (Mr. Badger), in
regard to the revival of any laws or regu-
lations which may have existed prior to
1820. This amendment was not intended
to change the legal effect of the bill. Its
object was to repel the slander which had
been propagated by the enemies of the
measure in the North — that the Southern
supporters of the bill desired to legislate
slavery into these Territories. The South
denies the right of Congress either to
legislate slavery into any Territory or
State, or out of any Territory or State.
Non-intervention by Congress with slavery
in the States or Territories is the doctrine
of the bill, and all the amendments which
have been agreed to have been made with
the view of removing all doubt and cavil
as to the true meaning and object of the
measure. . . .

Well, sir, what is this Missouri Compro-
mise, of which we have heard so much of
late? It has been read so often that it is
not necessar,y to occupy the time of the
Senate in reading it again. It was an
act of Congress, passed on the 6th of

March, 1820, to authorize the people of
Missouri to form a constitution and a
State government, preparatory to the ad-
mission of such State into the Union. The
first section provided that slavery should
be " forever prohibited " in all the terri-
tory which had been acquired from France
north of 36° 30', and not included within
the limits of the State of Missouri. There
is nothing in the terms of the law that
purports to be a compact, or indicates
that it was anything more than an ordi-
nary act of legislation. To prove that it
was more than it purports to be on its
face, gentlemen must produce other evi-
dence, and prove that there was such an
understanding as to create a moral obli-
gation in the nature of a compact. Have
they shown it?

NoAV, if this was a compact, let us
see how it was entered into. The bill
originated in the House of Representa-
tives, and passed that body without a
Southern vote in its favor. It is proper
to remark, however, that it did not at
that time contain the eighth section, pro-
hibiting slavery in the Territories; but,
in lieu of it, contained a provision pro-
hibiting slavery in the proposed State of
Missouri. In the Senate, the clause pro-
hibiting slavery in the State was stricken
out, and the eighth section added to the
end of the bill, by the terms of which
slavery was to be forever prohibited in
the territory not embraced in the State
of Missouri north oi 36° 30'. The vote
on adding this section stood, in the Sen-
ate, 34 in the affirmative, and 10 in the
negative. Of the Northern Senators, 20
voted for it, and 2 against it. On the
question of ordering the bill to a third
reading, as amended, which was the test
vote on its passage, the vote stood 24
yeas and 20 nays. Of the Northern Sen-
ators, 4 only voted in the affirmative, and
18 in the negative. Thus it will be seen
that if it was intended to be a compact,
the North never agreed to it. The North-
ern Senators voted to insert the prohi-
bition of slavery in the Territories; and
then, in the proportion of more than four
to one. voted against the passage of the
bill. The North, therefore, never signed
the compact, never consented to it, never
agreed to be bound by it. This fact be-
comes very important in vindicating the
10

KANSAS, STATE OF

character of the North for repudiating tories, Missouri was to be admitted into
this alleged compromise a few months the Union, in conformity with the act
afterwards. The act was approved and of 1820, that compact was repudiated by
became a law on the 6th of March, 1820. the North, and rescinded by the joint
In the summer of that year, the people action of the two parties within twelve
of Missouri formed a constitution and months from its date. Missouri was
State government preparatory to admis- never admitted under the act of the
sion into the Union, in conformity with 6th of March, 1820. She was refused
the act. At the next session of Congress, admission under that act. She was voted
the Senate passed a joint resolution de- out of the Union by Northern votes, not-
claring Missouri to be one of the States withstanding the stipulation that she
of the Union, on an equal footing with should be received; and, in consequence
the original States. This resolution was of these facts, a new compromise was
sent to the House of Representatives, rendered necessary, by the terms of which
where it was rejected by Northern votes, Missouri was to be admitted into the
and thus Missouri was voted out of the Union conditionally — admitted on a con-
Union, instead of being received into the dition not embraced in the act of 1820,
Union imder the act of the 6th of March, and in addition to a full compliance
1820, now known as the Missouri COm- with all the provisions of said act. If,
promise. Now, sir, what becomes of our then, the act of 1820, by the eighth sec-
plighted faith, if the act of the 6th of tion of which slavery was prohibited in
March, 1820, was a solemn compact, as Missouri, was a compact, it is clear to
we are now told? They have all rung the comprehension of every fair-minded
the changes upon it, that it was a sacred man that the refusal of the North to
and irrevocable compact, binding in admit Missouri, in compliance with its
honor, in conscience, and morals, which stipulations, and without further condi-
could not be violated or repudiated with- tions, imposes upon us a high moral obli-
out perfidy and dishonor! , . . Sir, gation to remove the prohibition of
if this was a compact, what must be slavery in the Territories, since it has
thought of those who violated it almost been shown to have been procured upon
inmiediately after it was formed? I say a condition never performed. . . .
it is a calumny upon the North to say The Declaration of Independence had
tliat it was a compact. I should feel a its origin in the violation of that great
flush of shame upon my cheek, as a fundamental principle which secured to
Northern man, if I were to say that it the colonies the right to regulate their
was a compact, and that the section of own domestic affairs in their own way;
the country to which I belong received and the Revolution resulted in the tri-
the consideration and then repudiated umph of that principle and the recogni-
the obligation in eleven months after it tion of the right asserted by it. Abo-
was entered into. I deny that it was a litionism proposes to destroy the right
compact, in any sense of the term. But and extinguish the principle for which
if it was, the record proves that faith our forefathers waged a seven years'
was not observed; that the contract was bloody war, and upon which our whole
never carried into effect; that after the system of free government is founded.
North had procured the passage of the They not only deny the application of this
act prohibiting slavery in the Territories, principle to the Territories, but insist
with a majority in the House large upon fastening the prohibition upon the
enough to prevent its repeal, Missouri abolitionists; the doctrine of the oppo-
was refused admission into the Union as nents of the Nebraska and Kansas bill,
a slave-holding State, in conformity with and the advocates of the Missouri restric-
the act of March 6, 1820. If the propo- tion demands congressional interference
sit ion be correct, as contended for by the with slavery not only in the Territories,
opponents of this bill — that there was a but in all the new States to be formed
solemn compact between the North and therefrom. It is the same doctrine, when
the South that, in the consideration of applied to the Territories and new States
the prohibition of slavery in the Terri- of this Union, which the British govern

