Skip to main content

Full text of "Historical collections"

See other formats

This  is  a  digital  copy  of  a  book  that  was  preserved  for  generations  on  library  shelves  before  it  was  carefully  scanned  by  Google  as  part  of  a  project 
to  make  the  world's  books  discoverable  online. 

It  has  survived  long  enough  for  the  copyright  to  expire  and  the  book  to  enter  the  public  domain.  A  public  domain  book  is  one  that  was  never  subject 
to  copyright  or  whose  legal  copyright  term  has  expired.  Whether  a  book  is  in  the  public  domain  may  vary  country  to  country.  Public  domain  books 
are  our  gateways  to  the  past,  representing  a  wealth  of  history,  culture  and  knowledge  that's  often  difficult  to  discover. 

Marks,  notations  and  other  marginalia  present  in  the  original  volume  will  appear  in  this  file  -  a  reminder  of  this  book's  long  journey  from  the 
publisher  to  a  library  and  finally  to  you. 

Usage  guidelines 

Google  is  proud  to  partner  with  libraries  to  digitize  public  domain  materials  and  make  them  widely  accessible.  Public  domain  books  belong  to  the 
public  and  we  are  merely  their  custodians.  Nevertheless,  this  work  is  expensive,  so  in  order  to  keep  providing  this  resource,  we  have  taken  steps  to 
prevent  abuse  by  commercial  parties,  including  placing  technical  restrictions  on  automated  querying. 

We  also  ask  that  you: 

+  Make  non-commercial  use  of  the  files  We  designed  Google  Book  Search  for  use  by  individuals,  and  we  request  that  you  use  these  files  for 
personal,  non-commercial  purposes. 

+  Refrain  from  automated  querying  Do  not  send  automated  queries  of  any  sort  to  Google's  system:  If  you  are  conducting  research  on  machine 
translation,  optical  character  recognition  or  other  areas  where  access  to  a  large  amount  of  text  is  helpful,  please  contact  us.  We  encourage  the 
use  of  public  domain  materials  for  these  purposes  and  may  be  able  to  help. 

+  Maintain  attribution  The  Google  "watermark"  you  see  on  each  file  is  essential  for  informing  people  about  this  project  and  helping  them  find 
additional  materials  through  Google  Book  Search.  Please  do  not  remove  it. 

+  Keep  it  legal  Whatever  your  use,  remember  that  you  are  responsible  for  ensuring  that  what  you  are  doing  is  legal.  Do  not  assume  that  just 
because  we  believe  a  book  is  in  the  public  domain  for  users  in  the  United  States,  that  the  work  is  also  in  the  public  domain  for  users  in  other 
countries.  Whether  a  book  is  still  in  copyright  varies  from  country  to  country,  and  we  can't  offer  guidance  on  whether  any  specific  use  of 
any  specific  book  is  allowed.  Please  do  not  assume  that  a  book's  appearance  in  Google  Book  Search  means  it  can  be  used  in  any  manner 
anywhere  in  the  world.  Copyright  infringement  liability  can  be  quite  severe. 

About  Google  Book  Search 

Google's  mission  is  to  organize  the  world's  information  and  to  make  it  universally  accessible  and  useful.  Google  Book  Search  helps  readers 
discover  the  world's  books  while  helping  authors  and  publishers  reach  new  audiences.  You  can  search  through  the  full  text  of  this  book  on  the  web 

at  http  :  //books  .  google  .  com/| 

V  • 

aN      i 

Historical  collections 

Michigan  State  Historical 

Society,  IVIichigan  Historical  Commission 

Digitized  by 


Digitized  by 


Digitized  by 


Digitized  by 








From  tu^  AfiT  Mfssitm  or  Pstroit.  Novkmbkb,  1002. 

Digitized  by 


\sr\v-cV^v  r\5vxAv   V     \A^'W^^«:<^V      ao-rvx 

Wv<-^v\  »*us— 




Micliifaii  Pioneer'  and  Historical  Society 




Digitized  by 


Digitized  by 



It  is  with  peculiar  satisfaction  that  the  Committee  of  Historians  of  the 
Michigan  Pioneer  and  Historical  Society  invite  attention  to  the  present 
volume  (33)  of  its  Collections.  It  seems  to  us  that  these  Cadillac  papers 
comprise  one  of  the  most  important  series  of  documents,  translated  from 
the  original  preserved  in  the  archives  at  Paris,  France,  that  any  State  has 
ever  issued,  and  that  the  knowledge  of  their  being  printed  will  be  re- 
ceived by  historical  students  with  a  great  deal  of  pleasure.  They  furnish 
the  best  available  data  contemporary  with  the  beginnings  of  civilization, 
about  three  centuries  ago,  in  the  vast  territory  whereof  Michigan  is  now 
a  conspicuous  part,  and  it  is  eminently  appropriate  that  they  should  first 
be  made  pqblic  by  the  Michigan  Pioneer  and  Historical  Society.  They 
deal  with  a  past  which  belongs  largely  to  the  realm  of  historical  myth 
and  tradition. 

Indeed,  the  boundaries  of  New  France  of  the  seventeenth  and  eight- 
eenth centuries  are  impossible  clearly  to  define.  It  may  be  generally 
stated  that  the  French  government  claimed,  as  their  possessions,  all  of 
the  lands  forming  the  present  Dominion  of  Canada,  a  large  part  of  mod- 
ern New  York,  the  western  portion  of  Pennsylvania,  and  all  the  region 
west  and  north  of  the  Ohio  river. 

In  all  this  vast  territory  there  were  no  permanent  settlements  before 
the  year  1700.  There  were  several  mission  posts  established  by  various 
religious  societies — mostly  by  the  Jesuits, — a  missionary  post  of  some 
importance  at  Mackinac,  and  a  trading  post  at  Fort  St.  Louis  granted  to 
La  Salle,  but  at  this  time  in  charge  of  Henry  Tonty  (bras-de-fer)  and  La 
Forest.  None  of  these  posts  were  permanent.  That  of  Fort  St.  Louis  ex- 
isted for  a  few  years  and  was  abandoned.  Mackinac  was,  also,  in  a  short 
time  abandoned  and  burned,  but  was  subsequently  re-established. 

At  a  somewhat  earlier  period  a  trading  or  military  post  had  been  estab- 
lished on  the  west  shore  of  the  river  St.  Clair,  near  the  outlet  of  Lake 
Huron.  This  establishment  sometimes  bore  the  name  of  Detroit,  and  was 
Jaid  down  on  the  map  as  St.  Joseph,  but  this  also  was  destroyed  before 
the  year  1700. 

Digitized  by 



In  1694,  Antoine  de  la  Mothe  Cadillac  was  the  military  commandant 
at  Michillimackinac.  He  remained  at  this  post  three  years,  studying  the 
situation,  and,  by  intercourse  with  the  various  Indian  tribes  that  assem* 
bled  there,  preparing  himself  for  accomplishing  one  of  the  most  important 
events  in  the  history  of  the  Northwest — the  establishment  of  a  permanent 
colony  in  the  wilds  of  America. 

No  name,  in  the  annals  of  the  West,  stands  out  more  prominent  than 
that  of  Antoine  de  la  Mothe  Cadillac,  the  founder  of  Detroit,  and  the  first 
colony  builder  in  the  West- 
It  is  not  necessary  here  to  give  a  sketch  of  his  life,  as  that  information 
can  be  found  elsewhere.  He  came  to  Detroit  river  in  the  summer  of  1701, 
and  there  laid  the  foundation  of  a  great  city  which  now  honors,  and 
always  will  honor,  his  name  as  its  founder. 

Within  a  short  time  after  the  commencement  of  the  settlement  Cadillac 
sent  an  official  report  of  his  work  to  the  Minister  at  Paris,  after  whom 
his  place  was  named — Pontchatrain — and  this  report  was  followed  by 
others  of  like  nature,  at  intervals,  during  the  period  of  Cadillac's  com- 
mand. These  various  reports  were  filed  with  other  state  papers  and  now 
remain  in  the  archives  at  Paris.  Along  with  those  reports  are  various 
other  papers  and  documents  relative  to  Cadillac  and  to  Detroit. 

The  state  of  New  York,  some  years  since,  had  all  of  these  archives  ex- 
amined, and  such  of  them  as  pertained  to  the  history  of  that  state  were 
copied,  translated,  and  printed  in  Documents  Relative  to  the  Colonial 
History  of  New  York.  In  this  series  are  a  few  that  relate  to  Detroit.  In 
this  series,  also,  are  a  few  that,  in  the  original,  relate  to  Detroit,  but  in 
which,  in  translating,  the  Detroit  portions  were  omitted. 

The  state  of  Wisconsin  has  also,  recently,  republished  some  of  those 
published  by  the  state  of  New  York,  and  has  added  a  few  from  other 

When  Governor  Lewis  Cass  was  Minister  to  France  he  obtained  cop- 
ies of  some  of  these  papers,  and  they  were  translated  and  put  in  the  form 
of  historical  matter — not  in  the  form  of  translations — and  were  printed 
by  Mrs.  Sheldon  in  her  Early  History  of  Michigan.  A  few,  also,  of  these 
manuscripts  were  collected  and  printed  in  the  original  French  by  Pierre 
Margry,  but  his  works  have  never  been  translated  into  English. 

With  the  above  exceptions  the  vast  pile  of  manuscripts  relative  to  De- 
troit and  Michigan  has  laid  in  the  archives  at  Paris,  hidden,  so  far  as 
American  readers  are  concerned.  The  people  of  Michigan  and  the  West 
are  interested  in  these  papers,  and  it  is  because  they  were  of  no  special 
interest  to  the  eastern  states  that  they  have  remained  so  long  unpub- 

Some  ten  years  ago  Mr.  Clarence  M.  Burton,  of  Detroit,  undertook,  at 
his  own  expense,  to  have  these  records  re-examined,  and  those  that  per- 
tained to  Michigan  copied  for  his  own  use.    The  work  of  searching  out 

Digitized  by 



and  copying  was  a  labor  of  some  years  and  of  considerable  expense. 
After  the  copies  were  made  Mr.  Burton  turned  them  over  to  a  competent 
translator  and  obtained  a  careful,  accurate  and  literal  translation  of 
them  all.  The  manuscripts  fill  twenty-four  volumes.  They  consist  not 
merely  of  Cadillac's  reports,  but  of  everything  to  be  found  in  the  Paris 
archives  relative  to  Detroit  and  Michigan,  not  heretofore  printed. 

Among  the  earliest  of  these  documents  is  a  series  of  letters  from  the 
Jesuit  priests  to  Cadillac,  with  the  notations  of  Cadillac  and  of  the  Sfin- 
ister  on  each  letter.  Several  copies  of  these  letters  are  in  existence,  but  no 
complete  translation  has  ever  before  been  published.  The  letters  from 
Cadillac  to  these  priests  have  never  been  translated  or  published,  but  Mr. 
Burton  has,  through  the  kindness  of  Father  Jones  of  Montreal,  obtained 
copies  of  the  originals,  and  these  will  appear  in  the  series  mentioned 

During  the  period  that  Detroit  was  under  the  command  of  Cadillac — 
1701  to  1710 — there  was  a  record  kept  of  the  transactions  of  the  village. 
This  record  has  but  recently  been  discovered  by  Mr.  P.  Oagnon,  archivist 
at  Quebec.  Mr.  Burton  has  obtained  a  copy  of  this  record,  and  it  will  be 
translated  and  printed  with  the  other  papers.  There  will  also  be  attached 
an  agreement  for  the  support  of  Cadillac's  daughter,  Judith,  with  the^ 
Ursuline  sisters  at  Quebec.  This  document  has  been  recently  found  by 
Mr.  Qagnon,  and  a  copy  was  furnished  by  him  to  Mr.  Burton.  The  impor- 
tance of  this  paper  consists  in  giving  the  name  and  age  of  one  of  Cadil- 
lac's children  concerning  whom  but  little  is  known. 

All  of  the  above  translations  have  been  given  by  Mr.  Burton  to  the 
Michigan  Pioneer  and  Historical  Society  for  publication  in  its  Collec- 
tions, commencing  in  volume  33.  Probably  this  will  prove  to  be  the  most 
valuable  contribution  to  western  history  ever  published  by  any  Society. 
The  cordial  thanks  of  the  committee  of  historians,  and  also  of  the  Mich- 
igan Pioneer  and  Historical  Society,  in  whose  name  and  behalf  they  act, 
are  tendered  to  Mr.  Burton  for  his  generous  contribution  to  the  earliest 
authentic  annals  of  Michigan  and  Detroit.  As  the  centuries  pass  these 
illuminating  records  will  become  more  and  more  valuable. 

L.  D.  WATKINS,  Manchester,  Chairman. 

EDWAUD  W.  BARBER,  Jackson. 


PETER  WHITE,  Marquette. 

GEORGE  H.  CANNON,  Washington. 

Committee  of  Historians. 

Digitized  by 


Digitized  by 



Pbontispiece. — "Louis  XIV  delivering  to  Chevalier  Osdillac  the.  ordinance  and  grant 
for  the  foundation  of  the  City  of  Detroit." 

Presented  in  the  name  of  the  French  Republic  hy  his  Excellency  M.  Jules 
Camhon,  Ambassador  of  France  to  the  United  States,  November,  1902." 

F.  Le  Quesne. 

This  picture  is  a  copy  of  a  painting  in  the  Detroit  Museum  of  Art  Besides 
the  portraits  of  Cadillac  and  the  King  of  France,  includes  those  of  the  following 
persons:  Louis  Boucherat,  Chancellor  of  France;  and  behind  the  King,  Messieurs 
Barbezieux,  guerre;  ds  Torcy,  affairs  etrangers;  Jerome  de  Pontchartrain  flls, 
marine;  Louis  Phillipeaux  de  Pontchartrain,  finances.   The  artist  is  F.  Le  Quesne. 

Rev.  F.  a.  Blades,  City  Controller  of  Detroit 10 

RiCHABD  R.  Elliott,  Htstoriographer  of  Detroit ', 22 

Record  of  the  Marbiage  of  Antoine  de  la  Mothe  Cadillac  and  ^abib  Theresa 

GuYON,  WITH  Translation  on  next  page 308 

From  the  Burton  Library,  Detroit. 

Contract  Made  Between  Antoine  de  jjl  Mothe  Cadillac  and  M.  Hazeur,  Law 

Officer  to  the»Oreat  Superior  Council 419 

From  the   Burton  Library,   Detroit. 

Portrait  of  Judge  J.  Wh.lard  Babbitt,  Ypsilanti 746 

Digitized  by 


Digitized  by 



*  #age. 

Proceedings  of  Annual  Meeting,  1903 1 

Address  of  President,  Clarence  M.  Burton  8 

Report  of  Recording  and  Corresponding  Secretary,  Henry  R.   Pattenglll   5 

Treasurer's  Report^  Benjamin  F.  Dayis 7 

Regrets   ■* '. 8 

Gifts  and  loans : 8 

Driving  tbe  fitst  stake  for  the  Capitol  at  Lansing,  Rev.  F.  A.  Blades 1(\ 

The  Jesuit  Missionaries  who  labored  In  the  Lake  Superior  region  during  the  17th  and 

18th  Centuries,  Richard  R.  Blliott  22 


From  manuscripts  collected  by  C.  M.  Burton 36 

Proclamation  of  France  on  taking  formal  possession  of  the  West k 86 

Quarrel  between  Cadillac  and  Sabrevols  *. 86 

Letter  to  Monsieur  Du  Lhu 40 

Retaking  possession  of  Detroit  41 

The  necessity  of  a  poet  at  Detroit  4? 

Occupying  posts  in  the  West , * 44  ' 

The  establishment  of  theaters  in  Quebec   54 

Promotion  of  Cadillac  72 

Licenses  to  trade  are  revoked  72 

Plans  to  capture  New  York 77 

A  suit  against  Cadillac  86 

Frontenac  praises  Cadillac   94 

Detroit  is  founded 96 

Letters  to  Cadillac  from  the  Jesuit  Fathers  102 

Cadillac  starts  for  Detroit  107 

Detroit  in  eharge  of  the  company  of  Canada .• '. 108 

Description  of  the  River  of  Detroit  by  M.  de  la  Mothe,  the  commandent  there  Ill 

The  seventh  letter  from  the  Jesuits  to  Cadillac 112 

Detroit  given  to  the  company  of  the  Colony  115 

Ninth  letter  from  the  Jesuits  to  Qadillac  118. 

Account  of  Detroit  131 

Description  of  Detroit ;  Advantages  found  there  138 

Remarks  made  by  M.  De  La  Mothe  concerning  the  board  of  directors  152 

The  company  of  the  colony  proposes  to  surrender  Detroit  to  Cadillac 155 

Cadillac  makes  arrangements  with  the  Jesuits 158 

The  fifteenth  letter  of  the  Jesuits  to  Cadillac  159 

Report  of  Detroit  in  1703  161 

Cadillac  has  trouble  with  the  Jesuits   , 182 

Reflections  on  the  present  state  of  the  settlement  of  Detroit  in  Canada 186 

Endorsed  letter  from  the  Court  or  arrangement  made  by  the  King  and  M.  D^Lamothe  on 

account  of  Detroit  • 187 

Talk  between  the  different  Indian  tribes  at  Detroit  190 

Ramezay  complains  of  the  treatment  of  Cadillac  194 

Letters  from  Vaudreull  and  De  Beauharnols  complaining  about  Cadillac  196 

Digitized  by 




Memorandtim  of  M.  de  la  Moth£  Cadillac  concemlac  the  establishment  of  Detroit  from 

Quebec 198 

Attempt  to  prerent  trouble  between  the  Hnrons  and  OataTOls' 242 

Posts  of  the  upper  countries —  ^ 248 

Memorandum  on  the  posts  of 'the  upper  country  248 

Agreement  made  between  the  directon  and  agents  of  the  company  of  the  colony  of  Canada 
and  M.  de  Lamothe  in  concert  with  the  Qovemor  General  and  three  intendants  con- 
cerning Detroit  or  Fort  Pontcbartrain 245 

Cadillac  in  possession  of  Detroit 248 

Cadillac's  requests  to  the  Governor  General  regarding  the  settlement  of  Detroit 249 

Reply   of  the   Governor  General  to  the  memorial   presMited  by  Monsieur  de  la   Motbe 

Cadillac  on  the  Slst  of  March,  1706  258 

Extract  from  the  letter  of  the  said  minister  of  the  9th  of  June,  1706,  at  paragraph  6 257 

Talk  between  Marquis  de  Vaudreull  and  Onaskin,  chief  of  the  Outavols  258 

Letttr  from  Father  Biarest  to  the  Marquis  de  Vaudreull 262 

List  of  the  people  who  came  to  Detroit  in  1706  271 

Cadillac's  letter  to  Marquis  de  Vaudreull 272 

Talk  of  Marquis  de  Vaudreull  with  the  Sonnontouans 285 

Speech  of  Mlscouaky,  chief  of  the  Ontayols,  to  Marquis  de  Vaudreull  288 

Replies  of  M.  de  Vaudreull  to  Mlscouaky,  chief  of  the  Outaouas  294 

Amounts  expended  for  the  King's  service  by  Cadillac  296 

Memorial  of  the  S.  de  la  Mothe  Cadillac  with  the  replies  of  M.  de  Vaudreull  in  the  margin  297 

^eply  to  the  memorial  of  the  Sr.  de  la  Mothe  CadillHc 299 

Report  of  Marquis  de  Vaudreull,  Governor  General,  regarding  the  cordltl(m  of  the  colony  301 
Statement  of  sums  expended  by  order  of  M.  de  la  Motbe  for  the  Iroquis  chiefs  who  came 

to  speak  to  him  •. 814 

Extract  from  the  letter  of  M.  de  Pontchartrain  1707,  at  paragraph  2 315 

Points  concerning  Canada  for  the  year  1707  — ; 316 

Draft  of. the  measures  which  Dauteull,  Procureur  General  of  the  King  to  the  Superior 
Council  of  Quebec,  most  humbly  proposes  to  the  Comte  de  Pontchartrain,  Minister 

and  Secretary  of  State  for  Canada  818 

Words  of  the  Outavois  on  the  18th  of  June,  with  the  answers  819 

Words  of  the  Outavois  on  the  21st  of  June,  with  the  answers  824 

Words  of  Jean  Le  Blanc  to  the  Governor  General  on  the  23d  of  June,  1707  826 

*  The  Ottawas  come  to  Quebec  In  the  spring  of  1707  328 

Council  held  at  Detroit  on  the  6th  of  August 881 

Cadillac  complains  of  Vaudreull  » 886 

Letter  from  MM.  de  Vaudreull  and  Raudot,  15  September,  1707  :  842 

Words  of  the  Ottawas  to  Cadillac 846 

Copy  of  Monsieur  de  la  Mothe's  letter  written  to  the  Marquis  De  Vaudreull  from  Fort 

Pontchartrain  on  the  first  of  Oct.,  1707 850 

Observation  of  the  Marquis  de  Vaudreull  on  the  letter  from  De  Lamothe  of  the  1st  of 

October,  1707 354 

Speeches  of  three  Indians  from  Mlchlllmaklna 362 

Reply  of  the  Marquis  de  Vaudreull  to  Catalaouibols  on  the  8th  October 366 

Sleur  de  Tonty  tn  command  of  Fort  Frontenac 867 

Report  from  Marquis  de  Vaudreull 868 

Sleur  de  la  Forest  sent  to  Quebec  by  Cadillac , 870 

Letter  from  M.  de  Vaudreull  expressing  his  contempt  for  C&dlllac  871 

Cadillac  grants  contracts  to  Detroit  cltlsens 878 

The  Jesuits*  complaint  against  Cadillac  882 

Father  Marest's  complaints  against  Cadillac 888 

Extract  from  the  letter  of  the  said  minister  of  the  6th  of  June,  1708,  at  paragraph  6 887 

List  of  the  officers  who  were  in  the  expedition  commanded  by  MM.  de  Lescballlons  and 

Rouvllle   887 

Speech  of  the  Outtavols  of  Mlchlllmaklna  with  replies  of  M.  de  Vaudreull  888 

Reply  of  the  Marquis  de  Vaudreull  to  the  words  of  the  Outtavols  from  MichlUmakina  ....  889 

Remarks  on  letters  of  Cadillac 890 

Letter  from  M.   Raudot,  Jr 895 

Letter  from  M.  de  Vaudreull  ^ 395 

Memorandum  by  MM.  de  Vaudreull  and  Raudot  on  the  proposal  of  the  Sleur  de  la  Mothe 

to  establish  four  companies  of  Savages  at  Detroit  81^ 

MM.  de  Vaudreull  and  Raudot  report  of  the  colonies  and  criticise  Cadillac  401 

Letter  from  Sr.  D'Algremont  denouncing  Cadillac's  methods  424 

Digitized  by 




•Letter  from  MM.  de  Vaudreull  and  Baudot  453 

Remarks  on  report  of  Randot  ;. 466 

Letter  from  Randot 456 

Copy  of  a  letter  written  by  Monseigneur  de  Pontchartraln  to  Moulenr  Raudot 475 

Bxtract  from  the  Memorandum  of  the  King  concerning  Canada  476 

Extract  from  reports  of  M.  de  Vaudreull  and  Raudot  477 

Bxtract  from  a  resolution  passed  as  between  M.  de  la  Mothe  and  his  settlers  of  Detroit 

OB  the  7th  of  June,  1710  478 

Necessity  for  re-establishing  Maddnac  479 

Cadillac  appointed  GoTemor  of  Louisiana  and  de  la  Forest  commandant  at  Detroit 483 

Dubulsson  ordered  to  act  as  commandant  at  Detroit  484 

Memorandum  of  Sleur  Dubulsson  485 

Bxtract  from  the  letter  of  M.  de  la  Forest,  written  to  M.  de  la  Mothe  at  Detroit,  at 

paragraphs  1,  2  and  3  : 486 

Letter  from  Sr.  D'Algremont   487 

Petition  for  pension  for  Captain  de  Grandyllle's  widow  492 

Census  of  Detroit  de  Pontchartraln  In  the  year  1710 492 

Instructions  given  Dubulsson  by  M.  de  la  Forest  495 

Memorandum  to  serve  ns  Instructions  from  the  Marquis  de  Vaudreull  to  the  ofllcers  and 

voyageurs  despatched  to  bring  down  to  Montreal  the  savages  of  the  upper  country  ....  497 
WoVds  of  the  Marquis  de  Vaudreull  to  the  savages  who  came  down  from  the  upper  coun- 
try   ., 608 

Cadillac  asks  to  know  the  will  of  his  majesty  ^ 506 

Cadillac  tries  to  sell  his  personal  effects  to  de  la  Forest  ! 508 

Agreement  made  between  MM.  de  la  Mothe  and  de  la  Forest  610 

Memorandum  of  M.  de  la  Forest  In  which  he  asks  permission  to  go  to  his  post 512 

Answer  of  M.  de  la  Mothe  to  the  memorandum  of  M.  de  la  Forest  of  the  14th  of  July, 

1711    ,....  613 

Reply  to  Cadfllac's  claims 615 

Portion  of  Rev.  Father  Cherubln  de  Nlan*s  letter  to  Cadillac  617 

Inventory  of  Cadlllac^s  Detroit  property  618 

Report  from  M.  de  Vaudreull  of  the  condition  of  the  colony , 528 

Report  of  Sr.  Dubulsson  to  M.  de'Vaudreull  537 

List  of  Indian  tHbes  In  the  West  552 

Indians  on  the  St  Joseph  River  658 

Letter  from  Father  Marest— complaints  of  the  Indians  557 

Reports  from  the  upper  country ^ 559 

Expenses  of  the  post  at  Detroit  .^ 568 

Fox  Indians  attack  Detroit  '. 669 

Death  of  La  Forest  571 

War  against  the  Fox  Indians  and  amnesty  to  the  ^'Ooureura  de  boi9"  573 

The  settlement  at  Detroit  574 

Peace  with  the  Fox  Indians  676 

Remarks  on  the  war  with  the  Fox  Indians  679 

Ehigllsh  entice  the  Indians  to  leave  the  French ^ 582 

A  talk  with  the  Ottawas  and  their  reply  684 

Talk  of  the  Poutouatamls  and  the  reply  of  M.  de  Vaudreull  586 

Report  of  the  death  of  the  sons  of  Ramesay  and  de  Longueull 587 

Louvlgny  sent  on  an  expedition  to  the  Fox  Indians  688 

On  the  savages  of  Detroit  '. 690 

Tonty  prevents  the  savages  from  trading  with  the  E)ngllsh  693 

A  letter  from  Sabrevols  to  Cadillac 694 

Tonty  prevents  a  war  between  the  Mlamls  and  Ottawaa 595 

Cadillac  petitions  for  compensation  for  his  losses  at  Detroit  698 

Cadillac  again  asks  that  justice  be  done  blm  602 

Inspection  of  the  Western  posts  607 

Cadillac  should  be  reimbursed  for  his  losses  at  Detroit  610 

Cadillac  complains  of  Tonty  612 

Cadillac  relates  of  founding  of  Detroit  • 614 

Cadillac's  property  at  Detroit  destroyed  621 

Memorial  of  Cadillac  to  the  Council  622 

Communication  to  the  Comte'de  Toulouse 630 

Cadillac  offers  to  surrender  his  rights  at  Detroit 631 

Complaints  against  Sleur  Bouat  681 

Digitized  by 


xii  CO'NTENTS. 


Ponlsbment  of  Bouat  640, 

Inventory  of  Cadillac's  possewions  at  Detroit  641 

Ramezay  prevents  Sabrevois  from  going  to  Detroit 643 

Memorial  of  De  La  Motlie  eadillac  647 

The  King  intended  to  plant  a  colony  at  Detroit 650 

Claims  of  Cadillac : 658 

Expenses  Incurred  by  Cadillac  for  the  King  668 

Grant  of  lands  at  Detroit  to  Cadillac  670 

Lands  at  Detroit 671 

Cadillac's  power  of  higher,  middlt  and  lower  Jurisdiction  . .  .*. 672 

Cadillac  asks  that  all  Detroit  be  given  him  with  civil  righte 673 

Therese  Catin  commences  suit  against  Alphonse  de  Tonty,  Jr 675 

Alexis  Lemoine  complains  of  Tonty  676 

Cadillac  again  petitions  to  be  put  In  possession  of  Detroit  677 

List  of  effects  from  the  magaxine  of  Cadillac  687 

Detailed  description  of  Detroit  687 

The  King  decides  not  to  reinstate  Cadillac  at  Detroit* 690 

Extracts  from  the  memorial  and  reply  695 

Expenses  of  the  war  against  the  Fox  Indiana 708 

Memorandum  by  the  King  ,. 704 

Report  of  Charlevoix  on  thie  Western  Poets  706 

Citizens  of  Detroit  accuse  Tonty  of  cruelty  707 

Cadillac's  right  conceded  *. 709 

The  Indians  at  Detroit  intend  to  make  war  on  the  Fox  Indians  710 

The  work  of  Dr.  Robert  Clark  Kedxie  as  a  pioneer 716 

Allegan  county  memorial  report  723 

Bay  county  memorial  report  • 723 

Barry  county  memorial  report 724 

Benzie  county  memorial  report  » 730 

Berrien  county  memorial  report 730 

Branch  county  memorial  report 731 

Clinton  county  memorial  report^ 733 

Crawford  county  memorial  report 733 

Eaton  country  memorial  report  ......' 734 

Genesee  county  memorial  report  735 

Grand  Traverse  county  memorial  report  736 

Hillsdale  county  memorial  report  736 

Isabella  county  memorial  report  • 737 

Kalamazoo  county  memorial  report  738 

Kent  county  memorial  report  739 

Mackinac  county  memorial  report  .• 740 

Macomb  county  memorial  report  r 741 

Marquette  county  memorial  report  743 

Muskegon  county  memorial  report  744 

Saginaw  county  memorial  report  745 

Shiawassee  county  memorial  report 746 

Van  Buren  county  memorial  report 746 

Washtenaw  county,  memorial  of  Judge  J.  Willard  Babbitt  746 

Wayne  county  .- 748 

Digitized  by 



OFFICERS,  1902. 

Clarence  M.  Burton,  Detroit,  President. 
Henry  R.  Pattengill,  Lansing,  Secretary. 
Benjamin  F.  Davis,  Lansing,  Treasurer. 


♦Robert  C.  Kedzie,  LL.  D.,  Lansing. 
Hon.  Daniel  McCoy,  Grand  Rapids. 
*H.  B.  Smith,  Marengo. 


Hon.  L.  D.  Watklns,  Manchester. 
Judge  Edward  Cahill,  Lansing. 
Hon.  E.  W.  Barber,  Jackson. 
Mrs.  Mary  C.  Spencer,  Lansing. 
Hon.  Peter  White,  MarqUette. 

OFFICERS,  1903. 

Clarence  M.  Burton,  Detroit,  President. 
Honry  R.  Pattengill  Lansing,  Secretary. 
Benjamin  F.  Davis,  Lansing,  Treasurer. 


Daniel  McCoy,  Grand  Rapids. 
Mrs.  Mary  C.  Spencer,  Lansing. 
George  H.  Cannon,  Washington. 


Hon.  L.  D.  Watkins,  Manchester. 
Judge  Edward  Cahlll,  Lansing. 
Hon.  E.  W.  Barber,  Jackson. 
Hon.  Peter  White,  Marquette. 
Prof.  Claude  H.  Van  Tine,  Ann  Arbor. 


Alcona,  W.  L.  Chapelle,  Harrisvllle. 


Allegan,  Hon.  James  W.  Humphrey,  Wayland. 

Alpena,  James  A.  Case,  Alpena. 

Antrim,  J.  McLaughlin,  Elk  Rapids. 

Arenac,  Miss  Julia  Inglis,  Sterling. 

Baraga,  • 


Digitized  by 



Barry,  Mrs.  Sarah  E.  Striker,  Hastings. 
Bay.  George  C.  Cobb,  Bay  City. 
Benzie,  William  A.  Betts,  Benzonia. 
Berrien,  Hon.  Thomas  Mars,  Berrien  Center. 
Branch.  Col.  George  A.  Turner,  Coldwater. 
Calhoun,  Hon.  John  C.  Patterson,  Marshall. 
Cass,  Hon.  L.  H.  Glover,  Cassopolis. 
Charlevoix,  B.  H.  Green,  Charlevoix. 

Chippewa,  Hon.  C.  H.  Chapman,  Sault  Ste.  Marie. 

Clinton,  Mrs.  C.  L.  Pearse,  DeWitt. 
Crawford,  Dr.  Oscar  Palmer,  Grayling. 
Delta.  Hon.  O.  B.  Fuller,  Ford  River. 

Eaton,  Hon.  Esek  Pray,  Dlmondale. 

Genesee,  Mrs.  H.  C.  Fairbanks,  Flint. 
Gladwin.  Hon.  Eugene  Foster.  Gladwin. 
Gogebic.  Judge  Norman  B.  Haire,  Ironwood. 
Grand  Traverse.  Hon.  Thomas  T.  Bates,  Traverse  City. 

Hillsdale,  Joseph   H.   Bdinger,  Hillsdale. 
Houghton.  Hon.  Orrin  W.  Robinson,  Chassell. 

Ingham,  John  J.  Bush.  Lansing. 
Ionia,  Hon.  P.   H.  Taylor,   Ionia. 
Iosco,  John  W.  Waterbury,  Tawas  City. 

Isabella.  Prof.  C.  S.  Larzelere,  Mt.  Pleasant. 
Jackson,  Mrs.  P.  H.  Loomis,  Jackson. 
Kalamazoo.  Hon.  E.  W.  De  Yoe,  Kalamazoo. 
Kalkaska.  Hon.  A.  E.  Palmer,  Kalkaska. 
Kent,  Hon.  George  W.  Thayer,  Grand  Rapids. 

Lenawee,  Hon.  J.  I.  Knapp.  Adrian. 
Livingston,  Hon.  Albert  Tooley.  Howell. 
Luce.  Hon.  Sanford'N.  Dutcher,  Newberry. 
Mackinac,  Dr.  J.  R.  Bailey.  Mackinac  Island. 
Macomb.  Hon.  George  H.  Cannon,  Washington. 

Marquette.  Hon.  Peter  White.  Marquette. 
Mason,  Ralph  H.  Ellsworth.  Ludington. 
Mecosta,  Judge  C.  C.  Fuller.  Big  Rapids. 

Midland,  Hon.  C.  L.  Jenny.  Midland. 
,  Missaukee.  M.  D.  Richardson,  Pioneer. 
Monroe,  John  W.  Davis.  Monroe. 
Montcalm,  Hon.  James  W.  Belknap.  Greenville. 

Muskegon,  Mrs.  Mary  E.  Chamberlin.  Muskegon. 
Newaygo.  Hon.  Daniel  E.  Soper.  Newaygo. 

Oceana.  Hon.  C.  A.  Gurney.  Hart. 
Ogemaw.  Dr.  H.  M.  Ammond.  Campbell's  Comers. 

Oscoda,  Robert  Kittle.  Briggs. 
Otsego.  Charles  F.  Davis   Elmira. 
Ottawa.  Hon.  G.  T.  DIekema,  Holland. 
Presque  Isle.  Henry  Whiteley,  Millersburg. 
Roscommon,  Fred  L.  De  Lamater.  Roscommon. 

Digitized  by 



Sa^naw,  Mrs.  Anna  A.  Palmer,  Saginaw. 




St  Clair,  Mrs.  Oaroline  F.  Ballentine,  Port  Huron. 

St.  Jo6^>h,  Thomas  6.  Green,  Centreyllle. 

Tuscola,  N.  B.  York,  Millington. 

Van  Buren,  Hon.  C.*J.  Monroe,  South  Haven. 

Washtefnaw,  J.  Q.  A.  Sessions,  Ann  Arbor. 

Wayne,  Hem.  Fred  Carlisle,  Detroit 

Wexford;  Hon.  Perry  F.  Powers,  Cadillac. 

Digitized  by 


Digitized  by 




ANNUAL   MEETING,    JUNE   3-6,    1903. 


Wednesday,  2  p.  in.,  the  29th  annual  meeting  of  the  Michigan  Pioneer 
and  Historical  Society  was  called  to  order  in  the  Senate  Chamber. 
Prayer  was  offered  by  Dr.  William  H.  Haze.  Music,  "Song  to  Our  Pio- 
neers,*'  by  the  audience  preceded  the  r^ular  part  of  the  program,  con- 
sisting of  the  reports  of  the  various  officers.  The  first  paper,  "The  Bound- 
aries of  Michigan,"  by  Prof.  Claude  S.  Larzelere  of  Mt.  Pleasant,  Mich., 
was  followed  by  a  solo  by  Miss  Maud  Staley.  "Evolution  of  Agriculture," 
by  L.  D.  Watkins,  was  read  by  Mr.  Arthur  C.  Bird,  Lansing.  Paper  by 
Rev.  F.  A.  Blades  of  Detroit,  Mich.,  "Driving  the  First  Stake  for  the  Cap- 
itol at  Lansing."  "The  Early  Explorations  of  Dr.  J.  J.  Bigsby,"  by  Dr. 
A.  C.  Lane,  Lansing.  Music  by  Mrs.  C.  P.  Black,  Lansing.  Miss  Ella  J. 
Eamsdell  of  Big  Bapids,  Mich.,  then  read  a  paper  on  "Mecosta  County 
and  Its  Hub."  Solo  by  Mrs.  Roy  Moore,  Lansing.  Five  minute  speeches 
were  given  by  Hon.  Charles  H.  Dewey,  a  Lenawee  county  pioneer  of  1829, 
Hon.  James  E.  Scripps  of  Detroit,  Hon.  Isaac  Bush  of  Howell,  Rev.  R.  0. 
Crawford  of  Clinton  county,  Mr.  Fitch  of  Shiawassee  county,  Morgan 
Hungerford  of  Lansing,  Judge  Fuller  of  Big  Rapids,  vice  president  for 
Mecosta  county,  and  others.  It  was  resolved  that  Judge  Fuller  be  invited 
to  prepare  a  paper  for  the  next  year. 

Whdnbsday  Evening^  7 :30,  House  of  Representatives. 

Before  announcing  the  regular  program  of  the  evening,  the  president 
appointed  the  following  committee  to  nominate  officers  for  the  coming 
year:  Lucius  D.  Watkins,  Edward  W.  Barber,  Edward  H.  Cahill,  George 
W.  Thayer  and  John  E.  Day.    Hon.  Daniel  McCoy,  chairman  of  the  ex- 

Digitized  by 


2  ANNUAL  MBBTINO,    1903. 

ccutive  committee,  requested  the  different  committees  to  meet  June  4,  at 
9  a.  m.  The  regular  evening  work  was  then  commenced  by  a  duet  by  Miss 
Maud  Staley  and  Dr.  D.  Bokhof.  Paper,  "The  Burnett  Family,"  by  Ed- 
ward 8.  Kelley  of  St.  Joseph.  Music  by  the  Episcopal  Church  Choir.  A 
poem  entitled  'Tere  Marquette  and  Petare  Wite,"  was  read  by  Miss 
Delia  Knight.  Music  by  quintette  consisting  of  Miss  Staley,  Messrs. 
Seevey,  Walker,  Willetts  and  Bates,  students  of  the  Michigan  Agricul- 
tural College.  Meeting  closed  with  music  by  the  Episcopal  Church  Choir. 
A  reception  in  the  Governor's  parlors  given  by  Governor  and  Mrs.  Bliss 
to  the  members  of  this  Society  and  to  the  Senators  and  Representatives 
followed.  Beautiful  flowers,  suitable  refreshments,  and  recitations  by 
Miss  Lothridge  of  Battle  Creek  were  a  pleasing  feature  of  the  evening. 

Thursday^  9:45  a.  m..  Senate  Chamber. 

Meeting  opened  by  music  by  the  Industrial  School  Band,  who  re- 
sponded to  an  encore.  The  paper  prepared  by  Hon.  Charles  Moore  of  the 
"Soo,"  concerning  the  late  Hon.  Sullivan  M.  Cutcheon,  was  read  by  Mrs. 
Mary  C.  Spencer.  Solo  by  Mrs.  Roy  Moore  of  Lansing.  The  committee 
appointed  to  make  nominations  for  oiBcers,  through  Mr.  George  W. 
Thayer,  reported  the  following: — 

President — Clarence  M.  Burton,  Detroit. 

Secretary — ^Henry  R.  Pattengill,  Lansing. 

Corresponding  Secretary-r-Mrs.  Ellen  B.  Judson,  Lansing. 

Treasurer — Benjamin  F.  Davis,  Lansing. 

Executive  Committee — Daniel  McCoy,  Grand  Rapids;  H.  B.  Smith, 
Marengo;  Mrs.  Mary  C.  Spencer,  Lansing. 

Committee  of  Historians — ^L.  D.  Watkins,  Manchester;  Edward  H.  Ca- 
hill,  Lansing;  Edward  W.  Barber,  Jackson;  Peter  White,  Marquette; 
George  H.  Cannon,  Washington. 

Moved  that  the  report  be  accepted  and  adopted.  Moved  also  that  the 
corresponding  secretary  be  authorized  to  employ  an  assistant.  (Corre- 
sponding secretary  absolutely  declined  to  act.)  Music  by  the  Industrial 
School  Band.  Paper  compiled  by  Prof.  Frank  S.  Kedzie,  regarding  his 
father.  Dr.  Robert  C.  Kedzie,  for  so  many  years  a  member  of  the  execu- 
tive committee. 

Thursday  Afternoon,  at  the  Congregational  Church. 

Preliminary  to  the  meeting  it  -was  announced  that  Mr.  E.  Lockhart  of 
Nashville,  Mich.,  has  a  collection  of  curios  which  he  has  willed  to  the 
Society,  and  upon  motion  this  was  accepted  and  a  vote  of  thanks  tendered 
him  for  the  gift.  The  opening  music  was  by  the  pupils  of  the  public 
schools  under  the  leadership  of  Miss  Jeanette  Osborne.    A  vote  of  thanks 

Digitized  by 



was  ^:eiided  to  them  for  their  kindness.  Mr.  John  E.  Day's  paper,  **The 
Moravians  in  Michigan,"  followed.  Mr.  Harold  Jarvis  of  Detroit  favored 
us  with  music  entitled  "Spring,"  and  also  responded  to  an  encore.  Mr, 
Lucius  C.  Storrs  gave  a  paper  on  "Progress  in  Reformatory  Work."  Mr, 
Jarvis  then  sang  again.  Mr.  Joseph  H.  Edinger  related  some  of  the  trials 
of  a  relic  hunter  in  gathering  the  specimens  in  his  fine  collection.  After 
a  song  by  Mr.  Jarvis,  Gen.  B.  M.  Cutcheon's  paper  was  read.  Music  by 
Mr.  Jarvis.  Upon  motion  the  blind  grandfather  of  Miss  Bamsdell  was 
voted  an  honorary  member  of  this  Society.  Moved  and  carried  that  the 
thanks  of  this  Society  be  extended  to  Mr.  Jarvis  for  his  enjoyable  music, 
who  then  gave  us  "The  Stein  Song."  with  "Flow  Gently,  Sweet  Afton"  as 
an  encore.    Adjourned  until  evening, 

Thursday  Evening,  7 :45,  Senate  Chamber. 

Meeting  opened  by  music  by  St.  Mary's  Church  Choir,  "Thou  art  so  far 
and  yet  so  near."  An  interesting  paper,  "A  Basket  of  Fragments,"  by 
Mrs.  Annie  Bingham  Gilbert  of  Grand  Bapids  was  delivered.  Mr.  Harold 
Jarvis  then  sang  a  solo.  By  request  he  and  Miss  Staley  sang  a  duet  at 
this  time.  "The  Seals  of  Michigan,"  by  Mrs.  M.  B.  Ferrey,  followed,  and 
Mr.  Jarvis  gave  his  final  number.  The  Choir  of  St.  Mary's  Church  favored 
us  with  a  selection,  and  the  program  of  the  evening  closed  by  the  audi- 
ence singing  "America,"  and  the  benediction  pronounced  by  the  Rev. 
William  Putnam,  the  Hon.  L.  D.  Watkins  occupying  the  chajr. 


BY  C.  M.  BURTON. 

Ladies  amd  Gentlemen  of  the  Pioneer  Society: 

The  thirty-second  volume  of  the  Collections  of  our  Society  has  been 
printed,  and  is  ready  for  delivery.  Those  interested  in  our  work  can  tell, 
from  that  book,  whether  our  labors  during  the  past  year  have  produced 
the  proper  result.  The  report  of  the  various  oflScers  will  give  a  statement 
of  the  condition  of  the  Society.  Our  appropriation  for  the  next  two  years 
is  a  trifle  larger  than  we  have  had  formerly,  but  the  money  can  be  well 
expended  in  the  collection,  transcription  and  publication  of  historical 
matter,  and  we  could  use  a  much  larger  amount  if  we  had  it. 

We  are  grateful  to  the  Legislature  and  to  the  Governor  for  listening  to- 
our  requests,  and  we  feel  assured  that  if  they  will  personally  examine  our 
rooms,  our  collections  and  the  works  we  are  publishing,  they  will  agree- 
that  the  money  granted  us  has  been  well  expended. 

Digitized  by 


4  ANNUAL  BiBBTING,   1908. 

There  have  been  statements  by  various  members  and  officers  of  our 
Society  that  pioneers  are  dying  out.  This  is  not  a  fact.  The  men  who 
came  to  Michigan  with  La  Salle,  Tonti,  Cadillac,  Hennepin  and  UHontan 
were  pioneers;  so  also  were  those  who  came  with  Robert  Rogers,  after  the 
conquest  of  Canada.  Those  who  came  with  General  Wayne  in  1796  were 
pioneers,  as  were  also  those  who  came  with  Hull  and  CaBS  and  Wood- 
bridge.  Those  men  and  women  who  penetrated  the  woods  of  Michigan, 
and.  cleared  the  farms,  were  pioneers;  but  the  men  who  build  new  rail- 
roads, open  new  mines,  erect  new  factories,  are  they  not  pioneers  as  well? 

This  Society  was  organized  for  the  purpose  of  collecting  memoirs  rela- 
tive to  the  pioneer  life  of  our  State,  and  for  the  purpose  of  publishing 
documents  and  papers  relative  to  the  history  of  our  State. 

The  work  is  exhaustless,  and  the  Society,  if  it  fills  its  mission,  will  be 
as  long  lived  as  the  State  itself. 

There  are  thousands  of  topics  that  seem  to  us  now  to  be  matters  of  no 
historical  account,  because  we  know,  or  think  we  know,  all  about  them, 
but  after  the  lapse  of  a  few  years  they  will  be  interesting  subjects  of 

Let  me  instance  a  few:  The  copper  and  iron  mines,  the  silk  thread  in- 
dustry, the  beet  sugar  industry,  the  making  of  alcohol,  the  salt  wells  and 
salt  making,  the  tel^raph,  the  telephone,  the  alkali  works ;  all  these  and 
many  others  might  be  mentioned. 

Papers  on  these  topics  might  well  be  prepared  now,  and  deposited  in 
our  Society's  records,  to  be  used  in  later  years  when  pioneers  in  these 
various  industries  have  passed  away. 

The  collecting  of  material  for  our  early  history  can  only  be  done  by 
those  who  have  that  subject  at  heart,  and  we  may  well  leave  that  work 
to  the  enthusiasts  in  that  line,  but  there  is  a  work  that  ought  to  be  at- 
tended to  by  the  older  members  of  our  Society,  those  whom  we  look  upon 
as  the  pioneers  of  the  State — I  mean  the  history  of  the  early  land  clearers, 
the  farmers,  storekeepers,  ministers,  teachers,  and  others  of  fifty  years 
since.  We  are  able  to  read  all  about  Cass  and  Mason,  and  Romeyn  and 
Duffield,  and  the  few  who  became  prominent ;  but  what  about  the  many 
whose  names  are  not  mentioned  in  history?  How  did  they  live?  What 
schools  did  they  attend  in  the  territory  or  State?  What  work  did  they 
do?  What  amusement  did  they  have?  Certainly  a  history  of  the  lives  of 
these  unknown  and  unnamed  thousands  would  be  quite  as  interesting  as 
that  of  the  few  more  fortunate  companions  whose  names  we  see  on  our 

A  year  ago,  at  the  Agricultural  Collie  grounds,  we  had  a  collection  of 
household  and  farm  utensils,  such  as  were  used  by  the  people  of  sixty 
years  since.  Cannot  such  a  collection — or  a  larger  or  finer  one — ^be  made 
for  our  Society? 

During  the  year  we  have  had  deposited  with  us  a  large  collection  of 

Digitized  by 



Indian  relics — we  wanted  to  purchase  the  collection  for  our  Society,  and 
asked  for  an  appropriation  for  that  purpose.  We  were  not  successful, 
but  we  hope  to  be  at  the  next  session  of  the  Legislature.  There  have  been 
presented  to  the  Society,  from  time  to  time,  articles  in  use  in  early  days 
in  pioneer  households — we  are  anxious  to  have  this  collection  increase, 
and  we  desire  contributions  of  articles  for  that  purpose — household  uten- 
sils, china,  and  glassware,  not  necessarily  such  as  the  pioneers  used  in 
their  daily  life,  but  such  as  heirlooms  and  articles  of  a  finer,  rarer  sort. 
The  proper  and  legitimate  work  of  the  Society  is  exhaustless,  and  every 
member  is  urged  to  do  his  best  to  see  that  it  prospers  along  the  lines  that 
he  may  consider  his  own. 



To  the  Officers  and  Members  of  the  MicMgun  Pioneer  and  Historical 


Soon  after  the  close  of  the  fiscal  year*  1902,  an  application  was  made 
to  the  Board  of  Auditors  for  additional  room,  which  was  kindly  granted. 
It  was  expected  to  have  this  prepared  for  occupancy  during  vacation;  but 
owing  to  the  repairs  to  the  building  necessary  before  the  meeting  of  the 
Legislature  we  were  unable  to-  move  in  until  the  last  of  October.  The 
historic  rostrum  was  given  an  honorable  place,  and  not  one  improvement 
lately  made  in  the  building  has  been  more  approved  and  appreciated.  At 
our  next  board  meeting  the  committee  voted  to  accept  the  loan  for  two 
years  of  the  Indian  collection  owned  by  Joseph  H.  Edinger  of  Hillsdale, 
by  paying  cost  of  placing  and  cataloging,  under  contract  to  purchase  it, 
if  possible,  at  a  given  price.  This,  with  a  few  other  gifts,  and  judicious 
advertising,  increased  our  visitors  until  our  register  shows  from  October 
22  to  May  22,  1,500  names  and  addresses  recorded.  It  is  fair  to  suppose 
that  not  more  than  two-thirds  of  the  visitors  responded  to  our  request  to 
register.  This,  however,  gave  us  a  fine  mailing  list.  Nearly  one-half  of 
the  members  of  the  Legislature  have  visited  us,  and  have  been  very  inter- 
ested and  helpful  in  our  work. 