211

KANSAS, STATE OF

ment attempted to enforce by the sword
upon the American colonies. It is this
fundamental principle of self-government
which constitutes the distinguishing feat-
ure of the Nebraska bill. The opponents
of the principle are consistent in oppos-
ing the bill. I do not blame them for
their opposition. I only ask them to meet
the issue fairly and openly by acknowl-
edging that they are opposed to the prin-

until the swelling tide of emigration
should burst through and accomplish by
violence what it is the part of wisdom and
statesmanship to direct and regulate by
law. How long could you have postponed
action with safety? How long could you
maintain that Indian barrier and restrain
the onward march of civilization, Chris-
tianity, and free government by a bar-
barian wall? Do you suppose that you

ciple which it is the object of the bill to could keep that vast country a howling

carry into operation. It seems that there
is no power on earth, no intellectual
power, no mechanical power, that can
bring them to a fair discussion of the
true issue. If they hope to delude the
people and escape detection for any con-
siderable length of time under the catch-
words, " Missouri Compromise " and
" faith of compacts," they wnll find that
the people of this country have more pene-
tration and intelligence than they have
given them credit for.

Mr. President, there is an important
fact connected with this slavery regula-
tion which should never be lost sight of.

wilderness in all times to come, roamed
over by hostile savages, cutting off all
safe communication between our Atlantic
and Pacific possessions? I tell you that
the time for action has come and cannot
be postponed. It is a case in which the
" let-alone " policy would precipitate a
crisis which must inevitably result in vio-
lence, anarchy, and strife.

You cannot fix bounds to the onward
inarch of this great and growing country.
You cannot fetter the limbs of the young
giant. He will burst all your chains. He
will expand, and grow, and increase, and
extend civilization, Christianitv. and lib-

It has always arisen from one and the eral principles. Then, sir, if you cannot

same cause. Whenever that cause has
been removed, the agitation has ceased ;
and whenever the cause has been renewed,
the agitation has sprung into existence.
That cause is, and ever has been, the at-

check the growth of the country in that
direction, is it not the part of wisdom to
look the danger in the face, and provide
for an event which you cannot avoid ? I tell
you, sir, you must provide for lines of

tempt on the part of Congress to interfere continuous settlement from the Mississippi

with the question of slavery in the Terri- Valley to the Pacific Ocean. And in mak-

tories and new States formed therefrom, ing this provision, you must decide upon

Is it not wise, then, to confine our action what principles the Territories shall be

within the sphere of our legitimate duties organized ; in other words, whether the

and leave this vexed question to take care
of itself in each State and Territory, ac-
cording to the wishes of the people thereof,
in conformity to the forms and in sub-
jection to the pi'ovisions of the Constitu-
tion?

The opponents of the bill tell us that
agitation is no part of their policy; that
their great desire is peace and harmony;
and they complain bitterly that I should

people shall be allowed to regulate their
domestic institutions in their own way,
according to the provisions of this bill, or
whether the opposite doctrine of congres-
sional interference is to prevail. Post-
pone it, if you will ; but whenever you do
act, this question must be met and de-
cided. . . .

There is another reason why I desire tt
see this principle recognized as a rule ol

have disturbed the repose of the country action in all time to come. It will have

by the introduction of this measure. Let
me ask these professed friends of peace,
and avowed enemies of agitation, how the
issue could have been avoided? They tell
me that I should have let the question
alone; that is, that I should have left

the effect to destroy all sectional parties
and sectional agitations. If, in the lan-
guage of the report of the committee, you
withdraw the slavery question from the
halls of Congress and the political arena,
and commit it to the arbitrament of those

Nebraska unorganized, the people unpro- who are immediately interested in and
tected, and the Indian barrier in existence alone responsible for its consequences,

218

KANSAS, STATE OF

there is nothing left out of which sectional The Crime Against Kansas. — On May
parties can be organized. It never was 19-20, 185G, Charles Sumner delivered the
done, and never can be done, on the bank, following speech in the United States Sen-
tariff, distribution, or any party issue ate on what he declared to be a crime
which has existed or may exist, after this against Kansas:
slavery question is drawn from politics.