The  Department  of  Public  Instruction  issued  a  fine  special  Pioneer 
Day  exercise  October  10th,  reports  of  which  were  very  satisfactory,  and 
we  noted  with  pride  and  pleasure  that  several  states  have  followed  Mich- 
igan's lead  and  observed  this  day.  Many  of  the  women's  clubs  sent  ac- 
counts of  a  successful  afternoon,  honoring  the  pioneers ;  while  that  farm- 
ers' school,  the  Grange,  regularly  considered  one  topic  each  month  along 

Digitized  by 


6  ANNUAL  MEETING,    1903. 

this  line.  Greater  co-operation  is  necessary  with  these  societies,  and  the 
>  local  and  county  pioneer  associations  of  the  State. 

Volume  32  was  gotten  out  in  time  for  the  annual  meeting.  While  un- 
able to  attend  to  the  clerical  work,  your  secretary  in  his  travels  around 
the  State  has  sought  to  interest  teachers  and  others  in  our  historical 
work.  Mrs.  Ferrey,  as  clerk,  has  been  indefatigable  in  her  efforts  to  se- 
cure additions  to  the  collection  and  interest  visitors  in  the  Society. 

The  correspondence  has  increased  tenfold ;  the  demand  for  the  books  is 
greater  than  ever  before,  and  encouraging  reports  reach  us  regarding  the 
use  and  value  placed  upon  them.  The  principal  of  one  of  the  best  known 
schools  in  the  State  said  that  he  relied  upon  our  collection  for  the  narra- 
tive and  domestic  side  of  Michigan  history.  Some  volumes  have  been 
exhausted  and  it  is  greatly  to  be  deplored  that  it  necessitated  sending  out 
broken  sets.  We  hope  and  expect  that  this  will  be  remedied  under  the 
new  appropriation. 

While  the  Legislature  allows  us  more  means  than  for  the  preceding  two 
years,  it  is  a  matter  for  great  regret  that  we  are  so  far  behind  our  sister 
states  in  gathering  and  preserving  the  records  and  relics  of  what  we  re- 
gard as  the  best  State  in  the  Union.  With  double  the  scope  and  work  of 
other  years,  the  increased  sum  at  our  disposal  will  be  very  inadequate  to 
serve  the  Society  and  the  State  as  It  deserves.  It  will  be  necessary  to 
organize  a  branch  in  the  Upper  Peninsula.  This  can  only  be  done  by 
«ome  personal  labor  performed  by  the  secretary  or  some  other  interested 
person.  Fine  mineral  exhibits  have  been  promised  and  no  time  should  be 
Jost  in  securing  and  properly  casing  them. 

It  is  high  time  that  a  curator  should  be  added  to  gather  up  the  records 
ttnd  relics  soon  impossible  to  obtain. 

We  have  been  sadly  bereaved  by  the  death  of  many  active  members, 
and  of  others  who  in  the  past  have  been  greatly  interested  in  and  helpful 
to  the  Society.  Dr.  R.  C.  Kedzie,  chairman  of  the  executive  committee, 
we  shall  miss  greatly  from  his  faithfulness  to  duty,  his  genial  and  win- 
ning way,  and  his  readiness  and  ability  to  aid  in  our  work,  and  his  valu- 
able suggestions.  George  S.  Wheeler  of  Salem,  a  good  friend  and  co- 
worker ;  Rev.  Mannasseh  Hickey  of  Detroit,  one  of  the  oldest  Methodists 
in  the  State,  whose  valuable  paper  is  found  in  our  collection;  Harvey 
Haynes,  a  pioneer  of  Branch  county,  prominent  in  our  circles  but  a  few 
years  since;  Hon.  J.  H.  Ramsdell  of  Traverse  City;  G.  W.  Bement  of 
Lansing,  a  new  member  but  a  man  greatly  esteemed  in  his  home,  his  city 
and  his  State;  Dr.  Fisk  Day  of  this  city,  a  scientist  who  had  begun  for 
us  work  of  great  value ;  Mrs.  Mary  Mayo  of  Ceresco  and  Mrs.  Mary  S, 
Hinds  of  Stanton,  identified  with  charitable  and  Grange  work. 

Justice,  pride  and  patriotism  are  not  dead,  sometimes  a  little  dormant 
perhaps,  and  it  needs  but  the  opportunity  to  place  before  the  people  the 
immense  possibilities  connected  with  this  work  to  have  a  hearty  re- 

Digitized  by 



sponse.  A  few  faithful  followers  have  labored  to  effect  this  purpose,  but 
more  help  and  more  money  will  sooner  bring  the  fruition  of  our  desires 
and  of  Michigan's  deserts. 




Report  of  Treasurer  of  the  Michigan  Pioneer  and  Historical  Society 
from  July  1st,  1902,  to  the  close  of  business  June  30th,  1903 : 

Cash  on  hand  July  1st,  1902 f344.56 

Received  from  State  Treasurer 2,000.00 

Received  for  membership 76.75 


Paid  orders  drawn  by  secretary |2,276.44 

Cash  on  hand  July  1st,  1903 144.87 

flOO  additional  in  special  account. 
(Checks,  {10.50,  and  |4.60  outstanding.) 

Respectfully  submitted, 

B.  P.  DAVIS, 


Digitized  by 


ANNUAL   MEETING,    1908. 

The  following  regrets  have  been  received : 

Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania. 

New  York  State  Library. 

Father  O'Brien,  Kalamazoo. 

Bowen  W.  Schumacher,  Chicago. 

P.  H.  Taylor,  Ionia. 

Maj.  J.  C.  F.  HoUister,  Orchard  Lake. 

Mrs.  Fairbanks,  Flint. 

Miss  Clara  Avery,  Detroit. 

M.  Adelaide  Preston,  Charlotte. 

Frank  Little,  Kalamazoo. 

William  A.  Betts,  Benzonia. 

S.  D.  Callender,  Detroit. 

E.  W.  De  Yoe,  Kalamazoo. 

James  Stoddard,  secretary  and  librarian,  Arizona. 

Mrs.  E.  B.  Minor,  Traverse  City. 

G.  K.  Geer,  Alden. 

A.  H.  Owens,  Lennon. 

Mrs.  A.  A.  Palmer,  Saginaw. 

Jennie  Ranch,  Ida. 

N.  B.  Vivian,  Calumet. 

Mrs.  S.  G.  Winpenny,  Philadelphia. 

Ex-Governor  C.  G.  Luce. 


The  following  have  been  received: 

Bible  printed  in  1580  and  hymn  book  nearly  as  old,  brought  from  Eng- 
land, Brady  E.  Willard,  Chicago,  111. 

Britannia  teapot  and  pitcher,  over  100  years  old,  Hon.  Alvah  G.  Stone, 

Picture  of  Washington,  Hon.  Henry  Chamberlain,  Three  Oaks. 

Framed  deeds,  fork  and  ambrotype,  Mrs.  Cornelia  Paddock,  Lansing. 

Medal  and  pin,  Mrs.  Bertha  Sanborn,  Lansing. 

One  dozen  solid  silver  spoons,  souvenir  Chicago  Exposition,  Miss  M.  J. 
Messenger,  Detroit. 

Old  lantern.  Prof.  H.  R.  Pattengill,  Lansing. 

Old  lantern,  Mrs.  Zimmerman,  Lansing. 

Digitized  by 



Mortar,  brought  over  in  Mayflower,  Mr.  Overton,  collected  by  L.  M. 
Russell,  Lansing. 

Indian  bird  stone,  Mr.  Samuel  Preston,  Lansing. 

Specimens  from  Bad  Lands,  Dakota,  Miss  Fanny  Hoyt,  Wayland. 

Geography,  printed  in  1812,  James  Murray,  Ludington,  collected  by 
Hon.  C.  I.  Harley. 

Emigrant's  guide  and  book,  used  by  Capt.  Marsac  and  presented  by  his 
«on,  through  Hon.  C.  L.  Sheldon,  Bay  City. 

Old  pamphlet  and  stamps,  Robert  Smith  Printing  Co.,  Lansing. 

Snuff  box  over  100  years  old,  Col.  Geo.  H.  Turner,  Coldwater. 

Powder  horn  used  in  Revolutionary  War,  Geo.  S.  Wilson,  Atlanta. 

Wool  rolls.  Miss  Brown. 

Bullet  moulds,  owned  by  his  grandfather,  L.  D.  Baker,  Lansing. 

La  Fayette  plate,  Mrs.  Lenore  O.  Kimball,  Detroit. 

Michigan  Manual,  Hon.  F.  M.  Warner,  Farmington. 

La  Fayette  badge,  Mrs.  Blosser,  Lansing,  collected  by  Mrs.  F.  Babbitt. 

Log  Cabin  Paper,  H.  Greeley,  editor ;  A.  W.  Nash,  subscriber ;  presented 
by  E.  W.  Nash,  Paw  Paw. 

Manilla  paper  and  stamps.  Dr.  R.  J.  Bailey,  Mackinac  Island.  » 

Photographs,  C.  E.  Walter,  M.  A.  C,  Lansing. 

Wax  figure,  Hugh  Lyons  &  Co.,  Lansing. 

Judge  Campbell's  chair,  John  Brooks,  Lansing. 

Candlestick,  N.  E.  York,  Millington. 

Hetchel  for  flax,  Edwin  A.  Weston,  Lapeer;  collected  by  Mrs.  A.  R. 
Jones,  Lapeer. 

Chopping  knife  made  in  1790,  Mrs.  Emily  J.  Phillips,  Pere  Cheney. 

Sugar  bowl  over  100  years  old,  Mrs.  W.  C.  Johnson,  Pere  Cheney. 

Souvenir,  Mr.  G.  H.  Bassett,  Lansing. 

Poor  Richard's  Almanac,  J.  F.  Van  Sickle. 

Six  pieces  Confederate  money,  Roy  Morris,  Lansing. 

Photograph,  John  W.  Dewey,  Owosso. 

Almanac  of  1799,  John  M.  Waterbury,  Tawas  City. 

Probate  Court  seal  of  Ingham  county,  made  from  copper  penny.  Judge 
M.  D.  Chatterton,  Lansing. 

Old  newspapers,  Mrs.  A.  R.  Jones,  Lapeer. 

Candle  extinguisher  and  mastodon's  tooth,  Joseph  H.  Edinger,  Hills- 

Bandbox,  mortar  and  pestle,  tin  case  for  papers,  old  trunk,  and  several 
old  papers.  Miss  Fanny  Lacey,  Niles.    • 

Chair  and  desk  used  by  first  Legislature  in  Lansing,  and  silver  plates 
for  furniture,  L^islature  of  1902-03. 

Chair  used  by  Joseph  Greusel,  Legislature  of  1902-03. 

Valuable  papers  of  1797;  Indian  deed,  1665;  map  of  Yorktown;  book 
accounts  from  Fort  George,  1729;  muster  roll  of  1847;   patent  from 

Digitized  by 


10  ANNUAL   MBBTING.    1903. 

Franklin  Pierce,  1854 ;  lieutenant's  commission,  1847 ;  Mrs.  Sarah  Merri- 
fleld,  Lansing. 

Detroit  Gazette,  July,  1817;  deed,  1824;  pew  in  Presbyterian  church 
receipt,  and  assignment  to  Samuel  Bidelman;  lieutenant's  commission 
and  discharge,  1834 ;  Samuel  Bidelman,  Lansing. 

Old  dishes,  flat-iron  stands,  wafers  and  receptacle,  sand-box,  snuflFers, 
tin  trunk,  uniform,  trunk,  and  commissions,  La  Fayette  handkerchief, 
tea-kettle,  skillets,  fluter,  pictures,  from  Mrs.  Florence  S.  Babbitt,  Tpsi- 

French  paper,  Le  Oourrier — Canadien. 

In  addition  Peter  Mulvaney  of  Marengo  gave  us  |5  for  expenses  of 
annual  meeting,  collected  by  H.  B.  Smith,  Marengo. 


BY  BBV.  F.  A.  BLADES. 

I  have  been  requested  to  furnish  your  society  with  some  pioneer  rem- 
iniscences of  Michigan.  I  have  never  thought  that  any  of  my  particular 
early  experiences  were  of  sufScient  consequence  to  call  for  recital,  or  be 
of  more  than  a  passing  incident  that  might  be  called  up  in  connection 
with  something  of  modern  times.  One  objection  I  have  had  and  still  have, 
that  one  has  in  reminiscences  to  refer  so  often  to  his  own  personality  that 
it  is  **I,"  "I,"  until  ego  becomes  "it"  of  modern  times. 

The  incidents  to  which  particular  reference  has  been  made,  of  my  first 
visit  to  Lansing,  occurred,  I  would  now  think,  in  the  early  part  of  the 
month  of  April,  1847.  I  think  the  bill  for  locating  the  capital  where  it 
now  stands  was  passed  in  March,  1847.  Before  referring  to  that  partic- 
ular event,  I  would  say  that  my  father  immigrated  from  Western  New 
York  to  the  State  of  Michigan,  reaching  Detroit  in  May,  1835.  As  I  re- 
member Detroit  at  that  time,  it  seemed  but  a  large  village ;  I  do  not  now 
call  to  mind  more  than  one  or  two  buildings  north  of  JeflFerson  avenue ; 
still  my  observation  might  not  have  been  correct,  as  I  was  then  but  a  poor, 
sickly  boy  who  had  been  condemned  to  die  of  consumption.  My  father 
took  his  immigrant  wagon  from  the  boat,  and  with  such  help  as  he  could 
command  put  it  together,  and  with  goods  loaded,  and  horses  attached^ 
the  family  started  for  Grand  Blanc,  Genesee  county,  Michigan,  leaving 
Detroit  at  about  nine  o'clock  in  the  morning.  The  first  day  revealed  to 
us  the  longest  mud  hole  that  I  had  ever  seen ;  it  reached  from  Detroit  to 
a  small  log  cabin,  not  far  from  where  the  log  cabin  now  stands  on  Senator 
Palmer's  farm.  The  inn  was  kept  by  a  woman  who  came  to  be  known  as 
Mother  Handsome.  She  was  a  homely  woman,  but  she  knew  how  to  keep 
a  hotel,  and  make  everybody  mind  their  own  business  and  behave  them- 

Digitized  by 


REV.  F.  C.  BLADES. 

Digitized  by 


Digitized  by 



selves  while  on  her  premises.  Seven  miles  was  this  day's  progress,  and  it 
was  a  hard  day's  work,  and  we  were  all  tired  out.  It  took  two  and  one- 
half  days  to  go  from  this  place  to  Grand  Blanc.  What  is  now  known  as 
Woodward  avenue  extended,  was  then  known  as  the  "Saginaw  Turnpike,''' 
and  was  just  being  put  through.  Part  of. the  way  it  had  been  plowed  and 
scraped  up  in  the  center,  but  it  was  new  and  wet,  and  it  was  mud, 
^^Michigan  Mud."  Michigan  May  rains  furnished  the  water,  and  the  im- 
migrants' wagons  churned  and  mixed  up  the  mud.  This  trip  was  always 
fresh  in  the  memory  of  the  Blades  family,  consisting  then  of  William  and 
Charlotte,  his  wife,  F.  A.  Blades,  the  writer,  and  J.  H.  C.  Blades,  a  law- 
yer of  Flint,  who  died  in  early  manhood,  and  two  daughters — one  de- 
ceased in  Grand  Rapids,  the  other  living  in  Chicago.  On  reaching  Grand 
Blanc  we  found  an  old  Indian  trading  house  had  been  reserved  for  us  by 
a  friend  of  my  father,  Mr.  C.  D.  W.  Oibbson.  At  first  this  was  thought  to 
be  almost  a  Godsend,  as  we  did  not  know  but  that  we  would  have  to  live 
in  the  wagon,  until  we  could  build  something.  As  I  said  before,  it  was 
an  old  Indian  trading  house,  and  the  Indians  had  come  to  think  they  had 
acquired  some  right  there,  at  least  they  made  themselves  so  familiar  that 
they  would  come  and  go  at  their  own  sweet  will,  and  the  result  was  that 
we  were  very  soon  invaded  by  a  lot  of  wild  Indians ;  it  was  very  embarras- 
sing, and  my  mother  was  terror  stricken  with  our  new  friends,  as  they 
afterwards  proved  themselves  to  be.  I  will  relate  a  little  incident  that 
serves  to  encourage  humanity  to  try  and  do  right.  The  Indians  came  in 
great  numbers  soon  after  our  arrival  at  Grand  Blanc  on  their  way  to  Sagi- 
naw, I  think  to  receive  their  annual  payment  from  the  government.  Chief 
Fisher  had  a  beautiful  daughter  about  sixteen  years  old,  and  when  they 
camped  near  our  house  that  night  they  came  to  solicit  some  advice  from 
the  "white  squaw,"  as  they  called  my  mother,  and  she  went  over  and  tried 
to  persuade  the  chief  to  let  the  girl  go  home  with  her,  and  she  would 
take  good  care  of  her.  The  next  morning,  however,  she  was  sick,  and  a» 
the  Indians  must  go  to  Saginaw  and  get  their  money,  my  mother  took  the 
girl  and  cared  for  her  with  all  the  tenderness  she  could  bestow  upon  her 
own  child.  When  the  chief  returned  she  was  very  much  improved  and. 
gave  evidence  of  a  speedy  recovery,  but  the  human  sympathy  of  the  white- 
squaw  for  the  Indian  girl  was  never  forgotten  by  that  tribe.  I  remember 
something  over  a  year  after  that,  when  Fisher  and  some  of  hip  brave 
hunters  were  passing,  they  called  at  the  house,  and  every  member  of  the 
family  was  sick  with  ague,  some  shaking  with  chills,  others  burning  with 
the  fever,  and  I  alone  carrying  on  the  work  of  relief.  Provisions  were 
scarce ;  there  was  not  a  pound  of  flour  in  the  whole  settlement,  which  con-^ 
sisted  of  four  or  five  families  within  a  radius  of  two  miles,  but  we  all  ex-^ 
pected  some  parties  home  with  some  flour  almost  any  day  or  hour.  Fisher- 
inquired  for  something  to  eat,  and  when  told  the  condition  of  things,  he- 
gave  an  Indian  grunt,  and  went  away,  but  it  was  not  very  many  hours- 

Digitized  by 


12  ANNUAL  MEETING,    1903. 

before  he  returned  with  a  saddle  of  venison,  and  for  some  time  afterwards 
we  had  a  call  every  few  days  from  some  of  the  Fisher  Indians  to  know  if 
we  wanted  anything. 

The  fact  was  that  the  malaria  that  was  curing  my  consumption  was 
seemingly  killing  the  rest  of  the.  family  with  ague  and  bilious  fever.  My 
health  improved  very  fast,  and  it  was  not  long  before  I  was  racing  through 
the  woods  with  my  rifle  to  supply  the  table  with  food,  and  for  a  time  the 
family  depended  as  much  on  my  rifle  for  their  meat  as  your  households 
now  depend  upon  the  market.  The  friendliness  of  the  Indians  gave  me  the 
companionship  of  some  of  the  Indian  boys,  and  some  of  the  older  men  of 
the  tribe  took  me  along  with  them  and  taught  me  their  art  in  stalking  or 
tracking  deer  or  bear.  These  Indians  were  the  soul  of  honor  according 
to  their  standard.  If  I  wounded  the  game,  and  the  Indians  pursued  it  to 
the  finish  and  secured  it,  he  was  as  sure  to  bring  me  the  skin  as  he  got  the 
game.  My  mark  or  bullet  hole  made  on  it  gave  it  to  me.  The  carcass 
was  his.  Possibly  a  little  incident  of  this  Indian  friendship  may  interest 
you  for  a  moment.  I  was  married  in  September,  1846,  to  Miss  Helen 
Brown  of  Grand  Blanc.  We  had  been  lovers  from  childhood.  In  the  fall 
of  1847,  I  was  returning  with  my  wife  for  a  short  visit  to  the  homes  of 
both  our  parents  at  Flint  and  Grand  Blanc,  coming  out  of  the  woods  on 
the  then  unopened  road  a  part  of  the  way  between  Shiawassee  county,  and 
Flint,  Genesee  county,  Michigan,  we  came' into  what  was  known  as  the 
Miller  settlement.  I  had  not  seen  any  of  my  Indian  friends  for  several 
years;  on  coming  into  the  settlement  we  noticed  several  Indian  ponies 
picking  grass  by  the  side  of  the  road,  but  thought  nothing  particular 
about  them  until  we  were  right  in  the  midst  of  their  owners,  who  were 
lying  in  the  shade  of  the  trees  and  fences.  All  of  a  sudden  a  stalwart 
Indian  arose  and  gave  a  whoop  that  brought  every  Indian  man  and 
woman  to  their  feet,  and  rushing  up  to  the  buggy  where  we  were  sitting, — 
my  wife  shivering  from  fright  and  alarm  of  what  might  come  next, — the 
Indian  grasped  my  hand  and  arm,  and  I  was  on  the  ground  beside  him. 
"Boo-sheu,  boo-sheu,  ne-con-nis?"  (I  do  not  know  if  this  is  the  right  spell- 
ing for  these  Chippewa  words.)  "How  are  you,  my  friends?''  It  was 
Mash-quet,  I  think  next  in  line  for  chief  when  Chief  Fisher  was  gone,  and 
such  a  demonstration  of  friendship  I  never  had  before  or  since;  he  hugged 
me,  and  shook  hands  with  me  over  and  over  again.  Then  he  sent  for  his 
four  wives  and  all  his  papooses,  and  my  wife,  recovering  from  her  alarm, 
got  out  of  the  buggy  and  shook  hands  with  Mash-quet  and  his  whole  fam- 
ily. Then  he  called  all  the  Indian  men  and  women  about  him  and  told 
them  the  story  of  the  "white  squaw"  who  cared  for  the  sick  Indian  girl, 
and  told  them  all  if  they  ever  had  an  opportunity  to  do  me  or  mine  a  favor 
to  do  it.  The  interview  over,  wife  and  I  got  into  the  buggy  and  rode  oflf. 
For  a  time  there  was  nothing  said,  I  was  busy  thinking  oT  the  past,  then 
only  a  few  years  gone  by,  as  my  wife  broke  the  silence  by  the  remark,  "If 

Digitized  by 



you  think  you  are  likely  to  meet  any  more  of  your  personal  friends,  I  wish 
you  would  tell  me  a  little  in  advance,  for  I  would  like  to  be  prepared  for 
such  a  reception."  That  was  the  last  I  ever  saw  of  my  Indian  friends ; 
still  I  cherish  the  memory  of  their  friendship.  I  remember  their  gratitude 
for  a  little  service  rendered  that  puts  to  shame  the  exhibition  of  more 
pretentious  civilization  and  religion.  I  have  never  forgotten  Shake- 
speare's words,  "Ingratitude,  thou  marble-hearted  fiend."  If  the  recital 
of  these  incidents  shall  inspire  gratitude  in  any  heart,  either  toward  God 
or  man,  then  I  am  more  than  paid  for  the  effort. 

The  events  of  early  pioneer  life  are  ordinarily  very  tame;  they  are  only 
interesting  as  they  magnify  themselves  when  compared  with  the  circum- 
stances of  modern  civilized  life.    I  think  the  friendships  of  the  early  pio- 
neers were  a  little  warmer  and  stronger  than  at  the  present  time.    I  be- 
lieve that  the  first  settlers  of  Michigan  lived  and  got  as  much  out  of  life 
as  any  people  or  any  civilization  in  any  epoch  of  the  world's  history.    In 
making  this  statement  I  am  not  unmindful  of  the  privations,  the  coarse 
and  sometimes  scanty  fare  of  the  early  pioneers ;  but  then  their  life  was 
simple,  unpretentious;  their  fellowship  in  the  family  and  neighborhood 
was  hearty,  whole-souled,  overflowing  with  kindness,  manifesting  a  desire 
to  help  rather  than  hinder.    If  a  neighbor  fell  sick  and  ran  behind  in  his 
work,  the  whole  neighborhood  would  come  together,  sometimes  men  and 
women,  the  men  to  do  the  hard  work  on  the  farm  like  logging  and  clearing 
the  land  for  sowing  his  fall  wheat  or  gathering  his  harvest ;  the  wife  or 
daughter  came  along  with  some  knic-knacs  for  the  table,  which  was  set  in 
the  yard  for  dinner  and  supper,  and  to  help  along  with  the  work,  and  it 
became  a  gala  day,  and  helped  in  soul  and  body  the  poor,  sick  man.  When 
an  invitation  had  been  extended  to  several  families  to  come  together  for  a 
dinner,  which  was  quite  frequent  in  the  fall  and  winter  time,  as  soon  as 
the  ladies  got  there  they  would  put  on  aprons  and  turn  in  and  help  the 
good  wife  who  waa  getting  ready  to  entertain  them.    And  while  the  din- 
ners were  not  such  as  they  serve  at  the  present  time,  with  a  great  number 
of  courses  and  variety  of  wines,  still  they  were  hearty,  toothsome  and  very 
enjoyable,  and  the  memory  of  them  to-day  is  aa  pleasant  as  the  memory 
of  more  sumptuous  occasions  in  later  life.    Just  think  of  a  twenty  or 
twenty-five  pound  wild  turkey,  fat  and  flavored  with  the  nuts  from  the 
woods,  and  a  ham  or  a  saddle  of  venison,  both  done  on  a  spit  before  the 
fire,  but  in  the  open  air,  watched  every  minute  and  basted  at  regular  inter- 
vals !    The  venison  with  large  holes  cut  with  the  hunting  knife,  and  then 
filled  with  strips  of  salt  pork  drawn  into  them,  flanked  by  the  vegetables 
of  the  season  and  "home  made  bread,"  and  doughnuts  cooked  in  fine  bear's 
oil,  and  the  lusty  crowd,  and  sometimes  the  children's  table  on  the  side! 
Talk  about  dinners  and  a  dinner  party;  why,  a  man  that  is  only  abont 
fifty  years  old,  compared  with  those  old  pioneer  days,  hardly  knows  what 
a  square  meal  or  a  "good  time"  is !    And  the  best  of  all  is  the  heartinees 

Digitized  by 


14  ANNUAL  BiBBTING,    1903. 

of  the  fellowBhip.  The  old  pioneers  do  not  need  your  pity ;  no,  not  "a 
tittle  bit."  I  believe  that  the  young  people  in  early  pioneer  days  got  as 
mnch  out  of  life  as  do  the  yOung  people  of  the  present  time.  Fifteen  op 
twenty  boys  and  girls  from  sixteen  to  twenty  years  old  would  go  six  op 
eight  miles  on  an  ox  sled  to  a  party,  and  have  a  better  evening's  entertain- 
ment than  could  be  had  by  a  New  York,  London  or  Paris  society  party  at 
;t20  a  plate.  It  was  an  ox  sled  and  possibly  two  of  them  chained  together, 
rand  straw  thrown  in ;  it  was  two  or  more  feet  deep,  and  every  girl  and 
levery  boy  brought  a  blanket  to  protect  them  from  the  cold,  and  though 
the  oxen  moved  slowly  the  party  began  as  soon  as  the  sled  was  full,  and 
song  and  story  and  laughter  made  those  old  woods  ring,  and  they  ring  yet 
as  they  echo  back  to-day  the  song  and  shout  and  laughter  of  those  who 
have  long  since  crossed  the  last  river,  I  hope  to  mingle  in  eternal  day. 
These  parties  were  not  pretentious.  There  was  no  latest  fad  in  the  gowns 
the  girls  wore;  there  was  not  a  tailor-made  suit  in  the  crowd.  Some  of 
those  gowns  were  spun  and  woven  at  home  in  the  log  cabin,  and  made  by 
^'mother's  own  hands."  They  were  shapely,  simple  and  beautiful,  and 
they  covered  the  forms  of  bright,  beautiful  girls,  full  of  spirit  and  life, 
^he  boys  were  of  like  pattern,  strong,  courageous  and  manly,  not  a  mean 
'Streak  in  them,  ready  to  work  or  play  or  fight  as  the  occasion  demanded. 
"These  were  the  boys  and  girls  who  have  since  made  Michigan  what  she  is 
to-day.  These  boys  and  girls,  or  their  like  all  over  the  State,  were  the 
fathers  and  mothers  of  the  men  who,  from  1861  to  1865,  said  to  the  dark 
proud  wave  of  slave  civilization,  "so  far  but  no  further,"  and  they,  with 
comrades  from  the  other  liberty  loving  States,  put  a  million  of  human 
bodies  with  bayonets  in  their  hands  as  the  breastwork  that  that  proud 
wave  of  death  and  dishonor  never  surmounted.  These  boys  and  girls, 
their  children  and  children's  children,  produced  the  civilization  and  made 
the  happy  homes  of  this  day  in  Michigan.  The  suppers  that  those  boys 
and  girls  sat  down  to  had  no  half-dozen  different  colored  wine  glasses  at 
their  plates.  Oh,  no!  it  was  a  plain,  honest  meal,  produced  by  loving 
hands  and  eaten  by  innocent  and  happy  humans,  and  when  the  supper 
was  over  the  real  fun  b^an.  Every  flat  iron  or  smooth  flat  stone  that  had 
been  provided  beforehand,  and  a  hammer  for  each  boy,  was  brought  out, 
and  every  boy  and  girl  separated  in  pairs,  close  in  touch  and  reach  with 
the  other  pair  near  them,  and  baskets  of  black  walnuts,  butternuts,  hick- 
ory nuts  and  hazel  nuts  were  brought  out,  and  the  boy  cracked  the  nuts 
and  gave  them  to  his  partner  girl ;  she  picked  out  the  meats  and  put  them 
in  a  saucer,  and  together  they  ate  and  divided  with  their  neighbors,  and 
it  was  wonderful  how  much  they  could  eat!  And  then  the  apples  and 
oider  that  had  been  kept  sweet  until  then.  But  alas!  how  short  these 
evenings  were.  We  began  to  gather  those  loads  about  flve  o'clock  p.  m., 
and  here  it  was  nearly  twelve  o'clock,  and  there  was  a  hustle  and  rush, 
and  the  patient,  slow  but  sure  going  ox  team  was  homeward  bound,  and 

Digitized  by 



the  old  song  or  new  story,  and  shont  and  laughter  lasted  until  we  were  all 
home.  Next  morning  found  the  boys  down  in  the  woods  with  ax  in  hand^ 
chopping  to  clear  the  land  for  next  fall's  wheat  sowing. 

Now,  after  this  rambling  prelude,  let  me  say  that  in  1844,  having  re- 
jected a  very  tempting  offer  of  a  place  and  an  interest  in  a  dry  goods 
house  to  be  established  in  Chicago,  or  what  was  then  the  place  where  Chi- 
cago now  is,  I  accepted  an  appointment  in  the  old  Michigan  conference  of 
the  Methodist  Episcopal  church  with  the  privilege  of  traveling  on  horse- 
back about  three  hundred  miles,  and  preaching  twenty-eight  times  every 
four  weeks  on  an  exx>ected  salary  of  f  100  a  year.  The  flOO,  however,  did 
not  materialize,  only  about  |38.  It  was  very  seldom  that  I  could  sleep 
two  nights  consecutively  in  the  same  bed,  but  my  wants  were  all  supplied; 
I  lived  with  the  people  and  was  one  of  them.  My  first  appointment  frpm 
the  old  Michigan  conference,  in  1844,  was  Shiawassee  circuit— Rev.  B.  0. 
Crawford,  preacher  in  charge;  P.  A.  Blades,  junior  preacher;  J.  W.  Don- 
aldson, supply — a  six  weeks'  circuit  and  three  preachers,  and  if  I  remem- 
ber, twenty-eight  appointments  and  very  nearly  three  hundred  miles  on 
horseback  to  get  around  to  the  several  appointments  with  the  necessary 
travel  to  get  to  our  stopping  places  for  the  night.  Wolverton's  school 
house,  within  three  miles  of  Fentonville,  was  the  most  easterly  appoint- 
ment; thence  via  Byron,  Vernon,  Shiawassee  town,  Corunna,  Owosso, 
Dewey's,  Bennington,  Pitfs,  Morrice,  Perry,  Shaft's,  Fuller's  in  Ingham 
county;  thence  into  Livingston  via  Rogers'  school-house,  Ramsdell's, 
Boutwell's  and  all  the  country  within  the  circle. 

This  is  from  memory  of  fifty  years  ago,  but  it  seems  to  me  I  could  go 
oyer  the  road  to-day  if  the  old  woods  and  blazed  trees  were  as  I  left  them. 
The  people  were  poor,  but  their  hospitality  was  unbounded.  Although 
Buffering  all  the  privations  incident  to  pioneer  life,  and  living  in  cabins, 
on  coarse  fare,  and  sometimes  short  even  at  that,  the  pioneer  minister  was 
always  welcome.  Nor  was  this  hospitality  confined  to  the  members  of  the 
church,  but  every  house  was  open  to  him.  In  the  fifty  years  now  passed 
since  I  first  went  to  old  Shiawassee  I  have  met  courtly  people  in  all  the 
great  cities  of  this  country,  and  enjoyed  the  hospitality  of  many,  but  none 
of  them  while  sitting  at  luxurious  boards  could  out-do  the  old  Shiawassee 
pioneers  in  cordiality  and  warm-hearted,  home-making  hospitality.  My 
colleagues.  Rev.  R.  C.  Crawford  and  Rev.  J.  W.  Donaldson,  were  most 
genial,  courtly,  Christian  gentlemen  and  my  year  of  hard  work  passed 
pleasantly.  I  could  fill  a  whole  paper  with  incidents,  but  will  only  men- 
tion one  as  illustrating  some  of  the  early  -experiences  in  pioneer  work. 

One  day,  I  think  some  time  in  March,  1845, 1  was  in  a  store  in  Corunna, 
and  my  attention  was  called  to,  and  I  was  introduced  to,  a  stranger  and 
a  new-comer  in  "these  parts."  On  inquiry  I  learned  that  early  in  the  fall 
before  some  five  or  six  families  had  gone  into  the  wilderness  and  had  been 
busy  all  the  fall  and  winter  in  chopping  the  timber  and  preparing  to  bum 

Digitized  by 


16  ANNUAL.  MEETING,    1903. 

the  brush  and  timber  preparatory  to  their  spring  crop.  He  urged  me  to 
visit  them,  and  for  direction  I  was  told  to  follow  the  road  as  far  as  it  was 
cut  north  from  Gorunna,  and  then  find  a  certain  oak  tree  marked  on  four 
sides,  and  then  follow  marked  trees  north,  when  I  would  come  to  a  large 
beech  tree,  also  marked  on  four  sides,  there  turn  to  the  left  and  follow  a 
line  of  marked  trees  about  two  miles,  when  I  would  find  an  ironwood  tree 
and  certain  witness  trees  near  by,  when  I  was  again  to  turn  north  and 
keep  on  that  line  until  I  came  to  the  settlement.  I  made  an  appointment 
to  visit  them,  I  think,  the  last  Tuesday  in  April  or  the  first  Tuesday  in 
May.  The  day  appointed  came  around  and  about  daylight  I  left  my 
friend  Kimberley's  house  and  after,  I  think  now,  about  three  or  four 
miles,  I  came  to  the  end  of  the  road  as  it  was  partly  cleared  out,  and  on 
looking  carefully  around  found  the  oak  tree,  got  my  bearings  and  plunged 
into  the  woods,  found  all  my  tree  marks,  and  about  noon  arrived  at  the 
settlement  of  five  or  six  log  shanties,  as  I  remember  them.  I  was  most 
heartily  welcomed,  and  arrangements  had  been  made  for  worship,  and 
some  other  parties  from  other  settlements  of  four  or  five  miles  from  them 
had  come  in.  The  people  came  together  and  I  preached  to  them  as  well  as 
I  could  and  then  had  a  class  meeting.  I  remember  the  testimony  of  one 
woman  who  had  walked  four  miles,  carrying  a  child  about  two  years  old, 
to  attend  the  meeting,  who  said  she  had  come  because  she  wanted  once 
more  to  worship  with  somebody  as  she  had  not  heard  a  sermon  or  a  prayer 
in  over  three  years.  We  sang,  preached  and  prayed  and  had  what  I 
thought  then  and  think  now  a  "good  time."  But  after  meeting  came  the 
embarrassment.  Two  of  the  men  of  the  settlement  had  gone  to  Saginaw 
for  some  flour  and  tea  and  were  two  days  past  due,  and  there  was  not  a 
loaf  of  bread  or  a  pound  of  flour  in  the  settlement,  but  there  was  plenty  of 
maple  sugar,  a  few  potatoes  and  plenty  fresh  fish  from  the  river,  and  I 
was  just  as  happy  as  I  have  since  been  when  dining  at  Delmonico's,  New 
York.  It  was  getting  late  and  two  young  men  piloted  me  out  of  the 
woods.  I  noticed  that  each  one  had  a  large  bundle  of  hickory  bark  on  his 
back,  and  as  we  went  on  they  would  lay  down  a  little  pile  by  a  tree,  and 
then  another,  and  so  on  until,  when  we  got  to  the  road  I  had^  left  in  the 
morning,  the  bundles  of  bark  were  nearly  all  gone.  I  stayed  with  the  boys 
until  with  flint  and  steel  and  a  little  dry  punk  they  had  kindled  their  fire, 
lighted  their  torches  and  started  back  into  the  woods,  to  replenish  their 
torches  from  the  piles  of  bark  left  on  their  way.  I  bade  them  good-bye, 
they  going  to  the  dense  forest  seeking  their  homes.  I  turned  my  face 
toward  Corunna,  and  late  at  night  found  myself  at  my  friend  Kimber- 
ley's,  and  after  a  little  refreshment  found  my  room  for  the  night.  This 
was  a  day's  work  I  have  never  forgotten,  nor  do  I  know  that  I  have  ever 
seen  one  of  that  settlement  since. 

In  the  fall  of  1846  my  appointment  was  to  Lyons  Circuit,  including 
Lyons,  Ionia  and  Portland,  and  about  as  far  east  as  Wacousta  in  Clinton 

Digitized  by 



county,  and  over  in  Ingham  just  below  Lansing,  and  an  appointment  or 
two  in  Eaton  county. 

In  the  winter  of  1847  the  legislature  in  Detroit  resolved  to  change  the 
location  of  the  capital  of  the  State  of  Michigan.  The  constitution  adopted 
in  1835  fixed  the  seat  of  government  at  Detroit ;  it  also  provided  that  the 
legislature  of  1847  should  determine  where  the  permanent  capital  should 
be  located.    Hence  the  preparation  for  the  fight  of  1847  over  the  place. 

I  see  that  Senator  Scripps  has  been  giving  the  public  recently  some  in- 
teresting facts  about  the  locating  of  the  capital  at  and  naming  it  Lan- 
sing ;  he  deals  with  the  records.  In  what  I  have  to  say  I  deal  with  the 
unrecorded  legends  of  the  times. 

It  was  currently  reported,  and  believed  by  many  at  that  time,  that  the 
upheaving  force  to  lift  the  capital  from  Detroit  was  a  real  estate  deal  in 
which  a  great  many  persons  were  involved,  and  it  was  believed  by  some 
that  Detroit  parties  were  largely  interested.  It  was  claimed  by  some  that 
men  having  large  land  interests  near  Corunna  were  responsible  for  the 
move  to  get  the  capital  from  Detroit,  and  they  thought  they  had  the 
strength  to  locate  it  at  Corunna,  but  there  were  other  parties  who  kept 
very  quiet  as  to  where  it  should  go,  but  were  nevertheless  active  in  the 
effort  for  its  removal.  The  question  once  up,  the  struggle  for  its  location 
became  intense,  and  while  nearly  every  village  and  town  in  central  Mich- 
igan offered  desirable  places  for  it,  the  real  struggle  all  the  time  in  the 
deep  water  beneath  the  surface  was  between  Corunna  and  what  is  now 
known  as  Lansing.  The  Corunna  side  claimed  that  the  fight  at  first  was 
between  them  and  the  Seymours  (two  brothers,  one  of  whom  was  after- 
wards Governor  of  New  York),  who  owned  land  adjoining  the  school  sec- 
tion where  the  capitol  now  is,  and  some  parties  who  were  represented  by 
Messrs.  Bush,  Thomas  and  Geo.  Peck,  who  in  those  days  were  prominent 
men  in  Michigan.  When  these  rival  interests  became  reconciled  on  the 
plan  of  placing  the  capitol  on  the  school  section  between  them,  they  then 
became  too  strong  for  the  Corunna  crowd,  and  they  were  able  to  play  the 
school  interest  for  help,  and  hence  it  was  located  where  it  now  is.  The 
stories  told  of  the  masterful  plays  and  manipulations  of  this  fight  were 
interesting  and  sometimes  comical.  I  am  only  giving  you  the  legends  of 
the  times  immediately  succeeding  the  events  themselves,  as  they  were  told 
me  by  parties  who  were  interested  in  the  Corunna  crowd  and  saw  things 
from  their  standpoint.  It  was  finally  decided  that  the  capitol  should  be 
built  on  this  section  of  school  land  in  the  corner  of  Ingham  county.  News 
in  those  days  did  not  travel  as  fast  as  it  does  now,  but  it  got  around  that 
the  capitol  of  the  State  was  to  be  located  in  the  wilderness,  somewhere  in 
Ingham  county,  so  in  the  early  days  of  April,  1847,  when  I  went  up  to  the 
eastern  part  of  my  circuit,  I  thought  that  I  would  go  and  see  if  I  could 
find  the  ground  that  had  been  selected.  I  came  up  to  a  place  that  was  after- 
wards known  as  "the  lower  town"  of  Lansing,  but  at  that  time  known  aa 

Digitized  by 


18  ANNUAL   MBETING,    1903. 

Page's  saw  mill.  It  was  a  saw  mill  on  the  property  that  belonged  to  the 
Seymours.  I  stopped  there,  near  to  the  supposed  location  of  the  capitol, 
and  went  in  and  found  an  old  gentleman  by  the  name  of  Page,  and  a 
very  pleasant  family.  I  told  him  what  my  mission  was,  and  he  gave  me 
certain  directions  following  certain  lines  of  marked  trees  by  which  I 
might  find  myself  upon  the  school  section  indicated  as  the  ground  se- 
lected. At  that  time  most  of  us  were  as  ready  to  follow  our  way  through 
the  woods  by  the  old  marked  trees  and  witness  trees  for  the  section  cor- 
ner or  quarter  s^tion  corner  as  we  are  now  by  the  roads.  After  follow- 
ing the  direction  given  by  the  old  gentleman,  I  reached  a  spot  that  was 
clearly  in  my  mind  within  the  lines  that  were  designated  as  the  place 
upon  which  the  capitol  would  be  located.  It  was  on  a  beautiful  knoll  in 
a  dense  wilderness.  The  outlook  was  grand  and  lovely  beyond  descrip- 
tion ;  I  never  saw  such  a  piece  of  timber  before  or  since.  I  sat  down  on  a 
log  and  was  taking  in  the  scenery,  and  remember  well  the  thought  that 
passed  through  my  mind :  ^^It  is  too  bad  to  destroy  such  scenery  as  this ; 
too  bad  to  build  a  babbling  town  and  break  this  silence  and  mar  this 
scene  so  beautiful  and  so  grand."  While  sitting  there  I  heard  a  noise ;  it 
sounded  as  though  it  might  be  a  bear  or  a  deer,  but  a  deer  hardly  made 
such  a  noise  as  that.  I  waited,  and  in  a  few  minutes  a  man  emerged  from 
the  shadow  of  the  trees  into  the  light ;  as  I  remember  him  he  was  about 
six  feet  high  and  well  proportioned.  He  saw  me  nearly  as  quickly  as  I 
saw  him,  and  he  was  the  first  to  break  the  silence  by  saying,  ''I  think  this 
is  probably  a  mutual  surprise;  it  is  on  my  part;"  and  I  assured  him  that 
it  was  none  the  less  so  on  mine.  He  asked  me  who  I  was,  and  I  told  him 
I  was  a  Methodist  minister  looking  for  a  congregation.  "Well,"  he  said, 
"it  is  a  mighty  poor  show  for  a  congregation."  I  asked  whom  I  had  the 
honor  of  meeting  in  this  wild  place.  He  said,  "My  name  is  Glen ;  I  am 
one  of  the  Commissioners  looking  for  a  place  to  locate  the  State  Capitol." 
I  said  to  him :  "Mr.  Glen,  do  you  take  in  this  scene  ?  Look  how  grand 
and  how  stately  are  those  trees,  and  how  they  sway  their  branches  to  the 
wind.  Look  upon  this  scene,  how  beautiful  it  is;  it  is  too  bad  to  bring 
a  babbling  town  into  this  sacred  place."  He  looked  at  me  and  said :  "Mr. 
Blades,  I  want  to  make  a  bargain  with  you.  If  you  will  help  me  find  a 
place  to  locate  the  capitol,  I  will  try  to  help  you  find  a  congregation."  1 
accepted  his  proposition.  We  proceeded  to  locate  the  capitol  on  that 
beautiful  spot  by  driving  into  the  ground  a  stake  cut  with  my  pocket 
knife,  and  marking  some  small  trees  to  identify  the  spot,  and  I  learned 
afterwards  that  the  place  we  agreed  upon  was  the  identical  spot  selected 
where  the  capitol  should  stand,  and  where  it  now  stands,  both  the  tem- 
porary and  permanent  buildings.  The  Commissioners  met  the  next  day 
and  after  a  careful  examination  of  the  grounds  located  the  place  for  the 
Mr.  Glen  expressed  a  wish  that  we  could  get  something  to  eat,  and  I 

Digitized  by 



told  him  that  I  left  my  horse  down  at  the  saw-mill,  and  he  remarked  that 
where  there  is  a  saw-mill  there  is  always  men,  and  usually  there  was 
something  to  eat.  Following  the  lines  back  he  went  down  with  me,  and 
we  got  there  just  before  the  horn  blew  for  dinner.  I  introduced  him  to 
Mr.  Page,  and  he  was  very  cordially  received.  I  remember  we  had  pork 
and  beans  for  dinner,  and  what  else  we  had  I  don't  know,  but  the  "cheek" 
of  Mr.  Glen  disclosed  itself  just  as  the  dinner  was  over.  He  related  to 
Mr.  Page  the  incideht  of  our  meeting  in  the  wilderness,  and  his  proposi- 
tion to  "help  me  find  a  congregation;"  he  said  we  had  already  found 
what  we  thought  to  be  a  good  place  for  the  capitol,  and  he  thought  right 
here  was  a  good  place  for  a  congregation,  "and  (addressing  Mr.  Page), 
with  your  approval,  I  move  that  Mr.  Blades  give  us  a  sermon  right  here 
and  now."  The  motion  was  carried  unanimously,  and  as  it  was  always 
a  motto  of  my  life  to  obey  orders  when  it  is  possible,  I  arose,  gave  out  a 
hymn,  which  was  sung  from  memory,  and  after  a  short  prayer,  I  pro- 
ceeded to  speak  and  preach  to  them  the  best  I  knew  how  for  about  twenty 
minutes,  and  this,  so  far  as  I  know,  was  the  first  sermon  preached  in 
Lansing.  Subsequently  1  was  there  in  May.  I  had  been  invited  to  preach 
there  Sunday  morning,  and  a  place  had  been  selected  over  in  the  woods 
under  a  big  beech  tree  in  the  vicinity  of  the  place  where  the  capitol  now 
stands.  The  ground  chosen  was  soon  cleared,  the  woods  disappeared  as  if 
by  magic,  and  it  was  not  long  before  streets  were  being  laid  out  and 
buildings  began  to  rise  preparatory  to  the  convening  of  the  first  l^isla- 
ture  to  meet  in  Lansing  for  the  session  of  1848.  My  father,  William 
Blades,  was  the  first  Whig  member  ever  elected  from  Genesee  county  to  a 
seat  in  the  State  legislature,  and  he  was  a  member  of  that  session. 

I  took  Lansing  in  as  a  regular  appointment  on  my  circuit  and  visited  it 
periodically.  I  had  some  privileges  in  and  about  the  houses  that  entire 
strangers  could  not  have.  At  this  time  my  intimate  personal  friend,  Wil- 
liam M.  Fenton,  was  lieutenant  governor,  and  Hon.  Edwin  H.  Thompson 
of  Flint  was  a  senator;  my  relation  with  these  gentlemen  was  as  inti- 
mate and  confidential  as  it  was  possible  for  men  to  be.  To  illustrate,  I 
will  tell  a  little  story  on  Lieutenant  Governor  Fenton.  My  father  was 
for  a  number  of  years  justice  of  the  peace  in  Grand  Blanc,  Genesee 
county,  and  had  business  with  nearly  every  town  in  the  county.  Fenton 
came  over  from  Fentonville  to  try  the  first  case  he  ever  had  in  court, 
which  he  lost.  My  father  had  an  office  built  in  his  yard,  and  I  persuaded 
him  to  let  me  have  a  bed  in  one  corner.  The  day  on  which  Fenton  tried 
his  case  was  rainy  and  cold,  and  I  said  to  Fenton,  "Bill,  don't  go  home  in 
the  rain ;  you  had  better  stay  and  sleep  with  me,  and  go  home  in  the  morn- 
ing." He  finally  consented  to  do  so.  We  went  to  bed,  and  after  I  had 
gone  to  sleep  I  was  suddenly  awakened,  and  was  surprised  to  see  Fenton 
standing  in  the  middle  of  the  floor,  cussing  himself.  1  said,  "What  is  the 
matter?"   He  said,  "I  am  a  fool ;  I  forgot  to  call  on  the  principal  witness. 

Digitized  by 


20  ANNUAL   MEETING,    1903. 

and  80  lost  the  case."  "Well,"  I  said,  "come  back  to  bed  and  don't  make  a 
fool  of  yonrself  the  second  time  the  same  day." 