On every other political question these Mr. President, you are now called to
have always supporters and opponents in redress a great transgression. Seldom in
every portion of the Union — in each State, the history of nations has such a question
county, village, and neighborhood — resid- been presented. Tariffs, army bills, navy
ing together in harmonj^ and good-fellow- bills, land bills, are important, and justly
ship, and combating each other's opinions occupy your care; but these all belong
and correcting each other's errors in a to the course of ordinary legislation. As
spirit of kindness and friendship. These means and instruments only, they are nec-
differences of opinion between neighbors essarily subordinate to the conservation
and friends, and the discussions that grow of government itself. Grant them or deny
out of them, and the sympathy which each them, in greater or less degree, and you
feels with the advocates of his own opin- will inflict no shock. The machinery of
ions in every portion of this widespread government will continue to move. The
republic, add an overwhelming and irre- state will not cease to exist. Far other-
sistible moral weight to the strength of wise is it with the eminent question now
the confederacy. Affection for the Union before you, involving, as it does, liberty
can never be alienated or diminished by in a broad territory, and also involving
any other party issues than those which the peace of the whole country, with our
are joined upon sectional or geographical good name in history forevermore.
lines. When the people of the North shall Take down your map, sir, and you will
be rallied under one banner, and the whole find that the Territory of Kansas, more
South marshalled under another banner, than any other region, occupies the mid-
and each section excited to frenzy and die spot of North America, equally dis-
madness by hostility to the institutions tant from the Atlantic on the east, and
of the other, then the patriot may well the Pacific on the west; from the frozen
tremble for the perpetuity of the Union, waters of Hudson Bay on the north, and
Withdraw the slavery question from the the tepid Gulf Stream on the south, eon-
political arena, and remove it to the States stituting the precise territorial centre of
and Territories, each to decide for itself, the whole vast continent. To such ad-
and such a catastrophe can never happen, vantages of situation, on the very high-
Then you will never be able to tell, by any waj-- between two oceans, are added a
Senator's vote for or against any meas- soil of unsurpassed richness, and a fas-
ure, from Avhat State or section of the cinating, undulating beauty of surface.
Union he comes. with a health-giving climate, calculated to
Why, then, can we not withdraw this nurture a powerful and generous people,
vexed question from politics? Why can worthy to be a central pivot of American
we not adopt the principle of this bill institutions. A few short months only
OS a rule of action in all new territorial have passed since this spacious and medi-
organizations? Why can we not deprive terranean country was open only to the
these agitators of their vocation and ren- savage who ran wild in its woods and
der it impossible for Senators to come prairies, and now it has already drawn
here upon bargains on the slavery ques- to its bosom a population of freemen
tion? I believe that the peace, the har- larger than Athens crowded within her
mony, and perpetuity of the Union require historic gates, when her sons, under
us to go back to the doctrines of the Miltiades. won liberty for mankind on the
Eevolution, to the principles of the Com- field of Marathon; more than Sparta con-
promise of 1850. and leave the people, tained when she ruled Greece, and sent
under the Constitution, to do as they may forth her devoted children, quickened by a
see proper in respect to their own in- mother's benediction, to return with their
ternal affairs. shields, or on them : more than Rome

213

KANSAS, STATE OF

gathered on her seven hills, when, under of popular institutions, more sacred than

her kings, she commenced that sovereign any heathen altar, have been desecrated;

sway, which afterwards embraced the where the ballot-box, more precious than

whole earth; more than London held when, any work, in ivory or marble, from the

on the fields of Crecy and Agincourt, the cunning hand of art, has been plundered;

English banner was carried victoriously and where the cry, " I am an American

over the chivalrous hosts of France. citizen," has been interposed in vain

Against this Territory, thus fortunate against outrage of every kind, even upon

in position and population, a crime has life itself. Are you against sacrilege?

been committed, which is without example I present it for your execration. Are

in the records of the past. Not in plun- you against robbery? I hold it up to

dered provinces or in the cruelties of self- your scorn. Are you for the protection of

ish governors will you find its parallel; American citizens? I show you how their

and yet there is an ancient instance, dearest rights have been cloven down,

which may show at least the path of jus- while a tyrannical usurpation has sought

tice. In the terrible impeachment by to install itself on their very necks !

which the great Roman orator has blasted But the wickedness which I now begin

through all time the name of Verres, to expose is immeasurably aggravated by

amid charges of robbery and sacrilege, the motive which prompted it. Not in

the enormity which most aroused the any common lust for power did this un-

indignant voice of his accuser, and which common tragedy have its origin. It is

still stands forth with strongest distinct- the rape of a virgin Territory, compelling

ness, arresting the sympathetic indigna- it to the hateful embrace of slavery; and

tion of all who read the story, is that it may be clearly traced to a depraved

away in Sicily he had scourged a citi- longing for a new slave State, the hide-

zen of Rome — that the cry, " I am a ous offspring of such a crime, in the hope

Roman citizen," had been interposed in of adding to the power of slavery in the

vain against the lash of the tyrant gov- national government. Yes, sir; when the

ernor. Other charges were that he had whole world alike. Christian and Tui-k,

carried away productions of art, and that is rising up to condemn this Avrong, and

he had violated the sacred shrines. It to make it a hissing to the nations, here

was in the presence of the Roman senate in our republic, force — ay, sir, force —

that this arraignment proceeded; in a has been openly employed in compelling

temple of the Forum; amidst crowds — Kansas to this pollution, and all for the

such as no orator had ever before drawn sake of political power. There is the

together — thronging the porticoes and simple fact, which you will in vain at-

colonnades, even clinging to the house- tempt to deny, but which in itself pre-

tops and neighboring slopes — and under sents an essential wickedness that makes

the anxious gaze of witnesses summoned other public crimes seem like public

from the scene of crime. But an audi- virtues.

ence grander far — of higher dignity — of But this enormity, vast beyond corn-
more various people, and of wider intelli- parison, swells to dimensions of wicked-
gence — the countless multitude of sue- ness which the imagination toils in vain
ceeding generations, in every land, where to grasp, when it is understood that for
eloquence has been studied, or where the this purpose are hazarded the horrors
Roman name has been recognized, has of intestine feud not only in this distant
listened to the accusation, and throbbed Territory, but every^vhere throughout the
with condemnation of the criminal. Sir, country. Already the muster has begun,
speaking in an age of light, and a land The strife is no longer local, but na-
of constitutional liberty, where the safe- tional. Even now, while I speak, portents
guards of elections are justly placed hang on all the arches of the horizon
among the highest triumphs of civiliza- threatening to darken the broad land,
tion, I fearlessly assert that the wrongs which already yawns with the mutterings
of much-abused Sicily, thns memorable of civil war. The fury of the propagan-
in history, were small by the side of the dists of slavery, and the calm determina-
wrongs of Kansas, where the very shrines tion of their opponents, are now diffused

214

KANSAS, STATE OF

from the distant territory over widespread
communities, and the whole country, in all
its extent — marshalling hostile divisions,
and foreshadowing a strife which, unless
happily averted by the triumph of free-
dom, will become war — fratricidal, parri-
cidal war — with an accumulated wicked-
ness bej'ond the wickedness of any war
in human annals; justly provoking the
avenging judgment of Providence and the
avenging pen of history, and constituting
a strife, in the language of the ancient
writer, more than foreign, more than
social, more than civil; but something
compounded of all these strifes, and in
itself more than war; sed j}otius commune
quoddam ex omnibus, et plus quam helium.
Such is the crime which you are to
judge. But the criminal also must be
dragged into day, that you may see and
measure the power by which all this wrong
is sustained. From no common source
could it proceed. In its perpetration was
needed a spirit of vaulting ambition which
would hesitate at nothing; a hardihood
of purpose which was insensible to the
judgment of mankind; a madness for
slavery which would disregard the Consti-
tution, the laws, and all the great exam-
ples of our history; also a consciousness
of power such as comes from the habit
of power; a combination of energies found
only in a hundred ai-ms directed by a hun-
dred eyes; a control of public opinion
through venal pens and a prostituted
press ; an ability to subsidize crowds in
every vocation of life — the politician with
his local importance, the laA^'j'er with his
subtle tongue, and even the authority of
the judge on the bench ; and a familiar
use of men in places high and low, so that
none, from the President to the lowest
border postmaster, should decline to be its
tool ; all these things and more were need-
ed, and they were found in the slave-power
of our republic. There, sir, stands the
criminal, all unmasked before you — heart-
less, grasping, and tyrannical — with an
audacity beyond that of Verres, a subtlety
beyond that of ^fachiavelli. a meanness be-
yond thnt of Bacon, and an ability beyond
that of Hastings. Justice to Kansas can
be secured only by the prostration of this
influence: for this is the power behind —
greater than any President — which succors
and sustains the crime. Nay, the proceed-

ings I now arraign derive their fearful
consequences only from this connection.

In now opening this great matter, I
am not insensible to the austere demands
of the occasion ; but the dependence of the
crime against Kansas upon the slave-
power is so peculiar and important that I
trust to be pardoned while I impress it
with an illustration, which to some may
seem trivial. It is related in Northern
mythology that the god of Force, visiting
an enchanted region, was challenged by
his royal entertainer to what seemed an
humble feat of strength — merely, sir, to
lift a cat from the ground. The god
smiled at the challenge, and calmly plac-
ing his hand under the belly of the animal,
with superb ilman strength strove while
the back of the feline monster arched far
upward, even beyond reach, and one paw
actually forsook the e^rth, until at last
the discomfited divinity desisted; but he
was little surprised at his defeat when
he learned that this creature, which
seemed to be a cat, and nothing more,
was not merely a cat, but that it belonged
to and was a part of the great terrestrial
serpent, which, in its innumerable folds, en-
circled the whole globe. Even so the
creature, whose paws are now fastened
upon Kansas, whatever it may seem to be,
constitutes in reality a part of the slave-
power, which, in its loathsome folds, is
now coiled about the whole land. Thus
do I expose the extent of the present con-
test, where we encounter not merely local
resistance, but also the unconquered sus-
taining arm behind. But out of the vast-
ness of the crime attempted, with all its
woe and shame, I derive a well-foimded as-
surance of a commensurate vastness of
effort against it by the aroused masses of
the country, determined not only to vindi-
cate right against wrong, but to redeem
the republic from the thraldom of thai
oligarchy which prompts, directs, and
concentrates the distant wrong. . . .

But, before entering upon the argu-
ment, I must say something of a general
character, particularly in response to
what has fallen from Senators who have
raised themselves to eminence on this floor
in championship of human wrongs. I
mean the Senator from South Carolina
(Mr. Butler) and the Senator from
Illinois (Mr. Douglas), who, though un-

215

KANSAS, STATE OF

like as Don Quixote and Sancho Panza, over the republic, and yet, with a ludicrous
yet, like this couple, sally forth together ignorance of his own position — unable to
in the same adventure. I regret much to see himself as others see him — or with an
miss the elder Senator from his seat; but effrontery which even his white head
the cause, against which he has run atilt ought not to protect from rebuke, he ap-
with such activity of animosity, demands plies to those here who resist his section-
that the opportunity of exposing him alisra the very epithet which designates
should not be lost; and it is for the cause himself. The men who strive to bring
that I speak. The Senator from South back the government to its original policy,
Carolina has read many books of chivalry, when freedom and not slavery was sec-
and believes himself a chivalrous knight, tional, he arraigns as sectional. This will
with sentiments of honor and courage, not do. It involves too great a perversion
Of course, he has chosen a mistress to of terms. I tell that Senator that it is to
whom he has made his vows, and who, himself, and to the " organization " of
though ugly to others, is always lovely which he is the " committed advocate,"
to him; though polluted in the sight of the that this epithet belongs. I now fasten it
world, is chaste in his sight — I mean the upon them. For myself, I care little for
harlot. Slavery. For her, his tongue is names; but since the question has been
always profuse in words. Let her be im- raised here, I affirm that the Republican
peached in character, or any proposition party of the Union is in no just sense
made to shut her out from the extension sectional, but, more than any other party,
of her wantonness, and no extravagance national; and that it now goes forth to
of manner or hardihood of assertion is dislodge from the high places of the gov-
then too great for this Senator. The ernment the tyrannical sectionalism of
frenzy of Don Quixote, in behalf of his which the Senator from South Carolina
wench, Dulcinea del Toboso, is all sur- is one of the maddest zealots. . . .
passed. The asserted rights of slavery, As the Senator from South Carolina is
which shock equality of all kinds, are the Don Quixote, the Senator from Illinois
cloaked by a fantastic claim of equality. (Mr. Douglas) is the squire of slavery.
If the slave States cannot enjoy what, in its very Sancho Panza, ready to do all its
mockery of the great fathers of the re- humiliating offices. This Senator, in his
public, he misnames equality under the labored address, vindicating his labored
Constitution — in other words, the full report — piling one mass of elaborate error
power in the national Territories to com- upon another mass — ^constrained himself,
pel fellow-men to unpaid toil, to separate as you will remember, to unfamiliar de-
husband and wife, and to sell little chil- ceiicies of speech. Of that address I have
dren at the auction block — then, sir, the nothing to say at this moment, though be-
chivalric Senator will conduct the State of fore I sit down I shall show something of
South Carolina out of the Union! Heroic its fallacies. But I go back now to an
knight! Exalted Senator! A second Moses earlier occasion, when, true to his native
come for a second exodus! impulses, he threw into this discussion.
But not content with this poor menace, " for a charm of powerful trouble," per-
which we have been twice told was " meas- sonalities most discreditable to this body,
ured," the Senator, in the unrestrained I will not stop to repel the imputations
chivalry of his nature, has undertaken to which he cast upon myself: but I mention
apply opprobrious words to those ■who them to remind you of the " sweltered
differ from him on this floor. He calls venom sleeping not," which, with other
them " sectional and fanatical "; and oppo- poisoned ingredients, he cast into the
sition to the usurpation in Kansas he de- caldron of this debate. Of other things I
nounces as " an uncalculating fanaticism." speak. Standing on this floor, the Sen-
To be sure, these charges lack all grace of ntor issued his rescript, requiring sub-
originality, and all sentiment of truth; mission to the usurped power of Kansas;
but the adventurous Senator does not hesi- and this was accompanied by a manner —
tate. He is the uncompromising, unblush- all his own — such as befits the tyrannical
ing representative on this floor of a fla- threat. Very well. Let the Senator try.
grant sectionalism, which now domineers I tell him now that he cannot force any