I  was  in  Lansing  one  day  and  went  up  to  the  Senate  Chamber,  and 
the  first  man  I  met  was  Senator  Thompson,  and  he  said  to  me :  "Frank,. 
Bill  and  I  have  put  np  a  job  on  you ;  we  are  going  to  pass  a  resolution  re- 
questing you  to  preach  before  the  State  officers  and  Senate."  The  resolu- 
tion was  passed.  I  lay  awake  nights  to  prepare  a  sermon  suitable  for 
the  occasion,  but  when  the  time  came  I  sat  there  kni  looked  down  on 
that  crowd  of  distinguished  men — Governor  Ransom  and  other  men  that 
I  knew,  and  some  who  were  strangers  to  me — and  I  laid  my  prepared 
sermon  aside  and  turned  to  a  passage  in  Romans,  the  first  chapter  and  the 
sixteenth  verse :  "For  I  am  not  ashamed  of  the  gospel  of  Christ ;  for  it  is 
the  power  of  God  unto  salvation ;  to  every  one  that  believeth ;  to  the  Jew 
first  and  also  to  the  Greek,"  and  for  my  sermon  I  said  what  was  in  my 
heart  and  what  I  fully  believed,  without  thought  of  oratory,  or  what  any- 
body might  say  or  think  of  me  or  my  sermon.  For  the  first  time  since  my 
determination  to  be  a  minister,  after  preaching  this  sermon,  I  had  the 
approval  of  Hon.  E.  H.  Thompson.  He  felt  that  I  ought  to  practice  law^ 
as  I  had  read  law  under  his  direction  for  some  time,  and  only  after  this 
sermon  did  he  say  to  me,  "Frank,  it  is  all  right ;  go  ahead  and  do  the  best 
you  can." 

The  legislature  of  1848  was  not  a  phenomenal  but  rather  a  typical  one. 
From  the  amount  of  plank-road  charters  granted  it  might  have  been 
called  the  "plank-road  legislature."  And  that  we  may  have  a  little  clue 
from  the  past  to  look  and  see  if  we  can  find  anything  that  has  a  parallel 
in  our  present  civilization  and  experiences  with  legislatures,  I  will  call 
your  attention  to  one  thing  that  transpired  during  that  session.  I  think 
the  charter  for  some  railway,  I  do  not  now  remember  the  title,  provided 
that  the  principal  offices  and  shops  should  be  either  in  the  State  of  Michi- 
gan or  in  the  city  of  Adrian,  and  whether  there  was  any  other  question 
involved  I  do  not  remember,  but  I  think  there  was  something  abont 
moneys  past  due  from  the  railroad.  Whatever  legislation  was  sought  to 
be  secured  was  being  engineered  under  the  direction  of  the  people  who 
then  had  charge  of  what  came  to  be  known  as  the  Lake  Shore  &  Michigan 
Southern  railroad.  There  was  a  great  deal  of  opposition  to  the  legisla- 
tion pending,  and  there  was  some  very  hard  work  being  done  in  favor  of 
it.  It  was  then  that  I  saw  for  the  first  time  a  gold  pen,  and  they  were 
very  prominent  on  the  desks  of  some  of  the  members  of  both  House  and 
Senate.  It  so  happened  that  my  father,  William  Blades,  was  one  of  the 
members  who  was  decidedly  and  bitterly  opposed  to  the  measure,  what- 
ever it  was,  and  after  he  had  made  as  good  a  speech  as  he  knew  how  to 
against  the  measure,  a  prominent  member  of  the  bar  from  Southern  Mich- 
igan arose  to  answer  him,  and  after  a  very  lengthy  argument  in  which  he 
severely  called  down  the  gentleman  from  Genesee  for  his  opposition,  he 

Digitized  by 



turned  to  the  speaker,  and  in  a  very  vehement  manner  said:  "Mr. 
Speaker,  I  want  something,  this  legislature  wants  something  from  the 
gentleman  from  Genesee  beside  rhetoric ;  I  want  facts,  I  want  some  tangi- 
ble evidence  in  support  of  his  position,  and  reason  for  his  opposition  to 
this  measure."  It  was  at  this  moment  that  the  gentleman  from  Genesee 
arose  in  his  place  and  said :  "Mr.  Speaker,  will  the  gentleman  permit  me 
to  interrupt  him  just  for  a  moment?  He  demands  some  facts,  some  tan- 
gible evidence.  Permit  me  to  say  in  reply,  sir,  that  there  is  no  gold  pen 
on  my  desk."  And  in  less  than  one  minute  there  was  not  a  gold  pen  to  be 
«een  on  any  desk  in  either  the  upper  or  lower  house,  nor  could  you  find 
Anybody  who  had  seen  one !  My  recollection  is  that  the  measure  did  not 
prevail.  In  this  I  may  be  mistaken,  as  this  was  fifty-five  years  ago.  Of 
•course  no  such  thing  could  possibly  happen  in  a  legislature  in  Michigan 
in  this  year  of  grace  1903. 

I  remember  well  some  incidents  of  the  last  night  of  that  legislature. 
The  House  was  waiting  to  hear  from  the  Senate  and  time  was  hanging 
heavily  on  their  hands.  A  little  incident  of  the  evening  may  amuse  you 
for  a  moment.  I  think  it  is  quite  common  at  the  close  of  a  legislature  for 
the  members  to  look  about  for  some  boxes  in  which  to  pack  certain  per- 
quisites, the  "aftermath"  of  the  supplies  for  the  session,  in  stationery, 
l>ooks,  etc.  Lansing  was  new  and  but  few  stores  in  the  place.  Empty 
boxes  of  the  proper  size  were  scarce,  and  one  of  the  members,  rather 
tardy,  had  to  take  what  he  could  get,  and  this  was  three  or  four  times  as 
large  as  any  of  the  rest,  but  even  this  was  not  large  enough  to  pack  a 
•chair.  It  attracted  attention,  and  finally  a  gentleman  arose  and  made  a 
motion  that  a  certain,  suspicious  looking  box  then  on  the  fioor  of  the 
House  be  examined  by  a  special  committee  appointed  by  the  chair,  which 
tshould  make  a  prompt  report  to  this  House.  The  motion  was  carried,  the 
gentleman  making  the  motion  was  named  chairman,  and  others  selected 
to  complete  the  committee.  They  sent  for  a  hammer  and  opened  the  box, 
and  scattered  the  contents  about  the  floor,  greatly  exasperated  the 
•owner,  who  sat  by  in  rage  and  disgust,  but  said  nothing.  In  the  box  were 
found  some  soiled  linen,  some  books  and  stationery,  and  a  long  piece  of 
nice  cord  that  had  come  around  some  packages  during  the  winter,  which 
he  had  saved  for  a  cord  for  his  boy's  sled.  When  the  committee  had  fin- 
ished the  examination,  they  made  a  report,  recited  the  contents  of  the 
box  and  facetiously  called  attention  to  the  cord  and  begged  to  be  ex- 
<nised  from  further  acquaintance  with  said  cord.  This  was  the  opening 
for  the  owner  of  the  box,  who  arose  and  protested  against  granting  the 
request  of  the  committee  to  be  excused  from  further  acquaintance  with 
the  said  cord,  claiming  that  the  only  proper  use  for  it  was  to  hang  the 
chairman  of  that  committee.  And  then  such  a  discussion  for  over  an  hour ! 
They  fired  off  their  oratory  and  raised  their  points  of  order  and  constitu- 
tional questions  while  they  waited  to  hear  from  the  Senate  as  to  final 

Digitized  by 


22  ANNUAL   MBBTINO,    1908. 

adjonmment.    The  owner  of  that  box  got  even  with  hie  persecutors  before 
it  was  over. 

In  the  Senate  Hon.  N.  G.  Isabel  of  Livingston  county  was  the  only 
Whig  member  of  that  body.  If  my  memory  serves  me,  the  l^slature 
met  Monday,  January  third,  and  on  Saturday,  New  Year's  day,  there  wa» 
a  preliminary  meeting  of  some  kind  of  the  members  of  the  Senate  who 
were  in  town  to  arrange  for  the  (Hrganization  of  the  Senate  on  Monday* 
As  the  story  goes,  Senator  Balch  gave  notice  that  the  Democratic  mem- 
bers of  the  Senate  would  meet  to  select  officers  for  that  body,  and  ex- 
pressed a  hope  that  every  Democratic  member  of  the  Senate  would  be 
present.  As  he  sat  down,  Senator  N.  G.  Isabel  arose,  and  in  a  very  grave 
and  dignified  manner,  gave  notice  that  the  Whig  members  of  the  Senate 
would  meet  in  his  room  at  the  hotel  to  caucus  on  the  officers  for  the  Sen- 
ate and  hoped  every  member  would  be  present.  As  he  sat  down  it  dawned 
on  the  dazed  majority  that  Isabel  was  the  only  Whig  member  of  the  Sen- 
ate, and  they  saw  his  joke;  they  gathered  around  him,  shook  him  by  the 
hand,  and  from  that  hour  he  had  a  warm  friend  in  every  other  member* 
On  such  little  things  often  hangs  the  success  or  failure  of  public  men. 





The  northern  extremity  of  the  Lower  Peninsula  of  Michigan  is  watered 
by  the  Straits  of  Mackinac,  which  contains  the  island  of  that  name.  It 
includes  Cheboygan,  Emmet  and  Presque  Isle  counties.  Across  the 
straits  is  St.  Ignace,  which  may  be  said  to  divide  the  waters  of  Lakes 
Huron  and  Michigan.  It  is  in  the  county  of  Michilimackinac,  where  com- 
mences the  territory  of  the  Upper  Peninsula  of  Michigan.  Lake  Superior 
is  reached  by  the  River  St.  Mary.  The  approach  to  this  stream,  through 
which  flow  the  surplus  waters  of  the  greatest  fresh  water  sea  in  the 
world,  is  through  the  most  charming  water  region  in  North  America. 

It  is  doubtful  if  there  exists  any  fresh  water  bay  in  America  of  such  an 
extent  as  the  Georgian  bay.  Its  atmosphere  of  freshness  is  temperate, 
while  its  waters  are  so  transparent  that  at  a  depth  of  30  feet  the  white 
pebbles  on  its  bottom  are  one  of  its  beautiful  features;  while  the  finny 
tribes,  as  each  may  be  startled  by  the  shadow,  are  clearly  defined,  and 
whose  phophorescent  sheen,  as  they  dart  to  and  fro,  startle  the  beholder 
from  the  steamer's  deck,  as  this  paradise  of  Michigan's  water  region  ia 

Digitized  by 


HlarrOBlOGBAPHKB  OF  Dbtroit. 

Digitized  by 


Digitized  by 



traversed.  This  is  the  approach  to  the  chilly  and  sterile  region  of  Lake 
SuperioV,  comprising  the  Upper  Peninsula  of  the  State  of  Michigan.  It 
has  memories  of  historic  interest  connected  with  the  establishing  of 
Christianity  in  this  part  of  Michigan,  260  years  ago. 

In  1641  the  Jesuit  missionary  fathers,  Isaac  Jogues  and  Charles  Raym- 
baut,  who  had  served  in  Huronia,  zealous  to  propagate  Christianity 
among  the  Indian  nations  of  northwestern  Michigan,  as  now  constituted, 
crossed  in  their  bark  canoe  the  romantic  Georgian  bay  and  ascended  the 
stream  flowing  from  the  north  into  its  waters  and  leading  to  Lake  Supe- 
rior, which  they  named  in  honor  of  the  mother  of  our  Savior,  St.  Mary. 
The  Sault  Ste.  Marie,  "Leap  of  the  St.  Mary,'*  as  named  by  the  Jesuits, 
Fathers  Jogues  and  Raymbaut,  is  a  historic  locality  in  American  Cath- 
olic annals.  The  standard  of  the  Cross  was  raised  here  and  the  Chippe- 
was  were  baptized  by  these  Jesuit  missionaries,  before  Eliot  had  begun  to 
preach  to  the  unfortunate  Massachusetts  tribes  at  Nonatum. 

The  river  at  the  Sault  is  about  a  mile  and  a  quarter  wide,  and  the  rap- 
ids or  catract,  whose  bottom  is  formed  by  huge  boulders,  over  which  the 
overflow  of  the  waters  of  the  great  fresh  water  sea,  Lake  Superior,  leap 
and  rush  madly  down  to  the  level  below,  roaring  and  foaming  for  three- 
quarters  of  a  mile,  through  a  breadth  of  over  1,000  feet,  creating  an  at- 
mosphere of  freshness  which  can  be  compared  only  to  that  of  Niagara, 
where  these  same  waters  take  their  grandest  leap  on  their  way  to  the 
Atlantic.  The  scene  is  a  wild  one,  while  its  natural  features  have  changed 
but  little,  since  the  two  missionary  fathers  gazed  in  wonder  at  the  raging 
waters.  But  its  surroundings  at  the  present  day  are  bewildering  to  the 
student  of  less  than  half  a  century  ago.  A  system  of  lockage,  the  finest 
and  most  extensive  in  the  world,  with  a  double  capacity,  has  been  built 
by  the  American  Government,  under  the  supervision  of  General  Orlando 
M.  Poe  and  General  Weitzel,  United  States  Topographical  Engineers,  on 
the  American  side,  which  permits  the  passage  from  the  lower  lakes  into 
Lake  Superior,  and  vice  versa,  of  the  largest  freight  steamers  known  in 
modem  times,  with  cargoes  of  coal,  etc.,  going  up,  and  cargoes  of  flour, 
cereals,  ore,  metals,  etc.,  going  down.  A  similar  system  of  lockage  has 
been  built  on  the  Canadian  side;  while  the  most  gigantic  water  power 
system  known  on  the  American  continent  is  in  progress.  An  interna- 
tional bridge  spans  the  rapids  over  which  extensive  trains  run  constantly. 
The  arrivals  and  clearances  and  aggregate  annual  tonnage  exceed  that  of 
any  commercial  port  in  the  world,  while  the  value  of  the  product  carried 
is  enormous. 

But  the  Chippewas  and  other  tribes  have  gradually  disappeared,  and 
with  them  the  population  of  half-breeds  of  French  and  Indian  stock. 
Fathers  Jogues  and  Raymbaut,  hoping  to  return  and  evangelize  the  Chip- 
pewas, departed  for  Canada.  The  careers  of  both  these  holy  missionaries 
were  prematurely  ended. 

Digitized  by 


24  ANNUAL   MEETING,    1903. 

After  an  interval  of  nearly  twenty  years  the  veteran  of  the  Iroquoian 
missions,  Ben4  Menard,  opened  the  first  regular  mission  on  the-  soil  of 
Michigan  at  Keweenaw  bay  in  1660.  There  is  something  sublime  and 
grand,  writes  Dr.  Shea,  in  the  heroism  of  these  early  missionaries.  Me- 
nard was  destitute  and  alone,  broken  with  age  and  toil.  His  head 
was  whitened  with  years,  his  face  scarred  with  wounds  received  in 
the  streets  of  Cayuga,  for  he  had  been  one  of  the  first  to  bear  the  faith 
into  central  New  York.  Thoroughly  inured  to  Indian  life,  with  a  knowl- 
edge of  many  Huron  and  Algonquin  dialects,  Ren^  Menard  sought  to 
conclude  his  life's  labors  among  the  Ottawas  of  Michigan.  His  journey 
from  Montreal  with  the  fleet  of  returning  Ottawa  canoes  to  the  waters  of 
Lake  Superior  was  a  long  drawn  Via  Crucis,  while  its  narration  is  pain- 
ful to  read.  The  brutal  Ottawa  chiefs,  who  made  the  venerable  man  of 
God  toil  without  food  or  rest,  paid  no  regard  to  his  silvered  head  or  to  his 
wasted  frame.  But  he  finally  reached  Keweenaw,  which  was  his  '*first  sta- 
tion'' in  missionary  work  on  Michigan  soil;  where,  like  his  brethren  in 
other  fields  of  apostolic  work,  he  sought  out,  reaflirmed  in  the  faith,  en- 
couraged and  consoled  such  Christian  families  as  were  domiciled  in  the 
Keweenaw  district.  His  i)wn  account  of  his  apostolate  is  discouraging 
and  sad  to  read.  But  where  this  venerable  soldier  of  the  cross  rendered 
up  his  soul  to  God,  whether  he  died  by  violence  or  by  starvation,  is  one  of 
the  unsolved  problems  in  the  missionary  history  of  Michigan. 

Succeeding  Father  Ren^  Menard  was  the  venerable  Father  Gabriel 
Druillettes,  who  labored  at  or  near  Sault  Ste.  Marie  till  1699,  when  he 
returned  to  Quebec  and  died  there  in  April,  1681,  at  the  age  of  88.  He 
was,  quotes  Dr.  Shea,  a  man  of  50  when  he  came ;  he  suffered  more  than 
most  of  his  companions,  while  his  extreme  zeal  for  the  conversion  of  souls 
and  the  great  talent  God  had  given  him  for  languages  made  him  one  of 
our  best  missionaries.  Charlevoix,  after  relating  one  of  the  miracles 
ascribed  to  him,  says  that  God  had  rendered  him  powerful  in  word  and 

Another  celebrated  Jesuit  missionary  who' labored  on  Michigan  soil  was 
Father  Claude  Dablon,  who  had  accompanied  Father  Druillettes  on  an 
expedition  overland  to  Hudson's  bay,  who  was  next  with  Father  Mar- 
quette on  Lake  Superior  in  1668,  and  who  after  founding  the  mission  of 
Sault  Ste.  Marie,  became  superior  of  all  the  missions  in  1670. 

In  chronological  order  we  now  take  up  one  of  the  most  illustrious  of 
the  fathers  of  the  Society  of  Jesus,  of  Vancien  regime,  who  labored  on  the 
soil  of  Michigan,  James  Marquette.  In  the  sketch  of  the  life  of  this  dis- 
tinguished missionary  by  Hon.  Thomas  Addis  Emmet  Weadock,  M.  C. 
from  Michigan,  which  was  read  before  the  United  States  Catholic  Histor- 
ical Society  of  New  York,  and  which  has  been  printed  in  the  annals  of 
this  society,  he  writes :  His  story  is  particularly  interesting  to  the  people 
of  Michigan  because :    He  established  the  first  permanent  settlement  he- 

Digitized  by 



gun  by  Europeans  in  this  State,  Sault  Ste.  Marie,  in  1668.  He  was  the 
first  white  man  that  trod  the  soil  of  the  Island  of  Mackinac  or  the  terri- 
tory which  is  now  known  as  the  State  of  Iowa.  He  erected  the  first  cabin 
and  said  the  first  Mass  in  Chicago,  and  said  the  first  Mass  in  what  is  now 
the  State  of  Illinois.  He  discovered  the  tidal  rise  and  fall  in  Lake  Mich- 
igan 150  years  before  it  was  noticed  by  another,  and  last,  and  greatest  of 
all  in  a  historic  sense,  he  discovered  the  Father  of  Waters,  the  Missis- 
sippi. The  city  of  Laon,  capital  of  Picardy,  was  the  birthplace  of  James 
Marquette,  in  the  year  1637.  His  family  was  among  the  first  of  the  bour- 
geois class  in  his  native  city;  while  in  the  century  succeeding,  three  of 
his  name  and  kindred  fought  and  bled  for  American  independence  under 
Lafayette.  His  mother,  who  was  a  La  Salle,  inculcated  in  his  youthful 
mind  that  deep  reverence  for  the  Mother  of  God,  which  was  always  a  fea- 
ture in  his  religious  life.  At  the  age  of  17  he  joined  the  Society  of  Jesus; 
after  the  usual  fourteen  years'  probation  he  was  ordained  to  the  priest- 
hood. In  1666  he  sailed  for  Canada  and  arrived  at  Quebec  September  20 
of  the  same  year.  His  vocation  was  that  of  a  missionary,  awaiting  the 
order  of  the  superior  of  the  Jesuits  at  Quebec.  He  was  in  the  prime  of 
life,  31  years  old.  After  two  years'  study  of  the  Indian  dialects  at  the 
College  of  Quebec  he  was  directed  to  prepare  for  the  Ottawa  mission  in 
the  far  distant  west.  He  had  acquired  a  fair  knowledge  of  the  dialects  of 
the  Upper  Lake  Indian  tribes.  Father  Marquette  was  sent  to  Sault  Ste. 
Marie,  where  in  1668  he  founded  the  first  permanent  European  settlement 
in  Michigan,  which  was  located  where  the  city  of  that  name  now  stands. 
In  the  following  year  he  was  joined  by  Father  Claude  Dablon,  Society  of 
Jesus.  There  were,  it  is  stated,  about  2,000  Indians  of  the  Algonquin 
tribes  in  the  vicinity,  but  this  number  may  have  been  an  exaggerated  esti- 
mate. They  were  well  disposed  towards  Christianity,  but  the  mission- 
aries used  extreme  caution  in  administering  the  Sacrament  of  Baptism. 
The  chapel  erected  was  dedicated  to  the  Blessed  Virgin,  as  the  rapids  and 
the  river  had  been  given  the  name  of  the  Mother  of  God  by  their  brethren. 
Fathers  Jogues  and  Raymbaut,  the  former  of  whom  had,  as  stated,  met  a 
martyr's  death  at  the  hands  of  the  Mohawks,  while  the  latter  had  been 
called  to  his  eternal  reward.  From  Sault  Ste.  Marie  Father  Marquette 
was  transferred  to  Chequam^on,  subsequently  known  as  La  Pointe  du  St. 
Esprit,  which  he  reached  after  a  month's  journey,  attended  by  dangers 
and  hardships.  He  arrived  in  1669.  War  was  provoked  two  years  later 
between  the  Hurons  and  the  Ottawas,  and  the  powerful  and  warlike  na- 
tion of  the  Sioux.  As  a  result,  the  two  former  nations,  accompanied  by 
Father  Marquette,  were  forced  to  leave  Chequamegon.  A  settlement  was 
made  at  Point  St.  Ignace,  where  a  chapel  was  built.  This  locality  was 
on  the  coast  at  a  point  subsequently  known  as  Michilimackinac  and  was 
the  centre  of  Catholic  Indian  missionary  work  as  long  as  New  France 
wa«  under  French  control.  It  must  not  be  confounded  with  the  Island  of 

Digitized  by 


26  ANNUAL.   MEETING,    1903. 

Mackinac,  peopled  by  some  of  the  Ottawas,  which,  after  the  British  con- 
quest, was  fortified  and  garrisoned.  But  St.  Ignace,  which,  as  Father 
Marquette  writes,  was  the  central  point  between  the  three  great  lakes, 
was  a  bleak  and  cold  locality.  In  winter  the  cold  wa«  intense,  while  the 
winds,  now  from  Lake  Huron,  then  from  Lake  Michigan,  and  worse  than 
all,  from  Lake  Superior,  made  the  climate  at  times  intensely  cold.  The 
cultivation  of  the  soil  was  attended  with  poor  results.  But  the  finest 
fresh  water  fish  in  the  world  abounded,  while  at  certain  seasons  of  the 
year  game  was  available.  In  1672  Father  Marquette  reported  to  the 
Father  Superior  at  Quebec  the  prosperous  state  of  his  mission  and  ex- 
pressed his  readiness  to  leave  and  se^  unknown  nations  to  the  South. 
The  assurance  was  brought  him  that  he  was  to  go  as  a  missionary  to  ex- 
plore the  Mississippi.  Joliet,  the  royal  hydrographer,  was  sent  by  the 
Intendant  Talon  as  a  scientific  companion  of  the  missionary.  He  ar- 
rived at  St.  Ignace  on  the  Feast  of  the  Immaculate  Conception  of  the 
Blessed  Virgin,  auspiciously,  too,  because  Father  Marquette  had  invoked 
her  aid  to  obtain  from  God  the  favor  of  being  able  to  visit  the  nations  on 
the  Mississippi.  Preparations  for  the  voyage  were  completed  during  the 
winter.  Toward  the  latter  part  of  May,  1673,  Father  Marquette  and  M. 
Joliet,  with  two  bark  canoes,  five  Indians  and  a  supply  of  provisions,  left 
St.  Ignace,  and  began  their  journey,  according  to  their  plans,  which  had 
been  outlined  and  mapped,  to  discover  and  explore  the  great  river  of  the 
South  the  missionary  had  set  his  heart  upon  reaching. 

It  does  not  fall  within  the  purpose  of  this  study  to  detail  missionary 
work  outside  the  boundaries  of  Michigan.  The  history  of  the  discovery 
and  exploration  of  the  Mississippi,  by  Father  Marquette,  has  been  faith- 
fully related  by  the  accomplished  and  painstaking  Mr.  Weadock.  For  all 
that  he  has  proposed  he  quotes  acknowledged  historical  gospel.  We  shall 
therefore  attempt  to  outline  the  melancholy  ending  of  the  career  of 
Father  Marquette,  which  occurred  on  Michigan  soil  after  his  return  from 
his  Mississippi  voyage.  He  wished  to  die  at  Michilimackinac  among  his 
brethren  with  the  rites  of  the  Holy  Church,  so  he  set  out  on  his  return 
voyage  via  St.  Joseph's  river  and  the  eastern  shore  of  Lake  Michigan 
His  strength  gradually  failed,  but  he  calmly  contemplated  the  end  with 
Christian  fervency.  It  was  given  to  Father  Marquette  to  die  on  Michigan 
soil.  It  imports  but  little  under  what  circumstances,  or  precisely  where 
his  young  life  was  ended.  His  mortal  remains  were  in  time  discovered  by 
Father  Gabriel  Richard  of  Detroit,  and  the  place  marked.  But  these  par- 
ticulars, comparatively  speaking,  are  of  small  import;  the  glorious  re- 
nown of  the  missionary  is  a  part  of  American  history.  In  Detroit,  a 
statue  of  the  missionary  and  explorer  adorns  the  fagade  of  the  City  Hall, 
placed  there  by  one  of  the  purest  minded  gentlemen  who  had  not  had  the 
blessing  of  living  in  the  Catholic  faith,  but  who  was  attracted  by  that 
magic  which  binds  men  of  genius  to  each  other,  regardless  of  race  or 

Digitized  by 



creed,  to  pay  this  tribute  to  Marquette,  the  late  Bela  Hubbard.  So,  also, 
another  statue,  by  a  celebrated  artist,  has  been  placed  in  the  Capitol  at 
Washington.  It  commemorates  the  memory  of  a  priest,  missionary  and 
explorer,  which  the  people  of  the  States  of  the  giant  West  decided  to  have 
placed  there,  but  which  the  small  souled  pygmies  whose  narrow  minds 
reject  the  freedom  of  religion,  opposed  under  one  pretext  or  another,  until 
it  happily  fell  to  Mr.  Weadock,  to  whose  memoir  we  have  been  so  much 
indebted  for  what  we  have  written  of  Marquette,  to  have  the  wishes  of  the 
I)eople  of  the  West  gratified.  There  is  another  monument  to  the  young 
missionary  and  explorer,  quite  significantly  placed  in  a  locality  equally 
suggestive;  this  is  in  the  city  of  Marquette,  queen  city  of  Lake  Superior, 
where  a  replica  of  Trentanova's  statue  at  the  Capitol  at  Washington  has 
been  erected  in  that  city  on  the  shores  of  Lake  Superior,  which  perpetu- 
ates his  name  among  the  people  of  the  State,  where  his  young  life  was 

In  1676  Father  Peter  A.  Bonneault  and  Henry  A.  Nouvel,  Society  of 
Jesus,  labored  at  Sault  Ste.  Marie,  while  Father  Philip  Pierson,  S.  J., 
had  succeeded  Father  Marquette  in  the  care  of  the  Christian  Hurons  at 

Claude  Jean  Allouez,  S.  J.,  "the  Apostle  of  the  Ottawas  and  the  builder 
of  the  first  Indian  missions  in  Wisconsin,''  as  his  most  recent  biographer, 
Rev.  Joseph  Stephen  La  Boule,  Professor  in  the  Provincial  Seminary  of 
fit.  Francis  de  Sales,  Milwaukee,  designates  him,  was  among  the  early 
Jesuit  missionary  Fathers  who  traversed  the  soil  of  Michigan.  His  labors, 
however,  were  more  identified  with  the  neighboring  State  of  Wisconsin, 
but  more  particularly  with  that  portion  whose  soil  is  bordered  by  the 
waters  of  Lake  Superior.  Father  La  Boule  writes :  "I  deem  it  a  pleas- 
ure and  a  duty  to  my  native  State  to  survey  the  life  of  this  remarkable 
man,  and  to  trace,  even  though  it  be  with  unskilled  eye,  *the  footprints  he 
has  left  behind  him  in  the  sands  of  time.' "  Father  Allouez  was  born  in 
St.  Didier  near  Lyons,  apparently  in  June,  1622.  His  collegiate  course  is 
described  by  his  biographer  and  his  successful  examination  at  Puy,  after 
which  he  prepared  himself  to  become  a  priest,  a  Jesuit  and  a  missionary. 
At  the  age  of  17  he  was  received  a  member  of  the  Society  of  Jesus,  and 
after  the  usual  probationary  term  of  fourteen  years  he  was  ordained  to 
the  priesthood  and  assigned  to  duty  in  the  Jesuit  church  of  Rhodez, 
France.  But  his  soul  moved  him  to  a  more  heroic  career,  and  he  sought 
to  develop  it  in  missionary  work  in  New  France.  Father  Rocette,  Society 
of  Jesus,  his  superior  at  Toulouse,  wrote  him  March  3,  1657,  with  permis- 
sion to  go  to  Canada  and  to  join  his  brother  Jesuits  engaged  in  mission- 
ary work  among  the  Indians.  His  qualities  are  thus  noted :  "He  is  pos- 
sessed of  a  vigorous  constitution,  of  a  fine  mind  and  disposition,  of  good 
judgment  and  great  prudence.  He  is  firm  in  purpose,  proficient  in  litera- 
ture and  theology,  and  eminently  fitted  for  missionary  work."    Here> 

Digitized  by 


28  ANNUAL   MEBTINO,    1903. 

then,  writes  his  biographer,  is  a  Frenchman  of  the  mountainous  Loire 
country  tjpe;  a  man  of  middle  stature,  of  vigorous  frame,  yet  graceful 
deportment ;  a  man  who  is  inured  to  exi>06ure  and  toil,  as  he  is  trained  in 
the  science  of  spiritual  perfection ;  capable  of  living  contented  in  the  hut» 
of  barbarians  as  well  as  moving  with  due  tact  in  salons  of  refined  French 
society.  Such  a  man  it  is  whom  we  presently  see  embarking  on  a  project 
which,  as  Bancroft  says,  '^as  imperishably  connected  his  name  with  the 
progress  of  discovery  in  the  West/'  and  which  made  him  the  apostle  of 
the  upper  lake  Indians.  Father  AUouez  was  invited  to  sail  with  M. 
D'Argensop,  who  had  recently  been  appointed  Governor  of  New  France. 
Two  lay  brothers  joined  the  party,  and  after  a  long  and  stormy  voyage 
Quebec  was  reached  July  11, 1658.  He  soon  after  commenced  a  prepara- 
tory course  of  the  study  of  the  Upper  Lake  Indian  dialects.  While  await- 
ing at  the  College  of  Quebec  a  favorable  opportunity  to  reach  the  Ottawa 
mission,  intelligence  was  received  of  the  death  of  two  distinguished  In- 
dian missionaries;  first  of  Father  Leonard  Garreau,  who  met  a  terrible 
fate;  second  of  Father  Menard,  his  dear  friend,  to  whom  he  had  bade 
farewell  on  his  departure  from  Three  Rivers  for  the  Lake  Superior  coun- 
try in  1660.  In  May,  1665,  Father  AUouez  left  the  college  to  meet  the 
Ottawa  Indians,  who  annually  came  from  the  Upper  Lakes  to  trade  at 
Three  Rivers.  He  was  disappointed;  he  found  them  uncouth  and  brutal 
"beyond  description."  But  this  was  not  the  worst,  they  were  unfriendly. 
It  was  not  without  difficulty  that  he  obtained  an  equivocal  permission  for 
himself  and  party,  six  in  all,  to  accompany  the  Ottawas  on  their  return 
journey  to  Michilimackinac,  and  then  they  were  separated  among  400 
Indians.  The  route  taken  at  that  time  for  such  parties  was  up  the  Ottawa 
river  and  by  way  of  Lake  Nipissing,  with  portages  to  the  Georgian  bay^ 
and  thence  to  Lake  Huron.  It  was  a  journey  of  500  or  600  miles  from 
Three  Rivers,  with  many  portages,  across  which  had  to  be  carried  the 
canoes  and  effects  of  the  travelers.  It  is  difficult  to  describe  the  cruel 
treatment  experienced  at  the  hands  of  these  brutal  Indians  during  this 
long  and  tedious  journey  lasting  over  two  months,  by  this  devoted  mission- 
ary; starvation,  over- work,  and  finally  abandonment,  after  his  canoe  had 
been  disabled,  on  a  desolate  shore.  But  Father  AUouez  had  great  faith 
in  the  Divine  mercy;  he  survived  the  ordeal  and  won  the  admiration  of 
the  Ottawa  chiefs. 

The  fiotilla  finally  arrived  at  Sault  Ste.  Marie,  but  did  not  tarry  there, 
although  the  missionary  would  have  been  much  gratified  to  have  visited 
with  the  few  Frenchmen  then  domiciled  at  the  Sault.  The  fleet  of  canoea 
was  carried  over  the  portage  and  launched  into  the  waters  of  the  great 
lake,  coasting  along  the  south  shore.  It  was  great  enjoyment  for  Father 
AUouez  during  all  the  rest  of  that  month  to  witness  the  ever  changing 
and  wild  scenery  of  the  coast  of  Lake  Superior.  He  rested  at  Keweenaw 
bay,  where  Menard  had  preached   to  the  Ottawa   Indians.    Here  were 

Digitized  by 



found  two  Christian  Huron  women,  whom  he  says  shone  like  brilliant 
stars  in  this  darkness  of  paganism.  No  doubt,  adds  his  biographer,  he 
also  said  Mass  at  this  spot  consecrated  by  his  saintly  brother  missionary. 
On  he  went,  still  westward.  He  was  now  on  what  was  to  white  men  terri- 
tory comparatively  unexplored.  His  tone  of  correspondence  becomes 
that  of  a  keen  observer.  Game  and  fish  are  more  abundant,  and  the  qual- 
ity, he  tells  us,  is  excellent.  His  attention  is  called  to  the  presence  of 
copper  mines  by  the  color  of  the  water  and  the  frequent  discovery  of  cop- 
per in  pieces  of  ten  and  twenty  pounds  on  the  shores. 

The  Indians,  continues  his  biographer,  seemed  to  have  improved  their 
treatment  of  Father  AUouez,  which  was  now  much  better.    A  box  in 
which  he  had  put  a  number  of  devotional  and  other  articles  and  which 
his  Indian  companions  had  stolen  from  him,  was  now  restored  to  him. 
Henceforth  the  missionary  and  his  effects  wei^e  r^arded  as  "manitous," 
dangerous  to  touch.    His  mind  became  more  cheerful  and  he  continues  to 
describe  the  scenes  about  him  on  ^^the  lake  that  is  so  stormy  and  yet  so 
beautiful  and  so  rich  in  delicious  fish  and  shining  metal,"  that  he  did 
not  wonder  the  Indians  worshiped  it  as  a  divinity  and  offered  it  sacrifice. 
The  Indian  fieet  had  now  traversed  a  distance  which  Father  La  Boule  es- 
timated at  1,250  miles  from  Three  Rivers,  in  their  bark  canoes,  and  were 
approaching  their  destination.    They  were  greatly  elated  when  in  the 
distance  they  perceived  a  tongue  of  land  jutting  out  into  the  stormy  bay 
at  the  southwestern  end  of  the  lake.    It  was  the  sandspit  so  familiar  to 
the  Lake  Superior  Indians  famed  in  their  early  myths  and  later  history 
as  Chequamegon  Point.    Father  Allouez,  continues  his  biographer,  landed 
with  the  flotilla  at  the  head  of  Chequamegon  bay  October  1,  1665.    Sub- 
sequently he  located  his  mission,  which  he  dedicated  to  the  Holy  Ghost, 
contiguous  to  the  villages  of  the  Huron  and  of  the  Ottawa  nations;  the 
location,  in  modern  days,  without  wasting  time  in  tracing  its  exact  local- 
ity, may  be  said  to  be  tributary  to  what  is  familiarly  known  as  La  Pointe, 
in  the  head  waters  of  Lake  Superior,  or  as  described  in  the  early  annals. 
Fond  du  Lac.    A  chapel  of  bark  and  a  '^mission  house"  of  the  same  mate- 
rial, of  modest  proportions,  were  soon  constructed  for  Father  Allouez. 
Then,  after  fervent  appeals  for  heavenly  assistance,  he  commenced  his 
apostolic  work.    Like  his  saintly  brethren  in  the  cantons  of  the  Iro- 
quoian  Confederacy,  at  a  corresponding  period,  he  found  among  the  ex- 
patriated Hurons  many  Christian  families,  whose  faith  he  revived ;  whose 
marriages  he  validated;  and  whose  children  he  baptized.    This  experi- 
ence was  vouchsafed  to  the  holy  missionary,  in  consolation  for  the  drastic 
and  crucial  incidents  of  the  journey  of  over  1,200  miles,  in  which  he  had 
been  made  to  endure  more  than  an  ordinary  white  man's  share,  between 
Three  Rivers  and  the  head  waters  of  Lake  Superior.    Soon,  his  biographer 
states,  he  taught  the  playful,  tawny  little  girls  and  the  future  Indian 
braves  to  raise  their  hands  to  Heaven  and  to  chant  in  melancholy  but 

Digitized  by 


80  ANNUAL   MEBTINO,    1903. 

sweet  tones  the  Pater  and  the  Ave.  From  morning  dawn  to  sunset  the 
braves  and  the  sqnaws,  in  great  number,  came  to  visit  the  ^^blaek  robe"  to 
be  taught  by  him  how  to  pray  to  the  "Great  Father."  The  example  of  the 
children  soon  had  its  effect  upon  the  older  Indians.  The  laxity  of  morals 
so  common  even  among  the  children  was  now  relieved  by  most  edifying 
examples  of  purity;  one  of  which  Father  Allouez  mentions  in  his  rela- 
tions. Similar  evidences  of  remarkable  virtue  in  this  connection  is  given 
in  the  diary  of  the  missionary  and  are  on  record.  Besides  the  little  chil- 
dren baptized  on  New  Year's  day,  1666,  whom  the  mothers  brought  to 
the  missionary  as  "a  gift  to  the  little  Jesus,"  he  baptized  more  than  400 
infantsand  adults  of  the  Huron  tribes,  during  his  stay  at  the  bay. 

The  Hurons  were  among  the  eliti  of  the  Indian  nations  of  North  Amer- 
ica. They  had  been  foremost  during  the  seventeenth  century  in  accepting 
Christianity.  But  their  nation  had  been  wiped  out  of  existence  in  Hu- 
ronia,  by  their  hereditary  foes,  the  warriors  of  the  Iroquoian  Confede- 
racy; while  their  national  autonomy  for  the  time  being  was  destroyed* 
Many  prisoners,  men,  women  and  children,  had  been  brought  from  Huro- 
nia  to  the  Iroquoian  cantons,  where  mothers  mourned  for  sons,  the  flower 
of  the  youth  of  the  Five  Nations.  The  captives  were  adopted  into  the 
communities  of  the  respective  tribes.  This  new  blood  was  much  needed 
in  the  desolate  families  of  the  Iroquoian  mothers.  But  this  new  blood 
was  Christian,  and  thus  was  Christianity  planted  in  the  nations  of  the 
League,  from  the  Mohawk  to  the  shores  of  Lake  Erie.  We  have  here  re- 
lated another  example  of  the  tenacity  of  the  faith  planted  in  the  hearts 
of  the  people  of  Huronia  by  the  martyred  brethren  of  Father  Allouez. 
But  this  was  mild  work  for  this  zealous  apostle.  Contiguous  to  the  local- 
ity of  the  Hurons  was  the  Pagan  Ottawa  canton,  whose  people  Father 
Allouez  determined  to  convert.  He  erected  a  birch  bark  chapel  and  mis- 
sion house  in  the  midst  of  their  cabins.  It  was  a  bold,  a  heroic  enterprise^ 
inspired  by  confidence  in  the  support  of  the  Almighty  Power.  His  biog- 
rapher prefaces  his  experience  by  saying  that  the  status  of  affairs  found 
in  the  Ottawa  village  must  have  brought  to  his  mind  a  picture  of  pande- 
monium. This  he  must  have  expected.  But,  in  the  description  of  no  other 
Indian  village,  does  Father  Allouez  employ  terms  so  expressive  of  abhor- 
rence as  he  does  in  describing  the  moral  condition  of  the  Ottawas  at  Che- 
quamegon  bay.  The  people  recognized  no  sovereign  master  of  Heaven  and 
Earth ;  they,  worshiped  the  sun,  the  moon,  the  lakes  and  rivers,  wild 
beasts,  the  elements,  and  demons.  Father  Allouez  calls  their  canton  a 
Babylon  of  libertinism  and  abomination.  These  people,  the  missionary 
states,  are  very  little  disposed  to  receive  the  faith ;  because  they  are,  more 
than  all  others,  addicted  to  idolatry,  polygamy,  laxity  of  the  marriage  tie, 
and  to  general  licentiousness  which  makes  them  east  aside  all  natural 
decorum.  These  were  the  first  impressions  conceived  by  the  pure  sonJ  of 
Father  Allouez.    His  later  experience  was  more  hopeful.    Of  the  Potta- 

Digitized  by 



watamies,  the  Outagamies  and  the  Illinois  tribes  who  came  during  the 
fishing  season,  he  speaks  more  favorably :  Great  quantities  of  whitefish, 
trout  aiid  herring  are  caught  here.  The  season  begins  in  November  and 
continues  after  the  ice  has  been  formed.  Speaking  of  the  Pottawatamies, 
Father  Allouez  says  "they  are  the  most  docile  to  our  Frenchmen  and 
promising  candidates  for  Christianity,  their  women  are  more  modest 
than  those  of  other  Indian  nations,  while  the  men  are  kindly  mannered 
Father  Allouez  failed  to  make  any  progress  among  the  Ottawas.  Con 
vinced  that  one  missionary  would  be  inadequate  to  combat  so  much  oppo 
sition  to  Christianity,  he  turned  his  face  homeward.  But  before  com- 
mencing his  return  journey  he  courageously  started  for  Lake  Nepigon 
This  involved  a  journey  going  and  coming  of  more  than  1,200  miles.  But 
this  great  labor  was  well  rewarded.  He  was  received  by  the  Nipissings 
with  open  arms.  He  revived  their  faith  and  restored  the  religious  status 
of  their  family  life.  He  remarks :  "The  fervent  devotion  of  this  people 
gave  me  sweet  consolation  and  compensated  abundantly  for  past  hard- 
ships." The  field,  writes  his  biographer,  had  become  too  great  for  one 
missionary.  Help  was  needed.  In  1667  Father  Allouez  returned  to  Que- 
bec, where  he  arrived  during  the  first  days  of  August.  The  purpose  of  his 
visit  was  to  urge  the  establishment  of  permanent  missions  at  Chequame- 
gon  and  tributary  territory ;  to  get  assistance  and  requisites  for  mission 
chapels.  He  would  take  no  rest  after  his  long  journey,  and  in  a  few  days 
was  ready  to  return  with  the  Indian  flotilla. 

Father  Louis  Nicolas,  Society  of  Jesus,  and  one  donn^  volunteered  to 
return  with  him,  as  also  several  French  mechanics.*  But  the  Indians  re- 
fused to  take  tfie  latter  with  the  missionary  party.  All  the  equipments 
for  his  chapels  had  to  be  left  behind.  Father  Allouez  returned  to  the 
scene  of  his  missionary  labors,  where  his  biographer  states  he  remained 
some  years.  Father  Louis  Nicolas,  Society  of  Jesus,  is  described  in  the 
relations  as- "a  strong,  practical,  *every-day'  man  and  a  tireless  worker." 
His  progress  was  unsatisfactory  and  he  became  despondent.  One  day,  it 
is  stated,  he  told  the  Ottawas  he  was  going  to  Sault  Ste.  Marie.  They 
would  not  consent  to  this,  admitted  their  past  indifference  and  promised 
to  amend  their  lives,  and  in  fact  made  a  serious  eflfort  to  abolish  polygamy, 
idolatry  and  superstition.  In  time  many  became  fervent  Christians. 
Father  Allouez  returned  to  Sault  Ste.  Marie  in  1669,  and  Father  James 
Marquette  took  his  place  at  Chequamegon  bay.  Dr.  Shea  says :  Father 
Allouez  was  a  fearless  and  devoted  missionary ;  as  a  man  of  zeal  and  piety 
he  is  not  inferior  to  any  of  his  day;  and  his  name  is  imperishably  con- 
nected with  the  progress  of  discovery  in  the  West.  This  is  a  very  high 
tribute ;  for  the  days  of  Father  Allouez  were  those  of  scholarly  and  scien- 
tific  men;  numbering  saints,  martyrs,  explorers  and  heroes ;  such  indeed 

T*!;^*  ^il?"^?*  **  ***«  period  under  consideration,  was  a  pions  young  celibate  attached  to  a 
m^i(Mi      *****'^'  ^^^  performed  menial  duties  and  filled  the  part  of  acolyte  in  religious  cere- 
Digitized  by  VjOOQIC 

32  ANNUAL   MEETING,    1903. 

were  his  cotemporaries,  his  brethren  of  Vancien  rigime  of  the  Society  of 
Jesus  in  North  America.  After  thirteen  years  more  of  missionary  work 
in  Western  fields  the  heroic  career  of  this  saintly  man  was  ended. 

Associated  with  him  at  times  on  Michigan  soil  was  Father  Louis  Andr^, 
Society  of  Jesus,  of  whom  Father  Arthur  Jones,  Society  of  Jesus,  of  St. 
Mary's  College,  Montreal,  writes :  Father  Louis  Andr^  was  born  in  1623, 
and  previous  to  his  coming  to  New  France  he  had  entered  the  Society  of 
Jesus  as  a  member  of  the  Province  of  Toulouse.  As  a  Canadian  mission- 
ary he  was  within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Province  of  France.  Father 
Andr^  reached  Quebec  on  the  7th  of  June,  1669.  But  a  short  time  elapsed 
before  he  was  sent  to  the  Western  Missions,  where  Claude  Allouez,  James 
Marquette,  Claude  Dablon,  together  with  the  coadjutor  Brother  Louis  Le 
Boesme,  were  already  toiling  in  the  Master's  vineyard.  Andre's  year  of 
apprenticeship  to  a  missionary  life  was  made  probably  in  part  at  St.  Ig- 
nace,  Michiliinackinac  and  at  the  Bate  dee  Puants.  The  winter  was  prob- 
ably passed  at  the  former.  Fathers  Andr6  and  Druillettes  were  at  Sanlt 
Ste.  Marie  in  the  spring  of  1670.  To  enable  the  reader,  writes  Father 
Jones,  to  form  an  adequate  idea  of  the  hardships  endured  by  Father  An- 
dr6,  and  to  obtain  a  graphic  account  of  his  apostolic  labors,  the  Jesuit 
Relations  themselves  should  be  consulted,  as  therein  the  facts  are  given, 
often  in  his  own  words.  In  1671  Father  Andr6  was  again  at  Michilimack- 
inac;  from  this  year  until  1681  he  worked  during  all  seasons  for  the  con- 
version of  the  Western  nations.  In  1682  he  rested  from  his  continuous 
labors  at  Michilimackinac,  but  only  for  a  year.  The  following  year  he 
was  again  on  his  missionary  tours.  He  was  a  successful  missionary  wher- 
ever he  worked.  This  was  his  last  year's  work  in  the  Western  Missions. 
He  was  now  in  his  sixtieth  year.  The  father  superior  at  Quebec  deemed 
it  advisable  to  give  him  a  permanent  rest,  and  he  was  accordingly  recalled 
to  Quebec.  He  was  named  professor  of  philosophy  in  the  Jesuits'  College, 
and  performed  other  literary  work  until  1690;  in  the  meantime  he  had 
compiled  his  Algonquin  and  Ottawa  dictionary,  and  had  written  other 
philological  treatises.  But  this  literary  work  did  not  satisfy  the  nature 
or  the  ambition  of  Father  Andr6.  He  was  a  passionate  hunter  for  human 
souls.  No  sportsman  in  the  pursuit  of  the  wild  game  of  the  forest  was  so 
ardent  as  he  was  to  convert  from  Paganism  an  Indian  and  to  regenerate 
his  soul  with  the  Sacraments  of  the  Church.  He  laid  aside  his  literary 
labors  and  with  the  crucifix  in  hand  labored  among  the  Indian  tribes  in 
what  is  now  the  Province  of  Quebec,  and  with  great  success.  It  was  not, 
however,  until  1715  that  he  was  called  to  his  eternal  reward  at  the  age 
of  92. 

Father  Philip  Pierson  succeeded  Fathjer  Marquette  in  the  control  of  the 
two  missions  at  Michilimackinac,  where  he  is  credited  with  building  a 
new  chapel  in  1674. 