219

KANSAS, STATE OF

such submission. The Senator, with the miliar with the life of Franklin; and yet

slave-power at his back, is strong; but he he referred to this household character,

is not strong enough for this purpose. He while acting agent of our fathers in Eng«

is bold. He shrinks from nothing. Like land, as above suspicion; and this was

Danton, he may cry, " L'audacel Vaudace! done thsvt he might give a point to a false

toujours Vaudace.'" but even his audacity contrast with the agent of Kansas — not

cannot compass this work. The Senator knowing that, however they may differ in

copies the British officer who, with boast- genius and fame, in this experience they

ful swagger, said that with the hilt of are alike: that Franklin, when intrusted

his sword he would cram the "stamps" with the petitions of Massachusetts Bay,

down the throats of the American people, was assaulted by a foul-mouthed speaker,

and he will meet with a similar failure, where he could not be heard in defence,

He may convulse this country with a and denounced as a " thief," even as the

civil feud. Like the ancient madman, he agent of Kansas has been assaulted on

may set lire to this temple of constitu- this floor, and denounced as a " forger."

tional liberty, grander than the Ephesian And let not the vanity of the Senator be

dome; bvit he cannot enforce obedience to inspired by the parallel with the British

that tyrannical usurpation. statesman of that day; for it is only in

The Senator dreams that he can subdue hostility to freedom that any parallel can

the North. He disclaims the open threat, be recognized.

but his conduct still implies it. How lit- But it is against the people of Kansas

tie that Senator knows himself or the that the sensibilities of the Senator are

strength of the cause which he persecutes! particularly aroused. Coming, as he an-

He is but a mortal man ; against him is nounees, " from a State " — ay, sir, from

an immortal principle. With finite power South Carolina' — he turns with lordly dis-

he wrestles with the infinite, and he must gust from this newly formed community,

fall. Against him are stronger battalions which he will not recognize even as a

than any marshalled by mortal arm — the " body politic." Pray, sir, by what title

inborn, ineradicable, invincible sentiments does he indulge in this egotism? Has he

of the human heart ; against him is nature read the history of " the State " which he

in all her subtle forces; against him is represents? He cannot surely have for-

God. Let him try to subdue these. gotten its shameful imbecility from sla-

With regret, I come again upon the very, confessed thi'oughout the Revolution,
Senator from South Carolina (Mr. But- followed by its more shameful assump-
ler), who, omnipresent in this debate, over- tions for slavery since. He cannot have
flowed with rage at the simple suggestion forgotten its wretched persistence in the
that Kansas had applied for admission as slave-trade as the very apple of its eye,
a State ; and, with incoherent phrases, dis- and the condition of its participation in
charged the loose expectoration of his the Union. He cannot have forgotten its
speech, now upon her representative, and constitution, which is republican only in
then upon her people. There was no ex- name, confirming power only in the hands
travagance of the ancient parliamentary of the few, and founding the qualifications
debate which he did not repeat; nor was of its legislators on a "settled free-
there any possible deviation from truth hold estate and ten negroes." And yet
which he did not make, with so much of the Senator, to whom that " State " has
passion, I am glad to add, as to save him in part committed the guardianship of its
from the suspicion of intentional aberra- good name, instead of moving, with back-
tion. But the Senator touches nothing ward treading steps, to cover its naked-
which he does not disguise with error, ness, rushes forward in the very ecstasy
sometimes of principle, sometimes of fact, of madness, to expose it by provoking a
He shows an incapacity of accuracy, comparison with Kansas. South Carolina
whether in stating the Constitution, or in is old; Kansas is young. South Carolina
stating the law, whether in the details of counts by eentiiries where Kansas counts
statistics or the diversions of scholarship, by years. But a beneficent example may
He cannot open his mouth, but out there be born in a day: and I venture to say
flies a blunder. Surely he ought to be fa- that, against the two centuries of the olde?