Other  missionaries  laboring  at  the  same  locality  were  in  succession: 

Digitized  by 



Fathers  Charles  Albanel  and  Claude  Aveneau.  A  few  years  later  we  find 
the  names  of  Fathers  Bailloquet  and  Nouvel.  There  were  subsequently 
the  names  of  Fathers  James  J.  Marest,  and  the  veteran  Iroquoian  Mis- 
sionary, Father  Stephen  de  Carheil,  who  at  the  close  of  the  seventeenth 
century  were  in  charge  of  the  missions  at  Michilimackinac.  This  locality 
during  the  last  decade  of  this  same  century  had  become  a  trading  post 
of  such  importance  that  the  government  of  New  Prance  maintained  a 
small  garrison  under  charge  of  a  commandant  and  it  was  dignified  with 
the  name  of  post.  Its  locality  was  such  that  trading  expeditions  on  the 
way  to  or  from  Montreal,  Three  Rivers  or  Quebec,  going  or  coming  by  the 
route  via  the  Ottawa  river,  etc,  tarried  at  Michilimackinac.  The  Ottawas 
domiciled  in  the  vicinity,  particularly  on  the  island  of  Mackinac,  were 
successful  hunters;  they  usually  returned  from  their  periodical  expedi- 
tions to  their  hunting  fields  with  valuable  packs  of  furs,  which,  annually, 
earlier  in  the  century,  they  had  carried  for  sale  and  barter  to  Three  Riv- 
ers; their  flotillas  of  bark  canoes  were  of  considerable  extent,  the  Indians 
numbering  occasionally  as  many  as  400.  Gradually,  however,  the  number 
of  French  traders  annually  coming  to  Michilimackinac  had  increased  to 
such  an  extent  that  the  Indians  found  it  no  longer  necessary  to  make  the 
long  and  toilsome  journey  to  the  St.  Lawrence ;  they  found  a'  home  mar- 
ket at  Michilimackinac ;  this  was  before  the  garrisons  and  commandants 
were  sent  to  this  locality.  Before  the  advent  of  the  latter  the  mission- 
aries controlled  the  Indians  and  had  maintained  stringent  rules  exclu- 
ding the  traffic  in  eau  de  vie  among  the  Ottawas.  Moreover,  Christianity 
had  been  fairly  well  established,  while  morality  and  sobriety  prevailed. 
There  was  peace  and  happiness  in  the  Indian  cabins.  When,  however,  the 
commandants  and  soldiers  came  to  the  post  from  Canada,  a  great  change 
succeeded;  both  officers  and  men  became  traders.  Heretofore  Michili- 
mackinac had  been  the  locality  of  missionary  centres,  over  whose  people 
the  missionary  fathers  exercised  a  paternal  control.  Outside  of  the  In- 
dian population  the  commandants  had  properly  controlled  the  soldiers 
and  employes  of  the  post.  But  the  Commandant,  his  officers,  his  soldiers 
and  his  employ^  had  become  traders  with  the  Indians;  the  principal 
article  of  their  traffic  was  eau  de  vie,  dealt  in  at  first  sub  rosa,  but  later  • 
on  openly  and  in  cabarets.  The  protests  of  the  missionaries  were  without 
result;  for  Governor  General  Frontenac's  ear  was  closed  to  any  Jesuit's 
appeal.  Finally  the  Jesuits  appealed  to  the  Court  of  France,  and  with 
success.  The  traffic  in  eau  de  vie  at  Michilimackinac  was  suppressed. 
But  the  mischief  it  had  wrought  to  the  bodies  and  souls  of  the  Indians  of 
the  respective  missions  may  be  estimated  in  part  only  by  the  letter  from 
Father  Stephen  de  Carheil,  himself  of  noble  blood,  a  veteran  of  the  Iro- 
quoian missions,  and  one  of  the  holiest  of  the  Jesuit  priests  who  had  de- 
voted their  lives  to  the  conversion  to  Christianity  of  the  Indians  of  North 
America.  At  the  time  this  letter  was  written  Father  de  Carheil  w«s  supe- 

Digitized  by 


34  ANNUAL   MEETING,    1903. 

pior  of  the  missions  centering  at  Michilimaekinac ;  it  was  an  expose  of 
affairs  which  was  addressed  to  de  Calli^res,  Governor  General  of  New 

The  original  letter  of  the  saintly  Father  de  Carheil,  is  on  file  in  the 
archives  of  St.  Mary's  College,  Montreal. 

Father  Arthur  E.  Jones,  archivist  of  the  college,  gave  Clarence  M. 
Burton,  President  of  this  Society,  dnring  the  year  1903,  a  translation  of 
this  letter  as  well  as  of  many  other  historical  documents  relating  to  the 
French  history  of  Detroit  and  Michigan. 

This  letter  and  the  other  historical  papers  will  be  arranged  for  publi- 
cation in  volume  33  of  the  Historical  publications  by  President  Burton. 

It  is  a  sad  story  and  contains  a  long  detail  of  the  gradual  breaking  up 
of  the  missionary  work  and  the  ruin  of  the  bodies  and  souls  of  the 
Christian  Indians  at  the  mission. 

Among  other  Jesuits  who  had  been  associated  with  Father  de  Carheil 
were  Fathers  Nicholas  Potier  and  John  B.  Chamdon ;  subsequently  the 
depopulation  had  become  so  great  at  Michilimaekinac  and  at  the  Island 
of  Mackinac  that  Father  de  Carheil,  in  1706,  abandoned  the  mission, 
burned  the  chapels  and  mission  houses  and  returned  to  Quebec.  But  the 
government  induced  Father  James  J.  Marest,  Society  of  Jesus,  to  restore 
the  missions  at  Michilimaekinac;  the  Ottawas  who  had  been  drawn  to 
Detroit  by  Cadillac  became  dissatisfied  to  a  considerable  extent  and  many 
of  them,  with  their  families,  returned  to  their  former  homes  on  the  Island 
of  Mackinac  and  to  Michilimaekinac.  The  Jesuit  mission  of  St.  Ignatius 
at  this  locality  was  reopened.  In  1721  Father  Charlevoix,  Society  of  Jesus, 
as  an  envoy  of  the"  King  of  France,  visited  Detroit  and  the  missions  on 
Michigan  soil  in  the  West.  These  finally  devolved  to  the  care  of  the 
Jesuit  Fathers,  M.  Louis  Le  Franc  and  Peter  du  Jaunay,  with  headquarters 
at  Michilimaekinac.  One  of  the  out  missions  occasionally  visited  by  the 
latter  was  at  Arbre  Croche.  We  find  his  name  as  a  visitor  to  Detroit  at 
the  Huron  Mission  in  1765.  Both  of  these  venerable  missionaries  passed 
to  their  eternal  reward  soon  after  the  latter  year. 

The  names  of  the  Jesuit  fathers  who  labored  on  the  soil  of  Michigan 
between  the  years  1641  and  1781,  with  chronological  approximation,  may 
be  stated  as  follows:  Isaac  Jogues,  Charles  Eaymbaut,  Gabriel  X. 
Drouillettes,  Henry  Nouvel,  Peter  A.  Bonneault,  Anthony  Silvy,  Ben^ 
Menard,  Louis  Nicholas,  John  Enjalran,  Charles  Albanal,  Peter  Baillo- 
quet,  Claude  Dablon,  Louis  Andr^,  Claude  Allouez,  John  B.  Lamorinie, 
James  Marquette,  Philip  Pierson,  John  B.  Charndon,  Stephen  De  Carheil, 
Marin  L.  Le  Franc,  James  J.  Marest,  Armand  de  La  Eichardie,  Peter  Du 
Jaunay,  Peter  Potier,  who  was  the  last  of  the  illustrious  twenty-four,  one 
of  whom  was  martyred,  others  who  lived  the  lives  of  saints,  and  others 
whose  names  have  become  immortal  in  the  history  of  America.  To  these 
names  might  be  added  that  of  Father  Charlevoix,  Society  of  Jesus,  who 

Digitized  by 



spent  some  time  while  engaged  in  spiritual  work  in  1721  at  Detroit,  and 
later  in  western  Michigan;  as  also  that  of  Francis  Vaillant  de  Gueslis, 
Society  of  Jesns,  who  came  with  Cadillac  in  1701,  but  who  was  promptly 
recalled  by  the  father  superior  of  the  Jesuits  at  Quebec.  In  the  acknowl- 
edged high  class  histories  of  North  America  great  praise  has  been  written 
by  non-Catholic  writers  on  these  saintly  and  scholarly  priests*  for  their 
missionary  work  among  the  Indian  nations,  and  for  their  intrepid  and 
extensive  explorations  of  the  Western,  the  Northwestern  and  the  South- 
western regions,  which  they  first  explored  and  scientifically  described. 

Digitized  by 




We  here  undersigned  certify  that  we  have  seen  the  arms  of  the  King 
of  France  set  up  on  the  lands  of  the  Lake  called  Erie,  at  the  foot  of  the 
cross  with  this  inscription — 

"The  year  of  salvation  1669.  Clement  IX  being  seated  in  the  chair  of 
St.  Peter,  Louis  XIV  reigning  in  France,  Monsieur  de  Courcelles  being 
Governor  of  New  France,  and  Monsieur  Talon  being  Intendant  for  the 
King,  two  missionaries  from  the  seminary  of  Montreal  having  arrived  at 
this  place  accompanied  by  7  other  Frenchmen  who,  the  first  of  all  the 
European  nations,  have  wintered  on  this  lake,  of  which  they  have  taken 
possession  in  the  name  of  their  King,  as  of  an  unoccupied  land,  by  set- 
ting up  his  arms  which  they  have  affixed  at  the  foot  of  this  cross." 

In  witness  whereof  we  have  signed  the  present  certificate. 

Francois  Dollier,  priest  of  the  diocese  of  Nantes  in  Brittany. 
De  Galinee,  deacon  of  the  diocese  of  Rennes  in  Brittany. 


The  third  day  of  May  sixteen  hundred  and  eighty-six,  We,  major  of  the 
town  of  Quebec  went,  by  the  orders  of  My  Lord  the  Marquis  de  Denon- 
ville.  Governor  and  Lieutenant-General  for  the  King  in  this  country,  at- 
tended by  Ren^  Hubert,  Recorder  in  the  marshaPs  court  of  this  country, 
to  the  lower  town  of  Quebec,  St.  Pierre  Street,  to  the  house  of  the  widow 
of  Pierre  Pellerin,  Sieur  de  St.  Amaut,  and  being  there  we  summoned 
before  us  the  Sieur  de  La  Perelle,  sub-lieutenant  of  the  company  of  the 

*The  above  proclamation  has  been  recently  printed  in  Vol.  4,  p.  77,  Ontario  Hist. 
Soc.  Papers.    See  also  Wis.  Hist.  Col.,  XVI,  62.— C.  M.  B. 

From  the  Burton  Library,  Detroit.  Vol.  4,  p.  683. 
Vol  4,  p.  «88. 

Digitized  by 



Sieur  Desbergeres,  the  Sieur  Desclavaux,  Bub-lieutenant  of  the  company 
of  the  Sieup  DeBmeloises,  and  the  Sieur  de  Troyes  snb-lientenant  of  the 
Compy.  of  the  Sp.  de  Troyes,  in  order  to  state  to  us  what  they  know  about 
what  passed  at  the  quarrel  which  took  place  yesterday  evening  between 
the  Sr.  Chevalier  de  la  Motte,  Lieutenant  of  the  Ck)mpany  of  the  Sr.  de 
Vallerennes,  and  the  Sr.  de  Sabrevoye,  sub-lieutenant  of  the  Compy.  of 
the  Sr.  Desquerac,  who,  after  oatii  by  them  taken,  required  in  such  a 
case,  have  separately  stated  to  us;  to  wit,  the  said  Sr.  de  la  Perelle 
(saith)  that  yesterday  at  the  end  of  supper,  the  said  Sr.  de  la  Motte  came 
unexpectedly,  and  all  requested  him  to  take  his  place  and  drink  a  glass ; 
on  this  the  said  Sr.  de  Sabrevoye  asked  the  deponent  whether  he  would 
not  go  up  with  him  to  the  upper  town,  and  on  this  he  answered  him,  No. 
The  said  Sr.  de  la  Motte  replied  that  if  he  were  in  the  place  of  the  said 
Sr.  de  Sabrevoye's  captain,  and  had  a  rival  like  him,  he  would  very  soon 
send  him  back  to  his  quarters,  and  the  said  Sr.  de  la  Motte  added,  re- 
garding the  said  Sr.  de  Sabrevoye,  the  epithet  of  "sharper"  by  which  he 
called  him;  to  this  speech  the  Sr.  de  Sabrevoye  replied,  smiling  and 
without  anger,  that  he  would  like  to  know  why  he  told  him  to  go  to  his 
quarters,  to  which  the  said  Sr.  de  la  Motte  retorted,  getting  incensed — 
"Silence,  my  young  friend;  's  death!  I  am  not  supported  here  by  my 
Lord  the  Marquis,  as  you  are,  but  I  will  give  you  a  thrashing."  And  he 
look  the  candlestick  which  was  on  the  table,  and  threw  it  at  the  head 
of  the  said  Sr.  de  Sabrevoye  whereby  he  is  grievously  wounded,  and  by 
this  blow  the  candle  was  extinguished,  which  compelled  the  deponent 
with  the  Sieur  Declavaux  to  seize  the  said  Sr.  de  la  Motte  and  push  him 
out  of  the  house,  [he]  callingthemallbuggersof  sharpers;  during  which 
time  the  deponent  heard  the  said  Sr  de  Sabrevoye  crying — "Ah !  I  am  a 
dead  man  I"  which  made  him  ask  the  said  Sr.  de  la  Motte  whether  he  had 
struck  hira  with  his  sword;  on  which  he  took  the  deponent  by  the  hand 
saying  these  words,  "My  friend,  I  am  lost ;  that  will  get  to  the  ears  of 
the  Marquis;  I  struck  him  with  the  candlestick,  and  I  beg  you  to  assist 
me;"  to  which  the  deponent  replied, — ^**You  are  very  unfortunate,  with- 
draw;" that  is  all  he  said.  Witness  that  it  was  read  over  to  him,  he  ad- 
hered to  it  and  signed.    Signed  thus,  La  Perelle,  Proust  &  Hubert. 

The  said  Sr.  de  Troyes  [saith]  that  yesterday  evening  when  going  out 
from  supper,  the  said  Sr.  de  la  Motte  arrived,  when  the  said  Sr.  de  Sabre- 
voye wished  to  go  up  to  the  upper  town ;  which  Sr.  de  la  Motto  said  to  the 
Sr.  de  la  Perelle  that  it  was  very  shabby  not  to  come  and  sup  with  him ; 
to  which  the  said  Sr.  de  la  Perelle  replied  that  he  had  been  and  had  even 
spoken  to  his  servant.  At  the  same  time  the  said  Sr.  de  Sabrevoye  asked 
the  said  Sr.  de  la  Perelle  whether  he  would  go  up  to  the  upper  town. 
The  said  Sr.  de  la  Perelle  answered  him.  smiling,  that  he  would  willingly 
go,  but  that  he  did  not  wish  to  injure  him  with  the  ladies ;  on  which  the 
said  Sr.  de  la  Motte  began  to  speak  and  told  him  that  if  he  were  his  cap- 

Digitized  by 


38  ANNUAL   MEETING,    1903. 

tain  he  would  certainly  send  him  to  his  quarters,  seeing  that  he  was  his 
rival.  And  the  said  Br.  de  Sabrevoye  answered  him  smiling,  that  he  had 
not  wit  enough  to  prevent  him  from  kissing  his  mistress  in  front  of  him, 
if  he  had  one.  On  this  the  said  Sr.  de  la  Motte  spoke  to  him  in  these 
words — "Don't  annoy  me,  you  sharper,  and  never  attempt  to  speak  to  me 
again."  And  the  said  Sr.  de  Sabrevoye  answered  him  that  when  he  would 
not  think  of  him,  he  would  not  think  of  him  either.  And  at  the  same  time 
the  said  Sr.  de  la  Motte  said  to  him — "My  little  friend;"  on  which  the 
said  Sr.  de  Sabrevoye  said  to  him, — "My  little  friend" — and  the  said  Sr. 
de  la  Motte  retorted — "Yes,  my  little  friend,  hold  your  tongue;  I  am  not 
supported  by  My  Lord  the  Marquis,  as  you  are,  for  I  would  give  you  a 
thrashing ;"  and,  rising,  he  took  the  candlestick  and  threw  it  at  his  head, 
by  which  he  is  grievously  wounded.  And  the  said  Sr.  de  la  Motte  with- 
drew saying,  "These  buggers  of  sharpers."  And  (that)  is  all  he  said,  to 
wit,  read  over  to  him  [and  he]  adhered  thereto  and  signed  thus  the  Ch.  de 
Troyes,  Proust  &  Hubert. 

And  the  said  Sr.  Besclavaux  [saith]  that  yesterday  evening,,  being  at 
the  end  of  supper,  the  said  Sr.  de  la  Motte  arrived  whom  they  requested 
to  take  a  drink  with  them;  and  at  this  time  the  said  Sr.  de  Sabrevoye 
asked  the  said  Sr.  de  la  Perelle  whether  he  would  go  up  to  the  upper  town 
with  him,  to  which  the  said  Sr.  de  la  Perelle  replied,  "No,  you  would  not 
like  it  because  I  should  wrong  you."  On  this  the  said  Sr.  de  la  Motte 
joined  in,  and  said  to  the  said  Sr.  de  Sabrevoye — "I  should  like  to  be  your 
captain,  as  Desquerac  (is),  I  would  certainly  send  you  to  your  quarters 
and  would  not  have  a  rival  like  you ;"  on  this  the  said  Sr.  de  Perelle  said 
to  the  Sr.  de  la  Motte,  that  if  he  had  a  mistress  the  said  Sr.  de  Sabrevoye 
would  kiss  her  to  his  face.  On  this  Sr.  de  la  Motte  rose  and  said  to  him 
"My  little  darling,  I  am  not  supported  by  My  Lord  the  Marquis  as  you 
are,  I  will  give  you  a  thrashing;"  and  at  the  same  time  he  took  the  candle- 
stick which  was  on  the  table  and  threw  it  at  the  head  of  the  said  Sr.  de 
Sabrevoye  by  which  he  is  grievously  wounded,  after  which  he  retired 
saying  "These  buggers  of  sharpers:"  that  is  all  he  said  to  wit;  read  over 
to  him,  and  adhered  to  and  signed.  Signed  thus,  the  Chr.  Claveaux, 
Proust  &  Hubert. 

And  on  the  fourth  day  of  the  month  of  May  1686,  we,  my  aforesaid 
major,  attended  by  the  said  Recorder  of  the  marshal's  court  of  this  coun- 
try, by  the  orders  of  My  Lord  the  Marquis  de  Denonville,  Governor  and 
Lieutenant-General  for  the  King  in  this  said  country,  repaired  to  the 
house  of  the  said  Widow  St.  Armand  iand  inquired,  as  agreed,  concerning 
what  happened  on  Thursday  last  at  her  house  between  the  Sr.  de  la 
Motte,  Lieutenant  of  the  Oompy.  of  the  Sr.  de  Vallerennes,  and  the  Sr.  de 
Sabrevoye,  sub-lieutenant  of  the  Compy.  of  the  Sr.  Desquerac,  after  oath 
taken  by  her,  (as)  required  in  such  a  case. 

[She]  stated  that  on  the  said  day  Thursday,  in  the  evening,  the  said 

Digitized  by 



Sieurs  de  la  Perelle,  Desclavanx,  de  Troyes,  and  Sabrevoye,  sub-lieuten- 
ants of  the  Companies  of  Sps.  Desbergers,  Desmeloises,  des  Troyes  and 
Desquerac,  being  at  supper  together  at  the  deponent's  house,  the  Sr.  de  la 
Motte,  Lieut,  of  the  Company  of  the  Sr.  de  Vallerennes  arrived  there, 
whom  the  said  Sieurs  named  above  begged  to  be  seated  and  to  drink  a 
glass  with  them;  and  on  the  conversation  which  they  had  together,  the 
said  Sr.  de  Sabrevoye  asked  the  said  Sr.  de  la  Perelle  whether  he  would 
go  up  with  him  to  the  upper  town,  to  which  the  said  Sr.  de  la  Perelle  hav- 
ing replied  that  he  would  not  go  up  there  for  fear  of  doing  him  an  injury ; 
the  said  Sr.  de  la  Motte  said  to  the  said  Sr.  de  Sabrevoye  that  if  he  were 
his  captain  he  would  certainly  send  him  to  his  quarters;  whereon  the 
said  Sr.  de  Sabrevoye  having  asked  why  he  would  certainly  send  him  to 
his  quarters,  the  said  Sr.  de  la  Motte  answered  him,  "Because  I  would 
not  have  a  rival  like  you."  When  he  heard  this,  the  said  Sr.  de  Sabre- 
voye said  to  him,  "If  you  had  a  mistress  I  should  certainly  be  your  rival ;" 
hearing  which  the  said  Sr.  de  la  Perelle  said  to  Sr.  de  la  Motte  that  the 
said  Sr.  de  Sabrevoye  would  kiss  her  to  his  face,  which  things  they  said 
to  each  other  smiling.  And  the  said  Sr.  de  Sabrevoye,  following  up  what 
the  said  De  la  Perelle  had  said,  speaking  to  the  said  De  la  Motte,  "and 
without  your  having  the  wit  to  know  it."  To  this  the  said  Sr.  de  la  Motte 
retorted  several  times,  "the  wit" !  "the  wit" !  and  said  to  the  said  Sr.  de 
Sabrevoye — "Go,  my  little  friend,  I  will  not  speak  to  you,  and  although 
I  am  not  supported  by  My  Lord  the  Marquis  as  you  are,  I  will  give  you  a 
thrashing."  Hearing  this,  the  said  Sr.  de  Sabrevoye  said,  "What!  a 
thrashing!"  but  put  his  hand  on  the  hilt  of  his  sword  without,  how- 
ever, drawing  it  from  its  sheath,  but  only  (raising)  it  a  little  from  the 
sword  belt.  When  the  said  Sr.  de  la  Motte  saw  this  he  did  the  same,  and 
the  others  threw  themselves  between  them  and  prevented  them  from 
fighting,  during  which  time  the  Sr.  de  la  Motte  caught  up  a  copper 
candlestick  which  was  on  the  table  and  threw  it  at  the  head  of  the  said 
Sr.  de  Sabrevoye  by  which  he  is  badly  wounded ;  and  this  is  all  that  he 
said,  to  wit.  her  deposition  having  been  read  over  to  her,  she  adhered  to 
it  and  signed  thus,  Louise  de  Monsseaux  St.  Armand,  Proust  &  Hubert. 

Delivered  as  a  copy  to  My  Lord  the  Governor  by  me.  Recorder  of  the 
Marshal's  Court  of  this  country,  undersigned 


Digitized  by 


40  ANNUAL  MEBTING,    1908. 


At  Ville  Marie  the  6th  of  June  1686. 

Although  I  wrote  you  word  this  autumn  to  come  to  me  for  the  pur- 
pose of  conferring  with  us  on  many  matters  which  cannot  be  written,  as 
the  Revd.  Father  Anjalran'  has  come  here  and  will  have  to  return  to 
Michilimaquina  as  soon  as  the  restoration  of  the  prisoners  has  been  made, 
your  presence  with  the  Outaotiax  is  much  more  necessary.  Thereby  I 
hereby  send  you  word  not  to  come  down,  but  to  join  M.  de  la  Durantaye 
who  is  to  be  at  Michilimaquina  to  carry  out  the  orders  I  am  sending  him 
for  the  safety  of  our  allies  and  friends. 

You  will  see  from  the  letters  which  I  am  writing  to  M.  De  la  Dur- 
antaye that  my  intention  is  that  you  should  occupy  a  post  at  the  strait* 
of  Lrfake  Erie  with  fifty  men,  that  you  should  choose  a  post  in  an  ad- 
vantageous spot  so  as  to  secure  this  passage  to  us,  to  protect  our  savages 
who  go  hunting  there,  and  to  serve  them  as  a  refuge  against  the  designs 
of  their  enemies  and  ours;  you  will  do  nothing  and  say  nothing  to  the 
Iroquois,  unless  they  venture  on  any  attempt  against  you  and  against 
our  allies. 

You  will  also  see  from  the  letter  I  am  writing  to  M.  de  la  Durantaye 
that  my  intention  is  that  you  should  go  to  this  post,  as  soon  as  ever  you 
can,  with  about  twenty  men  only,  whom  you  will  station  (there)  under 
the  command  of  whichever  of  your  lieutenants  you  may  choose  as  being 
the  fittest  for  the  command,  and  the  one  which  suits  you  best. 

After  you  have  given  all  the  orders  you  think  necessary  for  the  safety 
of  this  post,  and  have  strictly  commanded  your  lieutenant  to  be  on  his 
guard,  and  enjoined  obedience  on  the  others,  you  will  repair  to  Michili- 
maquina to  wait  for  the  Revd.  Father  Anjalran  there,  and  receive  from 
him  the  information  and  instructions  as  to  all  I  have  communicated  to 
him  concerning  what  I  wish  from  you.  After  [that]  you  will  return  to 
the  said  post  with  thirty  more  men,  whom  you  will  receive  from  M.  de  la 
Durantaye  to  take  the  said  post.  You  will  be  careful  to  see  that  every- 
one provides  himself  with  the  provisions  necessary  for  subsistence  at  the 
said  post,  where  I  have  no  doubt  some  trade  in  furs  might  be  done;  hence 
your  men  will  not  do  badly  to  take  some  few  goods  there. 

*For  sketch  of  the  life  of  Duluth,  see  Jesuit  Relation  and  Allied  Documents, 
Vol.  62,  p.  274.  See  another  translation  of  this  letter  in  Wis.  Hist.  Col.,  XVI. 
125.— C.  M.  B. 

*For  sketch  of  the  life  of 'Father  Anjalran  (or  Enjalran),  see  Jesuit  Rel.  and 
Allied  Doc.,  Vol.  60,  p.  318.— C.  M.  B. 


Vol  4,  p.  6ftl. 

Digitized  by 



I  cannot  recommend  you  too  strongly  to  keep  np  a  good  understanding 
with  M.  De  la  Durantaye,  without  which  all  our  plans  will  come  to 
nothing,  and  yet  the  service  of  the  King  and  the  public  will  suffer  greatly 
from  it. 

The  post*  to  which  I  am  sending  you  is  of  all  the  more  importance  as 
I  expect  it  will  put  us  in  connection  with  the  Illinois,  to  whom  you  will 
make  known  the  matters  of  which  the  Revd.  Father  will  inform  you. 
Depend  upon  it,  nothing  could  be  so  important  as  to  apply  yourself  to 
carrying  out  well  all  that  I  send  you  word  of,  and  that  I  will  inform  you 
of  through  the  Revd.  Father  on  his  return  from  Michilimaquina. 

I  send  you  the  necessary  commissions  for  the  command  of  this  post, 
and  for  your  lieutenant. 

I  say  nothing  to  you  about  your  own  interests,  but  you  may  count 
on  my  doing,  with  pleasure,  all  that  may  be  necessary  for  your  benefit 
after  this;  but  I  will  repeat  once  more  that  you  cannot  be  too  diligent 
to  succeed  in  all  that  I  wish  from  you  for  the  interests  of  the  King's 

I  should  be  very  glad  if  your  affairs  would  permit  of  your  brother  being 
with  you  next  spring,  for  as  he  is  an  intelligent  fellow  and  would  be  of 
great  assistance  to  you.  he  might  also  be  of  great  use  to  us. 

I  beg  you  to  say  nothing  about  our  plans,  which  you  may  catch  a 
glimpse  of,  but  to  evade  all  that. 


Endorsed — 7th  June  1687.  [The]  retaking  possession  of  the  lands  in 
the  neighborhood  of  the  strait  ("detroit")  between  Lakes  Erie  and  Huron, 
by  the  Sieur  de  la  Duranthais. 

Ollivier  Morel  Esquire,  Sieur  de  la  Durantaye,  Commandant  for  the 
King  in  the  lands  of  the  Outaoiiax,  Miamis,  Poutouamis,  Cioux  [?  Sioux], 
and  other  tribes,  under  the  orders  of  the  Marquis  de  Denonville,  Gov- 
ernor-General of  New  France. 

This  seventh  day  of  June,  one  thousand  six  hundred  and  eighty-seven, 
in  the  presence  of  the  Rev.  Father  Angeliran,  Superior  of  the  missions 
to  the  Outaotiax  at  Missilimackinac  de  Ste.  Marie  du  Sault,  to  the  Miamis, 
to  the  Illinois,  to  the  Puans  of  the  Bay,  and  to  the  Sioux ;  [in  the  pres- 
ence] of  M.  de  la  Forest,  formerly  commandant  at  the  fort  of  St.  Louis 
with  the  Illinois;  of  M.  de  Lisle  our  lieutenant;  and  of  M.  de  Beauvais, 

*The  post  formed  in  pursuance  of  the  foregoing  instructions,  was  located. near 
the  pi'esent  city  of  Port  Huron  and  was  sometimes  termed  St.  Joseph  and  some- 
times called  Detroit  It  was  destroyed  by  Baron  L'Hontan  but  subsequently 
rebuilt.  It  probably  consisted  only  of  a  block-house  with  picketed  enclosure. — 
C.  M.  B. 


Digitized  by 


43  ANNUAL.  MBETING,    1903. 

laentenant  of  the  fort  of  St.  Joseph  at  the  strait  between  Lakes  Huron 
and  EJries,  We  declare  to  all  whom  it  may  concern  that  we  came  to  the 
margin  of  the  St.  Denys  River,  situated  three  leagues  from  Lake  Errier 
on  the  strfut  between  the  said  Lakes  Errier  and  Huron  to  the  south  of 
the  said  strait  and  lower  down  towards  the  entrance  to  Lake  Errier  on 
the  north,  on  bdialf  of  the  King  and  in  his  name  to  repeat  the  taking  pos- 
session of  the  said  posts,  which  was  done  by  M.  de  la  Salle  to  facilitate 
the  journeys  he  made,  and  had  made  by  barge  from  Niagara  to  Missili- 

maquinac  in  the  years at  which  said  stations  we  should  have 

had  a  post  set  up  again  with  the  arms  of  the  King,  in  order  to  mark  the 
said  re-taking  possession,  and  directed  several  dwellings  to  be  built  for 
the  establishment  of  the  French  and  savages,  Chaouannous  and  Miamis, 
for  a  long  time  owners  of  the  said  lands  of  the  strait  and  of  Lake  Errier, 
from  which  they  withdrew  for  some  time  for  their  greater  convenience. 
The  present  deed  executed  in  our  presence  signed  by  our  hand  and  by 
the  Rev.  Father  Angeliran  of  the  Company  of  Jesus,  by  M.  M.  de  la  For- 
est, De  Lisle  and  de  Beauvais.  Thus  signed  in  the  original,  Angeleran, 
Jesuit,  De  la  Durantaye,  Le  Gardeur,  de  Beauvais  and  F.  de  la  Forest. 
Compared  with  the  original  remaining  in  my  hands  by  me  Councillor, 
Secretary  of  the  King  and  Registrar  in  chief  to  the  Sovereign  Council  at 
Quebec,  undersigned.  Signed  Pehuset,  with  paraph.  Compared  at  Quebec, 
this  1st  Sept.  1712.  Vaudreuil. 



The  establishment  of  a  post  at  the  Detroit  appears  necessary  in  order 
to  facilitate  the  trade  of  the  inhabitants  of  Canada  with  the  savages, 
and  especially  to  prevent  the  English  from  seizing  it. 

The  facility  of  this  trade  would  be  exceedingly  great  and  advantageous 
to  the  Colony  of  Canada,  if  His  Majesty  permitted  the  inhabitants  of  this 
Colony  to  form  a  company  which  should  have  the  exclusive  privilege  of 
transacting  it  in  the  posts  above  Montreal,  to  which  it  would  be  obliga- 
tory to  admit  all  who  offered  themselves  to  the  extent  of  whatever  sums 
they  might  choose  to  supply,  but  giving  the  poorer  ones  preference  over 
the  richer,  so  that  if  there  was  more  money  than  would  be  necessary  as 
capital  for  this  trade,  a  part  should  be  returned  to  those  who  had  the 
largest  sums  in  it  so  as  to  receive  the  smaller  sums  which  the  poor  inhab- 
itants wish  to  invest  in  it ;  that  [being  done]  so  that  the  profits  of  this 
trade  should  not  fall  into  the  hands  of  a  few  private  individuals  only,  but 

^Claude  Michel  B6gon,  Intendant  from  August,  1712,  to  August,  1726.  Chevalier, 
E^nsign  of  the  Navy,  Captain  of  Troops,  Seigneur  of  Picardiere,  was  a  relative  of 
Pontchartrain,  coming  to  Canada,  1710.  He  married  Jeane  Elizabeth  de  Beau- 
hamois.    He  had  eight  children  horn  to  him  In  Quebec.— C.  M.  B. 

Vol.  4.  p.  728. 

Digitized  by 



should  be  distributed  among  the  public  (generally).    If  the  plans  which  These  plans 

,  _       -^ ,  rw»  ^  are  lo  navG^ 

the  Sieur  Charpon  proposes  fop  conveying  our  goods  to  the  savages  and  Jijjk*"  »*  ^^^^ 
bringing  back  their  skins  should  succeed,  which  it  cannot  fail  to  do  so  navigating 

,  Lake  Ontario, 

long  as  we  have  peace,  this  monopoly  would  not  be  necessary  afterwards  ^^\^^^^^ 
because  it  would  be  impossible  for  private  persons  to  supply  goods  at  esubu^ed^r 
those  places  at  the  same  price  as  the  Company.  lakesajove 

This  Company  would  very  humbly  beg  His  Majesty  to  approve  of  its  Niagara, 
being  supplied  with  the  necessary  quantity  of  powder,  lead,  and  arms, 
for  trading  with  the  savages  at  the  same  price  as  he  gets  them  from  the 
contractor,  so  that,  by  supplying  them  to  the  said  savages  cheaper  than 
the  English,  we  might  take  away  from  them,  in  this  way,  all  inclination 
to  take  their  furs  to  that  nation. 

It  would  be  necessary  for  the  establishment  of  this  post  that  His 
Majesty  should  be  pleased  to  keep  up  only  about  a  hundred  or  a  hundred 
and  fifty  men  of  [his]  troops  with  a  commandant  and  experienced  offi- 
cers, piit  forward  by  the  Company  and  approved  by  the  Court  or  by  the 
Governor,  to  whom  it  should  be  most  distinctly  forbidden,  to  the  officers 
under  the  penalty  of  being  cashiered,  and  to  the  men  gf  corporal  punish- 
ment, to  do  any  trade  directly  or  indirectly.  And,  as  regards  their 
subsistence,  since  it  would  doubtless  cost  somewhat  more  than  at  Quebec 
or  Montreal,  the  Company  should  be  obliged  to  provide  for  it  by  supply- 
ing all  they  would  require  beyond  the  King's  pay. 

It  would  also  be  necessary  not  to  grant  any  concessions  [of  land]  at 
that  place,  for  fear  of  weakening  the  Colony  by  extending  it  too  much. 

In  this  way  we  should  make  sure  of  Detroit  which  is  a  very  advantage- 
ous post  which  the  English  are  trying  to  seize  upon  in  all  sorts  of  ways. 
We  should  facilitate  trade,  especially  in  the  skins  of  the  ox,  of  which 
it  is  also  claimed  that  the  wool  might  be  useful  in  Prance.  To  the 
savage,  we  should  raise-  the  value  of  his  beaver-skins  by  lessening  that 
of  the  goods  we  sell  to  him  which  is  the  only  effective  means  of  keeping 
those  who  are  allied  to  us  and  also  attracting  those  who  are  not.  Finally 
we  shall  prevent  this  large  number  of  traders  travelling  through  the 
woods,  which  is  the  cause  of  all  the  worst  irregularities  which  go  on  in 
that  country;  and  being  compelled  to  remain  in  the  Colony,  they  would 
strengthen  it  by  applying  themselves  to  cultivating  the  land,  to  the  cod 
fishery,  or  to  setting  up  some  manufacture. 

■  And  if  it  were  hereafter  absolutely  indispensable  to  limit  the  qu?intity 
of  beaver  skins  which  could  be  received  from  the  colony,  the  establishment 
of  this  Company  would  become  absolutely  necessary  in  order  to  avoid  the 
difficulties  which  would  inevitably  arise  constantly  if  the  stock  of  beaver 

This  report  was  probably  written  in  1701  and  before  the  resolution  to  establish 
Detroit  was  known  to  the  writer.  The  treaty  of  peace  with  the  Iroquois  was 
signed  Sept.  7,  1700.  Kingsford's  Hist.  Can.,  II,  393.  Two  interesting  letters  show- 
ing the  claims  of  the  English  on  the  western  territory,  and  especially  Detroit, 
are-  in  the  archives  in  the  State  Capitol  at  Albany.  They  are  both  printed  in  In 
the  Footsteps  of  Cadillac. — C.  M.  B. 

Digitized  by 


44  ANNUAL.   MEETING,    1903. 

skins  were  divided  [and]  in  the  possession  of  several  [different  people] 
who  would  not  fail  to  intrigue  to  the  best  of  their  ability,  each  for  his 
own  private  interest,  to  get  his  part  of  the  beaver  skins  taken  in  prefer- 
ence to  other  i)eople's,  which  would  greatly  disturb  the  public  peace  of 
this  colony;  and  in  that  case  it  would  also  be  necessary  to  receive  no 
skins  except  from  the  said  Ck)mpany. 


M.M.  de  Frontenac  and  de  Champigny  at  Quebec  15th  Sept.,  1692. 
My  Lord — 

We  have  received  the  King's  memorandum  of  the  eleventh  of  April, 
with  the  letters  and  statements  you  sent  us  by  the  Sieur  d'Hiberville 
commanding  the  "Poly"  who  arrived  here  a  month  ago  with  all  the  ves- 
sels which  he  convoyed,  in  which  were  a  large  part  of  the  reinforcements 
which  His  Majesty  had  the  goodness  to  order  for  this  country:  we  are 
expecting  to  get  the  rest  by  the  other  vessels  which  are  to  arrive 

As  His  Majesty  proves  to  us,  by  sending  us  these,  the  special  protection 
he  continues  to  grant  to  the  Colony,  in  order  to  aid  it  against  its  enemies, 
we  are  obliged,  in  order  to  act  in  accordance  with  his  intentions,  to 
represent  to  him  that  it  is  absolutely  necessary  for  its  preservation  that 
it  should  be  reinforced  next  year  by  a  considerable  number  of  soldiers, 
as  indeed  he  was  good  enough  to  give  us  hope  of  in  his  memorandum; 
for  it  is  impossible  otherwise  to  protect  it,  and  at  the  same  time  to 
enter  on  enterprises  outside.  Our  letters  and  private  memoranda  will 
inform  you,  My  Lord,  of  the  plans  we  have  qa  to  the  war,  and  will  show 
you  how  important  it  is  to  send  [us]  a  thousand  soldiers. 

The  advantages  which  the  King's  arms  have  continued  to  carry  off 
this  year  on  different  occasions,  of  which  My  Lord  will  be  fully  informed 
by  the  memoranda  we  are  sending,  should  show  that  it  has  been  necessary 
to  use  every  endeavour,  with  the  scanty  forces  we  have,  and  that  the 
constant  movements  which  have  been  made  have  produced  results  beyond 
what  we  could  have  expected,  although  they  have  also  weakened  us  a 
little  by  the  loss  we  have  met  with,  in  them,  of  some  of  our  good  officers 
and  some  of  our  best  troops. 

Our  sowings  and  harvests  have  been  made  without  any  inroads  of  the 
enemy :  but  there  has  not  been  much  grain.  This  arises  from  the  destruc- 
tion caused  by  the  caterpillars,  which  have  eaten  some  and  laid  waste 
the  greater  part  of  them  throughout  the  whole  length  of  the  country, 
over  which  they  have  spread  in  such  great  numbers  that  the  earth  was 
quite  covered  with  them.  However,  we  may  conjecture  that  there  will 
be  enough  to  feed  the  inhabitants.    It  is  very  necessary  for  us  that  the 

Vol.  4,  p  700 

Digitized  by 



Other  vessels  should  come  as  they  are  to  bring  us  nearly  four  hundred 
thousandweight  of  flour  out  of  that  intended  for  this  country,  and  about 
twenty-four  thousandweight  of  bacon;  otherwise  we  should  have  great 
diflSculty  in  providing  food  for  the  troops.  It  is  very  necessary  that  His 
Majesty  should  have  six  hundred  thousandweight  of  flour  and  a  hundred 
and  twenty  thousandweight  of  bacon  sent  (here)  next  year,  as  he  was 
good  enough  to  do  this  year,  together  with  one  year's  food  fop  the  troops 
which  he  sends  over.  We  are  sending  you,  My  Lord,  a  statement  of  the 
stores  which  will  also  be  necessary  for  us. 

His  Majesty  may  rest  assured  that  he  will  be  satisfied  with  the  unity 
and  the  good  understanding  which  he  desires  there  should  be  between  us, 
and  that  we  shall  agree  to  the  utmost  extent  in  all  that  is  for  the  good 
of  his  service  and  to  the  advantage  of  the  Colony.  The  express  order 
which  he  gives  us  to  maintain  that  unity  cannot  but  be  most  agreeable  to 
us,  since  we  shall  find  therein,  not  the  good  of  the  service  only,  but  also 
our  own  private  pleasure. 

The  list  of  the  troops  annexed  to  the  despatch  of  the  Sr.  de  Cham- 
pigny  of  the  12th  Oct.  1(>91  was  in  conformity  with  the  muster-roll  which 
he  drew  up  a  short  time  before;  and  if  there  were  only  twenty  men  fewer 
than  in  the  muster-roll  drawn  up  at  the  end  of  1690,  and  the  loss  of  a 
greater  number  is  sho\^n,  that  arises  from  several  cadets  being  incorpo- 
rated in  the  companies,  from  the  return  of  some  prisoners,  and  because 
the  number  that  has  been  lost  consisted  partly  of  inhabitants  of  the 
country.  The  said  Sr.  de  Champigny  sends  My  Lord  the  muster  roll  of 
the  troops  as  he  desires ;  no  man  will  be  accepted  who  is  not  fit  to  serve, 
nor  cadets  until  they  are  sixteen  years  of  age. 

If,  My  Lord,  you  had  received  the  plans  which  were  sent  to  you  at  the 
end  of  1691  by  the  ship  "St.  Francois  Xavier,"  which  is  believed  to  have 
been  lost  at  the  mouth  of  the  Gulf,  you  would  have  understood  clearly 
how  usefully  the  funds  ordered  by  His  Majesty  for  the  fortifications  have 
been  used,  and  that  all  possible  economy  has  been  exercised  in  the 
expense  which  we  have  been  obliged  to  go  to.  The  lower  town  of  Quebec 
has  been  fortified  with  two  very  large  platforms ;  the  upper  town  by  two 
more  and  several  covered  redoubts;  keeping  the  palisade  in  repair,  and 
(.he  one  at  Montreal,  the  re-construction  of  that  at  Three  Rivers  with 
redoubts  and  other  absolutely  necessary  repairs  and  works;  this  has 
caused  all  the  expenses  that  have  been  incurred,  and  you  may  rest 
assured,  My  Lord,  that  very  particular  care  is  taken  that  no  expenses 
are  incurred  that  are  not  strongly  advisable.  The  statements  of  expendi- 
ture which  have  been  sent  you,  and  the  plans  which  the  engineer  is 
taking  you  will  prove  to  you  &  [that]  clearly,  all  that  has  been  done, 
and  we  await  what  you  may  order  to  be  done  afterwards.  But  to 
finish  using  up  the  funds  of  this  year,  we  considered  there  was  nothing 
more  essential  and  more  pressing  than  to  set  men  to  work  at  the  enceinte 

Digitized  by 


46  ANNUAL   MEETING,    1903. 

of  the  citadel  of  Quebec,  the  circuit  of  which  is  too  small  as  it  does  not 
enclose  the  powder  magazine  and  the  walls  are  falling  in  ruins  and  have 
no  flanks,  parapets  or  outworks.  And,  as  it  is  no  less  needed  for  the 
purpose  of  sheltering  us  a  little  more  from  the  attacks  which  Phipps 
continues  to  menace  us  with,  we  are  also  going  to  set  men  to  work  at 
once  on  a  third  platform  at  the  lower  town,  the  plans  of  which  the  engi- 
neer will  bring  you.  This  will  not  only  use  up  the  remainder  of  the 
twenty  thousand  livres  sent  for  this  year,  but  will  also  run  to  about 
fifteen  thousand  livres  beyond  without  including  indispensable  repairs 
at  Montreal,  the  enlargement  of  the  enceinte  of  Three  Rivers  and  repair- 
ing the  stockade  of  Fort  de  Chambly,  which  is  quite  rotten,  and  keeping 
up  several  small  forts.  It  is  necessary  therefore  to  send  the  fifteen 
thousand  livres  next  year  as  you  did  this,  and  also  the  twenty  thousand 
livres  as  u^ual,  unless  you  will  add  a  larger  sum,  in  case  you  resolve 
according  to  the  plans,  to  finish  oflf  the  fortifications  of  this  town — ^whioh, 
as  you  know,  is  the  key  and  safety  of  the  whole  country — in  stone.  You 
will  observe,  if  you  please,  that  it  is  better  to  have  all  the  works  we  have 
to  undertake  in  future  built  of  stone,  in  places  where  stone  is  met  with, 
than  to  trifie  with  (the  matter  by)  using  stakes  at  which  work  has  to  be 
done  every  year,  (thus)  involving  us  in  considerable  repairs,  as  appears 
from  the  enceinte  of  Montreal. 

We  can  assure  you  that  the  assistance  we  can  obtain  from  the  inhab- 
itants must  not  be  counted  on  for  contributing  to  these  works,  as  the 
merchants  have  sustained  heavy  losses  in  the  "St.  Francois  Xavier"  in 
which  they  had  embarked  a  quantity  of  skins  and  ready  money;  the 
inhabitants  [generally],  on  the  other  hand,  are  almost  all  ruined  by  the 
war  which  has  compelled  them  to^  abandon  the  country,  where  their 
houses  and  dwellings  were,  to  take  refuge  in  the  towns  &  forts  where 
they  are  reduced  with  their  families  to  huts. 

It  is  one  of  the  greatest  benefits  that  His  Majesty  can  confer  (on  us) 
during  the  war  to  send  stores  for  distribution  to  the  Savages,  for  it  is  an 
almost  certain  means  of  setting  them  in  motion  and  keeping  them  so  by 
sending  a  number  of  parties  into  the  country  against  the  enemy,  as 
appeared  this  year.  We  shall  employ  those  which  His  Majesty  has  sent 
as  usefully  as  we  possibly  can,  according  to  his  intentions,  which  we  will 
fulfil  to  the  best  of  our  ability  by  observing  his  orders  in  this  respect  so 
as  to  prevent  as  far  as  may  be  the  abuses  which  private  individuals  or 
the  chiefs  sent  to  the  distant  posts,  might  be  guilty  of,  and  the  diversion 
of  the  men  [  ?  from  their  ordinary  occupation]  in  order  to  keep  them  in 
the  country  and  occupy  them  in  cultivating  the  land,  in  fishing,  and  other 
suitable  undertakings.  That  is  what  was  done  last  year  by  common 
consent,  observing  the  necessary  precautions  in  distributing  the  presents 
to  the  savages,  of  which  the  Sieur  de  Louvigny,  who  is  at  MisSilima- 
quina  has  already  begun  to  give  a  very  good  account. 

Digitized  by 



We  are  seeing  to  it  that  the  Savages  do  not  dispose  of  their  arms  and 
stores  under  any  pretext  whatever ;  decrees  have  formerly  been  issued  on 
this  subject  which  are  being  exactly  carried  out. 

What  His  Majesty  wishes  us  to  do  concerning  the  distribution  of  the 
twenty-flve  licenses  which  he  wants  given  for  going  to  trade  in  the 
further ,  districts  shall  be  carried  out  as  he  directs  us  (to  do)  and  in 
conformity  with  his  decree  of  the  2nd  of  May  1681,  and  likewise  his 
declaration  of  the  24th  of  May  1679,  concerning  intoxicating  drinks. 
•  The  proposal  of  the  Sieur  Lap(Mi:e  de  Louvigny  to  occupy  the  posts  of 
the  River  of  the  Miamis,  on  conditioij  of  keeping  up  forty  soldiers  there 
at  his  own  exi)ense,  cannot  be  accepted  as  that  would  only  serve  to 
exclude  the  inhabitants  from  the  profits  of  the  trade  they  might  do  and 
cause  it  to  fall  into  his  hands. 

The  (Religieuses  Hospitallieres)  of  Montreal  have  had  their  six  licenses 
which  had  been  promised  them  by  M  de  Denonville.  They  were  greatly 
in  need  of  them,  this  House  being  in  great  want.  The  Sieur  Riverin,  to 
whom  His  Majesty  granted  some,  has  had  two  this  year  in  consideration 
of  his  fishery  establishment  which  is  becoming  an  important  one. 

Concerning  what  is  owing  for  the  advances  made  for  constructing  a 
fort  for  the  Outaotias  and  another  on  the  strait  of  Lake  Erie,  and  for 
other  expenses  in  the  said  countries,  it  is  right  to  inform  His  Majesty 
that,  when  M.  de  Denonville  arrived  in  Canada,  he  gave  his  orders  for  the 
said  forts  to  be  built,  and  to  send  to  all  the  tribes  in  order  to  get  them 
to  come  in  the  spring  of  1687  to  the  general  meeting-place  which  he  fixed 
for  them  on  Lake  Ontario,  in  order  to  join  him  and  march  against  the 
Iroquois  in  their  countries  which  was  carried  out  by  the  diligence  of  the 
Sieur  de  La  Durantaye  who,  for  that  purpose,  borrowed  from  those  who 
were  trading  in  the  said  places  at  the  time  a  part  of  their  goods  which 
he  used  for  building  the  said  forts  and  in  the  journeys  which  he  had 
made  by  the  French  and  savages  in  order  to  give  notice  to  all  the  tribes. 
Bach  individual  who  supplied  goods  has  put  forward  his  bill  certified 
both  by  the  Sieur  de  La  Durantays  and  by  Father  Angelleran,  missionary 
at  the  said  places,  and  it  was  afterwards  decreed  by  M.  de  Denonville  and 
the  Sieur  de  Champigny  that  they  should  be  reimbursed  out  of  the  first 
licenses  which  were  issued  and  this  was  approved  by  His  Majesty's 
despatch  of  the  9th  of  March,  1688;  and  as  that  could  not  be  done,  since 
then,  no  licenses  having  been  given,  these  sums  are  still  owing,  amounting 
to  17944#  16s.  3d.,  French  money  the  statement  of  which  is  annexed 
hereto.  Nothing  is  more  equitable  than  to  make  this  repayment  as  these 
individuals  supplied  their  goods  in  good  faith,  without  taking  into  ac- 
count that  they  made  war  expeditions  at  their  own  cost,  and  that  that  has 
been  owing  to  them  six  years.  If  the  King  will  be  good  enough  to  listen 
to  what  we  can  put  before  him  on  that  matter,  continuing  the  favors  he 
bestows  on  this  country,  he  will  order  a  fund  [  ?  to  be  sent]  next  year 

Digitized  by 


48  ANNUAL    MEETING,    1903. 

for  making  this  repayment,  so  that  the  licenses  may  result  in  advantage 
to  the  poor  inhabitants  of  this  country;  unless  he  orders  additional 
licenses  to  be  granted  for  this  repayment. 

The  Sieurs  Tonty  and  de  Laforest,  to  whom  His  Majesty  has  granted 
the  fort  St.  Louis  of  the  Illinois,  on  condition  of  setting  the  savages  in 
motion  against  the  enemy,  have  begun  to  carry  out  that  arrangement; 
several  parties  have  laid  waste  the  huts  of  the  Iroquois  who  had  with- 
drawn from  their  villages,  and  they  are  preparing  to  make  them  act  more 
vigorously.  It  would  be  necessary  to  send  us  the  Concession  which  was 
made  of  this  fort  to  the  Sieur  de  la  Balles,  so  that  the  said  Sieurs  Tonty 
and  de  Laforest  may  be  put  in  possession  of  it  on  the  same  conditions,  as 
it  has  been  granted  to  them  to  possess  in  conformity  with  his  concession. 

Whatever  precautions  may  be  taken  of  the  preservation  of  Acadia,  and 
for  the  assistance  of  the  French  inhabitants  of  that  place,  we  could  not 
succeed  with  such  scanty  forces  if  the  English  chose  to  take  large  forces 
there,  which  they  can  easily  do.  All  that  can  be  done  is  to  send  stores 
from  time  to  time,  as  we  do,  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  Mines,  Beaubassin, 
and  other  places  in  order  to  prevent  them  from  believing  themselves  to 
be  abandoned,  as  they  would  do  if  we  did  not  aid  them,  and  being  thus 
compelled  to  give  themselves  up  to  the  English,  which  they  have  hitherto 
refused  to  do  although  they  have  been  strongly  urged  to  do  so,  and  [that] 
with  threats;  and  also  to  induce  the  Canibas  and  Abenaquis,  by  the 
presents  which  the  King  sends  them,  to  keep  always  in  motion  to  harass 
the  English  and  lay  waste  their  fields.  It  is  also  necessary  to  retain  the 
ecclesiastics  who  are  (now)  there  so  as  to  keep  the  savages  to  the  practice 
of  religion. 

The  Sieur  d'Hiberville,  who  commands  the  ship  "Le  Poly,"  could  not 
carry  out  the  attempt  on  Fort  Nelson,  on  account  of  the  length  of  his 
voyage,  the  season  being  too  far  advanced ;  the  same  reason  prevented  M. 
Dutast  from  going  there  last  year.  If  the  King  is  disposed  to  carry  out 
this  plan,  it  is  absolutely  necessary  that  he  should  send  one  of  his  ships 
to  Quebec  early,  to  proceed  to  the  Bay  with  the  two  small  vessels  of  the 
Company,  which  they  will  have  prepared  for  that  purpose. 

We  have  thought  it  advisable  for  the  reasons  which  the  Sieur  Comte  de 
Frontenac  is  notifying  to  you  in  his  private  letter,  to  attach  the  ship 
"Le  Poly"  to  "L'Evieux,"  thinking  that  His  Majesty  would  not  disap- 
prove of  his  changing  the  orders  which  the  Sieur  d'Hiberville  had,  to  go 
and  cruise  on  the  coasts  of  Plaisence,  to  that  of  joining  the  Sr.  de  Bon- 
aventure  in  order  to  cruise  together  on  the  coasts  of  Baston  and  Manoth, 
and  there  is  reason  to  hope  that  that  will  be  very  successful,  according 
to  the  scheme  of  which  he  gives  you  a  detailed  account.  We  made  them 
set  out  from  this  roadstead  as  diligently  as  was  possible. 

We  have  no  doubt.  My  Lord,  that  His  Majesty,  looking  to  the  great 
advantages  he  will  obtain  if  he  makes  himself  master  of  New  York  and 

Digitized  by 



New  England,  will  undertake  that  enterprise  next  year  for  all  the  rea- 
sons which  we  put  before  him  in  our  letters  of  last  year.  We  are  awaiting 
his  orders  as  to  what  is  to  be  done  at  the  same  time  on  the  Orange  coast, 
where  we  cannot  but  think  that  we  are  not  strong  in  troops  now. 

We  have  not  been  able  to  think  of  the  re-establishment  of  Fort  Fronte 
nac;  when  the  opportunity  presents  itself  we  will  arrange  the  matter  so 
well  that  it  will  be  as  successful  as  His  Majesty  can  hope. 

It  was  very  gracious  of  him  to  deign  to  think  of  the  rebuilding  of  the 
citadel  of  Quebec ;  it  was  assuredly  not  an  unnecessary  thing.  We  shall 
employ  on  it  the  three  thousand  livres  which  he  sent,  in  the  hope  that 
he  will  give  orders  for  the  rest  next  year,  for  the  work  is  pressing,  con- 
sidering the  conspicuous  danger  in  which  the  old  building  stands. 

We  shall  send  by  the  last  vessels  the  roll  of  officers  of  the  troops  main- 
tained in  this  country  in  which  mention  will  be  made  of  their  services 
and  of  those  who  wish  to  enter  the  Navy;  and  we  cannot  sufficiently 
thank  His  Majesty  for  having  regarded  the  entreati^  which  w^  made  to 
him  to  bear  in  mind  the  promotion  of  the  officers  serving  in  this  country, 
for  nothing  could  contribute  so  largely  to  maintaining  and  increasing 
their  zeal  for  his  service.  He  has  indeed  done  us  the  honor  to  send  us 
word  that  he  had  granted  posts  to  some ;  but,  as  the  commissions  were  not 
addressed  to  us,  we  do  not  know  their  names  nor  the  duties  with  which  he 
has  honored  them.  We  have  the  same  thanksgiving  to  render  him  for 
what  he  has  done  for  Sieurs  Provost  Gallifet,  Ramezey,  and  Grandpre, 
and  for  the  gratuities  he  has  granted  to  the  Sieur  de  Monic,  Repentigny, 
Jolliet  and  the  Recollet  Fathers.  They  could  not  be  put  to  a  better  use; 
for  the  first  does  good  service  and  has  not  the  pay  of  a  major;  the 
second  is  a  gentleman  [who  was  one]  of  the  first  settlers  in  this  country, 
who  had  twelve  children,  boys,  seven  of  whom  are  now  in  the  service,  and 
two  others  were  killed  a  year  ago,  the  one  burnt  by  the  Iroquois  and  the 
other  killed  this  [  ?  last]  summer  by  a  musket-shot  in  the  detachment  of 
the  Sieur  de  Vaudreuil;  the  third  is  one  of  the  oldest  inhabitants  of  the 
country,  burdened  with  a  numerous  family,  who  has  ^reat  talent  for 
discoveries  at  which  he  continues  to  work  still,  and  has  a  large  establish- 
ment in  the  island  of  Anticosta  on  which  he  has  spent  the  greater  part 
of  his  property.  And  this  compels  us  to  beg  him*  graciously  to  continue 
them  [i.  e.  the  gratuities]  to  them  as  well  as  to  the  Recollet  Fathers  who, 
by  their  usefulness  to  all  the  tribes  and  their  edificatiop  of  them  may 
hope  that  His  Majesty  will  grant  them  yet  other  and  larger  charities  to 
'  help  them  build  their  house,  as  he  has  done  to  certain  communities  in 
this  country. 

We  have  not  received  the  letters  of  nobility  granted  by  His  Majesty 
last  year  to  the  Sieurs  de  St.  Denys  and  Hertel  as  My  Lord  notifies  to  us 
by  the  memorandum  of  the  King;  we  therefore  beg  him  to  send  them  to 

•[His  Majesty.] 


Digitized  by 


50  ANNUAL  MEBTINQ,    1903. 

US  next  year.  We  will  carry  out  what  His  Majesty  directs  regarding  the 
Sieurs  de  La  Durantys  and  Lamotte  Cadillac. 

The  order  which  the  King  gives  us,  to  grant  concessions  one  after 
another  as  far  as  the  Colony  extends,  cannot  be  carried  out  as  there  are 
no  more  lands  along  the  river  which  have  not  been  granted  from  the 
beginning  of  the  dwellings  up  to  the  upper  end  of  the  Isle  of  Montreal. 
The  places  which  are  most  exposed  to  enemies,  which  are  above  the 
Three  Rivers,  have  been  united  in  villages,  and  the  inhabitants  have 
withdrawn  to  them.  This  union  is  not  so  necessary  for  the  place  below 
the  Three  Rivers  as  they  are  less  exposed ;  but  we  shall  work  at  that  as 
far  as  may  be  possible.  We  were  pleased  to  learn  that  the  disputes 
between  the  Bishop  of  Quebec  and  his  seminary  were  terminated.  His 
Majesty  may  rest  assured  that  we  shall  forget  nothing  for  keeping  in 
harmony  with  him ;  he  should  be  satisfied  thus  far  since  it  has  been  pre- 
served without  any  diminution.  He  has  not  jet  formed  regular  curacies, 
for  want  of  time  since  his  arrival ;  we  have  spoken  to  him  of  it,  and  we 
hope  he  will  form  some  at  once.  The  continuance  of  the  eight  thousand 
livres,  for  part  of  the  subsistence  of  the  rectors  will  be  very  necessary, 
as  a  sufficient  number  cannot  be  maintained  without  this  assistance. 
Also  His  Majesty  should  not  doubt  that  we  shall  assist  the  Jesuits  and  the 
Recollets  in  every  way  we  can. 

As  His  Majesty,  in  his  letters  patent  for  the  establishment  of  a  general 
hospital  at  Quebec,  has  directed  that  the  Governor  and  the  Intendant 
conjointly  with  the  Bishop  are  to  be  the  heads  of  the  governing  body  of 
the  said  hospital,  it  will  be  easier  for  them  to  remedy  the  abuses  which 
might  gain  admittance  into  the  said  establishment,  as  His  said  Majesty 
very  judiciously  points  out.  And  as,  in  the  same  letters,  he  permits  us 
to  grant  others  for  Poor-houses  in  places  where  they  might  be  useful 
when  pious  people  come  forward  who  have  property  and  would  like  to 
contribute  to  the  said  establishment.  Conjointly  with  the  Bishop  they 
have  granted  letters  for  setting  one  up  at  Montreal,  people  having  been 
found  who  have  property  large  enough  for  founding  it ;  and  this  will  not 
be  a  burden  to  His  Majesty  nor  to  the  Colony,  for  their  intention  is  not 
to  afford  an  opportunity  for  laziness,  nor  to  support  it,  but  to  try  and 
prevent  the  idleness  which  prevails  among  most  of  the  young  people  of 
this  country  by  instructing  children,  making  those  who  are  poor  learn 
trades,  and,  above  all,  occupying  them  in  the  cultivation  of  the  land,  so 
that  there  may  be  no  one  in  the  House  who  is  not  employed  in  some  work 
which  is  suitable  for  him.  We  will  take  care  that  this  is  carried  out 
exactly,  so  as  to  obtain  from  it  in  the  future  all  the  advantages  possible. 
We  are  sending  you  a  copy  of  the  charter  we  have  granted  them,  so  that 
His  Majesty  may  be  good  enough  to  confirm  it,  if  he  thinks  it  advisable. 

The  Sieur  de  Champigny  will  give  you  an  account  of  the  clothing  sent 
for  the  soldiers,  received  during  the  present  year,  and  of  the  stores  which 

Digitized  by 



have  been  put  on  board  the  ships^  after  those  we  are  expecting  have 
arrived,  as  there  is  a  large  part  of  them  in  them. 

As  the  post  of  the  Sieur  Bosson  has  been  filled  up,  and  he  is  of  a  rather 
•  troublesome  disposition,  and  very  liable  to  get  similar  affairs  on  his 
hands  on  account  of  his  constant  drunkenness,  we  beg  you  My  Lord  not 
to  permit  him  to  come  back  to  Canada. 

The  Comte  de  Frontenac  did  not  fail,  as  soon  as  he  received  His 
Majesty's  orders,  to  reinstate  the  Sieurs  de  Noyan  and  de  Lorimier  in 
the  duties  of  their  posts,  being  very  glad  for  his  part  that  His  Majesty 
had  been  lenient  toward  them,  because  they  are  good  officers. 

No  change  has  been  made  in  values  for  ready  money  according  to  the 
private  letter  which  the  Comte  de  Frontenac  has  received  about  it.  We 
will  employ  this  year  the  same  expedient  we  made  use  of  ^ast,  by  bor- 
rowing goods  with  which  to  provide  for  the  expenses  of  next  year  until 
the  ships  arrive;  but  it  is  to  be  feared  that  it  cannot  be  done  in  future 
years,  as  the  merchants  may  have  plans  for  using  their  money  to  advan- 
tage in  other  ways.  It  would  be  well,  therefore,  that  there  should  always 
be  funds  for  six  months  in  advance  which,  being  once  provided,  would 
remain  afterwards. 

And  regarding  the  proposal  you  make  to  us.  My  Lord,  to  send  us  in 
future  all  the  funds  intended  both  for  the  troops  and  for  other  expenses 
in  provisions  and  goods,  we  beg  you  to  take  into  consideration  that, 
unless  a  good  part  of  them  is  sent  in  ready  money,  and  the  remainder  is 
arranged  according  to  the  statements  we  send  of  the  goods  and  provisions 
which  we  think  necessary  to  us,  which  we  are  obliged  to  vary  according 
to  the  condition  of  the  affairs  of  the  Colony,  which  is  different  almost 
every  year,  and  especially  according  to  the  abundance  or  scarcity  of  the 
grains  there,  you  would  absolutely  ruin  the  trade  of  this  country  and 
would  take  away  from  it  the  little  ready  money  there  is  of  which  from 
the  present  time  there  is  not  much.  The  Sieur  de  Champigny  will  dwell 
on  this  point  again  in  the  private  letter  he  is  doing  himself  the  honor  to 
write  to  you. 

It  is  certain  that  for  many  years  the  merchants  have  availed  themselves 
of  the  pretexts  which  the  war  has  given  them  to  increase  the  price  of 
goods,  and  that  the  inhabitants  of  the  country  have  seized  on  the  oppor- 
tunity to  raise  prices  to  them,  and  to  run  up  grains  and  other  necessaries 
of  life  to  exorbitant  prices.  Hence  it  arises  that  there  is  almost  nobody 
here  now  who  can  live,  the  greater  part  of  the  provisions  having  gone  up 
more  than  one-half. 

It  is  true  that  the  first  cause  of  the  increase  in  the  prices  of  goods  in 
this  country  proceeds  from  the  merchants  of  La  Rochelle  who  have  raised, 
not  only  their  price,  but  also  their  insurances,  which  now  stand  at 
twenty  per  cent,  notwithstanding  the  convoys  which  His  Majesty  grants 
every  year,  and  the  freight,  for  which  they  have  charged  as  much  as  120 # 
a  ton  this  year  while  formerly  the  current  price  was  only  50#,  on  the  pre- 

Digitized  by 


52  ANNUAL.  MEETING,    1903. 

text  that  they  have  now  given  a  fourth  of  their  ships  to  the  King,  whose 
intention  conld  never  have  been  that  they  should  indemnify  themselves 
out  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  country  who  send  for  goods,  still  less  that 
they  should  make  a  profit  thereby,  as  they  are  doing,  for  instead  of  the- 
fourth  which  they  give  the  King  they  have  more  than  a  half  more  for 
freight  than  they  usually  get  Therefore  we  beg  you  to  remedy  this  abuse 
of  which  they  are  guilty  at  Rochelle,  so  that  it  may  not  continue  in 

We  will  take,  on  that,  the  opportunity  of  putting  before  you  another 
[abuse]  which  has  already  been  written  about  a  long  time  ago,  namely 
that  the  same  merchants  of  La  Rochelle  compel  all  who  put  goods  on  , 
board  their  ships  to  pay  them  the  freight  in  advance;  this  practice  pre- 
vails in  no  other  place  in  the  world,  and  is  very  burdensome  to  the  people 
of  Canada  for  reasons  which  it  is  unnecessary  to  explain,  as  they  are 
easily  understood. 

We  believe  those  abuses  would  not  go  on  if  you  thought  fit  to  move  the 
merchants  of  St.  Malo  and  other  towns  ,to  eome  &  trade  with  this 
country,  and  would  remove  the  fear,  which  they  may  have  been  made  to 
feel,  that  they  would  be  prevented  from  doing  so,  and  that  it  would  be 
allowed  to  the  merchants  of  La  Rochelle  only. 

We  are  doing  all  we  possibly  can  to  urge  the  'merchants  and  inhabitants 
of  this  country  to  apply  themselves  to  the  cod  fisheries,  being  the  most 
profitable  trade  that  can  ever  be  done  in  this  Colony.  But  it  would  have 
been  impossible,  this  year,  to  carry  on  even  the  eel-fishery,  which  is  the 
manna*  of  all  the  inhabitants,  without  the  salt  which  His  Majesty  sent  in 
his  ships;  for  some  of  the  other  vessels  did  not  bring  any,  and  those  which 
had  some  would  not  sell  any,  saying  that  they  had  intended  it  for  carry- 
ing on  the  fishery  on  the  great  bank  on  their  way  back.  The  Sieur  deCham- 
pigny  had  that  which  came  in  the  King's  ships  distributed  at  a  very  rea- 
sonable price,  which  greatly  pleased  the  inhabitants ;  and  it  is  absolutely 
necessary  that  it  should  be  so  arranged  that  the  vessels  of  the  King  and 
of  the  merchants  who  come  here  should  take  some  in  as  their  ballast,  to 
the  extent  of  four  or  five  thousand  minots  at  least,  which  is  the  quantity 
which  can  be  consumed  in  the  country  for  all  the  eel  and  cod  fisheries 
which  are  being,  and  may  be  prosecuted. 

To  give  an  instance  of  it  we  are  about  to  begin  one  with  a  few  mer^ 
chants  whom  we  have  connected  with  it  thinking  that  will  please  His 
Majesty,  as  he  permitted  us  to  do  so  by  his  despatch  of  last  year.  We 
beg  him  to  approve  of  our  making  use,  for  this  enterprise,  of  the  hull  of 
the  ship  which  the  Sieur  D'hiberville  took,  on  his  way  here,  which  is  fit 
for  little  else,  and  which  we  have  had  valued. 

If  His  Majesty  would  permit  what  we  ask  him  for  concerning  this 
prize,  in  a  petition  which  we  annex  to  this  despatch,  to  be  sent  us,  he 
would  give  us  the  means  of  recovering  a  little  of  the  heavy  and  extraor- 


Digitized  by  VjOOQIC 


dinary  expenses  which  we  have  been  compelled  to  incur  these  last  (few) 

We  have  had  trouble  enough  hitherto  in  restraining  the  English  pris- 
oners, or  (those)  ransomed  from  the  savages,  and  in  preventing  them 
from  escaping  and  going  back  home;  but,  as  the  number  of  them  has 
.  (now)  become  large  and  it  is  not  easy,  in  a  country  as  exposed  as  this 
iSj  to  succeed  in  guarding  them  securely,  and  as  they  are  a  great  burden, 
we  have  come  to  the  conclusion  that  it  would  be  advisable  to  distribute 
them  among  all  the  ships  that  return  to  France  because,  there,  it  will 
be  easier  to  prevent  them  from  going  back  to  New  England  where  it  is 
very  important  that  they  should  not  return,  especially  the  Sieur  de  Nel- 
son who  is  a  very  turbulent  spirit,  capable  of  doing  a  great  deal  of  harm 
if  he  goes  back  to  Boston;  therefore  we  b^  you  to  give  orders  to  M. 
Begon.  to  whom  we  are  sending  them,  to  have  him  carefully  guarded, 
together  with  Colonel  Stint  and  the  son  of  a  merchant  called  Aldain. 
They  would  have  been  useless 'here  for  exchanging  since  we  have  no 
French  prisoners  at  Boston,  as  the  Chev.  d'Eau  escaped  from  there  a  few 
days  ago;  and  the  soldiers  of  the  garrison  of  Port  Royal  who  are  the  only 
ones  remaining  there,  according  to  your  orders,  cannot  be  reckoned  as 
a  set-off  in  any  exchange. 

The  Sieur  Demesnu,  Recorder  in  Chief  to  the  sovereign  council,  being 
a  little  broken  down  by  age,  would  wish  to  see  his  remaining  son  succeed 
him  in  his  appointment;  and,  as  His  Majesty  had  already  granted  him 
that  favor  on  Jbehalf  of  an  elder  son  who  died  on  his  way  back  from  the 
Islands,  where  he  had  been  employed  by  M.  de  Gompy  tte  Intendant  who 
had  made  him  his  subdelegate,  he  (St.  Demesnu)  hopes  that  he  [His 
Majesty]  will  not  refuse  it  him  for  his  younger  son  who  has  been  serving 
under  him  as  clerk  in  the  office  for  five  years. 

We  take  the  liberty  of  repeating  the  request  which  we  made  to  you  last 
year  on  behalf  of  the  widow  of  the  Sieur  Desquairac,  a  captain  who  was 
killed  at  the  engagement  of  the  Prairie  de  la  Magdeleine  against  the 
English  in  1691,  namely  to  grant  her  a  pension  to  help  her  to  bring  up 
her  children,  as  she  is  very  poor. 

We  ask  you.  My  Lord,  for  the  honor  of  your  protection,  and  that  you 
will  believe  us  (to  be),  with  deep  respect. 

My  Lord 
Your  humble,  very  obedient  and  most  obliged  Servants 

Frontenac ; 

Quebec,  the  15th  Sept.  1692. 

Digitized  by 


54  ANNUAX,   meeting,    1903. 



Endorsed— M.  M.  Cadillac.  28th  Oct.*  1694. 

I  cannot  help  reverting  to  the  beginning  of  this  year,  in  order  to 
inform  yon  also  of  what  has  taken  place  np  to  the  present.  The  success- 
ful in-gathering  of  beaver-skins  and  corn  having  diflFnsed  joy  through  the 
hearts  of  all  the  people,  we  counted  at  first  on  seeing  prosperity  again 
in  a  trade  which  had  been  on  the  verge  of  extinction  and  approaching, 
so  to  speak,  its  last  hour. 

In  this  hope,  the  Colony  began  to  forget  its  past  misfortunes  and  made 
up  its  mind  to  bear  with  more  fortitude  those  which  might  befall  it  in 
the  future;  whereupon  the  Comte  de  Frontenac,  delighted  for  his  part  to 
see  the  people  relieved  by  his  care  and  vigilance,  took  a  real  pleasure  in 
giving  everyone  every  advantage  which  could  be  looked  for  from  him. 

That  afforded  a  prospect  of  passing  the  winter  agreeably,  especially  to 
the  officers  of  the  troops  who  lived  in  an  exemplary  (state  of)  harmony; 
and,  in  order  to  contribute  to  their  reasonable  amusements,  the  Comte 
consented  to  have  two  plays  acted,  "Nicomede"  and  "Mithridate."  So  far 
all  goes  well,  sir;  but  you  are  about  to  see  other  pieces  besides  those,  in 
which  there  will  be  no  less  poison  poured  out. 

The  clerics  already  began  preparing  for  battle.  Behold  them  armed 
from  head  to  foot,  taking  their  bows  and  arrows.  The  Sieur  G.  Laudelet 
began  first  and  delivered  two  sermons,  one  on  the  10th  and  the  other  on 
the  24th  of  January,  in  which  he  labored  to  prove  that  it  was  impossible 
to  attend  at  plays  without  committing  deadly  sin.  The  Bishop,  on  his 
part  caused  a  charge  to  be  read  out  at  the  mass  sermon,  on  the  16th  of 
the  same  month,  in  which  mention  is  made  of  certain  plays  (as)  impious, 
impure,  and  wrongful  to  one^s  neighbor,  no  doubt  in  order  to  suggest  that 
those  which  had  actually  been  played  were  of  that  kind.  The  people, 
being  credulous,  infatuated  and  led  away  by  sermons  and  charges  of  this 
kind,  at  once  began  to  look  upon  the  Comte  as  the  corrupter  of  morals 
and  the  destroyer  of  religion.  The  numerous  party  of  sham  religious 
people  flocked  together  in  the  streets  and  the  squares,  and  afterwards  got 
into  the  houses,  to  confirm  the  weak  in  their  error  or  to  try  to  instil  it 
into  those  who  were  stronger,  leaving  no  stone  unturned  to  ijiduce  them 
at  least  to  adopt  neutral  views;  but,  as  their  schemes  were  almost  en- 
tirely unsuccessful,  they  thought  it  necessary  at  least  to  conquer  or  die, 
and  persuaded  the  Bishop  to  make  use  of  the  strange  strategem,  namely, 
to  have  a  charge  delivered  in  the  church,  by  which  the  Sieur  de  Mareuil, 
Lieutenant  on  half-pay,  was  forbidden  the  use  of  the  sacraments. 

•In  pencil  Sept 

Vol  4,  p.  734. 

Digitized  by 



As  he  was  one  of  the  actors  in  the  plaj,  they  thought,  and  it  was  appar- 
ent, that  he  for  his  part,  would  be  cowed  by  this  clap  of  thunder,  that  the 
rest  of  the  company  would  be  disturbed  by  it,  or  at  least  that,  having 
made  him  odious  by  a  formidable  pretext,  the  hatred  of  the  play  should 
become  the  lot  of  those  who  were  prejudiced  in  its  favor. 

This  oflScer  complained  of  it  and  betook  himself  to  the  Bishop's  house, 
but  the  Bishop  would  neither  see  nor  hear  him.  He  went  a  second  and 
a  third  time ;  they  took  him  by  the  shoulders  and  drove  him  away,  telling 
him  that  they  would  have  nothing  to  say  to  a  man  who  was  excommuni- 
catecl.  Such  injurious  proceedings  compelled  the  Sieur  de  Mareuil  to 
have  recourse  to  the  law  and  to  apply  to  a  notary  in  order  to  obtain  a 
ruling  against  the  Bishop  to  give  him  a  copy  of  his  charge.  The  notary 
refuses :  Mareuil  applies  to  the  Intendaht  who  orders  the  notary  to  do  his 
duty.  This  order  had  no  effect;  Mareuil  obtained  a  second;  finally  the 
notary  obeyed.  The  Bishop  perceived  from  this  step  that  he  was  neither 
in  Spain  nor  Portugal,  and  that  means  could  be  found  to  obtain  redress 
for  such  a  cruel  wrong.  It  was  this  which  made  him  bethink  himself  of 
a  second  expedient,  worse  than  the  first,  entirely  opposed  to  episcopal 
charity,  to  the  principles  of  Christianity,  and  -forming  a  very  bad  exam- 
ple. ~  This  prelate  played  a  strange  part ;  he  went  to  the  Supreme  Council 
on  the  1st  of  February*  and  stood  forth  as  accuser  against  the  Sieur  de 
Mareuil,  declaring  him  guilty  of  the  crime  of  impiety  against  God,  the 
Virgin,  and  the  saints,  and,  to  omit  nothing  which  might  advance  this 
beautiful  scheme,  he  delivered  a  fine  speech  to  this  court  in  the  absence 
of  the  Comte,  interrupted  at  times  by  the  outbursts  from  a  heart  filled 
apparently  with  a  deep  and  infinite  charity,  but  driven  to  extremities  by 
the  rebellion — said  he — of  an  intractable  child  whom  he  had  often  warned 
&  caused  to  be  warned  by  persons  in  authority;  but  all  that  was  imag- 
inary, not  to  say  very  untrue. 

Here  we  have  Mareuil  changing  his  perforftiance :  from  comedy,  he  is 
taken  on  to  tragic  things.  The  speech  of  this  prelate  was  well  contrived; 
that  of  the  Procureur-G^n^ral  in  his  decisions  emanated  from  the  same 
council  chamber,  as  well  as  the  hasty  decree  which  was  made  on  this 

I  am  determined  to  tell  you  what  the  Sieur  de  MareuiPs  crime  is,  and 
I  beg  you  to  be  satisfied  that  I  am  disguising  nothing  from  you  in  this 
recital,  having  no  other  purpose  than  to  lay  the  truth  before  you  quite 
openly.  It  is  true  that  about  two  years  ago,  on  his  arrival  here,  the 
Sieur  de  Mareuil,  being  present  at  a  debauch  said  some  indecent  rubbish. 
The  Comte  was  informed  of  it,  and  reprimanded  him  severely.  That  is 
what  he  is  being  tried  for  today;  there  is  a  zeal  of  the  pastor  waking 
up,  after  two  years'  silence,  and  just  after  (the  performance  of)  a  play 

*See  jugements  et  Deliberations  du  Conseil  Souverain,  Vol.  3,  pp.  829,  832,  845. — 
C.  M.  B. 

Digitized  by 


66  ANNUAL   MEBTINQ.    1903. 

which  they  wish  to  put  an  end  to,  whatever  it  may  cost,  about  which  the 
ecclesiastical  authority  is  determined  not  to  be  beaten. 

It  is  indisputable,  and  cannot  be  denied  without  a  blush,  that  since 
then  Mareuil  has  sought  penitence;  he  has  confessed  and  communicated 
several  times.  He  also  fell  into  a  dangerous  illness,  during  which  he 
received  the  Sacraments,  and  he  has  continued  to  do  his  duty  as  a  Chris- 
tian and  an  upright  man.  May  that  not  be  called*  refusing  to  let  sleeping 
dogs  lie?  For  even  if  it  were  true  that  the  crime  was  as  heinous  as  the 
Bishop  pretends,  should  it  not  be  sufficient  that  it  had  faded  from  men's 
memories  and  was  buried  in  the  grave  of  oblivion,  instead  of  with  calcu- 
lated zeal  bringing  it  to  light  again  with  all  its  surroundings.  I  leave 
the  Sieur  de  Mareuil  it  the  Supreme  Council,  appealing  against  the 
charge  of  the  bishop  aa  a  grievance,  to  which  he  presents  petition  after 
petition,  in  vain,  to  demand  justice;  I  leave  him,  I  say,  in  the  hands  of 
M.  de  Villerai,  his  judge-delegate  and  his  mortal  enemy. 

I  cannot,  however,  so  soon  quit  the  Bishop  who  is  setting  out  from 
Quebec;  and  I  shall  follow  him  along  the  line  of  his  visitation  and  inform 
you  that  he  began  at  the  place  called  Batiscan  to  show  his  restlessness, 
and  first  allowed  himself  to  be  persuaded  by  the  Sieur  Frocantevr^  of 
the  parish  (an  eccentric  man  if  ever  there  was  one)  that  the  Sieur  Desi- 
ourdy,  a  half-pay  captain  commanding  the  company  of  M.  de  Vaudreuil 
at  that  place,  had  a  dishonorable  intercourse  with  the  wife  of  the  Sieur 
Debrieux.  You  will,  if  you  please,  observe  that  this  officer  had  changed 
his  quarters  and  had  been  at  Forelle  for  a  month  by  M.  de  VaudreuiPs 
orders,  on  the  request  of  the  Bishop  who  had  asked  for  this  to  free  him 
from  this  suspicion  &  had  promised  on  this  condition,  not  to  speak  of  the 
matter  again.  Yet,  contrary  to  his  promise,  and  always  armed  with  the 
same  weapons,  he  caused  a  charge  to  be  read  out  in  which  the  churches  of 
Batiscan  and  Champlain  were  forbidden  to  the  Sieur  Desiourdy  and  to 
Mme.  Debrieux.  Having  launched  this  thunderbolt  he  continues  his  jour- 
ney to  the  Three  Rivers,  crosses  Lake  St.  Pierre,  and  arrives  at  Forelle 
where  the  Sieur  Desiourdy  was,  with  several  other  officers.  There  he 
took  it  into  his  head,  in  his  hot-headed  zeal,  to  write  to  the  Comte  de 
Frontenac  that  the  Sieurs  Desiourdy  and  de  Bougchemin  would  not  hear 
mass  on  Sexagesima  Sunday  although  several  had  been  said  that  day. 
This  letter  came  some  days  after  the  arrival  of  these  two  officers  at  Que- 
bec who  were  in  the  Comte's  hall  when  he  received  it.  He  reprimanded 
them  severely  before  everybody ;  in  vain  these  gentlemen  denied  the  accu- 
sation, the  Comte  continued  to  rely  on  the  Bishop's  letter.  Finally  these 
two  officers  begged  M.  de  Frontenac  to  permit  them  to  clear  themselves 
even  by  process  of  law ;  the  Comte  told  them  in  reply  that  he  would  not 
be  able  to  oppose  it.  These  gentlemen  in  fact,  presented  a  petition  to  the 
Supreihe  Council  which  was  answered;  and,  having  caused  several  wit- 

♦Literally  "Waking  the  sleeping  cat" 

Digitized  by  VjOOQIC 


nesses  to  be  summoned,  who  deposed  to  having  seen  them  at  mass  in  the 
church  of  Forelle  on  the  very  day  on  which  they  were  accused  of  haying 
failed  to  do  so,  they  carried  their  proof  to  the  Comte,  who  was  astonished 
at  the  Bishop's  mistake. 

I  think  it  important  to  go  down  to  Batiscan  again,  and  refer  once  more 
to  the  charge  which  was  read  out  there  at  the  sermon  in  that  parish  and 
to  bring  to  your  notice  that  the  Sieur  de  Desiourdy,  not  being  able  to  be- 
lieve in  what  had  been  told  him  about  it,  on  his  way  down  to  Quebec 
repaired!  to  the  church  of  that  place,  to  hear  mass  which  he  found  begun, 
and  a  funeral  service  was  proceeding  over  a  corpse.  When  this 
priest  perceived  that  the  Sieur  Desiourdy  was  present,  he  stopped  the 
mass,  went  to  the  sacristy  where  he  took  off  his  sacerdotal  vestments, 
and  then  returned  to  the  church  where  he  made  known  to  the  congrega- 
tion that,  as  long  as  the  Sieur  Desiourdy  was  there,  they  would  have  no 
mass.  This  passionate  declaration  astonished  these  townsmen;  and  it 
is  asserted  that  this  priest's  face,  naturally  swarthy,  became  as  pale  and 
a«  altered  as  that  of  the  corpse  which  was  there.  The  anger  and  passion 
shown  and  imprinted  on  his  face  affected  everyone  with  seemly  confusion, 
so  that  they  all  withdrew  and  he  remained  alone  with  his  clerk;  and, 
after  having  secured  the  door  behind  them,  he  went  and  finished  the  mass 
at  which,  (to  judge)  from  the  apparent  temper  of  this  rector,  neither 
the  Sieur  Desiourdy  nor  the  soul  of  the  deceased  could  hope  to  be  recom- 
mended at  this  august  sacrifice. 

However,  the  wife  of  the  Sieur  Debrieux,  as  well  as  the  Sieur  Desi- 
ourdy carried  their  complaint  to  the  Supreme  Council  by  petition  and 
afterwards  went  (to  it)  appealing  against  the  publication  of  the  Bishop's 
charges  as  an  abuse.  I  will  not  speak  of  the  many  extravagances  of  this 
rector,  upheld  by  the  authority  of  his  prelate,  even  to  preaching  from  the 
pulpit  that  no  one  but  wretches  and  damned  souls  could  depose  to 
Madam  Debrieux  being  a  respectable  woman;  that  if  anyone  were  bold 
enough  to  do  so,  he  would  beat  him  to  death,  and  that  he  would  have 
them  put  into  irons  for  six  months  on  bread  and  water ;  that  the  Comte 
de  Frontenac  had  not  long  to  live,  but  the  Bishop  was  young  and  would  . 
lead  them  a  fine  dance  one  of  these  days;  that  he  laughed  at  the  com- 
plaints made  against  him  to  the  Supreme  Council;  that  all  that  he  did 
was  by  the  orders  of  his  Bishop,  who  recognized  no  one  in  this  country 
as  above  himself,  and  that  there  was  no  judge  of  his  actions  except  the 
Pope.  Who  would  not  think,  at  first  sight,  that  this  account  is  full  of 
prejudice?    Yet  it  is  just  as  true  as  that  there  is  a  sun  in  the  heavens. 

It  appears  that  there  is  no  room  for  doubting  that,  when  the  Sieur  De- 
brieux demanded  satisfaction  from  the  Supreme  Council,  for  the  wrong 
done  to  him  and  to  his  wife  [who  was]  accused  and  condemned  of  adul- 
,tery  in  a  charge  [which  was]  made  public,  be  ought  in  justice  to  have 
obtained  it.    Was  not  that  a  matter  for  vigilance  on  the  part  of  the  Sn- 

Digitized  by 


68  ANNUAL.   MEETING,    1903. 

preme  Council  when  they  saw  the  Church  making  a  sudden  invasion  of 
the  secular  jurisdiction?  They  could  not  have  been  unaware  that,  in  a 
esse  of  adultery,  no  one  is  permitted  to  make  an  accusation  except  the 
husband ;  that  this  crime  is  a  privileged  matter,  as  to  which  the  Church 
has  no  jurisdiction. 

All  this  would  have  been  well  at  another  time,  and  on  some  other 
occasion.  These  judges  were  like  that  people  of  which  the  Scripture 
says,  "I  have  sent  a  spirit  of  drowsiness  upon  their  eyes  that  they  might 
not  see,  and  upon  their  ears  that  they  might  not  hear.-''  It  was  in  vain 
to  lay  before  them  proof  after  proof,  petition  after  petition.  Their  course 
was  taken,  and  the  alliance  ratified;  the  Supreme  Council  generally,  and 
the  whole  ecclesiastical  calling  except  the  recollet  Fathers,  had  labored 
together  and  had  intended  that  the  Comte  should  infallibly  fall  into  their 
snares,  that  he  would  not  fail  to  be  alarmed  at  the  occurrence  of  so  many 
outrages,  and  in  order  to  stop  their  progress  .would  no  doubt  employ 
violent  measures  either  against  the  Bishop  or  the  clergy  or  indeed,  even 
against  the  Supreme  Council.  But  this  junto  was  greatly  disconcerted; 
and  bore  the  moderation,  modesty  and  wise  conduct,  which  the  Comte 
showed  on  all  occasions,  with  intelligible  violence.  See  here  more  exactly 
how  he  treated  the  Bishop,  in  a  letter  which  he  wrote  to  him,  of  which  I 
took  a  copy,  word  for  word. 

"Sir,  I  had  requested  the  very  reverend  Commissary  Father  of  the  rec- 
ollets  to  ask  you  for  a  copy  of  the  charges  which  I  have  been  told 
have  been  made  public,  and,  as  I  found  M.  Troun6  by  chance 
yesterday  at  the  hospital,  I  charged  him  to  make  the  same  request  to  you ; 
but,  as  I  have  had  no  answer,  I  thought  I  ought  to  ask  you  for  the  same 
again  by  this  note,  for  on  all  sides  I  hear  these  charges  so  differently 
spoken  of  that  I  know  not  what  reply  to  make.  Oblige  me.  Sir,  by  inform- 
ing me  definitely  as  to  what  they  contain,  so  that,  when  I  know  what  your 
intentions  are  in  that  matter  I  may  be  better  able  to  conform  thereto, 
and  to  contribute  so  far  as  I  can  to  everyone  doing  likewise." 

As  to  the  remonstrance  which  the  Comte  addressed  to  the  Supreme 
Council,  which  he  demanded  should  be  roistered,  on  the  8th  of  March 
1694,  it  is  sufficient  proof  that  he  only  wished  that  company  to  under- 
stand that  the  questions  in  hand  were  delicate  ones;  that  the  Bishop 
was  only  trifling  with  it  under  the  pretense  of  deference  to  the  Council, 
and  was  persisting  in  his  course  of  usurping  the  secular  jurisdiction;  that 
if  he  were  permitted  to  pursue  his  point  without  a  proper  remedy  being 
applied,  the  King's  authority  would  be  injured  thereby  and  even  dis- 
graced, for  no  one  could  be  unaware  that  the  clergy  of  this  country  never 
have  any  aim  but  domination.  He  perhaps  wished  to  make  them  under- 
stand also  that  the  hasty  decisions  of  the  Procureur  G^n^ral  had  been 
arrived  at  in  the  Bishop's  study  (as)  he  had  been  in  conference  with  him. 
all  the  day  before  the  Supreme  Council.    He  concludes  his  remonstrance 

Digitized  by 



by  demanding  that  one  or  two  commissioners  should  be  appointed  to  in- 
vestigate (as  to)  whether  any  one  had  played  or  caused  to  be  played  any 
Ecandalous  plays,  and  whether  any  irregularity  had  taken  place. 

These  decisions  were  required,  as  far  as  I  can  judge,  for  various  ends. 
In  the  first  place,  to  learn  whether  in  fact  some  criminal  play  had  not 
been  acted,  at  which  certain  private  individuals  might  have  been  present 
unknown  to  the  Comte,  whom  they  might  have  accused  of  having  aided 
it  and  of  having  wanted  in  this  way  to  introduce  vice  and  bad  habits, 
instead  of  restraining  them.  Or,  again,  it  might  indeed  have  been  in 
order  to  discover  whether,  in  the  pieces  Which  he  himself  had  caused  to  be 
acted,  there  had  not  been  concealed  from  him  the  knowledge  of  some  inde- 
cent act  which  some  person  of  rank  might  have  committed,  and  he  might 
thus  have  been  accused  of  perhicious  toleration.  Lastly  it  was  to  show 
the  resolve  he  had  made  to  support  the  Bishop  if  anyone  were  found 
guilty  of  the  crimes  and  impious  acts  referred  to  in  his  charge.  I  might 
a4d  that  the  Comte  wished  to  make  the  Supreme  Council  understand  that 
he  was  experienced  enough  to  foresee  and  to  anticipate  the  snares  of  his 
irreconcilable  enemies,  or,  rather,  those  of  the  governorship. 

Could  he  indeed  have  been  silent  concerning  a  charge  (which  was)  full 
of  venom  and  poison  under  the  apparent  form  of  Christian  truth?  Would 
not  his  silence  have  passed  for  a  confession?  E>veryone  knows  that  those 
who  have  (any)  connection  with,  or  access  to  the  Court  have  no  other 
pbject  than  that  of  causing  the  King  to  lose  the  respect  for  the  governors- 
general  of  this  country  which  he  has  always  shown ;  this  constant  attack 
will  never  be  given  up  so  long  as  the  governmental  authority  is  thus 

But  let  us  return  to  the  point.  Would  it  not  seem  that  the  Procureur 
G^n^ral  should  have  given  his  earnest  attention  to  this  remonstrance, 
and  come  to  a  conclusion  at  once  as  to  the  views  which  were  there  set 
forth?  He  ought  to  have  hesitated  far  less  on  this  occasion  than  he  had 
done  at  the  time  of  the  odious  and  vindictive  denunciation  of  the  Bishop 
against  the  Sieur  de  Mareuil.  The  Intendant  and  the  rest  of  the  Council 
well  knew  that  this  same  Mareuil  had  applied  to  them  by  a  petition  a 
week  before  to  get  the  attorneys,  notaries  and  bailiffs  compelled  to  per- 
form the  duties  of  their  oflQces.  They  knew  very  well  that,  in  the  end,  a 
notary  made  up  his  mind,  with  large  sums  of  money,  to  serve  a  summons 
on  the  Bishop  who,  in  retaliation  for  this  act,  formed  that  fine  resolution 
to  ruin  a  man  who  was  only  the  innocent  cause  of  a  premeditated  spite. 
Finally  by  a  decree  of  the  same  day,  the  eighth  of  March,  it  was  ordered 
that  the  remonstrance  should  be  communicated  to  the  Procureur  Gdn^ral 
in  order  that  he,  when  he  had  heard  it,  might  give  what  instructions 
(seemed)  right. 

You  shall  see  (what)  the  proceedings  of  the  Supreme  Council  (were) 
in  matters  concerning  the  Comte,- — very  different  from  their  proceedings 

Digitized  by 


60  ANNUAL  MBBTINa,   190S. 

concerning  the  Bishop.  It  is  easy  to  see  that  the  Procnreur  General  in 
his  interim  decisions  of  the  22nd  of  March  as  to  the  remonstrance  of  the 
Gomte^  offered  him  a  battle-ground,  and  sought  to  engage  him  in  embar- 
rassing discussions  in  order  to  furnish  himself  with  pretences  and  pro- 
ceedings, so  as  to  come  to  no  conclusion  on  the  point  in  question,  espe- 
cially in  the  compliment  he  paic^  to  the  Comte,  begging  him  to  inform 
[him]  whether  it  is  was  not  his  intention  to  refrain  from  being  present  at 
the  voting  which  would  take  place  as  to  his  document  and  on  his  address, 
as  well  as  on  the  affair  of  Sieur  de  Mareuil,  since  he  had  declared — he 
said — in  the  presence  of  all  the  Council  that  the  latter  was, his  servant 
(which  is  a  clear  falsehood,  since  the  Comte  had  never  said  a  word  of  it), 
and  that  therefore  he  ought  in  fact  to  refrain  from  voting  on  these  two 

sThe  Procureur  General  had  used  different  language  on  the  demand  and 
information  by  the  Bishop.  He  did  not  think  of  requesting  that  he 
should  refrain  from  being  present  at  the  voting,  nor  that  the  petition  to 
the  Council  against  the  Sieur  de  Mareuil  should  be  referred  to  hifti. 

The  declaration  which  he  sought  to  exact  from  the  Comte  was  much 
more  odious  and  more  daring.  In  claiming  that  a  Governor  Genl. 
['s  Vote]  was  liable  to  be  challenged,  as  appears  from  the  decree  of  the 
29th  of  March,  he  was  attempting  an  unheard  of  scheme.  If  that  were 
established  neither  he  nor  the  Intendant  would  be  able  to  give  an  opinion 
on  any  matter  concerning  his  government  which,  from  its  circumstances, 
did  not  depend  [solely]  on  the  authority  of  one  or  the  other  of  them. 
Sometimes  they  would  be  objected  to  on  the  score  of  their  patronage,  or 
their  dislike;  at  others,  they  might  be  discovered  to  be  creditors  of  some, 
or  debtors  of  others ;  or  again  opportunities  for  vengeance,  or  reasons  for 
suspicion,  might  be  brought  against  them,  and  there  would  be  no  disputed 
point  of  which  they  could  be  either  judges  or  arbitrators  if  they  were 
liable  to  be  objected  to  on  the  score  of  love,  hatred  or  caprice. 

Yet  those  are  the  claims  of  the  Procureur  G^n^ral ;  those  are  his  re- 
spectful manners,  and  the  marks  of  consideration  and  deference  which 
he  displays  in  all  his  writings  with  so  much  show  and  affectation !  To 
what  end  did  all  these  fine  speeches  tend?  Was  it  towards  any  decision 
as  to  the  aims  in  the  remonstrance  of  the  Governor?  Was  it  not  to  cause 
him  to  lose  all  patience?  However,  to  give  proof  of  his  moderation 
towards  such  offensive  proceedings,  he  contented  himself  with  requesting 
the  Supreme  Council  to  be  good  enough  to  order  that  the  address  of  the 
Procureur  G^n^ral  should  be  retained  in  the  office,  as  is  seen  by  the  decree 
issued  on  this  point  on  the  23rd  of  March,  and  that  his  remonstrance 
should  be  registered,  which  the  Council  would  never  grant  him. 

A  very  studied  speech  may  be  seen,  of  the  24th  of  the  same  month,  in 
which  the  Procureur  G^n^ral  appears  to  score  a  rhetorical  triumph;  but 
no  doubt  it  would  have  been  better  debated  if  the  judges  had  not  privily 

Digitized  by 



borne  a  hand  in  composing  it.  He  says,  without  ceremony,  in  his  first 
paragraph,  that  he  sees  nothing  in  the  decree  issued  on  the  1st  of  Febru- 
ary as  to  the  Bishop's  declaration  which  either  directly  or  indirectly 
concerns  the  carrying  out  of  the  King's  orders  and  intentions.  What 
inference  does  he  wish  to  draw  from  this  fine  scheme.  Has  the  Comte  at 
any  time  opposed  the  prosecution  of  crimes,  and  particularly  when  they 
have  been  directed  against  the  divine  Majesty?  Can  he  bring  forward 
one  instance?  It  is  very  clearly  to  be  seen  that  M.  de  Frontenac's  re- 
monstrance was  drawn  up  only  with  the  purpose  of  making  it  known 
that  the  Bishop  ought  not,  and  could  not  publish  charges  enjoining  the 
refusal  of  the  sacraments  or  excommunication  without  the  aid  of  justice 
and  of  the  secular  power;  that  this  was  an  order  which  ought  to  be 
observed,  being  in  conformity  with  the  intentions  of.  the  King,  who 
neither  desires  nor  intends  that  the  Church  should  usurp  the  royal  power 
in  any  way,  nor  infringe  upon  his  decrees.  It  was  that  unconquerable 
negligence  to  which  the  Procureur  Gr^n^ral  had  given  way,  which  the 
Comte  had  so  ingeniously  touched  on  in  his  remonstrance,  which  com- 
pelled him  to  employ  all  [possible]  weapons  in  order  to  fight  it  so  obsti- 

As  to  the  second  head  of  his  address,  the  Procureur  G^n^ral  persists  in 
saying  that  he  sees  nothing  which  offends  against  the  authority  of  the 
Governor,  who  affects  (as  he  pretends)  to  confuse  the  Sieur  de  MareuiPs 
affair  with  public  interests. 

It  will  be  seen  that  this  is  a  very  sui>erflous  statement ;  for  it  is  agreed 
that  the  Governor  persojially  is  not  included  in  the  attack,  but  that  the 
authority  of  the  governorship  is  perceptibly  hampered  by  it,  and  that  it 
would  be  inexcusable  n^ligence  on  the  part  of  the  Governor  if  he  let  the 
Bishop  continue  his  ecclesiastical  censures,  launched  without  any  foun- 
dation, and  in  contempt  of  the  secular  power  which  the  Procureur  G^n- 
^ral  is  the  very  first  to  shut  his  eyes  to,  though  he  would  have  recognized 
it  much  better  if  he  had  not  been  judging  his  own  case,  and  prejudiced  by 
a  denunciation  made  by  the  Bishop  (but)  which  he  was  the  author  of. 
It  is  acknowledged  that  this  Sieur  de  Mareuil  is  a  private  person,  but  it  is 
also  maintained  that  the  crime  laid  to  his  charge  is  a  matter  of  public 
interest  since  the  Bishop  sets  it  forth  and  is  pleased  to  subject  him  to  his 
public  censure  (which  he  might  do  to  anyone  else)  without  mentioning 
in  his  charge  the  reasons  he  might  have  had  for  denouncing  him  to  the 
Church  to  the  great  scandal  of  the  people  generally. 