217

KANSAS-NEBEASKA BILL— KATIPUISTAN LEAGUE

* State," may be already set the two years Frederick the Great and the United States,

of trial, evolving corresponding virtue, in He died in Berlin, Germany, Oct. 27,

the younger community. In the one is 1884.

the long wail of slavery; in the other, Kaskaskia. The Illinois country under
the hymns of freedom. And if we glance the rule of the French contained six dis-
at special achievements, it will be difficult tinct settlements, one of which was Kas-
to find anything in the history of South kaskia, situated upon the Kaskaskia
Carolina which presents so much of heroic River, 5 miles above its mouth, and with-
spirit in an heroic cause as appears in in 2 miles of the Mississppi River. Kas-
tliat repulse of the Missouri invaders by kaskia, under the French regime, was,
the beleaguered town of Lawrence, where comparatively speaking, a large town, con-
even the women gave their effective efforts taining from 2,000 to 3,000 inhabitants,
to freedom. . . . When the French were expelled from this

Already in Lawrence alone there are region by the British and Americans, the

newspapers and schools, including a high population rapidly decreased. On July

school, and throughout this infant Terri- 5, 1778, the town was captured by the

tory there is more mature scholarship Americans under George Rogers Clarke

far, in proportion to its inhabitants, than (g. v.), who was acting under authoriza-

in all South Carolina. Ah, sir, I tell the tion of Patrick Henry, at that time gov-

Senator that Kansas, welcomed as a free ernor of Virginia.

State, will be a "ministering angel" to Kasson, John Adam, diplomatist;

the republic when South Carolina, in the born in Charlotte, Vt., Jan. 11, 1822;

cloak of darkness which she hugs, " lies graduated at the University of Vermont

howling." ... in 1842; and was admitted to the bar in

To overthrow this usurpation is now Massachusetts. Removing to St. Louis,
the special, importunate duty of Congress, Mo., he practised till 1857, when he set-
admitting of no hesitation or postpone- tied in Des Moines, la. In 1861-62 he
ment. To this end it must lift itself from was first assistant Postmaster-General ; in
the cabals of candidates, the machinations 1863-67 was a member of Congress, and
of party, and the low level of vulgar in 1863 and 1867 the United States
strife. It must turn from that slave commissioner to the international postal
oligarchy and refuse to be its tool. Let the Congress. He again served in Congress
power be stretched forth towards this in 1873-77, and in the latter year was ap-
distant Territory, not to bind, but to un- pointed United States minister to Aus-
bind ; not for the oppression of the weak, tria, where he remained till 1881, when he
but for the subversion of the tyrannical; was again elected to Congress. In 1884-
not for the prop and maintenance of a re- 85 he was minister to Germany, and in
vol ting visurpation, but for the confirma- 1893 envoy to the Samoan international
tion of liberty. . . . conference. President McKinley ap-

Kansas-Nebraska Bill. See Kansas, pointed him United States special com-

Kapp, Friedrich, author; born in missioner plenipotentiary to negotiate rec-

Hamm, Prussia, April 13, 1824; educated iprocity treaties in 1897, imder the Ding-

at the University of Heidelberg, and be- ley tariff act; and in 1898 he became a

came a lawyer; came to the United States member of the Anglo-American Joint

in 1850, and practised in New York till High Commission. He resigned the office

1870, when he returned to Germany. His of reciprocity commissioner in March,

publications include The Slave Question 1901, owing to the failure of the Fifty-

in the United States; Life of the Ameri- sixth Congress to act on several commer-

can General Friedrich Wilhelm von Steu- cial treaties he had negotiated.

ben; History of Slavery in the United Katipiman League, a revolutionary

States of America; The Tradiufi in Sol- organization in the Pliilippine Islands.

diers of the German Princes irith Amer- The aim of the society was to expel the

ica; A History of the German Migration Spaniards and the monastic orders from

into America; On Immigration and the the islands. The most inhuman atrocities

Commission of Emigration; Life of the were committed by both the Spanish troops

American General Joh^nn de Kalb; and and the Katipunan insurgents. The re-

218

KAUFMAN— KAITTZ

volt was brought to an end by a compact this meeting he issued a proclamation

made Dec. 14, 1897, between Aguinaldo in which he declared that the so-called

and thirty-four other leaders, who agreed provisional government under Mataafa

to quit the Philippine Islands, not to re- was without legal status, according to

turn until authorized by the Spanish gov- the terms of the Berlin treaty. He,

ernment; the Spanish government agree- therefore, ordered Mataafa and his fol-

ing to pay $1,700,000 in instalments, lowers to lay down their arms and return

provided the rebellion was not renewed to their homes. The German consul,

within a certain time. A first instalment however, would not agree to this procla-

of $400,000 was paid, but the promised mation, and issued a counter one, which

reform was not carried out and the was translated into the Samoan language,

families of the former leaders were per- and circulated among the supporters of

secuted by the Spanish authorities. Mataafa. This proclamation was as fol-

Kaufman, Theodore, artist; born in lows:
Nelsen, Hanover, Dee. 18, 1814; studied

painting in Munich and Hamburg; came "Notice to all Savwans:

to the United States in 1855, and served ,u''f/;^^^\r°.''^^T}^TJ^ the admiral of

J . ,1 y-,. .1 TTT • ^1 -KT i- 1 the United States, dated March 11, was made

during the Civil War m the National known that the three consuls of the signa-

army. Later he settled in Boston. His tory powers of the Berlin treaty, as well as

works include General Sherman near the ^^^ ^^^'^^ commanders of men-of-war, had

-n7„j 7 ^ /^ -. r -I, J A n -^ r> 1 been unanimous to no more recognize the

Watchfire; On to Liberty; A Pacific Rail- provisional government, composed of Mataafa

way Train attacked by Indians; Slaves and the thirteen chiefs.

seeking Shelter under the Flag of the " I. therefore, make known to you that this

Union; Admiral Farragut entering Ear- Proclamation is quite false I, the German

, /. y m 7 ■, T^ consul-general, continue to recognize the

bor through Torpedoes; and Farragut provisional government of Samoa until I

in the Rigging. receive contrary instructions from my govern-

Kautz, Albert, naval officer; born in ment.

r- J. r\ T on. loon J. J "Rose, German Consul-General.