Can  it  be  said  that  this  was  a  rebuke  which  the  Bishop  intended  to 
administer  to  the  Sieur  de  Mareuil  in  order  to  bring  him  to  his  senses 
Again?  If  so  it  was  a  very  strange  one  and  most  outrageous;  it  would  be 
contrary  to  all  regular  procedure,  for  it  is  quite  certain  that  it  was  not 
preceded  by  any  warning,  as  he  craftily  insinuated  that  it  had  been,  in 
ihe  information  he  laid  before  the  Supreme  Council.    Let  the  Procureur 

Digitized  by 


62  ANNUAL   MEETING,    1903. 

G^n^ral  say  as  often  as  he  likes  that  the  affair  of  the  Sieur  de  Mareuil  is  a 
private  matter ;  he  thereby  proves  snfSeiently  that  he  was  unable  to  dis- 
cern it,  for  [even]  if  the  Bishop  intended  in  his  charge  read  out  at  ser- 
mon-time to  condemn  Mareuil  of  impiety,  pure  and  simple,  that  was  an 
outrage  on  the  King^s  jurisdiction  since  this  crime  is  not  within  the  cog- 
nizance nor  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Church.  That  was  an  occasion  which 
ought  to  have  roused  the  Procureur  G^n^ral  for  two  reasons ;  the  first, 
not  to  allow  the  royal  authority  to  be  injured,  and  the  second,  to  take 
cognizance  [himself] 'of  the  crime  and  the  criminal.  But  it  is  easy  to  see 
what  diligence  he  used  in  this  matter.  Would  he  have  made  any  move  in 
it  at  all,  if  Mareuil  had  not  taken  action  first,  if  he  had  not  attacked  the 
Bishop  by  legal  documents  and  summonses,  and  if  the  Bishop  himself,  in 
order  to  shelter  himself  and  justify  his  bad  conduct,  whatever  the  cost 
might  be,  had  not  gone  to  the  Supreme  Council  to  denounce  him. 

The  public  is  not  concerned,  the  Procureur  G^n^ral  pretends,  in  charges 
of  this  sort.  What  meaning,  then,  are  we  to  give  to  the  expressions  con- 
tained in  it,  which  only  speak  of  plays  [which  are]  impious,  impure,  and 
wrongful  to  one's  neighbor.  Either  the  Bishop  intended  thus  to  char- 
acterize those  which  had  just  been  played,  or  else  those  which  were  to  be 
played  afterwards.  Those  just  played  were  "Nicomede"  and  "Mithri- 
date."  If  these  two  plays  are  impious,  it  was  very  wrong  of  the  Pro 
cureur  G^n^ral  and  the  Supreme  Council  to  have  been  present  at  them, 
and  to  set  such  a  bad  example.  If  they  are  lawful,  what  is  the  use  of 
charges  of  this  kind  which  serve  only  to  upset  [men's]  consciences,  [and] 
embarrass  people,  especially  the  common  people  who  have  not  often  much 
discernment,  and  conjure  up  scruples  and  prejudices,  generally  ill- 
founded,  which  by  a  rebound  may  reflect  on  a  Governor  personally. 

Now  if  it  refers  to  plays  which  are  to  be  performed  hereafter,  even  if 
the  Bishop  had  been  convinced  that  they  would  be  impious  or  criminal, 
it  would  have  been  prudent  on  his  part  to  have  deferred  the  publication 
of  his  charge  until  such  time  as  the  impious  play  had  been  performed,  or 
at  least  he  should  have  had  a  certain  and  absolutely  infallible  knowledge 
that  it  would  be  played.  Will  he  palliate  his  fault  by  saying  that  he 
believed  it;  and  that  it  had  come  to  his  knowledge  by  reports  and  jests 
which  certain  persons  who  have  the  honor  of  having  access  to  the  Comte 
may  have  made;  and  that  they  are  courtiers  who  in  order  to  ingratiate 
themselves,  have  turned  the  preaching  and  charges  of  the  Bishop  into 
ridicule;  as  the  Procureur  G^n^ral  pretends  to  explain  it,  with  his  palpa- 
ble craftiness,  in  the  8th  section  of  his  address. 

This  facility  in  deceiving  himself  and  in  allowing  himself  to  be  de- 
ceived would  be  excusable  in  a  young  priest  or  a  novice ;  but  a  prelate,  a 
man  of  character,  weight  and  authority  ought  not  to  be  susceptible  to 
illusions  or  light  impressions — Aquila  non  capit  muacas.  Finally  this 
worthy  prelate  was  afraid  of  the  comedy  of  Tartufe,  and  had  taken  it 

Digitized  by 



into  his  head  that  the  Comte  wished  to  have  it  acted,  although  he  had 
never  thought  of  it.  He  toiled  &  moiled  and  [all]  to  stem  a  torrent 
which  existed  only  in  his  imagination ;  but  when  these  hysterics  had  sub- 
sided, he  saw  that  this  was  only  a  jest,  and  that  he  had  been  taken  in 
by  the  report  of  some  ill  informed  person.  However,  whether  in  order 
not  to  give  way,  or  to  dazzle  the  eyes  of  the  public,  he  sought  an  oppor- 
tunity of  entering  into  conversation  with  the  Comte  near  the  Jesuit' 
church,  the  Intendant  being  present,  and  took  it  into  his  head  to  offer 
him  a  hundred  pistoles  not  to  have  "La  Tartuffe"  played.  This  proposal 
did  not  disconcert  the  Comte;  he  thought,  as  many  others  did,  that  this 
prelate,  having  trusted  too  easily  to  a  rumor  which  had  been  spread 
through  the  town,  without  knowing  the  authority  for  it,  had  [now] 
regained  his  senses,  and  knowing  his  fault,  had  desired  to  avoid  being 
confounded  by  it.  Therefore  the  Comte,  smiling,  promised  him  that  in 
consideration  of  that  sum,  he  would  satisfy  him  and  would  interpose  his 
authority  to  prevent  any  such  design  being  carried  out.  No  sooner  said 
than  done;  the  Bishop  gave  his  promissory  note,  and  the  Comte  accepted 
it,  which  made  all  the  onlookers  laugh.  That  is  what  the  Procureur  G6n- 
6ral  meant  in  one  of  his  paragraphs  as  well  as  what  he  said  in  another, 
that  the  Sr.  de  Mareuil  was  not  made  an  oflScer  until  after  the  charge  of 
the  Bishop  had  been  read  out.  You  have  only  to  compare  the  date  of  the 
one,  the  17th  of  January,  and  the  date  of  the  commission  of  the  other, 
the  1st  of  the  same  month,  to  see  how  well  he  understands  evasions,  and 
how  he  tries  to  turn  matters  to  his  advantage  by  giving  them  an  opposite 
appearance,  as  he  has  done  in  his  tenth  paragraph  in  which  he  wishes  to 
make  it  appear  that  the  decree  which  was  given  as  to  the  demand  of  M. 
Talon,  then  Intendant  of  this  country,  has  never  been  carried  out. 

The  matter  did  not  take  place  as  he  tells  it  in  this  and  the  following 
paragraphs.  Those  who  know  the  history  of  that  time  speak  differently 
of  it;  and  these  are  the  facts.  Mons.  de  Laval  made  various  attempts, 
almost  the  same  as  those  we  see  today,  the  object  of  which  has  always 
been  to  prevail  over  the  authority  of  the  governorship.  Mons.  de  Tracy, 
then  viceroy  of  this  country,  looked  tranquilly  on  at  the  desire  from  that 
high  position;  and,  as  he  was  a  pious  man,  he  did  not  think  it  advisable 
to  cope  with  that  ecclesiastical  cohort,  the  power  of  which  was  formid- 
able. At  this  conjuncture,  M.  Talon  showed  greater  resolution  and  risked 
the  loss  of  his  credit  and  his  fortune  for  the  King's  interests.  He  saw 
that  it  was  necessary  to  still  this  tempest  at  its  birth;  and,  at  last,  by 
his  remonstrances  and  his  care  he  obtained  a  favorable  decree,  such  as  he 
had  proposed.  M.  de  Laval,  seeing  then  that  it  was  necessary  to  conquer, 
but  that  he  had  been  intercepted  by  a  side  wind,  thought,  in  accordance 
with  the  policy  of  the  Church,  that  it  was  necessary  to  wait  for  a  more 
favorable  opportunity.  Then,  having  lowered  their  arms,  they  tried  to  set 
matters  right  by  the  intervention  of  M.  de  Tracy  himself,  who  obtained 

Digitized  by 


64  ANNUAL   MEETING.    1903. 

the  consent  of  M.  Talon,  on  the  day  of  his  reconciliation,  to  the  decree  in 
question  being  erased  and  struck  out,  not  because  it  was  disapproved  of, 
or  had  been  found  contrary  to  true  justice,  as  the  Procureur  Q^n^ral 
wishes  to  persuade  us,  but  in  order  that  M.  de  Laval  might  not  be  liable 
to  reproach  for  his  errors  and  his  unjust  claims.  It  was  a  weakness  on 
M.  Talon's  part,  to  allow  himself  to  be  defeated  by  such  submissions. 
That  is  why  the  Comte  made  use  of  that  decree  in  his  remonstrance  as  a 
precedent  which  showed  that  the  Bishop  waa  only  walking  in  the  foot- 
steps of  his  predecessor.  Finally,  it  is  only  necessary  to  study  the  deci- 
sions of  the  Procureur  Q^n^ral,  and  it  will  at  once  be  seen  that  he  has 
been  well  prompted  and  is  very  constant  to  his  plot.  He  does  not  con- 
sider, he  says,  that  any  action  should  be  taken  against  the  Bishop,  who 
has  gone  up  to  Montreal ;  that  he  asks  that  the  decision  on  the  documents 
as  far  aa  concerns  the  charges,  should  be  delayed  until  his  return ;  and 
so  on. 

I  confess  that  it  would  not  have  been  considered  wrong  of  the  Supreme 
Council  to  give  the  Bishop  notice,  out  of  deference  to  him,  of  the  steps 
that  were  taken  against  him  after  his  departure;  but  I  maintain  that  it  is 
a  clear  abuse  that  they  would  not  give  any  decision  regarding  him  after 
the  decree  of  postponement  of  the  24th  of  March,  whether  before  or  after 
his  return,  although  he  had  asked  for  this  delay  only,  as  appears  from  the 
.  answer  he  gave  the  Procureur  G^n^ral  on  the  18th  of  April. 

By  the  decree  of  the  28th  of  June  we  still  see  the  Bishop's  procedui'e 
carefully  premeditated  and  arranged,  not  only  with  the  Procureur  G^n- 
^ral  but  with  all  the  Council,  which  trifled  with  the  Comte  de  Frontenac, 
and  the  other  parties;  and  this  understanding  is  all  the  more  clearly 
proved  as.  in  the  meanwhile,- the  Supreme  Council  took  it  into  their  heads 
to  give  two  months  vacation,  a  custom  which  had  never  before  been  intro- 
duced for  such  a  long  period.  Afterwards  another  vacation  was  decreed, 
up  to  the  end  of  the  harvest,  so  that  the  year  passed  without  anyone  being 
able  to  clear  himself  by  decree;  we  see  this  in  the  case  of  Mareuil,  Desi- 
ourdy,  and  Madam  Debrieux.  At  length  the  Procureur  General  finished 
his  address,  saying  that  as  regarded  the  r^stration  of  the  Comt^'s  paper, 
he  recommended  that  he  should  be  requested  to  withdraw  his  demand. 
I  will  not  say  what  I  think  of  such  an  offensive  proposal ;  everyone  may 
make  whatever  reflections  they  think  fit  on  it.  But  I  do  not  think  they 
can  help  inclining  to  the  disadvantage  of  the  Procureur  G^n^ral,  who 
has  omitted  nothing  that  might  touch  the  Comte  to  the  quick  in  this 
address,  as  well  as  in  that  of  the  22nd  of  March,  presented  on  the  24tli  of 
the  same  month. 

It  appears  from  this  address  that  the  Governor  had  a  conversation  at 
this  sitting  with  the  Procureur  G^n^ral.  It  appears  that  the  Comte's 
only  aim  was  to  come  to  a  conclusion  and  put  an  end  to  the  affair  of  M. 
de  Mareuil;  and  that  he  put  forward  various  legitimate  objects  which 

Digitized  by 



would  give  reason  for  desiring  this  diligence.  Th^  first  was  that,  sup- 
posing the  said  Mareuil  was  guilty  of  the  heinous  crime  he  was  accused 
of,  it  was  important  to  get  his  trial  over  and  done  with,  and  not  to  let  it 
hang  fire  out  of  culpable  lenity,  since  it  is  well  known  that  in  matters  of 
this  kind  to  gain  time  is  everything,  and  long  delays  reduce  the  culpabil- 
ity of  the  crime.  The  [delay]  is  also  contrary  to  the  decrees,  which  re- 
quire that  criminals  shall  be  proceeded  against  even  during  the  vacation, 
all  other  afifairs  bfeing  set  aside.  It  may  also  be  said  that  the  Sieur  de 
Mareuil,  who  was  an  officer,  kept  urging  the  Comte  to  have  his  case  tried, 
pointing  out  to  him  that  he  was  told  oflf'  to  go  against  the  enemy  and  on 
account  of  conscientious  scruples,  felt  very  uncomfortable  at  laboring  so 
long  under  the  censure  of  the  Church,  although  it  was  ill  founded.  In 
fact,  either  Mareuil  was  a  criminal  or  an  innocent  man.  If  he  was  guilty, 
the  inquiries  concerning  him  ought  to  have  been  ready  and  duly  arranged, 
in  two  months'  time;  for  he  was  of  opinion  that  the  Bishop  must  have 
had  in  his  hands  genuine  proofs  of  the  impiety  for  which  he  had  con- 
demned him,  and  as  to  which  he  afterwards  appeared  as  his  accuser.  We 
have  seen  enough  of  all  the  steps  he  took  &  caused  to  be  taken  by  ecclesi- 
astics of  all  sorts,  to  ruin  an  innocent  man,  exposed  to  his  revengeful 
fury.  The  vehemence  and  passion  with  which  the  Procureur  G^n^ral 
acted  at  the  beginning  of  this  affair  ought  to  ha\^  promised  a  more 
prompt  settlement  of  it;  and  if  he  was  innocent,  why  not  help  him  to 
throw  off  a  yoke  which  could  not  be  borne  without  extreme  disquietude. 
That,  then,  was  the  ground  taken  up  by  the  Comte,  who,  seeing  the  Pro- 
cureur G^n^ral  was  hanging  back  in  this  matter,  thought  himself  bound 
to  tell  him  that  he  clearly  saw  whence  these  delays  proceeded;  and  that, 
if  he  did  not  go  on  with  it,  he  as  head  of  the  Supreme  Council  and  Gov- 
ernor-General should  order  him  to  proceed  and  to  do  his  duty. 

It  was  exactly  from  this  word  "head"  that  the  Supreme  Council  and 
the  Procureur  Gdn^ral  drew  inferences  so  pleasing  [to  them].  The  Comte 
knew  very  well  the  will  of  His  Majesty  and  the  decree  of  his  Council  of 
State  of  sixteen  hundred  and  eighty,  forbidding  him  to  assume  this  rank 
in  his  titles.  Where  has  he  done  so?  Was  it  not  sufficient  for  the  Su- 
preme Council  that  he  explained  his  intention  tp  them,  and  that  he 
testified  to  them  that  nothing  was  further  from  his  thoughts  than  to  go 
beyond  the  decree  of  1680,  that  he  only  claimed  to  enjoy  the  rights  and 
prerogatives  which  the  King  has  assigned  to  him.  The  Procureur  G^n- 
^ral  had  the  good  grace  to  show  that  the  will  of  the  King  was  that  every- 
one in  the  Council  should  have  complete  freedom  in  giving  his  opinion 
without  being  forced  in  the  matter  by  threats,  commands,  or  instigation. 
Has  the  Comte  used  violence  against  anyone,  that  such  language  should 
be  employed  toward  him?    What  is  the  good  of  so  much  talk?    He  should 

'The  literal  meaning  of  told  off  is  detached. — C.  M.  B. 

Digitized  by 


66  ANNUAL   MEETING,    1903. 

supply  proofs,  and  not  allegations.  We  are  constrained,  he  says,  in  our 
votes  because  we  have  reason  to  fear  the  Governor's  displeasure. 

One  might  reply  to  the  Procureur  Gdn^ral  that  with  his  own  mouth  he 
has  judged  himself.  It  is  only  necessary  to  see  his  writings,  to  weigh  his 
words,  and  to  examine  his  decisions,  that  will  be  amply  suflpcient  to  prove 
what  precautions  he  has  taken  and  the  fear  he  has  felt  for  his  part  of 
disobliging  the  Comte,  who  wished  all  his  studied  and  crafty  speeches  to 
be  inscribed  on  the  registers,  so  that  he  may  testify  4o  his  conduct  on 

The  Procureur  G^n^ral  opposed  it  himself,  and  also  the  Intendant, 
with  all  the  Supreme  Council,  under  specious  pretexts.  For,  what  was 
the  question  in  the  first  place?  Only  of  having  the  Comte's  remonstrance 
of  the  8th  of  March  registered,  which  was  opposed  with  a  blameworthy 
obstinacy.  Finally,  the  Council  shows  itself  in  one  aspect  only,  it  pro- 
tests that  it  abhors  inscriptions  of  this  kind  and  that  they  might  bring 
with  them  dangerous  troubles ;  that  is  all  very  well  to  tell  to  people  who 
know  nothing  about  it.  The  Council  perceives  that  the  mine  is  discov- 
ered, and  knows  that  its  alliance  with  the  Bishop  is  found  out ;  that  the 
charges  which  he  has  had  published  were  outbursts  of  angry  temper ;  that 
the  information  he  laid  against  Mareuil,  without  proof  and  without 
evidence,  has  become  odious  to  the  public  and  to  private  persons,  and 
that,  in  consequence  of  this  discovery,  the  Comte  drew  up  a  remonstrance 
upon  it  in  order  to  leave  as  a  precedent  to  posterity  the  efforts  he  has 
made  to  overthrow  the  usurpation  and  outrage  by  the  ecclesiastical  juris- 
diction on  the  royal  authority.  However,  after  all  these  long  debates  and 
disputes,  it  was  ordered  that  all  these  documents  should  remain  in  the 
recorder's  office  to  be  sent  to  His  Majesty  by  despatches. 

As  the  Comte  saw  that  the  Supreme  Council  only  wished  to  gain  time^ 
and  would  give  no  definite  decision  either  regarding  his  demands  or  those 
of  the  Sieurs  Desiourdy,  de  Mareuil,  or  Debrieux,  he  thought  it  advisable, 
since  it  had  already  been  decreed  that  all  the  writings  on  both  sides 
should  be  sent  to  the  Court,  that  their  opinions  should  also  be  recorded 
in  the  register  both  as  to  the  aims  of  his  remonstrance  and  on  proceedings 
concerning  the  Sr.  de  Mareuil  and  the  others  named.  The  Councillors 
Saw  from  that  that  the  Comte's  intention  was  only  to  make  their  conduct 
known  to  the  Court.  Will  it  be  said  that  this  manner  of  voting  con- 
strains votes?  Very  much  the  reverse;  for  those  who  should  vote  hon- 
estly, and  cannot  be  unaware  of  a  matter  of  such  importance  to  this 
country,  could  run  no  risk  of  censure  by  the  Court.  The  truth  is  that  it 
is  only  evil-minded  persons  who  should  find  this  method  of  voting  not  to 
their  liking. 

The  Comte  well  knew  that  never,  since  the  establishment  of  the  Colony, 
had  any  one  whomsoever  had  the  power  to  obtain  a  decree  against  any 
ecclesiastic.  That  is  why,  at  this  juncture,  he  doubtless  wished  to  let  the 
King  see  the  line  taken  by  the  Supreme  Council  which  often  in  essential 

Digitized  by 



matters,  instead  of  upholding  [?  the  law]  and  counterbalancing  the 
power  of  the  Church,  under  which  the  weakness  of  private  individuals 
is  compelled  to  groan,  seems  to  join  it  so  as  to  make  it  more  victorious. 
The  Council  ordered,  on  the  11th  of  June  that  this  proposal  should  be 
communicated  to  the  Procureur  G^n^ral  in  order  that,  on  his  decisions, 
whatever  was  right  should  be  decreed. 

The  Comte  was  not  inclined  to  expect  from  the  Procureur-General  any 
decisions  on  his  demand ;  therefore  he  spoke  only  through  the  mouth  of 
the  Council,  which  gave  a  decree  of  the.2Sth  of  June,  by  which  it  was 
ordered  that  the  voting  should  be  in  the  ordinary  manner.  The  Comte 
on  his  part  declared  that  he  only  wished  his  opinion  to  be  registered  in 
order  that  the  King  after  having  had  it  looked  into,  might  be  good  enough 
to  judge  whether  it  was  good  or  bad. 

You  will  also  see  a  document,  presented  to  the  Governor  by  the  Sieurs 
Dupont,  Depeiras,  and  de  la  Martiniere,  deputed  by  the  Council,  of  the 
2nd  of  April,  and  the  one  which  passed  between  the  Comte  and  the  Pro- 
cureur G^n^ral.  In  addition,  you  will  see  the  answer  given  to  the  words 
of  the  deputies,  dated  the  29th  of  April,  and  the  resolution  of  the  Council 
of  the  29th  of  the  same  month,  with  another  reply  of  the  Procureur  G^n- 
^ral,  of  the  16th  of  May,  to  the  memorandum  of  the  Comte. 

In  order  to  see  at  once  the  intention  which  the  Procureur  G6n6vsd  hady 
of  disgusting  the  Comte,  it  is  only  necessary  to  observe  what  was  re- 
ported by  the  Council  which,  with  much  diflSculty,  makes  up  its  mind  to 
confess  that  it  is  true  th^t  the  Comte  has  said  that  it  was  of  no  use  to 
think  of  setting  up  a  butcher's  business,  if  several  people  go  from  one 
port  to  another  to  buy  cattle. 

Since  the  word  ^^several"  is  a  general  term,  why  should  the  Procureur 
G^n^ral  take  it  to  himself.  If  that  had  in  fact  referred  to  him,  it  would 
have  been  prudent  on  his  part  to  pretend  to  be  unaware  of  it;  if  it  did 
not,  why  commit  himself  with  the  Comte  and  the  Intendant,  by  saying 
that  when  he  saw  their  stewards  going  to  buy  calves  he  could  do  as  much 
for  his  family.  The  continuation  of  this  report  shows  the  passion  of  the 
Procureur  G^n^ral  and  the  inclination  he  had  to  disoblige  the  Comte  on 
all  kinds  of  occasions. 

It  is  well  to  consider  all  this  dispassionately  and  to  notice  whether 
the  Comte  was  not  right  in  demanding  that  the  Procureur  G^ndral  should 
withdraw  after  having  given  his  conclusion,  before  they  passed  to  the 
voting;  for  besides  interrupting  them  while  they  are  deliberating, — as  he 
pretends,  with  information  and  explanations  on  each  point — it  is  clear 
that  he  disputes  and  contradicts  the  opinion  of  the  judges.  He  is  right 
to  do  so,  and  his  interests  require  it.  It  only  remains  to  find  out  whether 
there  is  a  larger  retail  dealer  than  he;  whether  he  does  not  re-sell  butter, 
meat  and  bread  after  having  traversed  the  coasts  to  buy  them. 

Is  it  not  also  a  shameful  thing  to  see  Mons.  de  Villeray,  the  chief  coun- 
cillor, keeping  a  butcher's  shop  in  his  house,  and  having  the  meat  sold  by 

Digitized  by 


68  ANNUAL   MEETING.    1903. 

his  servant,  with  his  wife  to  receive  the  moDey  for  it?  Take  the  trouble 
to  wake  inquiries  about  it,  and  you  will  find  no  one  who  does  not  give 
this  evidence.  What  opinion,  then,  can  these  gentlemen  hold  on  the  sub- 
ject of  meat  in  particular,  since  they  are  butchers  themselves?  Is  there 
(any)  likelihood  that  they  will  decide  against  their  own  interests?  And, 
after  that,  a  man  of  that  stamp  has  no  scruple  in  telling  the  Governor 
that  he  looks  upon  him,  in  the  Council  as  only  an  honorary  councillor; 
and  the  Intendant  does  not  hesitate  to  tell  the  Comte,  when  he  wishes  to 
speak,  that  he  should  only  do  so  in  his  turn. 

It  is  indeed  very  grievous  to  the  Governor-General  to  find  himself 
treated  in  this  manner  by  people  who  (except  the  Intendant)  possess  no 
merit  apart  from  the  appointment  which  the  King  has  done  them  the 
honor  to  grant  them.  The  annoyance  which  the  Comte  has  put  up  with 
in  the  course  of  these  affairs,  have  comi)eIled  me,  because  of  the  share 
I  take  in  them,  to  set  this  faithful  account  before  you.  It  would  appear 
indispensable  for  the  Court  to  pay  serious  attention  to  the  difficulties 
and  opposition  which  Mons.  de  Frontenac  meets  with  wherever  he  goes. 
Doubtless,  the  services  he  has  rendered  and  is  rendering  to  the  King  are 
not  recognized  in  all  their  distinction.  His  vigorous  i-esistance,  and  his 
opposition  to  the  tyrants  of  the  Colony  cost  him  dear.  This  is  a  strange 
country;  from  the  [long]  time  you  have  been  receiving  information  con- 
cerning it,  you  must  know  it  well.  They  cannot  beai*  either  men  of  honor 
or  men  of  spirit ;  only  fools,  and  the  slaves  of  the  ecclesiastical  domina- 
tion can  live  in  it.  It  is  a  race,  if  I  may  venture  to  say  so,  which  cares 
neither  for  old  friends  nor  old  enemies.  We  breathe  a  pleasant  and 
comfortable  atmosphere  here  because  of  the  firmness  of  the  Comte  which 
is  altogether  heroic.  The  Court  has  only  to  condemn  it  and  it  will  see 
the  Colony  at  once  overwhelmed  by  the  flood,  and  it  will  be  submerge<l 
beyond  all  hope  of  rescue. 

But  let  us  return  to  Montreal,  where  we  shall  find  the  Bishop  again, 
in  dispute  with  M.  de  Calliere  and  (arising  from  that)  with  the  recollet 
Fathers,  to  the  great  scandal  of  all  the  people.  This  is  the  origin  of  that 
affair.  A  young  postulant  wishing  to  take  the  habit  of  the  order,  M.  de 
Calliere  was  invited  to  that  ceremony.  When  he  had  entered  the  church 
and  knelt  down  at  his  praying  desk,  and  the  mass  had  begun,  the  Bishop 
perceived  it.  He  started  off  promptly  at  the  same  time,  and  went  and 
told  him  to  change  his  place,  or.  otherwise,  he  would  go  out  of  the  church, 
for,  in  that  place,  he  dishonored  it.  M.  de  Calliere  replied  that  he  was 
where  he  ought  to  be;  that  he  would  not  prevent  him  from  leaving  when- 
ever he  thought  fit.  This  answer  made  our  Bishop  get  very  angry  so  that 
he  went  out  without  remembering  to  bow  before  the  Holy  Sacrament 
which  was  set  out.  Everyone  witnessed  this  anger  with  sorrow,  and 
especially  the  poor  recollets  who  know  they  are  only  too  much  exposed 
to  the  jealousy  of  the  other  communities. 

Digitized  by 



The  next  day  the  Bishop  sent  word  to  Father  Joseph,  the  Superior  of 
the  monastery,  to  have  all  the  praying  desks  taken  out  of  his  church, 
particularly  that  of  M.  de  Calliere;  the  Superior  obeyed  this  order.  M. 
de  Calliere  on  his  part  attended  mass  and  had  his  seat  put  back  in  its 
usual  place.  Father  Joseph  informed  him  of  the  prohibition  which  the 
Bishop  had  made  against  it.  M.  de  Calliere  declares  that,  if  he  will  not 
do  it,  he  will  use  his  authority ;  and  that,  as  regards  the  arrangement  of 
the  [various]  ranks  in  church,  he  recognizes  no  one  but  the  King  and  the 
Governor-General;  that  since  the  Bishop  has  taken  his  place,  and  no 
one  has  disputed  it  with  him,  he  has  his  reasons  for  taking  his  place,  and 
that  no  one  could  take  it  from  him  by  his  authority.  Finally,  on  his 
wishing  to  hear  mass,  the  Superior  refused  to  say  it  so  long  as  his  pray- 
ing desk  was  in  the  church.  M.  de  Calliere  thought  that  there  had  been 
enough  of  gentle  means,  and  therefore  he  had  it  put  back  by  soldiers. 
Father  Joseph  wrote  to  the  Bishop,  who  was  then  at  the  mountain,  and 
informed  him  of  what  had  taken  place  in  his  absence.  The  Bishop,  on 
his  return,  having  passed  in  front  of  the  door  of  the  recollets'  [church] 
and  recognized  M.  de  Calliere's  seat  in  its  place,  stormed  at  Father 
Joseph,  who  gave  him  an  account  of  all  he  had  done,  with  which  he  ought 
to  have  been  satisfied.  However,  next  day  the  Bishop  had  notice  served 
on  them  of  the  interdict  of  their  church,  which  these  poor  priests  obeyed 
blindly  for  two  months  setting  in  motion  all  sorts  of  means  to  persuade 
their  Bishop,  who  was  angry  without  any  reasonable  cause.  But  seeing 
at  last  that  he  was  inflexible,  and  that  he  would  not  allow  himself  to  be 
overcome  either  by  the  repeated  solicitations  of  the  Intendant  or  by  the 
plans  put  forward  on  the  part  of  the  Comte,  they  resolved  to  open  their 
church,  claiming  that  the  interdict  was  devoid  of  justification,  contrary 
to  due  procedure,  and  against  their  privileges.  As  I  am  convinced  that 
all  the  long  account  of  this  affair  will  be  communicated  to  you,  I  leave  it 
to  those  [most]  interested.  All  I  can  say  is  that  they  are  good  priests, 
very  zealous  for  their  missions ;  who  live  irreproachable  lives,  doing  their 
duty  thoroughly  well,  loved,  cherished  and  esteemed  by  everyone.  It  is 
that  which  makes  them  hated  by  all  the  other  orders  of  priests. 

If  you  received  the  letters  which  I  had  the  honor  to  write  to  you  last 
year  you  may  have  seen  the  opinions  I  held  concerning  the  peace  which 
the  Abenakis  had  concluded  with  the  English.  What  I  had  conjectured 
has  happened.  I  informed  you  that,  if  the  King  continued  to  look  affer 
them  and  we  reminded  them  a  little  of  their  dead,  reproaching  them  that 
their  scalps  were  still  bleeding  and  that  they  had  not  yet  avenged  their 
death,  that  they  would  not  fail  to  begin  a  war  more  perilous  than  ever. 
That  has  come  to  pass,  as  I  predicted ;  for,  after  they  had  made  peace 
in  a  vessel  on  which  the  Governor  of  Boston  was,  and  had  cast  the  war 
hatchet  into  the  sea  so  that — said  they — it  can  never  be  fished  up  again, 
by  that  they  gave  this  imprudent  governor  occasion  to  send  to  all  the 

Digitized  by 


70  ANNUAL    MEETING,    1903. 

lords  of  the  coast  to  let  their  people  know  that  peace  had  been  concluded 
with  the  savages  of  Acadie,  and  that  they  had  only  to  work  and  turn  their 
places  to  account.  As  people  ever  love  that  which  gives  them  pleasure, 
and  reflect  less  on  matters  of  joy  than  on  those  of  sorrow,  these  ignorant 
men  fell  easily  into  this  trap ;  so  that,  when  they  were  no  longer  on  their 
guard,  two  days  after  peace  had  been  concluded,  the  savages  fell  upon 
the  Pescadouet  River  and  slew  a  hundred  and  thirty-flve  persons  and 
took  some  prisoners.  It  may  be  said  that  the  negotiations  of  the  Sieur 
de  Vilieu,  his  pains,  his  presence  and  his  valor,  greatly  contributed,  and 
did  almost  everything  in  this  enterprise. 

Nothing  more  remains  for  me  to  tell  you  except  that  the  Colony  is  in 
very  good  condition;  no  such  miseries  as  those  of  Europe  are  to  be  seen. 
Fortunately  we  have  a  happy,  wise  and  most  enlightened  government, 
the  protector  of  the  liberty  which  the  King  grants  to  his  subjects,  the 
enemy  of  an  odious,  ecclesiastical  and  intolerable  domination.  One  must 
be  here  to  see  the  plots  which  go  on  every  day  to  upset  the  design  and  the 
projects  of  a  governor.  A  head  as  firm  and  level  as  that  of  the  Comte  is 
required  to  hold  out  against  the  snares  laid  for  him  everywhere.  If  he 
wishes  for  peace,  that  is  enough  to  make  them  oppose  it,  and  cry  out  that 
all  is  lost.  If  he  wants  to  make  war,  they  tell  him  the  Colony  will  be 
ruined.  He  would  not  have  so  many  troubles  on  hand  if  he  had  not 
abolished  a  Hiericho  which  was  a  house  which  the  Seminary  of  Montreal 
had  had  built  to  shut  up — they  said — girls  of  bad  life;  if  he  had  been 
willing  to  permit  them  to  take  soldiers,  and  to  give  them  officers,  for  the 
purpose  of  going  into  houses  at  midnight  to  seize  women,  who  had  retired 
with  their  husbands,  for  having  been  at  a  ball  or  masked,  and  have  them 
flogged  in  this  Hiericho  until  they  bled;  if  he  had  also  said  nothing 
against  the  cur^s  who  went  the  rounds  with  some  Soldiers  and  compelled 
the  girls  and  women  to  shut  themselves  up  at  home  at  9  o'clock  [even] 
in  summer;  if  he  had  been  willing  to  forbid  the  wearing  of  lace;  if  he 
had  said  nothing  about  their  refusing  the  sacrament  to  women  of  rank 
for  having  a  "fontange;"*  if  he  did  not  oppose  the  excommunications 
which  they  cast  at  random  and  the  scandals  which  arise  from  them ;  if  he 
appointed  no  officers  except  through  the  communities;  if  he  would  forbid 
wine  and  brandy  to  the  savages;  if  he  did  not  say  a  word  about  the  fixed 
livings  and  patronage  rights.  If  the  Comte  were  of  that  mind,  he  would 
certainly  be  a  man  without  an  equal ;  and  he  would  very  soon  be  on  the 
list  of  the  greatest  Saints,  for  they  canonize  them  in  this  country  cheaply. 

I  have  nothing  more  to  tell  you,  Sir,  except  that  I  had  the  honor  to 
write  to  you  last  year  by  two  different  ships,  by  the  "Bretonne"  and  the 
^Toly."  I  put  in  the  packet  a  letter  for  Mgr.  de  Pontchartrain  which  I 
left  open,  to  beg  you  to  forward  it  to  him  if  you  thought  fit.  I  addressed 
it  to  Mons.  Favouard.  Rochelle,  with  three  barrels  of  capillaire  which  I 

♦Bow  of  ribbon  worn  on  the  coiffure,  so  called  after  Mile,  de  Fontanges. 

Digitized  by  VjOOQIC 


had  had  prepared  here  by  a  skilful  man,  one  for  you,  one  for  M.  de  la 
Touche,  and  the  other  for  the  Marquis  de  Cheury. 

I  begged  the  captain  of  the  "Bretonne"  to  take  care  of  it,  but  as  They  were  not 
I  hj^ve  received  no  news  of  all  that,  I  am  convinced  they  have  been  lost, 
and  perhaps  my  letters  intercepted.  I  have  had  no  news  from  you  this 
year,  but  I  am  much  comforted  at  having  learnt  that  you  were  in  perfect 
health;  J  ask  no  more.  I  received  a  letter  from  Mons.  Begon  with  my 
commission  as  captain  and  an  appointment  as  second  lieutenant  of  a 
ship  of  war. 

I  judged  from  that  that  you  were  not  dead.  Permit  me  to  thank  you 
very  humbly  for  my  promotion  [and]  to  implore  you  not  to  leave  me 
half  way,  and  to  consider  that  I  am  already  rather  too  old  for  a  naval 
second  lieutenant.^ 

I  should  fill  the  post  of  lieutenant  much  better.    That  costs  the  King  He  was  a 
nothing  since  we  do  not  receive  the  pay.    But  if  I  were  so  fortunate,  on  tenant  from 
my  return  from  the  Outavois,  as  to  feel  this  further  mark  of  your  patron-  Apdi,  lew  and 
age  I  should  make  ready  to  go  to  France,  and  I  might  perhaps  find  oppor-  Canada  from 
tunities  of  giving  you  no  cause  to  repent  your  having  made  the  fortunes  m  the  year 
of  a  man  full  of  boundless  gratitude,  and  of  the  most  devoted  follower  in  Canada 
you  have,  and  [one]  moulded  by  your  hand.    I  beseech  you  to  believe  that  of  ueutenant. 
I  am  with  all  my  heart.  Sir, 

Your  very  humble  and  very  obedient  Servant. 

La  Mothe  Cadillac. 

Montreal,  the  28th  Sept.  1694. 

I  am  setting  out  today  to  go  to  the  Outavois. 

The  quarrels  between  Frontenac  and  Bishop  Laval  were  very  bitter.  They  are 
mentioned  by  nearly  every  writer  of  the  history  of  Canada  of  this  period. 

The  minutes  of  the  Council  show  that  a  meeting  was  held  August  30,  1694,  and 
a  vacation  taken  till  October  11  following.    A  vacation  of  unusual  length. 

Cadillac  was  appointed  to  the  command  of  Mackinac  in  1694  and  the  postscript 
Indicates  the  setting  out  for  his  new  post. — C.  M.  B. 

Digitized  by 


72  ANNUAL   MEETING,    1903. 

Endorsed— M.  de  Fro'ntenac,  25th  Oct. '1694. 

My  Lord  ♦ 

•  •  • 

You  could  not  imagine  what  a  good  impression  has  been  made  by  the 
favor  you  have  granted  to  Captain  the  Rieur  de  la  Motte  Cadillac  by 
giving  him  a  naval  second  lieutenancy.  He  is  a  man  of  rank,  full  of 
capability  and  valor;  and  I  have  just  sent  him  to  Missilimakina  to  com- 
mand all  those  posts  of  the  upper  [country]  and  to  fill  the  place  of  the 
Sieur  de  Louvigny  de  Laporte,  who  has  applied  to  be  rWieved  and  is  going 
to  France  to  see  his  father  who  has  been  sending  for  him  for  two  years, 
which  you  will  approve  of.  He  has  performed  his  duty  well  while  he  has 
been  in  these  distant  parts  for  more  than  four  years,  and  to  the  satis- 
faction of  every  one.  I  hope  his  successor  will  do  no  less  well,  since  he 
has  all  the  adroitness,  firmness  and  tact  which  is  required  for  managing 
the  dispositions  of  all  these  savages,  who  are  not  easy  to  govern. 

•  •  • 

My  Lord,  Your  very  humble,  &c 

At  Quebec,  the  25th  of  Oct.  1694. 

P.  S.  of  the  4th  of  Xov.        •         »         • 

Endorsed — Colonies.    13th  Oct.  1697.    M.  de  Champigny. 
My  I^rd,  • 


It  will  not  be  my  fault,  My  Lord,  if  the  decree  issued  by  His  Majesty 
for  revoking  the  licenses  and  permissions  to  go  and  trade  in  the  country 
of  the  Outaouais  and  among  the  other  savage  tribes  is  not  most  strictly 
enforced.  I,  for  my  part,  have  taken  all  the  steps  which  were  necessary 
for  that  purpose,  by  having  it  registered  by  the  Supreme  Council  and  by 

-Sections  omitted  do  not  relate  to  the  West.— C.  M.  B. 

Vol.  4,  pp.  732,  80». 

Digitized  by 



causing  it  to  be  published  throughout  all  the  Colony,  with  instructions 
to  issue  a  copy  of  it  in  the  distant  places  where  there  have  been  any 
Frenchmen  up  to  the  present  time.  You  will  see  from  the  joint  letter, 
which  Mons.  de  Frontenac  and  I  are  doing  ourselves  the  honor  of  writing 
to  you,  what  arrangements  we  have  made  for  putting  a  stop  to  this 
trading  in  the  distant  countries  altogether,  and  making  all  the  French 
return  from  them  next  year.  But  I  feel  obliged  to  tell  you  here  that  it 
was  not  my  fault  that  that  was  not  done  sooner.  Last  year,  when  we 
were  informed  of  your  wishes,  we  could  have  sent  our  orders  for  the 
French  to  come  down  this  year.  I  spoke  to  M.  de  Frontenac  about  it, 
a.nd  he  replied  that  it  was  too  late;  I  spoke  to  him  of  it  again  in  the 
Spring,  but  he  told  me  that,  independently  of  the  order  from  the  Court, 
he  had  (before  receiving  it)  sent  word  to  the  Sr.  de  la  Motte  Cadillac, 
Commandant  over  the  Outaouais,  to  make  them  come  down,  and  he  did 
not  wish  me  to  send  there  before  his  return,  which  took  place  at  the  end 
of  the  month  of  August,  with  pnly  some  of  the  French.  I  hope  those  who 
are  left,  and  those  to  whom  we  gave  leave  to  go  for  their  furs,  will  be 
■careful  to  come  down  next  year. 


We  held  a  meeting  at  the  house  of  M.  de  Frontenac  on  the  11th  of 
Sept.  to  which  he  summoned  MM.  de  Vaudreuil,  Provost,  the  Marquis 
de  Crisafy,  Galifet,  Sabercase  and  La  Motte  Cadillac  to  consider  what 
it  was  most  advisable  to  do  regarding  several  oflflcers  belonging  to  the 
upper  countries;  the  measures  which  would  be  taken  to  bring  the  French 
back,  and  to  prevent  them  from  trading  there  in  future,  were  agreed 
upon,  which  were  committed  to  writing  by  me  in  a  paper  prepared  at  the 
time,  a  copy  of  which  is  hereto  annexed. 


M.  de  Frontenac,  at  the  same  meeting,  having  asked  for  our  advice  in  Forts  of  the 
writing  as  to  the  preservation  or  abandonment  of  the  forts  we  have  at  MpiBYiways''^ 
Missillimakinac  and  in  the  other  distant  countries,  I  was  of  opinion  that  tex"fortead- 
they  should  be  preserved,  for  the  reasons  which  I  state  in  the  same  paper  anS^f  tSIm* 
— Index  letter  H — But,  as  my  chief  aim  is  to  carry  out  the  orders  of  the  ^™ 
King,  I  pass  by  these  said  reasons  to  notify  to  you,  My  Lord,  that,  so 
long  as  there  are  French  garrisons  not  only  at  Missillimakinac  and 
among  the  Miamis  hut  also  at  Fort  St,  Louis  of  the  Illinois,  there  will  he 
opportunities  and  pretexts  for  continuing  to  trade  there,  whatever  pre- 
cautions  may  he  taken  to  prevent  goods  from  heing  conveyed  there,  a 
thing  which  it  will  always  he  easy  to  do  as  this  country  is  open  on  every 
side  for  going  there,  or  even  by  the  trail  of  the  savages,  and  this  cannot 
be  stopped  altogether  until  there  is  an  end  to  Frenchmen  going  there  or 

Digitized  by  VjOOQIC 

74  ANNUAL   MEETING,    1903. 

being  there ;  moreover  these  posts  involve  expenditure  every  year,  which 

we  shall  he  freed  from  ty  abandoning  them. 
You  will  see  in  the  same  paper,  My  Lord,  my  opinion  as  to  Fort  Fron- 

FortFronte-  I  have  uot  discovered,  thus  far,  that  it  has  been  of  any  service,  but 
^cVand^o?'^  only  a  cause  of  expense  and  of  dangerous  ri&k  to  those  who  go  in  small 
great  expense,  p^j^j^  ^^  revictual  it,  if  the  enemy  care  ever  so  little  to  profit  by  their 
Six  times  as  Vantage.  This  my  duty  compels  me  to  notify  you  again  now ;  and  that 
MTorChaS?^  it  is  impossible  to  keep  up  this  post  with  six  times  the  cost  of  that  of 
^^^-  Chambly. 


Mention  was  made  at  the  same  meeting  of  the  pretended  settlement 
formed  by  the  man  named  Le  Sueur  on  the  Mississipy  river  at  a  place 
where  he  says  there  are  copper  and  lead  mines.  I  believe  the  mines  he  is 
after  in  these  parts  are  of  beaver-skins  only,  and  that  when  we  put  a  stop 
to  the  trade  in  the  other  countries,  he  will  well  know  how  to  profit  by  it, 
whether  along  the  course  of  the  Mississipy,  where  the  savages  in  alliance 
with  us  are  settled,  or  by  attracting  them  to  the  same  place.  All  my 
opinions  on  that  matter  are  fully  explained  in  my  memorandum.  Index 
letter  H,  to  which  I  beg  you.  My  Lord,  to  pay  some  attention. 


I  was  extremely  surprised  to^  learn  from  a  letter  which  the  Sr.  de  la 
Touche,  Commissary,  wrote  me  from  Montreal  at  the  beginning  of  the 
month  of  Sept.  last,  that  the  Sr.  de  Tonty,  captain  on  half  pay,  had  set 
out  thence  with  five  merchants  of  the  same  town  to  go  to  the  country  of 
Outaouais;  and  at  the  same  time  it  was  reported  to  me  that  several 
Frenchmen  having  appeared,  on  their  example,  to  wish  to  do  the  same, 
had  been  prevented  by  authority.  As  soon  as  I  received  this  news,  I 
spoke  to  M.  de  Frontenac  about  it,  being  unaware  for  my  part  whether 
he  knew  about  it,  and  begged  him  to  be  good  enough  to  give  orders  for 
the  arrest  of  those  who  had  set  off,  and  to  have  them  brought  down  with 
their  goods,  for  I  could  not  conceive  that  they  had  any  order  or  permis- 
sion from  him.  seeing  that  it  was  enjoined  on  him,  as  well  as  on  me,  by 
the  King's  dispatch  of  the  8th  of  May  1694,  not  to  grant  any  without  my 
having  examined  them.  I  confess,  My  Lord,  that  I  was  greatly  surprised 
to  learn  from  him  himself  that  these  people  had  gone  by  his  orders,  in 
order  that  the  Sr.  de  la  Motte  might  be  replaced  by  the  Sr.  de  Tonty, 
without  giving  me  any  further  explanation,  which  obliged  me  immedi- 
ately to  present  a  memorandum  to  him.  a  copy  of  which  is  annexed,  to  ex- 
culpate myself  from  the  imputation  which  might  be  laid  on  me  of  having 
let  them  go  without  making  any  examination  of  what  they  took  directly 

Digitized  by 



or  indirectly,  for  I  have  been  informed  that  a  quantity  of  goods  left 
Montreal  at  the  very  time  of  their  departure,  and  during  the  night. 


His  Majesty  has  permitted  the  Sieurs  de  Tonty  and  de  la  Forest  to  keep  Fort  st.  Louis 
Fort  St.  Louis  of  the  Ilinois  on  condition  that  they  do  not  trade  in  beaver- 
skins  there. 

I  can  assure  you.  My  Lord,  with  absolute  certainty, ^that  they  will  not 
stay  there,  and  in  fact  cannot  stay  there,  except  to  trade  in  them ;  other- 
wise it  will  involve  them  in  an  expense  which  they  will  be  unable  to  bear. 
Hence  it  must  be  expected  and  taken  as  beyond  doubt  that,  if  they  are 
allowed  to  go  and  to  remain  there  with  Frenchmen,  they  alone  will  carry 
on  the  tra(^  with  the  savages  in  the  distant  countries  with  immense 
profits.  It  is  weir  also  to  inform  you,  My  Lord,  that  they  have  now  a 
warehouse  at  Chicagou  in  the  country  of  the  Miamis  and  another  at  Mis- 
sillvmakmac  and  that  they  have  sent  boats  to  other  places,  two  of 
which  have  been  rifled  by  the  Ilinois  savages  when  they  wished  to  take 
them  to  the  savages  called  Scioux  who  are  the  enemies  of  the  others.  And 
to  show  you  in  what  hand  and  under  whose  command  all  the  distant  coun- 
tries are,  it  is  right  to  inform  you  that  the  Sr.  de  la  Forest  is  in  command 
at  Missillimackinac;  the  Sr,  de  Tonty,  owner  with  him  of  Fort  St.  Louis 
of  the  Ilinois,  has  gone  to  the  country  of  the  Assinibouelles  savages  which 
is  a  very  distant  tribe  to  the  north,  where  there  are  beavers  in  abundance  ; 
the  Sr.  de  Tonty,  half  pay  captain,  his  brother,  is  the  one  who  left  Mon- 
treal unknovm  to  me  at  the  beginning  of  September,  to  go  and  take  com- 
mand in  the  place  of  the  Sr.  de  la  Forest  at  Missillimakinac;  and  the  Sr. 
de  Liette,  a  subordinate  officer  of  the  troops,  cousin  of  the  Sieurs  de 
Tonty,  commands  at  the  post  of  Chicagou,  in  the  country  of  the  Miamis. 
All  have  but  one  and  the  same  mind  and  but  one  interest,  tending  solely 
to  trading. 


The  aim  of  His  Majesty,  to  bring  the  French  together  within  the 
Colony,  and  put  a  stop  to  the  journeys  they  used  to  make  in  the  interior 
of  the  woods,  is  the  surest  means  of  succeeding  in  what  he  designs, 
namely  to  increase  it  for  cultivating  the  land  and  the  fishing  industry, 
in  which  we  cannot  fail  to  succeed  by  this  means. 

26  his. 

The  Sr.  de  Vitr^,  a  Councillor  in  the  Supreme  Council  of  Quebec,  is  the 
man  who  is  most  diligent  in  prosecuting  the  fishing  industry,  not  failing, 
a  single  year,  to  send  men  to  it.  The  chief  obstacle  to  this  trade  is  the 
excessive  price  of  salt.     If  you  Would  g^^^  orders,  My  Lord,  that  the 

Digitized  by 


76  ANNUAL   MEETING,    1903. 

King's  ships  which  come  to  this  country  should  be  ballasted  with  it,  the 
cost  of  which  might  be  taken  out  of  the  funds  which  are  ordered  [for  us], 
we  should  sell  it  at  a  price  suflSciently  profitable  for  the  King,  which 
nevertheless  would  be  much  less  than  that  which  our  merchants  sell  it 
at,  and  it  would  be  far  easier  and  more  profitable  for  the  inhabitants  to 
engage  in  that  trade. 


His  Majesty  having  resolved  no  longer  to  permit  any  Frenchmen  to  go 
to  the  distant  countries,  it  will  be  important  to  make  use  of  the  mission- 
aries to  keep  the  savages  who  are  allied  to  us,  to  our  interests,  and  to 
divert  them  from  the  intentions  they  mi^ht  have  of  attaching  themselves 
to  the  English;  making  them  understand  that  the  King  is  withdrawing 
the  French  from  them,  only  in  order  to  give  them  the  chance  of  trading 
themselves  with  the  distant  tribes,  and  that  they  will  find  a  considerable 
profit  in  it,  obtaining  goods  at  Montreal  much  cheaper  than  in  the  places 
where  they  live,  and  thus  profiting  by  the  advantages  which  the  French 
found  in  conveying  them  to  their  homes.  And  in  order  to  strengthen 
their  weakness  of  mind,  it  wijl  be  well  to  assure  them  of  protection  from 
His  Majesty  still  more  special  than  it  has  been;  and  that  the  Iroquois 
our  common  enemies,  will  be  prevented  by  all  means  from  making  any 
attempts  against  them,  so  far  as  it  is  in  our  power. 


Besides  the  reasons  which  the  King  had  for  suppressing  the  licenses 
and  ordering  the'  French  to  be  brought  back  from  the  back-woods,  there 
is  a  very  important  one,  namely  that  these  said  Frenchmen,  by  taking 
the  side  of  one  tribe  against  anpther,  would  infallibly  have  set  all  our 
allied  savages  at  variance  and  at  enmity  [with  us]  which  would  after- 
wards have  given  rise  to  very  great  embarrassment.  These  Miami  savages 
having  made  war  this  year  on  the  Scioux,  several  Frenchmen  who  were 
on  the  spot  sided  with  the  latter  against  the  others  and  killed  some  of 
them.  It  is  to  be  hoped  that  that  may  not  have  further  consequences 
for  us,  and  that  the  Mianiis  will  not  take  occasion  from  that  to  ally  them- 
selves with  the  Iroquois.  The  return  of  all  the  French  may  stop  the 
troubles  which  would  have  followed  the  resentment  which  the  Miamis 
must  have  felt  concerning  those  who  joined  the  Scioux  against  them;  and 
it  will  be  well  for  us  to  let  them  know  how  we  disapprove  of  what  our 
Frenchmen  have  done  regarding  them. 


The  order  you  give  me.  My  Lord,  to  cause  an  account  to  be  given  of 
the  beaver  and  other  skins  which  have  been  given  as  presents  on  behalf 

Digitized  by 



of  the  savages  to  those  who  distributed  to  them  His  Majesty's  presents, 

as  it  concerns  chiefly  the  governors  and  officers  commanding  among  the 

distant  tribes,  cannot  be  carried  out  without  causing  them  some  pain. 

The  little  I  have  said  on  this  point  pledges  me  to  write  thus  to  you 

of  it;  and,  as  it  might  be  the  occasion,  especially  as  regards  M.  de 

.  Frontenac,  of  impairing  the  accord  which  you  enjoin  on  me,  allow  me  if 

you  please,  My  Lord,  to  defer  carrying  out  this  order  until  I  have  learnt 

more  fully  your  will. 

•  •  •  •  • 

Your  very  humble,  very  obedient  and  most  obliged. servant 

Quebec,  the  13th  October  1697. 

Endorsed — The  Comte  de  Frontenac  15th  Oct.  1697.    Colonies. 

My  Lord 

On  the  28th  of  May  I  received  through  the  Sieur  Vincelotte,  a  Canadian 
whom  M.  de  Gabaret  had  sent  to  me  from  Monts  Dezerts,  the  first  noti- 
fication you  gave  me  of  the  plans  of  His  Majesty,  and  of  the  preparations 
he  ordered  me  to  make  by  your  letter  of  the  6th  of  March  last  and,  since, 
in  the  other  dispatches  which  came  to  me  by  way  of  Plaisance  on  the  same 
day,  of  the  9th  of  March  and  21st  of  April. 

After  I  had  communicated  it  to  M.  de  Champigny,  we  neither  of  us 
lost  a  moment  in  preparing  Quebec  to  make  a  vigorous  defence  if  we 
were  attacked  there,  and  in  getting  everything  ready  which  would  be 
necessary  for  going  to  join  the  squadron  of  the  Marquis  de  Nesmond, 
on  the  notice  which  I  was  to  receive  from  him  concerning  it. 

They  set  to  work  forthwith  on  the  fortifications  which  the  Engineer, 
the  Sr.  Le  Vasseur  thought  it  advisable  to  construct ;  he  has  carried  them 
out  with  great  care  and  intelligence.  I  also  krranged  at  the  same  time 
for  the  number  of  men  you  ordered,  both  of  the  troops  and  of  the  militia. 
I  sent  part  of  them  down  to  Quebec,  giving  instructions  that  the  rest 
should  be  prepared  to  go  on  the  first  word  of  command.  The  Intendant, 
on  his  part,  got  ready  all  the  provisions  and  stores,  with  the  boats  which 
you  wrote  to  me  of;  and  hence  all  things  were  so  well  arranged  that, 
a  week  after  receiving  news  from  the  Marquis  de  Nesmond,  I  could  have 
begun  the  march  to  repair  to  any  meeting-place  he  might  appoint,  and 
I  even  felt  strong  and  well  enough  to  have  been  able  to  accompany  the 

Vol.  4,  p.  784. 

Digitized  by  VjOOQIC 

78  ANNUAL   MEETING,    1903. 

party;  for,  as  to  my  good  will,  My  Lord,  I  believe  you  would  have  no 
doubt.  ^ 

But  after  having  been  nearly  three  months  in  this  position  and  in  a 
continual  state  of  expectation,  I  saw  with  much  regret  from  the  letter 
whith  the  Marquis  de  Nesmond  wrote  me,  which  I  did  not  receive  until 
the  8th  of  September,  through  the  Sr.  Desursins,  with  your  dispatch  of 
the  28th  of  April,  that  contrary  winds  had  made  him  so  long  in  crossing, 
that  no  room  remained  for  hoping  that  the  project  committed  to  his 
charge  could  be  carried  out.  He  will  not  have  failed,  for  his  part,  to 
give  you  a  precise. account  of  the  obstacles  he  met  with,  and  I  will  con- 
tent myself  with  saying  merely,  that  expeditions  of  this  kind  are  always 
very  uncertain,  and  that  much  more  time  ought  to  be  taken  for  carrying 
them  out  than  is  thought  likely  to  be  required ;  these  junctions,  too,  by 
sea  and  rivers  as  diflScult  as  ours,  are  always  very  doubtful;  while  the 
diflSculty  of  conveying  suflScient  provisions  in  boats  is  almost  insuper- 

Nevertheless  we  had  resolved  to  take  enough  for  a  month  which,  what- 
ever may  be  said  and  whatever  memorandum  may  be  presented  [qn  the 
question],  is  very  nearly  the  time  which  would  have  been  required  for  a 
sufficiently  large  number  of  men  and  boats  to  go  to  the  lower  part  of  the 
St.  John  River.  But  I  do  not  know  how  we  should  have  had  any  left  for 
the  return  unless  the  ships  had  had  a  sufficient  supply  to  provide  for  our 
subsistence  during  the  stay  we  should  have  made  with  them  on  these 
coasts,  and  to  furnish  what  we  should  have  been  in  want  of  for  the  re- 
turn to  this  country. 

If  His  Majesty  still  intends  this  scheme  [to  be  carried  out]  it  is  abso- 
lutely necessary  to  reckon  as  I  point  out  to  you.  My  Lord,  unless  it  be 
desired  to  make  a  mistake,  and  to  put  all  those  who  set  out  from  here  in 
danger  of  perishing. 

I  will  also  take  the  liberty  of  saying  that  the  capture  of  Manath  would 
be  much  more  advantageous  for  the  safety  of  this  Colony,  and  for  de- 
livering it  from  the  Iroquois  than  that  of  Boston,  by  which  it  is  in  no 
way  inconvenienced,  and  that  the  former  would  be  much  easier  to  carry 
out  simply  by  His  Majesty's  ships,  and  his  troops  which  could  be  dis- 
embarked from  Ihem,  while  those  of  Canada,  in  order  to  make  a  diversion 
attacked  Orange  which  is  within  their  reach,  and  the  return  from  which 
would  not  be  so  troublesome  on  account  of  the  store-posts  which  could 
be  established  on  the  journey  there.  But  in  order  that  that  should  suc- 
ceed, it  would  be  necessary  to  have  notice  of  it  so  early  that  there  would 
be  more. time  to  prepare  for  it  than  might  be  thought  necessary;  for  the 
seasons  are  so  short  in  this  country  that  one  must  not  speak  of  under- 
taking anything  in  distant  parts  unless  one  has  at  least  all  the  month  of 
September  for  returning  from  it,  for.  as  soon  as  the  month  of  October 

Digitized  by 



comes  these  little  rivers  and  the  lakes  met  with  there  are  generally 

I  have  no  doubt  My  Lord  that  the  manner  in  which  you  were  good 
enough  to  give  His  Majesty  an  account  of  what  I  had  done  in  the  expe- 
dition of  the  last  campaign,  has  largely  contributed  to  his  approving 
of  what  took  place;  and  the  satisfaction  therewith,  which  you  assure 
me  -he  showed,  is  a  new  mark  of  the  warmth  with  which  you  are  good 
enough  to  make  the  most  of  the  services  which  I  endeavor  to  render  him. 
I  beg  you  to  be  pleased  ever  to  continue  to  me  the  same  support,  for, 
without  that,  I  should  run  the  risk  of  being  completely  forgotten  being 
at  such  a  great  distance  as  I  am,  and  with  such  a  number  of  people  on  the 
spot  who  are  within  easier  reach  of  askiijg  and  obtaining  the  favors 
which  may  be  proper  for  them. 

I  consider  myself  greatly  honored  by  the  one  which  the  King  has  con- 
ferred on  me  by  granting  me  a  cross  of  St.  Louis,  since  all  the  marks  of 
his  continued  esteem  which  he  gives  must  be  exceedingly  precious.  Yet 
if  His  Majesty  had  been  so  gracious  as  to  grant  it  me  at  the  time  of  the 
establishment  of  that  order,  as  I  might  have  hoped  with  as  much  ground 
as  many  others,  who  had  not  been  crippled  for  50  years  as  I  have  and  had 
not,  like  me,  worked  at  its  first  institution,  I  should  now  be  in  a  position 
to  hope  for  the  same  distinction  and  advantages  as  they  have  derived 
from  it,  which  at  my  age  I  probably  cannot  wait  long  for  if  His  Majesty 
adheres  to  this,  that  I  am  [merely]  to  enter  that  order,  and  will  not  have 
some  regard  to  the  long  standing  of  my  service,  of  my  wounds,  and  of 
my  employment. 

If  I  dared,  My  Lord,  I  would  beg  you  to  present  to  him  my  very  humble 
and  very  respectful  thanks,  as  I  did  not  think  I  ought  to  take  the  liberty 
of  offering  them  to  him  myself  in  a  private  letter. 

You  may  think  that,  on  account  of  theposition  I  was  placed  in  after 
receiving  your  dispatches,  I  could  not  make  any  important  expeditions 
all  this  summer,  nor  carry  out  the  plans  I  had  formed  for  this  campaign ; 
and  that  I  had  to  be  contented  with  detaching  very  small  parties  to  keep 
harrassing  the  enemy.  This  did  not  fail  to  have  its  effect  for  they  have 
let  us  get  through  our  sowing  and  our  harvest  very  peacefully. 

The  Iroquois  were  so  afraid  that  I  should  go  and  pay  them  another 
visit  in  their  villages,  and  had  also  impressed  it  so  deeply  on  the  people 
of  Orange,  that  the  Governor  of  Manath  passed  part  of  the  winter  there 
and  had  strengthened  the  garrison  by  more  than  500  men,  savages  and 
regular  English  troops.  This  he  could  not  do  without  great^  expense, 
with  which  their  people  are  not  too  well  pleased. 

The  melting  of  the  ice  increased  their  fear  still  further,  for  they  thought 
I  was  waiting  for  this  season  to  carry  out  my  plans.  On  the  information 
they  no  doubt  received,  of  the  design  which  old  England  had  formed  of 
«oming  to  attack  Quebec,  in  order  to  ga^^i  time  they  found  means  to  make 

Digitized  by 


80  ANNUAL    MEETING,    1903. 

use  of  the  intervention  of  certain  Onnejonst  chiefs,  (whom  I  had  per- 
mitted to  return  to  their  country  to  bring  back  the  rest  of  their  families 
which  had  not  been  able  to  come  to  our  settlements  last  year,)  to  present 
four  belts  to  me  and  to  ascertain  from  me  whether  I  would  consent  to 
their  sending  deputies  to  me  to  open  entirely  fresh  negotations  for  peace^ 

Although  I  was  convinced  that  this  was  only  one  of.  their  usual  arti- 
fices for  trifling  with  me,  I  would  not  quite  shut  the  door  against  them, 
and  sent  them  word  back  by  the  same  way  that  I  gave  them  up  to  the  end 
of  the  month  of  September  to  come,  not  only  with  their  principal  chiefs 
and  their  families,  but  with  all  the  prisoners  that  they  have  left,  after 
which  period  I  would  not  listen  any  more  to  any  negotiation.  It  has 
expired;  hence  I  do  not  think  I  was  mistaken  in  telling  you  that  there 
was  no  great  trust  to  be  placed  in  anything  they  propose.  The  Statement 
I  am  sending  you  will  inform  you  of  all  particulars  concerning  every- 
thing most  noteworthy  which  has, taken  place  in  this  country  since  last 

His.  Majesty  did  me  justice  when  he  would  not  attribute  to  me  the 
abuses  which  it  is  stated  there  have  been  in  the  working  of  the  licenses;, 
and  if  I  have  taken  the  liberty  of  representing  to  you  the  objections  there 
would  be  to  suppressing  them  altogether,  that  was  only  because  of  the 
fatal  and  ruinous  consequences  to  the  Colony  which  I  foresaw  would  arise 
from  it. 

As  I  have  nothing  to  add  to  the  reasons  I  sent  you  on  the  point  last 
year,  I  will  not  think  of  repeating  them  to  you  again ;  and  I  will  content 
myself  with  hoping  that  those  of  the  persons  who  think  they  understand 
this  country  so  well  may  be  found,  from  their  success,  better  than  mine., 
We  have,  however,  caused  the  decree  of  the  King  to  be  promulgated  and 
have  begun  to  have  it  carried  out  with  the  utmost  rigor ;  and  orders  have 
been  given  for  recalling  generally,  next  year,  not  only  all  the  Voyageurs 
but  also  all  the  soldiers  who  are  at  the  posts,  and  the  commandants,  not 
excepting  the  Sr.  de  Tonty,  captain  on  half-pay,  to  whom  I  had  given 
orders,  in  case  the  Sr.  De  la  Mothe  Cadillac  should  come  down  with  the 
convoy  of  the  French  and  savages,  which  we  were  expecting  to  go  back 
again  with  these  latter  and  five  Frenchmen  only  in  order  to  return  speed- 
ily to  Missilimakinac  and  take  command  there  in  the  absence  of  the  said 
Sr.  De  la  Mothe. 

Although  you  left  us  at  liberty  to  leave  a  few  soldiers  at  Missilimaki- 
nac and  with  the  Miamis,  the  difficulties  or  rather  the  impossibility  of 
subsisting  them  there  on  the  conditions  laid  down  in  the  King's  orders 
compelled  me  not  to  stop  at  my  own  private  opinion,  but  to  call  together 

in  the  presence  of  the  Intendant,  all  the  chief  officers  that  were  here, as 

the  Sr.  Provost,  King's  Lieutenant  of  Quebec,  the  Sr.  de  Vaudreuil  com- 
manding the  troops,  the  Marquis  de  Crisaffy,  the  King's  Lieutenant  of 
Montreal,  the  Srs.  de  Subercaze  and  Gallifet,  the  one  Major  of  the  troops 

Digitized  by 


CADILLAC    PAPERS.  •    81 

and  the  other  of  Quebec,  with  the  Sr.  de  la  Mothe,  Captain,  who  had 
recently  returned  from  the  post  of  Missilimakinac  where  he  was  Com- 
mandant, and  consequently  had  more  knowledge  as  to  the  disposition  of 
the  minds  of  the  savages, — for  the  purpose  of  taking  counsel  with  them  as 
to  what  it  would  be  most  advisable  to  do. 

They  agreed,  almost  unanimously,  that  it  would  be  impossible  for  any 
officers  and  soldiers  who  might  be  left  there  to  live  on  their  pay  [literally, 
"their  salary,  and  their  pay"] ;  and  that  the  expense  of  sending  it  to  them 
every  year,  in  the  form  of  provisions  or  goods  would  be  extremely  heavy 
for,  besides  the  fact  that  these  consignments  would  often  be  very  uncer- 
tain, strong  escorts  would  always  be  required  for  taking  them ;  also  that 
that  would  give  rise  to  sending  up  Canadians  [literally  ^'New  French* 
men"]  among  these  tribes  every  year,  which  appeared  to  me  to  be  con- 
trary to  the  intention  of  His  Majesty.  Hence,  I  have,  resolved  to  order 
down  not  only  all  these  Voyageurs  but  [also]  the  commandants  and  sol- 
diers who  are  at  tl\e  posts ;  and  this  the  rather  as  I  do  not  think  the  28  or 
30  soldiers  whom  we  could  have  left  in  the  posts  of  Missilimakinac  and 
the  Miamis  would  be  sufficient  to  prevent  the  tribes  of  the  upper  country 
from  insulting  them  if  they  once  league  themselves  with  the  Iroquois  and 
the  English,  as  we  foresee  will  very  soon  happen,  seeing  that  they  will 
no  longer  be  supported  by  the  Voyageurs  who  were  in  those  countries,  and 
that  the  Commandant  of  Missilimakinac  used  to  call  them  together  when 
he  suspected  mischief,  which  repressed  their  audacity  and  inspired  them 
with  fear. 

The  Intendant  will  no  doubt  send  you  long  report,  from  which  you 
will  learn  what  we  have  decided  without  any  difference  of  opinion  with 
these  gentlemen  whom  we  called  together,  and  that  his  [opinion]  regard- 
ing the  preservation  or  abandonment  of  these  two  posts  was  different 
from  the  decision  I  arrived  at,  his  reasons  not  having  appeared  to  me  so 
strong  as  those  of  these  other  gentlemen  and  the  special  knowledge  which 
I  have  of  it,  in  which  Mons.  de  Calliere  to  whom  I  had  also  written  about 
it,  has  confirmed  me  too  by  the  replies  he  made  to  me. 

You  will  see.  My  Lord,  from  the  same  report,  that  it  has  not  been  for- 
gotten to  refer  to  Fort  Frontenac  there,  which,  as  you  know,  has  not  had 
the  good  fortune  to  please  him  for  a  long  time.  But,  as  I  find  him  almost 
alone  in  this  country  in  his  opinion,  and  as  I  am  more  and  more  convinced 
of  its  utility,  they  have  now  set  out  to  re- victual  it;  and  I  am  sure  you 
will  find  nothing  excessive  in  the  expense  for,  although  he  has  sent  you 
word  that  more  than  700  men  would  be  required  for  taking  there  what 
was  necessary,  that  will  be  done  with  less  than  150,  who  may  also  be  able 
on  their  way  back  to  strike  some  blow  at  the  Iroquois  if  they  are  fortu- 
nate enough  to  find  them. 

The  Sr.  De  la  Mothe  Cadillac,  after  having  been  in  command  at  Missili- 
makinac for  three  years,  came  down  from  there  this  year  and  conducted 

Digitized  by 


82  ANNUAL   MEETING,    1903. 

the  convoy  safely,  and,  on  the  information  which  Mons.  De  Callieres  found 
means  of  giving  him,  that  we  were  threatened  with  an  attack  at  Quebec, 
he  of  his  own  accord  induced  300  of  the  most  important  [of  the]  savages 
to  come  down  with  him,  which  would  have  been  a  large  reinforcement 
and  a  very  necessary  assistance. 

He  has  given  me  a  very  precise  account  of  the  condition  of  his  com- 
mand. He  put  several  parties  in  the  field  against  the  Iroquois,  and  our 
allies  came  back  from  them  victorious,  having  killed  or  taken  prisoners  a 
hundred  and  two  warriors  of  the  tribe  of  the  Sonnontouan.  The  last  fight 
took  place  on  the  water,  in  Lake  Erie,  with  equal  numbers ;  and  it  was  so 
fierce  that,  both  sides  having  come  to  land  with  their  canoes,  they  de- 
spatched each  other  with  their  knives.  There  remained  on  the  field  40  Iro- 
quois and  there  were  15  prisoners;  our  allies  sustained  a  small  loss. 

I  cannot  forbear  assuring  you.  My  Lord,  that  it  would  be  impossible 
to  be  more  pleased  than  I  am  with  the  vigilance  and  good  behavior  of 
this  officer,  of  which  he  has  given  us  proofs  on  very  important  occasions ; 
and  that  compels  me  to  ask  you,  as  I  have  done  already,  to  grant  him  a 
commission  as  Lieutenant  of  a  ship  of  war  as  a  recompense  for  the 
fatigues  and  toils  he  has  undergone. 

I  should  have  liked  to  have  been  able  to  induce  him  to  return  to  Missili- 
makinac,  where  he  has  succeeded  so  well;  but,  as  he  has  represented  to 
me  the  quarrels  and  difficulties  which  the  Missionaries  there  tried  to  raise 
against  him,  for  having  wanted  to  correct  the  abuses  which  they  had  in- 
troduced there,  I  yielded  to  his  representations,  all  the  more  easily  be- 
cause the  Sr.  de  Tonty  had  already  set  out  to  go  and  take  his  place,  so  as 
not  to  leave  that  post  without  a  Commandant. 

I  feel  myself  also  obliged  to  inform  you  that  the  said  Sr.  De  la  Mothe 
Cadillac  furnished  memorials  to  the  late  Mons.  de  Seignelay,  and  that  he 
has  since  sent  us  plans  of  Baston,  Manoth  and  the  coasts  from  Acadie  up 
to  the  latter  place,  with  memorials  concerning  the  schemes  which  might 
be  carried  out  against  our  enemies.  I  have  since  examined  them,  and 
cannot  but  approve  of  them. 

Up  to  the  present  time,  the  Intendant  has  given  me  but  little  informa- 
tion as  to  the  detail  of  expenses,  the  statements  and  the  accounts  which 
he  is  sending,  as  he  does  not  consider  he  is  obliged  to  do  so ;  and  when  hie 
has  done  so,  on  any  doubtful  points,  it  has  been  so  scantily  that  I  have 
been  but  little  better  informed  about  it.  I  have  not  omitted  to  give  all 
due  attention  to  it;  and  I  have  never  refused  him  the  facilities  he  has 
desired  from  me,  being  fully  disposed  to  use,  in  conjunction  with  him,  all 
possibly  economy  in  the  expenses  we  may  be  obliged  to  incur. 

The  expedition  which  I  made  last  year  was  absolutely  necessary  from 
the  position  in  which  affairs  were,  and  the  dispositions  of  the  savages 
both  enemies  and  allies.  But  I  believe.  My  Lord,  I  stated  to  you  at  the 
same  time  that  it  was  not  advisable  to  make  such  expeditions  often ;  and 

Digitized  by 



that  detac)iments  of  a  hundred,  or  two  hundred  men  at  most,  sent  out 
repeatedly  one  after  the  other  at  suitable  times,  would  produce  a  better 
result.  That  is  also  the  course  I  should  have  taken  this  year,  and  in  the 
direction  you  mention  to  me,  if  the  orders  from  the  Court  had  not,  as  I 
have  already  told  you,  kept  me  in  a  state  of  uncertainty.  I  still  hold  by 
the  same  plan,  and  I  will  seize  the  proper  opportunity  for  carrying  it  out. 

I  have  received  the  cipher  which  you  sent  me,  and  will  not  fail  to  make 
use  of  it  when  the  opportunity  offers. 

No  one  can  be  more  obliged  to  you  than  I  can,  for  the  promotion  you 
have  obtained  for  the  Sr.  de  Bonnaventure.  I  hope  he  will  never  give  you 
reason  to  be  sorry  for  it. 

Although  you  were  not  able  this  year  to  obtain  for  my  Secretary,  what 
he  took  the  liberty  to  ask  you  for,  he  hopes, — as  well  as  I — after  the  gra- 
cious terms  in  which  you  are  good  enough  to  write  to  me  about  him,  that 
you  will  not  forget  him  when  the  opportunity  presents  itself,  and  that  you 
will  not  objeclj  to  my  wife  and  my  friends  reminding  you  of  it. 

It  is  true  that  the  Sr.  Sarrji^in  was,  four  years  ago,  surgeon-major  of 
Jhe  trpops;  and  that,  having  first  withdrawn  from  this  place  for  a  year 
into  a  seminary  with  the  intention  of  becoming  a  priest,  and  having  noti- 
fied us  that  he  wished  to  give  up  his  post,  we  were  obliged  to  write  for 
another  to  be  sent  to  us,  and  he  arrived  here  before  the  said  Sr.  Sarrazin 
left  to  proceed  to  Prance.  He  is  a  very  skilful  man,  thoroughly  accom- 
plished in  his  profession,  loved  and  respected  here  by  everyone;  and  he 
has  served  in  the  armies  for  a  very  long  time,  both  on  land  and  sea. 

I  have  since  learnt  that  the  said  Sr.  Sarrazin,  having  changed  his  plans, 
has  applied  himself  to  the  study  of  medicine  in  Paris,  in  which  it  is  said 
he  has  succeeded  well,  a  thing  which  cannot  but  be  very  useful  in  this 
country.  Therefore,  My  Lord,  it  will  be  good  of  you  to  consider  granting 
him  the  means  of  subsistence  there;  but  I  ask  you  above  all  things  that 
that  may  in  no  way,  lessen  the  [value]  which  is  placed  on  the  Sr.  Ban- 
deau, Surgeon  Major,  who  is  a  man  who  ought  positively  to  be  taken 
care  of. 

I  am  very  glad  His  Majesty  has  deigned  to  confirm  the  arrangement  I 
had  made  provisionally  between  the  Sr.  de  Ramezay,  and  the  Captains  of 
the  Marines,  and  that  it  is  found  to  be  in  conformity  with  the  one  which 
had  already  been  made  for  the  islands  of  America,  and  with  his  inten- 
tions. He  is  a  very  good  officer  who  has  judgment,  and  can  be  employed 
on  all  sorts  of  occasions. 

The  ailments  which  the  Sr.  Le  Vasseur  suffered  from  this  spring  having 
since  greatly  increased,  I  felt  I  could  not  refuse  him  the  permission  he 
asked  me  for, — to  go  to  France  in  order  to  seek  some  relief  there  from 
baths  and  other  remedies.  It  was  with  great  r^ret  that  I  granted  it  to 
him,  because  he  is  very  necessary  to  us,  but  also  with  the  hope  that  he 
will  return  to  this  country  next  year,  if  his  health  permits  him  to  do  so. 

Digitized  by 


S4  ANNUAL    MEETING,    1903. 

I  have  taken  every  possible  pains  to  try  and  get  the  Sr.  de  Villieu  out  of 
prison,  having  several  times  charged  the  Sr.  de  Villebon  to  convey  some 
very  urgent  letters  which  I  wrote  to  the  Commandant  of  Baston  on  his 
account.  But,  whether  he  has  not  found  means  of  doing  so.  or  whether, 
remembering  the  old  quarrels  they  had  together,  he  has  neglected  it,  he 
does  not  appear  to  me  to  have  put  himself  to  much  trouble  in  the  matter, 
for,  although  I  have  received  several  of  his  letters,  he  has  not  even  conde- 
scended to  give  me  any  answer  regarding  it,  nor  have  I  received  any  from 
the  Commandant  of  Baston,  so  that  1  am  unable  to  let  you  know.  My 
Lord,  what  has  become  of  him. 

As  to  the  Sr.  de  Beaucourt,  I  have  learnt  that  he  did  not  come  over  in 
the  squadron  of  Mons.  de  Nesmond,  not  having,  perhaps,  proceeded  to  La 
Bochelle  in  time  enough  to  embark  there,  and  we  have  not  heard  word  of 
him  in  this  country. 

They  have  sent  me  this  year  His  Majesty's  confirmation  of  the  Captain's 
commission  which  I  had  given  to  the  Sr.  du  Luth  in  the  pl^ce  of  the  Sr. 
Ohler  de  Crisaffy,  who  died  at  the  beginning  of  last  year.  But  they  have 
forgotten  to  add  thereto  those  of  five  or  six  different  officers  on  whom  I 
had  bestowed  at  the  same  time,  the  posts  which  the  promotion  of  the 
said  Sr.  du  Luth  to  that  of  Captain,  together  with  the  absence  of  another 
Lieutenant  on  half-pay,  who  had  gone  to  France  the  previous  year,  had 
left  vacant.  That  was  six  months  before  I  could  know  that  it  was  the 
King's  intention  to  abolish  the  captaincies  and  half-pay  lieutenancies 
which  might  fall  vacant,  and  that  he  did  not  wish  me  to  grant  any  more 
commissions.  However,  they  have  been  discharging  the  duties  of  their 
appointments  since  that  time,  and  it  would  be  a  great  agitation  and  a 
great  mortification  to  them,  and  to  me,  if  I  may  venture  to  say  so,  if  it 
should  now  be  necessary  to  deprive  them  of  their  rank.  Therefore  I  take 
the  liberty  again  of  sending  you  the  statement  and  begging  you  not  to  do 
this  injury  alike  to  them  and  to  me,  since  I  acted  in  good  faith.  More- 
over they  are  very  good  men ;  and  His  Majesty  may  rest  assured  that  these 
mischances  will  not  happen  again  in  future,  and  that  these  orders  will  be 
most  exactly  obeyed. 

Regarding  the  son  of  the  Sr.  Desbergers,  to  whom  the  King  had  sent 
a  commission  as  ensign  last  year,  you  say  nothing  to  me  about  it  My 
Lord,  either  in  the  private  letter  which  you  have  done  nie  the  honor  to 
write  to  me,  or  in  the  common  memorandum ;  although  M.  De  Champigny 
and  I  had  jointly  sent  you  word  that,  in  order  to  comply  strictly  with 
His  Majesty's  orders,  I  would  defer  taking  him  on  charge  until  he  at- 
tained the  age  prescribed  by  the  King,  yet,  as  there  was  only  a  short  time 
to  wait,  and  some  had  come  to  us  this  year  much  younger  and  without  the 
same  services  as  this  one,  who  for  two  or  three  campaigns  has  been  in 
all  the  expeditions  which  have  been  made,  we  thought  you  would  not 
object,  in  consideration  of  the  long  time  his  father  has  served  with  dis- 

Digitized  by 



tiiictiou,  to  our  securing  to  him  hia  pay  from  the  date  of  his  commission. 
This  is  what  we  beg  of  you  again  this  year. 

For  three  months  there  has  been  a  little  dispute  between  the  Intendant 
and  me  concerning  a  decree  which  he  gave,  together  with  certain  Council- 
lors of  the  Supreme  Council,  as  to  the  adjudication  of  a  prize  which  the 
Sr.  Aubert,  a  merchant  of  this  town,  had  taken  under  a  warrant  which  he 
had  from  me  to  cruise  against  the  enemy,  of  which  [decree]  I  thought  my- 
self bound  to  suspend  the  execution,  but  only  as  regards  the  distribution 
of  the  moneys  accruing  from  its  sale,  as  I  observed  that  Mons.  de  Cham- 
pigny  had  had  but  little  thought  of  preserving  the  rights  of  the  King  and 
of  the  Admiralty;  and,  in  default  of  him  [I  thought]  my  duty  compelled 
me  to  see  to  it  and  to  secure  their  safety. 

The  Sr.  de  la  Louisiere.  in  whom  I  beg  you  to  have  confidence,  will 
hand  you  this  dispatch.  He  is  fully  informed  of  all  that  has  passed  in 
this  matter ;  and  he  will  render  a  very  precise  account  [of  it]  to  you  or 
to  those  whom  you  may  wish  to  delegate  for  that  purpose.  I  will  content 
myself  merelywith  telling  you  that  Mons.  de  Champigny,  who  wants  to 
convince  everyone  of  his  moderation,  has  been  in  terrible  rages  on  this 
occasion  having  used  abusive  words  and  threats  against  people  who  had 
not  deserved  them,  and  could  not  help  carrying  Out  the  orders  I  gaye  in 
the  matter,  especially  the  Sr.  de  Lotbiniere,  Lieutenant  General  of  the 
provost's  district  and  admiralty  of  this  town,  who  is  a  very  honorable 
man  and  most  upright,  whom  he  threatened  that  he  would  get  discharged 
from  his  post. 

I  myself  have  not  escaped  the  manifestations  of  his  temper,  but  mine 
has  not  been  excited  by  it,  and  moreover,  wifhout  being  moved  by  it,  I 
liave  simply  pursued  my  own  course  and  done  what  I  believed  to  be  my 

It  only  remains  for  me  now.  My  Lord,  to  beg  you  ever  to  continue  your 
goodness  to  me,  and  to  procure  for  me  the  same  favors  as  you  have 
obtained  for  me  every  year,  and  I  do  not  doubt  that  you  will  add  new  ones 
to  them  when  the  opportunity  offers,  for  you  must  be  quite  assured  that 
you  will  never  interest  yourself  for  anyone  who  is  with  more  sincere  and 
more  respectful  devotion 

My  lyord 
Your  very  humble,  very  obedient  and  most  obliged  servant, 


Quebec,  this  15th  Oct.  1697. 

You  did  me  a  great  favor.  My  Lord,  in  obtaining  a  fund  of  3000#  for 
■continuing  the  works  to  be  carried  out  for  rebuilding  the  citadel  of  Que- 
bec. If  you  will  be  good  enough  to  extend  it  for  two  years  longer,  that 
would  give  us  the  means  to  enable  us  to  finish  it  altogether ;  otherwise  it 
will  have  to  remain  incomplete. 

F.  F. 

Digitized  by 


86  ANNUAL   MEETING,    1903. 

The  complaints  made  to  me  by  the  chief  oflScers  of  the  conduct  of  the 
Sr.  Dupin,  Lieutenant,  induced  me  to  compel  him  to  make  use,  this  year, 
of  a  permission  you  sent  him  the  year  before.  He  left  here,  with  much 
difficulty,  on  a  small  vessel  which  was  wrecked  in  our  river.  This  officer 
is  absolutely  unfit  to  serve, — not  to  say  more  about  it.  Mons.  de  Vau- 
dreuil  may  be  able  to  give  you  still  more  information  about  it. 

If  you  approve,  My  Lord,  of  the  proposal  which  Mons.  de  Champigny 
and  I  make  to  you  in  our  joint  letter  regarding  Mons.  de  Valrenne,  I 
should  have  to  ask  you  to  grant  his  company  to  the  Sr.  de  la  Valterie 
who  is  a  captain  on  half-pay,  a  good  officer,  who  has  been  married  and 
settled  in  this  country  for  a  long  time.  He  is  the  brother-in-law  of  the 
said  Sr.  de  Valrenne  who  was  in  the  regiment  of  Carignan  when  he  came 
to  this  country,  in  which  he  had  served  with  distinction,  having  been  pre- 
viously Lieutenant  in  the  guard  of  Marshall  Destrades. 

F.  F. 

I  am  sending  you.  My  Lord,  a  petition  from  the  Sr.  de  Qrandpr^  who 
has  been  the  Major  at  Three  Rivers  for  five  years  and  is  certainly  worthy 
of  the  favor  he  asks  of  you,  and  what  induces  me  to  beg  you  to  do  so  more 
urgently  is  that,  as  I  am  obliged  sometimes  to  send  Mons.  de  Ralnezay  out 
of  his  government  on  distant  exi>editions,  it  is  necessary  that  some  one 
should  remain  to  fill  his  place  on  whom  I  can  rely.  The  latter  has  all  the 
[necessary]  capability  for  it. 

F.  F. 


Endorsed — Colonies.    M.  de  Champigny  3d  of  July.  1698. 

My  Lord, 

I  find  myself  compelled  to  inform  you  of  what  has  taken  place  during 
the  preliminary  consideration  of  an  action  which  has  been  brought  by 
two  private  individuals  in  this  country  called  Moreau  and  Durand  against 
the  Sr.  de  la  Mothe  Cadillac,  captain  of  a  company  of  the  detachment  of 
marines,  concerning  certain  business  affairs  which  they  had  together  at 
Missilimakinac  in  the  country  of  the  Outaouais  savages  while  the  Sr.  la 
Mothe  was  in  command  there.  But  before  explaining  to  you  the  cause  of 
their  litigation,  it  is  right  to  let  you  know.  My  Lord,  that  I  had  received 
several  complaints  verbally  against  the  Sr.  de  la  Mothe,  since  he  has  been 
in  command  of  this  post,  of  contraventions  by  him  of  the  King's  orders 
and  what  were  said  to  be  oppressions  of  the  inhabitants,  which  referred 
to  trading  in  the  countries  of  the  savages  of  which  he  was  in  command. 

Vol.  5,  p  891. 

Digitized  by 



And  on  my  warning  him  thereupon,  in  several  letters,  to  put  a  stop  to 
these  causes  of  complaint,  he  Assured  me  many  times  in  his  replies  that 
there  was  no  foundation  for  them,  and  that  I  should  be  satisfied  of  that 
when  I  had  heard  him  on  his  return ;  which  made  me  wait  until  the  month 
of  Sept.  1697  when  he  returned  to  the  Colony. 

He  had  no  sooner  arrived  at  Qftebec  than  Moreau  and  Durand  presented 
a  long  petition  to  me  against  him,  in  which  I  observed  that  he  had  in  1696 
sent  for  boats  fraudulently  load^  with  merchandise,  of  which  Moreau 
and  Durand  had  been  in  charge,  and  that  he  had  done  a  large  trade  at 
Missilimakinac  while  he  was  in  command  there  having  sold  to  these  two 
individuals  goods  to  the  amount  of  nearly  7000#  in  the  year  1696,  which 
he  had  had  brought  up  in  the  spring  of  the  same  year,  among  which  were 
included  198  pots  of  brandy  at  the  rate  of  25#  a  pot,  French  money, 
which  only  costs  3#  at  Montreal,  ready  money;  and  all  that  contrary  to 
the  express  prohibitions  of  the  King  laid  down  in  his  dispatches  written 
in  common  to  Mons.  de  Frontenac  and 'me  in  the  years  1692,  1693  and 
1694,  and  in  two  decrees  issued  by  me  in  consequence,  in  the  said  years 
1693  and  1694,  which  were  published  in  the  Colony  before  M.  de  la 
Mothers  departure  for  Missilimakinac. 

As  these  acts  of  disobedience  on  his  part  were  connected  with  the  mat- 
ters which  formed  the  claims  of  Moreau  and  Durand  against  him,  I 
thought  myself  bound  to  reserve  the  trial  for  my  hearing  and  prepare  it 
for  hearing  so  that  I  might  ascertain  the  truth  concerning  the  com- 
plaints against  the  Sr.  la  Mothe. 

As  the  incidents  which  have  arisen  in  the  prosecution  of  this  suit  are 
important,  in  that  the  Comte  de  Frontenac  and  the  Supreme  Council  are 
mixed  up  in  it,  as  well  as  myself  in  the  duties  of  my  office,  it  is  indispen- 
sably necessary.  My  Lord,  to  inform  you  of  all  the  circumstances.  I  will 
therefore  begin  by  telling  you  that  Moreau  and  Durand  were  hired  by 
the  wife  of  the  Sr.  la  Mothe  to  take  a  boat  to  her  husband  at  Missilimak- 
inac in  the  month  of  April,  1696,  according  to  the  authority  which  Mons. 
de  Frontenac  had  granted  for  it,  for  100#  wages  each,  with  permission 
also  to  take  goods  to  the  value  of  100#  each  which  they  were  to  trade  in 
for  their  own  profit. 

Instead  of  adhering  to  that  on  both  sides,  the  wife  of  the  Sr.  la  Mothe 
made  use  of  these  two  persons  to  take  two  boats  loaded  with  goods  for 
her  husband,  one  of  which  was  [taken]  fraudulently;  and  these  two 
guides,  wishing  to  make  the  most  of  the  opportunity  loaded  goods  on  their 
own  account  on  these  boats  to  the  value  of  four  or  five  hundred  livres 
beyond  what  their  agreement  provided  for. 

The  Sr.  de*  la  Touche.  Commissary  at  Montreal,  having  gone  to  the 
upper  part  of  the  Colony  in  order  to  examine  the  boats  which  were  going 
up  to  Missilimakinac,  came  upon  the  one  which  was  going  fraudulently 
for  the  Sr.  la  Mothe,  which  he  seized  with  the  few  goods  which  were  then 

Digitized  by 


SS  ANNUAL   MEETING.    1903. 

in  it,  for  it  was  only  partly  loaded,  and  it  was  sold  by  auction,  the  pro- 
ceeds of  which  after  deducting  expenses,  were  675 #,  French  money,  which 
were  applied  to  the  hospital  at  Montreal,  to  aid  in  rebuilding  the  wards 
for  the  poor  which  had  been  burnt  down.  When  the  Sr.  de  la  Touche  noti- 
fied me  of  this  seizure,  he  informed  me  that,  in  the  same  boat,  were 
found  about  40  pots  of  brandy,  which'were  applied  for  by  Moreau  who 
was  taking  the  boat  of  the  Sr.  La  Mothe  for  which  there  was  a  permit,  to 
whom  he  caused  them  to  be  given  up  on  the  evidence  which  was  put  before 
him  by  the  Sr.  d'Argenteuil  commanding  the  Voyageurs  who  were  setting 
out,  and  by  other  persons,  that  this  brandy  waB  for  the  use  of  the  said 
Moreau  and  his  companions,  at  the  rate  of  13  pots  each,  as  I  had  settled 
in  concert  with  Mons.  de  Frontenac.  This  brandy, — the  Sr.  de  fa  Touche 
was  assured— had  been  put,  by  mistake,  on  the  boat  taken  fraudulently, 
having  been  near  to  the  goods  which  were  intended  for  the  cargo  of  that 
boat.    Kevertheless,  he  might  have  paid  no  regard  to  this  evidence. 

Moreau  and  Durand  as  well  as  other  persons  whom  I  heard,  informed 
me  that,  notwithstanding  this  seizure,  two  and  a  half  or  three  boat 
[-loads]  went  up  at  the  same  time  for  the  said  Sr.  la  Mothe,  which  were 
taken  to  him  at  Missilimakinac,  where,  a  few  days  after  their  arrival, 
goods  to  the  value  of  nearly  7000#  were  sold  to  the  said  Moreau  and  Du- 
rand, of  which  I  had  the  honor  to  speak  to  you  at  the  beginning  of  this 

About  a  month  after  this  sale,  the  Sr.  la  Mothe  having  sent  Durand  to 
prison  for  refusing  to  pay  for  the  dog  of  a  savage  which  he  had  wounded, 
Durand  sent  word  to  the  Sr.  la  Mothe  that  he  would  not  keep  the  bargain 
he  had  made  about  his  goods;  and  Moreau  his  partner,  having  refused  to 
take  it  on  himself  alone  was  also  put  in  prison,  the  Sr.  La  Mothe  pretend- 
ing that  he  had  tried  to  get  Durand  out.  After  that  the  Sr.  la  Mothe, 
while  they  were  prisoners,  had  taken  out  of  their  huts,  not  only  the  goods 
they  had  bought  from  him,  but  also  those  which  belonged  to  them,  with 
their  arms,  provisions,  boats  and  clothing;  and  having  opened  their 
chests,  he^  found  in  Moreau's  several  promissory  notes,  a  bond  and  other 
papers  which  the  Sr.  de  la  Mothe  also  seized  on  the  ground  of  the  informa- 
tion he  had,  from  the  invoices  which  were  there,  of  the  goods  that  Moreau 
and  Durand  had  brought  more  than  the  100 #  ['s  worth]  allowed  to  each. 
Of  these  goods,  the  brandy  claimed  by  Moreau  and  returned  to  him  as  I 
have  stated  above,  formed  part,  but  the  Sr.  la  Mothe  found  nothing  of  that 
kind  as  it  had  already  been  sold  and  traded  in,  as  well  as  the  greater  part 
of  their  dry  goods. 

Moreau  and  Durand.  having  been  released  a  few  days  after  their  goods 
were  taken  from  them  [and]  finding  themselves  stripped  of  everything 
and  unable  to  get  anything  from  the  Sr.  de  la  Mothe,  were  compelled  to 
borrow  for  their  subsistence,  and  to  await  the  return  of  the  Sr.  de  la 
Mothe  to  the  Colony  to  demand  justice  for  it ;  and  this  did  not  take  place 

Digitized  by 



until  about  18^  months  after.  Their  chief  claims  were  that  he  must  pay 
them  200#  for  their  wages;  [the  price  of]  all  the  goods  he  had  taken  from 
them,  at  their  value  at  the  places  of  trade,  and  the  sum  total  of  their 
bills  and  bond,  for  having  taken  from  them  the  means  of  obtaining  pay- 
ment for  them  from  their  debtors  when  they  were  at  the  said  place,  and 
for  keeping  them  from  them  since,  and  not  producing  them,  having  also 
perhaps  caused  payment  to  be  made  to  him  for  all  expenses,  damages, 
and  interests  under  them ;  and  that  the  Sr.  la  Mothe  could  not  claim  any- 
thing against  them  for  having  taken  goods  in  excess  of  the  100#  each  for 
which  they  had  permission,  which  had  been  taken  on  the  boats  fraudu- 
lently, in  which  they  said  they  had  the  same  right  as  he. 

The  Sr.  La  Mothe  on  his  side,  claimed  that  the  profits  arising  from  the 
goods  brought  by  them  beyond  the  100#  allowed  them  belonged  to  him; 
that  they  owed  him  for  the  goods  that  were  wanting  out  of  those  he  had 
sold  them  at  Missillimakinac  when  he  took  them  back ;  and  that  he  ought 
not  to  be  answerable  for  what  was  owing  to  Moreau  and  Durand  under 
the  bills  and  the  bond  he  seized. 

After  these  disputed  points  and  others  which  proceeded  from  thom  had 
been  argued  before  me  and  documents  had  been  filed  on  both  sides,  I 
thought  it  advisable  when  the  case  was  prepared  to  take  it  to  the  Su- 
preme Council  to  decide  upon  it  together  with  those  who  constitute  it,  as 
I  had  done  in  similar  occurrences;  and  at  this  point  the  parties  betook 
themselves  to  arbitration  before  two  merchants  of  Quebec,  to  whom  I 
referred  the  case,  on  condition  that  they  should  refer  it  back  to  me  after  • 
judgment,  as  to  the  King's  interests. 

New  disputes  arose  before  these  arbitrators  which  caused  them  to  ask 
for  an  inquiry,  which  I  commissioned  the  Sr.  Dupuy,  local*  lieutenant 
of  the  provostship  of  Quebec,  to  make,  on  a  petition  which  was  presented 
to  me  by  Moreau  who  wa«  the  only  remaining  suitor  against  the  Sr.  la 
Mothe  on  account  of  the  withdi'awal  of  Durand.  It  was  a  question  of 
learning  the  price  which  the  goods  had  been  sold  for  both  in  the  country 
of  the  Scioux  savages,  (where  Moreau  after  he  came  out  of  prison  at 
Missilimakinac  had  been  to  trade  with  goods  he  had  borrowed  in  order 
to  obtain  a  living),  and  at  the  place  called  the  point  of  Chagon^- 
migon  and  at  Missillimackinac ;  and  no  explanation  was  given  by  these 
arbitrators  of  the  reasons  they  had  for  asking  for  this  inquiry.  But 
the  Sr.  la  Mothe,  thinking  it  was  for  the  purpose  of  valuing  the  goods 
which  he  had  taken  from  Moreau  and  Durand  at  the  rate  at  which 
similar  articles  had  been  disposed  of  to  the  Scioux  in  the  journey  which 
Moreau  had  made  there, — which  would  have  made  them  amount  to  large 
sums — opposed  this  inquiry  as  regards  the  Scioux,  saying  that  he  had 
issued  orders  against  going  there  which  had  been  sanctioned  by  the 
Comte  de  Frontenac.    And  Moreau,  on  his  side,  maintained  that  these 

♦"Lieutenant  particulier"  as  opposed  to  "lieutenant  de  rol." 

'    Digitized  by 


90  ANNUAL   MEETING,    1903. 

orders  were  only  not  to  go  there  through  the  country  of  the  Benards; 
that  the  Sr.  la  Mothe  had  also  sent  trading  [parties]  there  since, 
making  his  people  go  by  way  of  the  Illinois;  and  that  many  Voy- 
ageurs  had  likewise  been  there.  On  this  incident,  the  Sr.  Dupuy 
deferred  holding  the  inquiry  until  the  Sr.  la  Mothe  should  inform  him 
of  the  intentions  of  M.  de  Frontenac  on  this  matter.  But  as  he  did  not 
comply  with  this  within  the  period  of  the  delay  which  he  granted  him, 
except  by  a  declaration  which  he  himself  made  in  writing  stating  that 
my  said  Sr.  de  Frontenac  did  not  think  that  anyone  ought  to  have  gone 
contrary  to  the  orders  given  against  going  to  the  Scioux  without  having 
spoken  to  him  about  it,  nor  that  anyone  would  be  daring  enough  to  show 
disrespect  for  it,  which  are  the  very  words  of  which  the  Sr.  la  Mothe 
made  use.  the  said  Sr.  Dupuy  proceeded  to  the  inquiry  in  question,  think- 
ing that  he  ought  not  to  delay  any  longer  merely  on  the  report  of  an 
interested  party  who  gave  us  evidence  of  what  he  put  forward,  moreover 
that  his  declaration  was  not  in  the  least  an  order  from  M.  de  Frontenac 
not  to  do  so,  and  that  further  the  orders  against  going  to  the  Scioux,  if 
there  had  been  any,  might  only  have  been  given,  as  several  witnesses 
deposed  before  me,  against  going  through  the  country  of  the  Renards. 
Nevertheless  ]^.  de  Frontenac  sent,  next  day,  for  the  Sr.  Dupuy  and  his 
clerk;  and,  after  having  had  the  inquiry  they  had  made  read  to  him,  upon 
this  judge  telling  him  that  he  had  proceeded  with  it,  not  in  obedience  to 
a  judgment  of  the  arbitrators,  aB  he  reproached  him  with  doing,  but  in 
consequence  of  my  decree  having  delegated  him  for  that  purpose,  M.  de 
Frontenac  said  to  him — It  is  on  that  account  that  I  send  you  to  prison ; 
which  was  done,  and  he  remained  there  for  two  days.  This  all  shows, 
My  Lord,  how  far  his  violence  has  gone,  against  a  man  who  was  carrying 
out  my  order;  who,  on  his  part,  being  full  of  integrity  and  honor,  did  not 
deserve  such  bad  treatment.  And  this  should  give  you  a  good  idea  of 
the  attitude  of  M.  de  Frontenac  and  should  induce  you,  as  I  very  humbly 
beg  of  you,  to  protect  us  from  such  outrages. 