Georgetown, 0., Jan. 29, 1839; entered « Apia, MarcTi 13, 1S99."
the navy as acting midshipman in 1854;

graduated at the Naval Academy in This notice resulted in hostilities which

1859; promoted to passed midshipman, lasted for several days. About 175 sailors

master, and lieutenant, in 1861; and was were landed from the American and Brit-

a prisoner of war in North Carolina, and ish war-ships. Before order was restored,

at Richmond, Va., in June-October, 1861. several American and British officers and

In 1862 he was flag-lieutenant to Farra- sailors were killed, and others wounded,

gut, on the Hartford, and, after the sur- The loss of the natives was supposed to

render of New Orleans, he entered the have been very heavy (see Samoa).

city, removed the " Lone Star " flag from Admiral Kautz was retired in January,

the city hall, and raised the stars and 1901.

stripes over the custom-house. He was Kautz, August Valentine, military
also on the Hartford when that ship took officer; born in Ispringen, Germany, Jan.
part in the engagement with the batteries 5, 1828; brother of Admiral Kautz. His
of Vicksburg. He was promoted to lieu- parents came to the United States the
tonant-commander in 1865; commander year of his birth, and in 1832 settled in
in 1872; captain in 1885; commodore in Ohio. He graduated at the United States
1897: and rear-admiral in 1898; and in Military Academy in 1852; commis-
the latter year was placed in command of sioned second lieutenant in the 4th In-
the Pacific station. In 1899 Admiral fantry in 1853; promoted first lieuten-
Kautz figured prominently in settling the ant in 1855; captain in the 6th Cavalry
troubles at Samoa. In March of that in 1861; colonel 8th Infantry in 1874;
year, after he arrived at the scene of the brigadier-general in 1891; and was re-
trouble, on board the Philadelphia, he tired Jan. 5, 1892. In the volunteer ser-
spent two days in making inquiries, and vice he was commissioned colonel of the
then called a meeting of all the consuls 2d Ohio Cavalry, Sept. 2, 1862; promoted
and the senior officers of the English and to brigadier - general, May 7, 1864; and
German war-ships in the harbor. After brevetted major - general, Oct. 28, follow-

219

KEAN— KEARNY

ing. During the CiA'il War he distinguish- from the Chinese authorities the recogni-
ed himself at Monticello, Ky. ; at Peters- tion of the right of Americans to trade
burg, Va. ; in the action on the Darby- there, and the same protection and facili-
to\vn road in Virginia ; in the pursuit and ties to our merchants as were about being
capture of John Morgan, the Confederate granted by treaty to Great Britain. He
raider; and in the final Richmond cam- died in Perth Amboy, Nov. 29, 1868.
paign. After the war he served in Ari- Kearny, Philip, military officer; born
zona, California, and Nebraska. General in New York City, June 2, 1815; studied
Kautz published The Company Clerk; law, but, preferring the military pro-
Customs of Service for Non-commissioned fession, entered the army at twenty-
Officers and Soldiers; and Customs of two years of age as lieutenant of
Service for Officers. He died in Seattle, dragoons. Soon afterwards the govern-
Wash., Sept. 4, 1895. ment sent him to Europe to study and

Kean, John, legislator; born in Ursino, report upon French cavalry tactics.
N. J., Dec. 4, 1852; was educated at Yale While there he fought in the French
College; graduated at the Law School of
Columbia College in 1875; admitted to
the New Jersey bar in 1877, but never
practised; was a member of Congress in
188,3-85 and 1887-89; and a Eepublican
United States Senator in 1889-1905.

Keaue, John Joseph, clergyman; born
in Ballyshannon, Ireland, Sept. 12, 1839;
came to the United States in 1846; was
educated in St. Charles's College and St.
Mary's Seminary, Baltimore; ordained a
priest of the Boman Catholic Church in
186G, and assigned to St. Patrick's
Church, Washington. He remained there
till Aug. 25, 1878, when he was conse-
crated Bishop of Bichmond, Va. He was
rector of the Catholic University of Amer-
ica, Washington, D. C, in 1886-97, when
he resigned and went to Eome. In 1900
he was appointed Archbishop of Dubuque.

Kearns, Thomas, legislator; born near
Woodstock, Ontario, Canada, April 11,
1862; removed to Utah, where he worked
in a mine, later becoming owner of two
mines. He was a delegate to the Republi-
e'an National Convention in 1896 and 1900;
and a Republican United States Senator
in 1901-05.

PHILIP KEARNY.

army in Africa as a volunteer, and re-
turned in 1840 with the cross of the Le-
gion of Honor. Aide to General Scott
(1841-44), he was made captain in the
LTnited States army, and served on the
staff of Scott in the war with Mexico, re-
ceiving great applause. Near the city of
Kearny, Lawrence, naval officer; born Mexico he lost his left arm in battle.
in Perth Amboy, N. J., Nov. 30, 1789; After serving a campaign on the Pacific
entered the navy in 1807 ; performed im- coast against the Indians, he went to Eu-
portant services on the coast of South rope, and served on the staff of the French
Carolina and adjoining States during the General Maurier in the Italian War
War of 1812-15; and after the war, in (1859). He received from the French gov-
command of the schooner Enterprise, as- crnment a second decoration of the Legion
sisted with efficiency in ridding the West of Honor. He hastened home when the
Indies and Gulf of Mexico of pirates. Civil War broke out ; was made brigadier-
He also, in the Warren, drove the Greek general of volunteers just after the bat-
pirates from the Levant in 1827, and tie of Bull Run, and commanded a brigade
broke up their nests. In command of the of New Jersey troops in Franklin's di-
East India squadron in 1851, he secured vision. Army of the Potomac. He com-

220

KEARNY

manded a division in Heintzelraan's corps; Washington, from Aug. 25 till his death,

behaved gallantly during the Peninsula near Chantilly, Va., Sept. 1, 1862. He

campaign ; was made major-general of had placed his division in preparation for

volunteers in July, 1862; was the first battle, and after dark was reconnoitring

to reinforce Pope; and was engaged in within the enemy's lines when he was dis-

the battles between the Rappahannock and covered and shot dead.

KEARNY, STEPHEN WATTS

Kearny, Stephen Watts, military escort of fifteen men, to bear the intelli-
officer; born in Newark, N. J., Aug. 30, gence overland to Washington, as soon as
1794; uncle of Gen. Philip Kearny. When possible. Just as he had crossed the
the War of 1812-15 broke out young desert and was approaching the American
Kearny left his studies at Columbia Col- frontier, he was met by General Kearny,
lege, entered the army as lieutenant of with a small force of dragoons, marching
infantry, and distinguished himself in the westward, under instructions from his
battle of Queenston Heights. In April, government to conquer California and or-
1813, he was made captain, and rose to ganize a civil government in the terri-
brigadier - general in June, 1846. He was tory, a work Avhieh had already been sue-
in command of the Army of the West cessfully accomplished,
at the beginning of the war with Mexico, Upon learning what had occurred,
and with that army marched to California, Kearny insisted upon Carson's returning
conquering Xew Mexico on the way. He with him, as his guide, to California,
established a provisional government at having forwarded the despatches to
Santa Fe, pressed on to California, and Washington by another messenger of his
was twice wounded in battle. For a few own selection. Upon the general's arrival
n)onths in 1847 he was governor of Cali- at Los Angeles, the capital of California,
fornia ; joined the army in Mexico ; in and the seat of the new government, the
March, 1848, was governor, military and contest soon arose between himself and
civil, of Vera Crviz, and in May of the Commodore Stockton. The process by
same year was made governor of the city which Colonel Fremont became involved
of Mexico. In August, 1848. he was in this controA'ersy is obvious. He held
brevetted major-general, and died in St. a commission in the army as lieutenant
Louis, Mo., on Oct. 31, following. of topographical engineers, and, as such.

The Kearny-Stockt07i Controversy. — was, primarily, subject to the orders of
The differences between General Kearny his superior general officer of the army,
and Commodore Stockton, after the occu- He had since yielded to the exigencies of
pation of California, originated primarily the occasion, and, from motive and for
in the indefiniteness of the instructions reasons which cannot be impeached,
which were issued from the seat of govern- waived any privileges he might have
ment. Those addressed to the naval com- claimed, as the real conqueror of North
manders on the Pacific, in their judgment, California, and, in point of rank, the su-
justified the organization of a military perior representative of the army on the
force and a civil government in California, Pacific coast, and. with his men, volun-
and under those instructions Commodore teered to serve under Commodore Stock-
Stockton authorized Colonel Fremont to ton in the further prosecution of the war
organize the California battalion and take in South California, the subjugation of
its command with the title of major. By which could not be so successfully effected
virtue of those, he likewise took the neces- without the aid of a fieet. By accepting
sary steps for the organization of a civil the governorship of California, a vacancy
government for California and invested had been created in the command of the
Fremont with the title and responsibilities California battalion, and other changes
of governor. }iad become necessary. The first intima-

As soon as these results were com- tion which Colonel Fremont received of

summated. Kit Carson was sent, with an General Kearny's intention to test the

221

KEARNY, STEPHEN WATTS

validity of Commodore Stockton's acts, this morning to make such a reply as the

through him, was conveyed in the follow- brief time allowed for reflection will en-

ing note: able me.

. xTtT " I found Commodore Stockton in pos-

" Headquarters, Army of the West, . , , , ^ • ..i, ^

,j „ T A o session oi the country, exercising the tunc-

OlUDAD DE -LiOS ixNGELES, ^. „ .,., " ,, I'-i

,, , ^^ yo/'v tions OI ruilitarv commandant and civil
"Jan. 16, I84I. -. -, , i , i

governor, as early as July of last year;

« By direction of Brigadier - General ^^^^ ^-^^^.^^^ thereafter I received from him

Kearny, I send you a copy of a com- ^j^^ commission of military commandant,

munication to him from the Secretary of ^j^^ ^^^.^^ ^^ ^^^^^^ j immediately entered

War, dated June 18, 1846, m which is ^ ^^^ j^^^,^ continued to exercise to

the following: 'These troops, and such the present moment.

as may be organized in California, wil .j f^,^^^ ^j^^^ ^^ ^^ ^^.^j^^j ^^ ^^^^

be under your command.' The general ^j^^^^ ^^^^^^ ^j^^.^^ ^^ ^^^^. ^^^^ ^^^^^^ ^^^_

directs that no change will be made in ^^^^^^.^ Stockton still exercising the func-

the organization of your battalion of ^^^^^ ^^ ^.^,jj ,^^^ military governor, with

volunteers, or officers appointed m it, ^^^ ^^^^ apparent deference to his rank

without his sanction or approval being on the part of all officers (including your-

first obtained. Wm. F. Emort, ^^^^^ ^^ ^^ maintained and required when

" Lieutenant and Acting Assistant ^^ assumed them in July last.

" Adjutant-General." « j learned also, in conversation with

This note at once raised the question J""' that on the march from San Diego,

whether he was to obey General Kearny, recently, to this place, you entered upon

and thereby, so far as his example could and discharged duties implying an ac-

go, invalidate the acts of Commodore knowledgment on your part of supremacy

Stockton, in which he had co-operated, or to Commodore Stockton.
obey Commodore Stockton, and, so far " I feel, therefore, with great deference

as his decision would go, sustain the to your professional and personal charac-

validity of those proceedings which he be- ter, constrained to say that, until you and

lieved to be both legal and patriotic. If Commodore Stockton adjust between your-

he took the former course, he incurred selves the question of rank, where I re-

the liability to be