The  arbitrators,  being  intimidated  by  this  imprisonment  and  by  the 
threats  of  M.  de  Frontenac  of  .which  I  was  a  witness,  and  seeing  his 
concern  for  the  interests  of  the  Sr.  la  Mothe.  withdrew  a  few  days  after- 
wards from  the  cognizance  and  judgment  of  this  case,  being  no  longer 
free  to  decide  as  they  would  have  wished  [to  do].  After  this  Moreau 
came  before  me  again,  by  a  petition  which  he  presented  to  me;  and,  in 
accordance  with  the  resolution  I  had  formed,  to  take  it  to  the  Supreme 
Council  to  be  judged  there,  when  it  was  referred  to  arbitration,  I  made 
a  report  on  it  to  the  said  Council.  But  the  Sr.  la  Mothe,  whose  only 
object  now  was  to  avoid  the  decision  of  it,  presented  two  petitions  on 
one  and  the  same  day,  the  first  to  me  to  refrain  from  being  one  of  the 
judges,  pretending  there  was  ground  for  challenging  me,  although  it  had 
already  been  argued  and  prepared  before  me  and  I  am  not  liable  to  be 

Digitized  by 



challenged  on  account  of  my  mandate  [as  Intendant],  and  the  other  to 
the  Council  that  he  n^ght  be  referred  to  the  provostship  of  Quebec,  the 
Lieutenant-General  of  which  is  the  godfather  of  his  wife.  On  this  it 
was  decreed  at  the  said  Council,  after  it  knew  how  little  ground  there 
was  for  the  suggestions  of  the  two  petitions  of  the  Sr.  La  Mothe,  that  the 
case  should  be  decided  there  and  that  I  should  remain  one  of  the  judges ; 
which  made  him  resolve  to  sue  before  the  King  and  the  gentlemen  of  his 
Council  for  an  annulment  of  this  decree,  on  the  refusal  of  his  request  for 
the  case  to  be  referred  to  the  provostship  of  Quebec  for  hearing;  and  M. 
de  Frontenac,  taking  his  side,  came  to  the  Council,  to  which  he  addressed 
a  long  remonstrance  aiming  at  leaving  the  Sr.  la  Mothe  at  liberty  to  sue 
in  France,  and  his  speech  ended  by  saying  that  if  the  members  paid  no 
regard  to  what  he  was  putting  before  them,  he  would  consider  what  he 
should  have  to  do.  On  this,  and  after  the  Procureur-G^n^ral  had  stated 
his  opinion,  in  which  he  cited  the  strong  reasons  there  were  for  not  trans- 
ferring poor  suitors  to  France  since  they  were  unable  to  go  to  plead 
there,  and  also  that  it  was  not  the  will  of  the  King,  it  was  decided  that 
the  Council  should  be  absolved  from  taking  cognizance  of  this  trial ;  that 
I  should  arrange  for  the  suitors  as  I  thought  fit;  and  that  the  docu- 
ments referred  to  in  the  decree  should  be  sent  to  you,  My  Lord,  in  order 
that  you  might  be  pleased  to  make  known  to  the  members  the  will  of  His 
Majesty  as  to  this  matter  and  others  of  a  similar  kind.  And  it  having 
been  declared  by  tiie  same  decree  that  I  was  to  take  up  the  case  again 
and  settle  it,  as  Intendant,  and  under  the  powers  of  my  appointment,  M. 
de  Frontenac  who  was  present  stated  and  caused  it  to  be  written  down 
that,  since  I  would  take  up  the  case  again  to  try  it,  I  should  answer  to 
His  Majesty  whether  I  had  not  exceeded  the  authority  I  claimed  to  have, 
and  contravened  his  decrees. 

I  do  not  think.  My  Lord,  that  you  would  have  approved  of  my  conduct 
if,  by  weak  compliance  with  the  intention  the  Sr.  la  Mothe  had  of  remov- 
ing the  cognizance  of  this  matter  from  all  the  judges  in  Canada,  which 
is  fully  proved  by  the  documents  which  he  caused  to  be  put  in  at  the  trial, 
I  had  assisted  his  purpose,  which  could  not  but  be  to  prevent  a  decision 
on  it,  through  Moreau,  his  adversary,  being  unable,  as  he  knows  he  is,  to 
go  to  France  to  sue  regarding  his  claims.  Moreover  the  parties  had  with- 
out raising  any  objection,  pleaded,  orally  and  in  writing,  and  produced 
evidence  before  me,  who  may  indeed  be  considered  the  natural  judge  of 
this  matter,  especially  as  it  is  a  question  of  a  trade  carried  on  by  the  Sr. 
la  Mothe  contrary  to  the  express  prohibitions  of  the  King,  and  as  it  is 
difficult  fot  the  nature  of  affairs  of  this  kind  to  be  understood  in  France. 
These  reasons  induced  me  to  give  judgment  in  this  case,  solely  with  the 
object  of  doing  justice. 

After  I  took  up  the  case  again,  the  Sr.  la  Mothe  refused  to  appear  at 
the  suit  of  Moreau,  and  under  my  orders;  and  when  I  had  obtained  all 

Digitized  by 


92  ANNUAL.   MEETING,    1903. 

the  information  that  was  possible  as  to  the  facts  which  were  in  question^ 
I  gave  my  decision  under  which  the  Sr.  la  Mothe  was  ordered  to  pay 
Moreau  the  sums  of  1866#  Os  4d,  600#  and  99#  for  the  reasons  therein 
stated.  I  can  assure  you,  My  Lord,  that  I  have  taken  all  possible  care 
with  this  matter  not  only  because  it  is  my  bounden  duty  to  give  decisions 
full  of  justice  and  equity,  but  also  to  make  it  necessary  for  the  Sr.  la 
Mothe  to  pay  Moreau  for  what  he  is  withholding  from  him.  However,  the 
day  after  the  decision  was  reported  to  the  Sr.  la  Mothe,  he  obtained  from 
M.  de  Frontenac  an  order  prohibiting  its  being  executed,  on  pain  of  diso- 
bedience, although  M.  de  Frontenac  had  not  taken  cognizance  of  the  case, 
for  which  it  would  have  been  necessary  to  examine  sixty-four  documents, 
which  this  trial  consists  of,  which  were  in  my  possession ;  and  he  forgot 
that  he  had  said  at  the  Supreme  Council,  namely,  as  I  have  before  stated, 
that  since  I  was  taking  up  this  trial  again  to  give  judgment  upon  it,  I 
should  give  my  reasons  for  doing  so  to  His  Majesty;  to  which,  it  seems 
to  me  he  ought  to  have  adhered.  Nevertheless  this  order  has  prevented 
Moreau  from  obtaining  payment.  And  as  his  only  resource  to  succeed  in 
that  was  to  attach  the  beaver  and  other  skins  of  the  Sr.  la  Mothe  which 
were  to  come  down  for  him  this  year  from  the  upper  country,  for  the 
rest  of  the  trade  he  has  done  there;  and  as  the  said  Sr.  la  Mothe  had 
taken  the  precaution  last  year — as  I  have  since  learnt  at  the  Bureau  des 
Fermes — to  send  letters  of  exchange  to  France  to  the  amount  of  27596# 
4s,  which  were  handed  to  him  for  the  beaver-skins  he  sent  in;  Moreau 
presented  a  petition  to  me  to  beg  M.  de  Frontenac  to  allow  him  to  seize 
the  effects  of  the  said  Sr.  la  Mothe,  or  to  give  him  responsible  security. 
But  whatever  request  I  have  made  to  M.  de  Frontenac  not  to  prevent 
Moreau  from  obtaining  payment,  has  had  no  effect,  except  many  threats 
and  much  ill-treatment  to  Moreau,  and  an  increased  assistance  of  the 
Sr.  la  Mothe.  And  this  I  cannot  understand,  considering  the  bad  con- 
duct and  the  irregularities  of  that  officer  while  he  was  in  command  at 
Missillimakinac  of  which  I  shall  have  the  honor  of  informing  you,  My 
Lord,  after  I  have  completed  the  prosecutions  which  are  going  on  against 
him  and  others  for  contraventions  of  the  orders  of  the  King,  which  were 
partly  known  to  me  through  the  law-suit  he  had  with  Moreau,  in  giving 
judgment  on  which  I  reserved  [my  decision]  on  them,  in  order  to  obtain 
more  complete  information  before  giving  a  decision  on  them. 
Only  an  ex-  I  Send  you.  My  Lord,  a  copy  of  this  judgment  and  of  the  sixty-four 

dociuaente  ^  documents  on  which  it  was  given;  an  extract  from  all  these  documents 
thedecSSon^  with  a  few  observations;  a  copy  of  the  wording  of  the  said  judgment, 
tEe ^dehere.  with  the  grounds  on  which  each  point  was  decided ;  a  copy  of  the  order 
nexed^'^'iSe"  of  M.  de  Frontenac  forbidding  the  execution  of  it ;  and  one  of  the  peti- 

rfiftt  will  be 

sent  with  the  tion  which  Moreau  presented  to  me  to  request  M.  de  Frontenac  to  permit 
thS'letSrtoya  him  to  seize  the  goods  of  the  said  Sr.  la  Mothe. 

than'^th^one  You  will  do  me  a  very  great  favor.  My  Lord,  if  you  will  be  good 
letter te going,  euough  to  have  this  matter  looked  into;  hoping  as  I  do  that,  by  giving 

Digitized  by 



^'ou  an  account  of  it,  you  will  be  convinced  of  the  justice  of  my  decision. 
Permit  me,  in  this  spirit,  to  beg  you  to  have  justice  done  to  Moreau, 
whom  poverty  renders  unable  to  go  to  France  to  maintain  his  rights 
before  the  King's  Council  of  State  against  the  chicanery  of  the  Sr.  la 
Mothe;  and  to  consider  that,  if  the  prohibitions  issued  by  M.  de  Fronte- 
nac  against  executing  my  judgment  take  away  from  Moreau  all  hope  of 
being  paid  (for  the  Sr.  la  Mothe  will  pot  fail  to  send  all  the  rest  of  his 
property  to  France  this  year),  it  is  entirely  just  to  provide  for  that  by 
your  authority. 

It  is  also  necessary,  and  I  beg  you  to  approve,  My  Lord,  of  my  inform- 
ing you  that  on  the  very  day  on  which  the  judgment  was  reported  to  the 
Sr.  la  Mothe,  M.  de  Frpntenac  prohibited  Moreau  from  leaving  Quebec  as 
he  was  just  about  to  go  fishing  in  the  river,  thus  mortifying  not  only 
this  poor  settler,  but  also  the  Sr.  Pachot,  one  of  the  arbitrators  in  this 
case,  a  just  man,  and  one  of  the  largest  merchants  of  Quebec,  to  whom 
he  had  hired  himself  for  that  fishing;  and  that  there  is  also  reason  to 
fear  that  the  Procureur-General  to  the  Supreme  Council  may  experience 
what  M.  de  Frontenac  threatened  him  with  in  the  presence  of  the  King's 
Lieutenant  of  Quebec  and  of  several  of  the  Members  of  the  Council, 
[namely]  to  make  him  go  to  France  this  year  to  account  to  His  Majesty 
for  the  opinions  he  gave  in  this  matter,  which  would  indeed  be  most 

Moreover,  as  His  Majesty  has  distinctly  intimated  to  M.  de  Frontenac 
that  he  should  take  no  cognizance  of  matters  of  law  except  to  assist  and 
support  the  Intendant  with  his  authority  in  everything  he  may  consider 
necessary  and  proper  to  do;  and  as  you  see.  My  Lord,  that  in  place  of 
carrying  it  out,  he  takes  particular  care  to  do  the  very  opposite,  even 
employing  violence  to  that  end  by  the  imprisonment  of  the  Sr.  Dupuy 
for  holding  an  inquiry  in  consequence  of  my  warrant,  by  the  threats 
addressed  to  the  arbitrators  of  treating  them  in  the  same  way  when  they 
were  just  about  to  give  their  judgment,  which  compelled  them  to  with- 
draw from  it ;  by  threats  of  another  kind  offered  to  the  Supreme  Council 
assembled,  which  he  also  obliged  to  give  up  the  cognizance  of  this  affair ; 
by  prohibiting  the  execution  of  my  decree,  on  pain  of  disobedience;  and 
by  threatening  to  send  the  Procureur-G^n^ral  to  France.  All  that, 
My  Lord,  will  readily  convince  you  that  there  is  not  a  single  man  in 
Canada  who  can  administer  justice  freely,  without  being  exposed  to  very 
grievous  consequences.  And  if  I  tell  you  also  that  persons  who  have 
claims  against  people  protected  by  the  Governor  are  reduced  to  the  hard 
necessity  of  waiting  for  some  other  time  to  pursue  them ;  and  that  others 
have  been  compelled  to  make  secret  protests  against  what  they  have  been 
forced  to  do  by  his  authority,  although  they  concerned  matters  which 
should  have  gone  to  the  ordinary  law;  you  will  know  better.  My  Lord, 
how  great  the  evil  is,  and  how  important  it  is  to  remedy  it  so  that  justice 

Digitized  by 


94  ANNUAL   MEETING,    1903. 

may  be  done  freely,  without  being  dependent  or  subordinate,  as  it  is 
becoming  to  the  harsh  authority  of  the  Governor.  I  will  await,  My  Lord, 
if  you  please,  your  orders  on  all  this,  assuring  you  that  I  desire  nothing 
more  earnestly  than  to  see  the  King  well  served,  and  served  as  he  wishes 
to  be,  feeling  no  distress  from  what  happens  save  where  it  is  contrary  to 
His  Majesty's  will,  to  which  I  adhere  absolutely,  from  the  very  sincere 
desire  I  feel  to  fulfill  my  duty  and  to  deserve  the  continued  honor  of  your 
patronage,  which  I  beg  you  to  grant  me,  being  with  very  deep  respect 

My  Lord 
Your  very  humble,  very  obedient  and  most  obliged  servant 

Quebec,  this  3rd  of  July,  1698. 

Endorsed— Colonies.    The  Comte  de  Frontenac  10th  Oct.  1698. 

My  Lord, 

•  •  •  *'•  •  «  ••  * 


As  to  what  concerns  the  Sr.  de  Tonty,  there  is  nothing  I  desire  more 
earnestly,  than  that  the  matters  should  be  examined  to  the  bottom,  for 
when  the  truth  is  known  it  will  be  clearly  seen  that  my  intentions  have 
ever  been  most  upright;  that  the  abuses  which  there  has  been  such  an 
outcry  about  have  not  been  so  great  as  they  have  been  stated  to  be ;  and 
that,  if  there  has  been  any,  the  persons  who  have  made  the  greatest  fuss 
about  it  have  been  those  who  contributed  to  it  most  through  people  who 
are  intimates  of  theirs,  with  whom  they  have  [common]  interests;  for 
it  will  not  be  found  that  I  have  any  connection,  direct  or  indirect  with 
persons  of  this  sort,  who  fit  out  those  who  are  going  into  the  woods. 


As  I  have  already  notified  you  that  I  believe  it  would  be  impossible  to 
make  the  Commandants  and  soldiers  at  the  posts  of  Missillimakinac 
and  among  the  Miamis  live  on  their  pay  alone,  you  will  permit  me.  My 
Lord,  to  set  before  you  for  the  last  time  in  detail  what  is  necessary  for 
the  subsistence  of  the  officers  who  are  selected  to  command  at  these 
places.  This  is  the  way  in  which  they  cannot  help  proceeding,  to  enable 
them  to  get  to  the  places  to  which  they  are  appointed.    They  are  com- 

Vol  4.  p.  821. 

Digitized  by 



pelled,  of  absolute  necessity,  to  hire  three  Canadians*  to  each  of  whom 
they  give  from  four  to  five  hundred  livres  wages  a  year.  They  are 
bound  to  buy  a  boat  for  their  journey,  which  costs  them  200#;  and, 
besides  that,  their  provisions  and  the  stores  required  for  going  merely  to 
Missilimakinac,  to  which  place  it  is  nearly  three  hundred  leagues.  These 
men  whom  they  have  in  their  pay  serve  them  for  drawing  the  wood  from 
a  distance  of  two  leagues,  which  is  necessary  for  fuel  for  them  and  for 
the  oflBcer;  they  are  also  busy  every  day  in  catching  fish,  which  is  their 
single  and  only  food  except  that  of  Indian  Corn.  It  is  also  well  to 
inform  you  that,  in  times  of  the  greatest  abundance,  every  minot  of 
Indian  corn  bought  from  the  savages  costs  30#  there;  that  one  minot  is 
required  for  the  food  of  each  man  per  month ;  and  that,  when  the  harvest 
falls,  either  on  account  of  the  fogs  or  the  frosts,  which  often  happens, 
the  minot  of  wheat  is  worth  up  to  80#  there.  If  then.  My  Lord,  you  will 
give  yourself  the  trouble  of  observing  to  what  sum  that  may  amount, 
even  at  the  lowest  price,  how  can  it  be  possible  for  a  captain,  on  his  pay, 
and  subalterns  on  their  very  moderate  pay, — and  more  especially  for 
soldiers,  to  live  and  defray  their  expenses  without  transacting  any 


Permit  me  to  tell  you,  My  Lord,  that  you  have  been  misinformed  if 
they  have  sent  you  word  that  during  the  time  the  [trading]  licenses 
were  issued  we  sent  the  commanding  oflBcers  and  the  garrisons  at  these 
posts  what  they  required  for  their  subsistence.  That  has  never  been 
done  and  never  could  be  done  without  putting  His  Majesty  to  enormous 
expense,  and  undertaking  to  send  as  large  a  number  of  men  as  used  to 
go  up  in  the  boats  allowed  to  the  licensees.  We  contented  ourselves  with 
simply  allowing  them  to  load  their  boats  with  merchandise  and  all  that 
they  thought  fit,  in  order  to  provide  for  the  proper  expenses  both  of  their 
journey  and  of  their  stay  [there].  It  is  quite  true  that  some  brandy 
has  been  taken  there,  for  it  is  the  only  drink  capable  of  aiding  them  to 
digest  the  fish  and  the  bad  food  on  which  they  are  compelled  to  live,  for 
they  do  not  know  what  it  is  to  use  wine,  bread  or  salt  in  those  places; 
even  the  missionaries  are  obliged  to  use  a  little  Spanish  wine  which  is 
sent  them  for  saying  Mass. 


It  is  then  true  and  indisputable  that  if  this  oflScer  wishes  to  get  corn, 
whether  for  himself  or  his  people,  and  the  other  things  he  requires,  he 
cannot  help  but  buy  them  from  the  savages  with  his  merchandise;  and 
if  he,  and  the  soldier  likewise,  do  not  do  some  trade,  how  can  either  of 
them  pay  with  what  the  King  gives  them,  for  the  stock  of  goods  they  have 
bought  and  the  wages  of  the  people  in  their  service.    Therefore,  if  it  were 

Digitized  by 


1^6  ANNUAL   MEETING,    1903. 

true  that  they  made  some  small- profit  there,  it  seems  to  me  that  they  are 
not  to  be  envied  the  dangers  and  the  hardships  they  are  obliged  to  un- 
dergo among  these  uncivilized  tribes ;  and  I  also  consider  that  if  the  Sr. 
De  la  Mothe  Cadillac  had  luckily  found  some  profit  there,  as  well,  as 
other  people,  that  would  be  [but]  a  slight  reward  after  the  services  he 
has  rendered  there,  with  which  I  have  already  sent  you  word  last  year, 

that  I  was  well  pleased. 

«  •  • 


It  was  very  malicious  of  those  who  wanted  to  accuse  M.  de  Calliere  of 
having  aided  the  departure,  last  year,  of  certain  men  who  are  stated  to 
have  gone  up  to  the  Outavouais,  with  the  Sr.  de  Tonty ;  for  it  is  certain 
that  he  had  issued  all  the  orders  required  for  carrying  out  those  of  His 

Majesty,  in  conformity  with  which  I  had  given  mine. 

•  •  « 

The  Sr.  de  la  Mothe  Cadillac,  captain  of  the  Marines,  will  give  you  my 
letters,  and  will  tell  you  more  particularly  all  that  relates  to  the  condi- 
tion of  this  country,  of  which  he  is  fully  informed.  I  am  convinced  you 
will  be  pleased  with  the  account  he  will  give  you  of  it  if  you  will  gra- 
ciously permit  him  to  speak  with  you  about  it.  He  has  always  done  his 
duty  thoroughly  well  in  all  matters  of  the  King's  service,  as  I  have 
already  informed  you  in  several  of  my  letters,  and  particularly  in  the 
command  of  the  Outaouais,  where  he  was  for  three  years.    He  is  a  man 

who  certainly  deserves  the  honor  of  your  patronage. 

«  *  * 

Your  very  humble,  very  obedient  and  most  obliged  servant 

Quebec,  this  10th  October,  1698 

P.  S. 

•  •  • 


Endorsed — M.  de  Lamothe  Cadillac. 


It  is  my  duty  to  give  you  an  exact  account  of  all  that  I  have  done 
regarding  the  establishment  of  Detroit  since  it  was  referred  to  you  at 
the  time  when  I  was  in  France,  and  concerning  which  you  were  good 
enough  to  converse  with  me. 

Vol.  1,  p.  7. 

Digitized  by 



M.  de  Pontchartrain  having  referred  it  this  year  to  MM  de  Calliere  and 
de  Ghampignj  to  press  it  on  at  once,  provided  there  were  no  important 
objections,  they  both  approved  of  it  and  retained  me  to  carry  out  the 
establishment  of  this  Strait  which  separates  Lake  Huron  from  Lake 

It  is  greatly  to  be  feared  that  the  execution  of  this  scheme  has  been 
delayed  too  long,  from  the  news  we  have  that  the  English  have  fortified 
themselves  on  a  river  which  discharges  itself  into  Lake  Ontario,  and  that 
they  will  extend  their  posts  toward  Lake  Erie. 

If  our  Colony  were  not  full  of  envy,  disunion,  cabal  and  intrigue,  no 
opposition  would  have  been  offered  to  taking  possession  of  a  post  [which 
is]  so  advantageous  that,  if  it  were  separated  from  all  those  we  [now] 
have,  we  should  be  compelled  in  a  short  time  to  abandon  all ;  for  it  is 
that  alone  which  will  make  the  Colony  and  its  commerce  entirely  safe, 
and  cause  the  certain  ruin  of  the  English  colonies.  For  that  reason  it  is 
very  important  that  it  should  not  pass  into  other  hands,  which  would  Be 
inevitable  if  we  deferred  taking  it  any  longer. 

The  objections  which  have  been  raised  also  at  the  wrong  time,  in  the 
belief  that  this  post  might  cause  us  to  be  forever  at  war  with  the  Iro- 
quois, are  now  removed  by  the  peace  which  has  been  concluded  with 
them.  That  tribe  was  not  in  a  position  to  keep  up  the  war  any  longer, 
and  will  not  be  able  to  begin  it  again  very  soon;  therefore  there  could 
not  be  a  more  suitable  time  for  establishing  Detroit,  which  will  be  forti- 
fied more  quickly  than  the  Iroquois  can  make  up  the  loss  of  their  num- 

It  is  an  incontestable  fact,  that  the  strength  of  the  savages  lies  in  the 
remoteness  of  the  French,  and  that  ours  increases  against  them  with  our 
proximity.  For  it  is  certain  that,  with  a  little  Indian  corn,  these  people 
have  no  diflBculty  in  traversing  two  hundred  leagues  to  come  and  take 
some  one's  life  by  stealth ;  and  when  we  want  to  get  to  their  lands,  we  are 
obliged  to  provide  ourselves  with  stores  of  all  kinds  and  to  make  great 
preparations,  which  involves  the  King  in  extraordinary  expenses,  and 
always  with  very  little  effect  since  it  is  like  beating  drums  to  catch  hares. 

But,  on  the  contrary,  when  we  are  the  neighbors  of  that  tribe  and  are 
within  easy  reach  of  them,  they  will  be  kept  in  awe  and  will  find  them- 
selves forced  to  maintain  peace  since  they  will  be  unable  to  do  otherwise 
unless  they  wish  to  ruin  themselves  irretrievably. 

It  would  be  in  vain  to  establish  this  post  if  they  would  not  comply 
with  my  memorandum ;  for  if  only  a  garrison  pure  and  simple  were  kept 
up  there,  it  would  be  liable  to  the  revolutions  which  usually  take  place 
in  the  frontier  posts,  and  it  would  make  no  impression  on  the  minds  of 
the  Iroquois  and  of  our  allies,  and  much  less  still  on  those  of  the  English. 
In  order  to  succeed  thoroughly,  it  would  be  well  (in  my  opinion)  to 
adopt  the  following  measures. 

Digitized  by 


W  ANNUAL   MEETING.    1903. 

To  go  and  Htation  ourselves  there  with  a  hundred  men,  one  half  of 
whom  should  be  soldiers  and  the  other  Canadians.  In  order  to  carry  out 
this  expedition  with  all  necessary  despatch,  and  to  undeceive  the  Eng- 
lishmen at  once  as  to  [their]  havfng  any  claim  there  and  to  take  from 
them  all  hope  of  establishing  any  relations  with  our  allies,  this  strength 
is  sufficient  for  the  first  year.  For  this  number  is  absolutely  necessary 
to  me  for  fortifying  [the  place]  and  for  taking  the  proper  steps  for  the 
subsistence  of  those  who  wish  to  settle  there  subsequently. 


The  year  after,  the  fort  being  secure  from  insult,  it  is  well  to  allow 
twenty  or  thirty  families  to  settle  there,  and  to  bring  their  cattle  and 
other  necessary  things  which  they  will  willingly  do  at  their  own  cost  and 
eipense;  and  this  may  be  continued  as  it  is  permitted  in  all  the  other 
settlements  of  the  Colony. 

It  is  no  less  necessary  that  the  King  should  send  two  hundred  picked 
men  who  should,  as  far  as  may  be,  be  of  different  trades  and  also  rather 

It  is  not  advisable  that  I,  any  more  than  the  other  officers,  soldiers 
and  inhabitants,  should  do  any  trade  with  the  savages,  in  order  to  take 
away  from  the  people  of  the  other  established  posts  their  cause  for  com- 
plaint, as  to  which  they  are  very  active.  But  [it  is  advisable]  to  unite  this 
business  to  that  of  the  general  company  which  is  formed ;  in  which 
[case]  it  will  keep  up  a  warehouse  to  supply  all  the  goods  needed  by  the 
savages,  our  allies,  and  the  Iroquois,  while  letting  them  have  them  at  a 
better  price  than  in  the  past,  which  can  easily  be  done  by  conveying  them 
by  boats.  But  as  it  would  be  impossible  for  me  to  live  without  doing 
any  trading  and  with  only  the  1000  livres  pay  which  I  have,  which  will 
barely  suffice  for  making  the  head  men  of  the  savages  eat  and  drink  at 
my  table  so  as  to  attach  them  to  our  interests  by  this  good  treatment,  I 
hope  you  will  be  so  good  to  me  as  to  inform  M.  de  Pontchartrain  of  the 
indispensable  necessity  for  increasing  it  [i.  e.  the  pay],  lest  I  should 
become  absolutely  unable  to  continue  my  services  in  the  style  due  to  His 

We  must  establish  at  this  post  missionaries  of  different  communities 
such  as  Jesuits  and  other  Fathers,  and  ecclesiastics  of  the  foreign  mie- 

Digitized  by 



Bions;  they  are  laborers  in  the  vineyard,  and  should  be  received  without 
distinction  to  labor  at  the  vine  of  the  Lord,  with  orders  in  particular  to 
teach  the  young  savages  the  French  language,  [that]  being  the  only 
means  to  civilize  and  humanize  them,  and  to  instil  into  their  hearts  and 
their  minds  the  law  of  religion  and  of  the  monarch.  We  take  wild 
beasts  at  their  birth,  birds  in  their  nests,  to  tame  them  and  set  them  free. 
But  in  order  to  succeed  better  in  that,  it  would  be  necessary  for  the 
King  to  favor  these  same  missionaries  with  his  bounty  and  his  alms,  in 
proportion  as  they  instruct  the  children  of  the  Savages  at  their  houses, 
on  the  evidence  which  the  Commandant  and  other  officers  give  of  it. 


The  third  or  fourth  year  we  shall  be  able  to  set  Ursulines  there,  or 
other  nuns,  to  whom  His  Majesty  could  grant  the  same  favors. 

It  would  be  important  that  there  should  be  a  hospital  for  sick  or 
infirm  Savages,  for  there  is  nothing  more  urgent  for  gaining  their  friend- 
ship than  the  care  taken  of  them  in  their  illnesses.  The  hospitallers  of 
Montreal  seem  to  me  well  fitted  for  that,  because  they  know  beforehand 
the  temper  and  the  preferences  of  the  Savages  [from]  often  having  them 
i^ith  them. 


It  would  be  absolutely  necessary  also  to  allow  the  soldiers  and  Cana- 
dians to  marry  the  savage  maidens  when  they  have  been  instructed  in 
religion  and  know  the  French  language  which  they  will  learn  all  the 
more  eagerly  (provided  we  labor  carefully  to  that  end)  because  they 
always  prefer  a  Frenchman  for  a  husband  to  any  savage  whatever, 
though  I  know  no  other  reason  for  it  than  the  most  ordinary  one,  namely 
that  strangers  are  preferred,  or,  it  were  better  to  say,  it  is  a  secret  of  the 
Almighty  Power. 


Marriages  of  this  kind  will  strengthen  the  friendship  of  these  tribes^ 
as  the  alliances  of  the  Romans  perpetuated    peace   with    the    Sabines 
through  the  intervention  of  the  women  whom  the  former  had  takgp  fpony^ 
the  others.  y^U^^f    V / 

We  shall  find,  in  the  execution  of  this  scheme,  not  only  iAi^^^^K,'<(^s^^/ 
Majesty  but  also  that  of  God  magnificently  extended;  iorip^m  means 
his  worship  and  his  religion  will  be  established  in  the  midirW /the  t^WiBT 
and  the  deplorable  sacrifices  which  they  offer  to  Baal  entw^labolished.^ 

I  am  unable  to  tell  you  fully  enough  how  my  enemies  %Vi^  v^tirij^tf/ 

Digitized  I: 

loo  ANNUAL.  MBETINQ,   1908. 

themselves  to  take  away  from  me  the  honor  of  carrying  out  my  scheme; 
and  this  appears  not  to  have  ceased.  But  MM.  de  Caliere  and  de  Cham- 
pigny  have  not  opposed  it;  on  the  contrary  they  have  retained  me  for 
that  so  as  to  begin  it  next  spring.  When  it  was  seen  that  they  had 
resolved  on  this,  everything  possible  was  done  to  persuade  them  that  my 
memorandum  is  impracticable,  and  I  have  seen  twenty  parties  formed  to 
upset  it.  I  venture  to  assure  you  there  is  nothing  to  fear  and  that 
everything  will  be  favorable  to  this  undertaking;  I  [will]  answer  for  it 
with  my  life.  Monsieur  de  Pontchartrain  will  no  sooner  have  given  his 
decision  than  the  whole  country  will  applaud  it,  according  to  the  policy 
of  all  men,  who  are  very  glad  to  find  diflBculties  in  all  that  does  not 
originate  with  them. 

As  I  am  taking  my  son  with  me  to  Detroit,  I  beg  the  Minister  to  be  so 
good  as  to  grant  him  an  ensigncy  or  an  order  for  the  first  vacancy ;  that 
of  my  company  has  been  given  to  the  son  of  M.  de  Bamezay,  with  which 
I  am  s£ttisfied.  I  hope  you  will  have  the  kindness  to  say  a  word  in  my 
favor  to  M.  de  Pontchartrain  regarding  it.  As  I  was  one  of  the  ten  who 
were  chosen  by  the  Colony  to  settle  its  concerns,  we  have  approved  the 
agreement  made  by  Pascaud  with  M.  de  Roddes,  but  have  rejected  the 
one  he  made  with  M.  Bourlay  and  his  partners  as  being  too  burdensome 
and  insupportable  for  the  reasons  which  are  noted  on  it,  and  to  which 
you  will  no  doubt  give  [your]  attention  as  well  as  Monsieur  Amelot  who 
is  very  acute.  The  Colony  semds  two  persons  for  the  matters  which  con- 
cern it,  and  to  manage  the  sale  of  the  beaver  skins;  instructions  have 
been  given  them,  and  there  is  reason  to  hope  that  they  will  conform  to 
them,  and  that  they  will  do  their  duty  better  than  the  first  [men  sent]. 

Permit  me  to  assure  you  that  I  am,  with  deep  respect 

Your  very  humble  and  very  obedient  servant 

Lamothe  Cadillac. 

at  Quebec,  this  18th  Oct.,  1700. 

[On  the  back  of  this  letter  are  the  following  two  drafts  of  letters.] 

Write  MM.  de  Callieres  and  de  Champigny. 

Although  I  do  not  doubt  that  M.  de  la  Mothe  Cadillac  has  informed 
them  of  his  views  concerning  the  establishment  of  Detroit,  I  do  not  omit 
to  forward  them  a  copy  of  the  memorandum  which  he  has  sent  me  as  to 
that,  in  order  that  they  may  follow  it  as  far  as  they  can  and  that  this 
post  may  have  the  success  that  is  expected  of  it.  Request  them  to  in- 
form [me]  exactly  of  all  they  do  in  that  matter,  so  that  I  may  give  an 
account  of  it  to  His  Majesty. 

To  M.  de  la  Motte 

Notify  him  of  what  has  been  done  concerning  that ;  that  His  Majesty 
understood  the  difficulty  he  would  have  to  live  on  his  bare  pay,  and  H.  M. 
is  ordering  M.  de  Champigny  to  take,  out  of  the  proceeds  of  the  goods 

Digitized  by 



which  he  is  sending  with  him  to  be  sold,  sufficient  to  pay  all  his  expenses, 
so  that  he  may  have  his  pay  remaining  at  the  end  of  the  year;  and  as 
H.  M.  is  preparing  to  transfer  the  trade  of  this  post  to  the  Company 
which  has  been  formed  in  Canada  for  the  beaver  trade  H.  M.  will  induce 
that  Company  to  grant  him  some  additional  pay  while  he  remains  at  this 
post,  for  it  is  not  his  intention  that  his  position  in  that  place  should  be 
worse  than  it  would  otherwise  be;  and  he  will  be  very  glad,- on  the  con- 
trary to  give  him  marks  of  his  satisfaction  if  he  should  succeed  as  he 
gives  us  hope  of  doing.  In  regard  to  his  son,  I  shall  have  pleasure  in  tak- 
ing  advantage  of  the  first  opportunity  I  have  of  appointing  him. 

Digitized  by 



ANNUAL   MEETING,    1903. 


Endorsed — Colonies. 
Remarks  made  by  M.  de  Lamothe  on 
the  letters  which  have  been  written  to 
him  by  the  revd.  Jesuit  Fathers. 
By  this  Ist  letter,  Father  de  Carheil, 
missionary  to  the  Hurons  at  Missili- 
makinack  proves  the  necessity,  in  his 
opinion  of  the  establishment  of  Detroit, 
for  he  admits  having  wished  for  it  for 
so  many  years,  and  that  he  hears  the 
news  of  It  with  pleasure. 

Letters  written  to  M.  de  la  Mothe 
At  Missilimakinac  this  25th  of  July, 


After  having  indeed  desired  for  so 
many  years,  as  you  say  Sir,  the  estab- 
lishment of  Detroit,  the  letter  you  have 
done  me  the  honor  to  write  to  me  to 
inform  me  of  the  good  news  concerning 
it  could  not  but  give  me  much  pleasure. 
I  should  be  pleased  to  go  there  forth- 
with to  render  you  what  services  I  am 
capable  of  if  the  state  of  this  mission 
would  permit  me.  But  you  know  that 
everyone  has  gone  down  from  here  to 
Montreal  for  the  general  assembly 
which  is  to  be  held  there.  It  is  neces- 
sary to  await  their  return  before  being 
able  to  move  at  all;  for  no  other  steps 
ought  to  be  taken  than  those  they  have 
taken  themselves  with  the  Governor  as 
to  the  plan 'Of  their  approaching  migra- 
tion, of  which  they  will  not  fail  to  In- 
form him  in  order  to  learn  his  will  re- 
garding it.  However,  I  can  assure  you 
that  to  whatever  place  I  may  go, 
whether  to  Detroit  itself  or  to  the 
neighborhood,  I  shall  ever  be  perfectly 
ready  to  show  you  effectively,  by  all 
means  in  my  power,  that  I  am  with 
Your  very  humble  k  very  obedient 

Estiennede  Carheil, 
of  the  Company  of  Jesus. 

•In  the  right  hand  columns  are  copies  of  the  letters  received  by  Cadillac.  His 
comments  on  these  letters  appear  in  the  left  hand  column.  These  two  documents 
were  forwarded  to  the  Minister  by  Cadillac.  In  some  instances  a  second  marginal 
note  will  appear,  made  by  the  Minister  in  Paris.  The  letters  of  Cadillac  to  the 
priests,  to  which  the  annexed  are  replies,  are  in  the  archives  at  Montreal,  and  will 
i4)pear  in  this  series. — C.  M.  B. 

Vol  1,  p.  l». 

Digitized  by 




In  the  2nd  letter.  Father  Maret,  Mis- 
sionary to  the  Outavois  is  only  acting 
Pharisaically  for  he  would  not  carry 
out  the  orders  of  the  €k>yemor-General 
nor  even  those  he  received  (at  least  as 
it  appeared)  from  his  superior  at 

Paragraph  of  the  letter  written  hy  M. 
de  Calliere  to  M.  de  La  Mothe  at  De- 
troit dated  the  24th  of  August,  1701. 

I  hope  that  the  Hurons  and  the 
greater  part  of  the  Outavois  will  go  & 
join  you  at  Detroit  from  this  autumn, 
and  I  am  wrltihg  to  the  reverend  fath- 
ers Maret  and  De  Carheil  that  I  request 
them  to  go  with  them  in  order  to  ar- 
range with  you  as  to  the  place  where 
it  will  be  most  convenient  for  them  to 

These  two  missionaries,  so  far  from 
conforming  to  the  paragraph  of  this  let- 
ter, employed  every  means  to  prevent 
the  savages  from  coming  there.  That 
is  seen  in  the  councils  held  at  the  fort 
Pontchartrain  on  the  30th  of  October 
and  the  4th  Dec.  1701. 

At  Missilimakina  this  28th  of  July,  1701. 


You  do  me  Justice  in  believing  that 
I  will  contribute  as  far  as  I  possiby  can 
t^  the  settlement  at  Detroit,  and  that 
if  I  can  do  so  in  no  other  way,  I  will 
at  least  do  so  with  the  feeble  aid  of  my 
prayers  to  the  Lord.  Besides  my  natural 
inclination,  and  the  will  of  our  Supe- 
riors, your  letter  will  be  yet  another 
inducement  to  me  thereto*  Since  you 
entertain  the  opinions  you  notify  [to 
me]  there  is  no  missionary  but  ought 
to  take  a  pleasure  in  going  there.  Ton 
cannot  do  better  than  to  carry  out  the 
intention  of  which  you  make  mention 
concerning  the  brandy;  that  is  the  way 
to  make  this  settlement  a  success — nisi 
dominua  aedifioaveret  domum,  in 
vanum  Laboraverent  qui  aedificant  earn. 
Tou  cannot  better  aid  the  intentions  of 
the  king,  who,  in  this  kind  of  settle- 
ment which  concerns  the  savages  also, 
aims  chiefly  at  the  salvation  of  these 
poor  souls,  which  the  brandy  traffic 
renders  them  incapable  of.  We  are  ex- 
pecting the  return  of  our  savages  im- 
mediately; it  will  be  then  we  shall 
learn  their  real  decision,  and  the  In- 
tentions of  M.  de  Calliere  and  of  our 
superiors/  As  for  me,  I  am  quite  ready 
to  set  out  after  this  autumn  if  they 
wish  it.  Whether  it  is  the  autumn  or 
whether  the  spring;  or  whether  they 
even  send  me  to  another  place  (for  you 
know  we  are  obedient  children)  I  shall 
ever  be  with  much  respect 

Your  very  humble  and  very 
obedient  servant 

Joseph  J.  Marest 

of  the  Company  of  Jesus. 

The  3rd  letter  has  been  incorrectly 
dated  Aug.  7,  1702,  hence  appears  in  the 
wrong  place. — C.  M.  B. 

Digitized  by 



ANNUAL   MEETING,    1903. 

'  This  fourth  letter  is  from  Father  Qer- 
main,  formerly  an  officer  of  the  Society, 
a  learned  professor  of  theology,  who  is 
of  great  integrity  and  piety,  as  he  is  in 
f^t  a  friend  of  If.  de  la  Mothe's  (which 
may  indeed  cause  him  to  be  transferred 
to  another  diocese)  writes  to  him 
simply,  at  the  end  of  his  letter,  what  he 
knows,  without  reflecting  that  his  Su- 
perior at  Quebec  had  promised  M.  de  la 
Mothe  to  grant  him  Father  Vaillant  to 
start  his  mission  at  Detroit,  for  it  is 
evident  from  this  letter  that  the  return 
of  this  Father  was  expected,  even  before 
his  departure  from  Quebec,  and  that 
this  action  has  been  taken  only  in  order 
to  entrap  M.  de  Lamothe,  and  with  the 
intention  of  making  this  settlement 

This  letter  agrees  with  the  7th  from 
Father  Maret,  in  which  he  writes  re- 
garding the  return  of  Father  Vaillant, 

At  Quebec,  this  26th  Augt.  1701. 

'  Although  we  have  not  yet  had  posi- 
tive and  certain  news  of  your  arrival  at 
Detroit,  we  have  nevertheless  conjunc- 
tures strong  enough  for  [us]  to  Judge 
that  you  must  have  arrived  there  safely 
in  the  month  of  July.  As  you  know,  Sir, 
that  I  take  great  interest  in  whatever 
concerns  you,  allow  me  to  congratulate 
you  and  to  pray  our  Lord,  as  I  do  with 
all  my  heart,  graciously  to  bless  all  your 
plans  for  the  good  of  the  missions  and 
of  the  Colony.  So  long  as  you  have 
these  two  things  in  view,  you  cannot 
fail  to  have  good  success  in  your  under- 
takings not  only  as  regards  public  mat- 
ters but  also  in  your  private  concerns. 
Everyone  here  admires  the  magnam- 
imity  of  these  two  ladies  who  certainly 
have  courage  to  undertake  so  laborious 
a  Journey  to  go  and  Join  their  husbands, 
without  fearing  the  great  difficulties  or 
the  fatigue  or  other  inconveniences 
which  must  be  endured  by  roads  so  long 
and  so  rough  for  persons  of  their  sex. 
Well!  Sir:  is  it  possible  to  show  more 
sincere  conjugal  affection  or  a  firmer 

Some  one  said  pleasantly  to  them  the 
other  day  that  they  would  pass  for  hero- 
ines. But  on  some  other  ladies, -more 
fastidious,  saying  to  Madame  de  la 
Mothe,  in  order  to  dissuade  her  from 
this  Journey,  that  that  would  be  well  if 
they  were  going  to  a  pleasant  and  fertile 
country,  where  they  could  always  get 
good  company  as  in  France,  but  they 
could  not  understand  how  people  could 
make  up  their  minds  to  go  to  an  un- 
cultivated and  uninhabited  place  where 
they  could  not  but  have  a  very  dull  time 
of  it  in  such  great  solitude,  she  very 
discreetly  replied  that  a  woman  who 
loves  her  husband  as  she  ought  to  do 
has  no  attraction  more  powerful  than 
his  society,  in  whatever  place  it  may 
be;  all  the  rest  should  be  indifferent  to 
her;  those  are  her  opinions.  I  do  not 
send  you  other  news;  she  herself  will 

Vol.  1,  p.  «a 

Digitized  by 




tell  you  by  word  of  mouth  better  than 
I  could  in  writing  eyerything  new  we 
have  learnt  since  your  departure.  Be 
assured,  Sir,  that  I  often  recommend 
your  two  dear  daughters  to  the  Ursu- 
lines,  and  that  I  will  try  to  contribute  to 
their  educati<m  as  far  as  it  may  lie  in 
my  power.  Toung  Cadillac  promised  me 
to  embrace  his  brother  once  for  me 
when  he  arrives  at  Detroit;  if  he  for- 
gets to  do  me  this  little  serrice,  repri- 
mand him  lightly.  I  am  not  writing 
to  any  of  our  Fathers  because  I  have 
no  doubt  that  Father  Vaillant  will  have 
set  out  to  return  here  before  Madam  de 
La  Mothe  arrives  at  Detroit,  and  I  do 
not  know  whether  any  other  will  be  al- 
lowed [ta  go  there]  in  his  place.  Do 
me  the  favor  to  grant  me  some  share 
in  your  good-will  and  the  Justice  to  be- 
lieve that  I  shall  ever  be  with  all  pos- 
sible respect.  Sir,  your  very  humble 
and  very  obedient  servant 

(Signed)       Joseph  Germain. 

This  5th  letter  is  from  Father  Anjal- 
ran;  he  still  holds  to  his  opinion,  affirm- 
ing that  Detroit  is  the  most  important 
post.  This  Father  had  Just  passed 
through  all  the  missions  generally,  and 
he  admits  that  the  whole  of  this  further 
country  is  in  need  of  reform.  He  Is  in- 
deed right,  but  his  upright  conduct  has 
made  him  hated  by  his  fellows  who  have 
got  rid  of  him,  contrary  to  all  Justice. 
This  letter  also  proves  that  M.  de  Cal- 
liere  had  cast  eyes  on  this  Father  to 
take  charge  of  all  the  missions;  but 
doubtless  it  has  been  politic  for  the 
Governor-General  to  yield  to  the  torrent, 
and  sacrifice  this  good  laborer,  so  neces- 
sary for  the  Lord's  vineyard,  to  the 
envy  of  his  colleagues.  No  one  has  ever 
understood  the  spirit  of  the  Savages 
better  than  this  Father,  nor  had  so 
much  influence  over  their  minds;  but 
his  crime  was  having  admitted  that 
M.  de  la  Mothe's  scheme  was  wonderful, 

At  Three  Rivers,  the  30th  August 


I  have  met  Madam  de  Lamothe  on 
the  way,  quite  resolved  to  come  and  see 
you  at  Detroit;  I  should  have  been  very 
pleased  if  fate,  which  ought  to  have 
sent  me  up  to  your  neighborhood,  had 
permitted  me  to  accompany  her.  No 
decision  could  be  made  regarding  the 
mission  of  the  post  you  are  to  establish, 
as  one  of  the  most  important,  until  steps 
had  been  taken  as  to  the  other  mis- 
sions; for  the  whole  of  this  upper 
country  needs  reforming.  Our  Govern- 
or-General, after  having  listened  to  me 
on  this  matter,  thought  I  should  be  the 
most  fit  to  serve  in  what  concerns  my 
ministry.  When  we  have  learnt  all  the 
intentions  of  the  Court,  if  we  learn 
them  early  enough,  I  should  be  able  in- 
deed to  go  and  see  you  before  the  win- 
ter, and  I  should  take  peculiar  pleas- 
ure in  assisting  you  in  your  glorious 

Digitized  by 



ANNUAL   MEETING,    1903. 

and  to  that  end  he  writes  to  him  that 
he  will  take  pleasure  in  assisting  him 
in  his  glorious  undertakings.  His  let- 
ter refers  to  the  words  of  M.  de  Cal- 
liere  spoken  in  the  general  assembly 
held  at  Montreal  on  the  6th  of  August, 
1701,  5th  paragraph,  in  these  terms: 
— The  revd.  Father  Anjalran  is  quite 
ready  to  set  out  to  go  and  live  with  you 
(as  you  have  requested),  you  other  four 
tribes  of  the  Outavois,  but  he  also  asks 
that  you  should  listen  to  his  advice 
which  tends  to  no  other  conclusion  but 
[this]  to  take  up  our  interests  in  all 

This  6th  letter  is  from  Father  Vaillant* 
and  proves  the  respect  with  which  M. 
de  Lamothe  treated  him;  the  matter  was 
publicly  known  and  he  could  not  deny 
it.  No  doubt  this  Father  had  his  cue 
from  his  Superior  at  Quebec,  k  he  is 
wishing  to  impose  on  M.  de  la  Mothe 
when  he  writes  him  that  one  of  the 
Fathers  from  Missllimakinak  is  to  go 
down  to  Detroit,  apparently  to  replace 
him  there,  which  was  not  carried  out. 

His  letter  shows  that  he  spoke  to  the 
Iroquois  and  that  they  testified  to  him 
that  they  were  rejoiced  at  the  establish- 
ment of  Detroit:  hence  the  apprehension 
that  has  been  felt  or  pretended  concern- 
ing this  tribe  is  ill-founded. 

^Francois  Vaillant  de  Gueslis,  Jesuit, 
born  at  Orleans,  July  20,  1646.  Went 
to  Canada  in  1670.  Died  at  Moulins  Sept. 
24,  1718.  Jes.  Rel.  and  Allied  Doc.  LX, 
315.—C.  M.  B. 

undertakings,  and  to  testify  to  you  the 
feelings  of  esteem  with  which  I  am 
Your  very  humble  and  very  obedi- 
ent servant 

Bnjalran.  J. 

At  Fort  Frontenac  this  23rd  Sept.  1701. 


Our  fortunate  meeting  at  Fort  Fron- 
tenac with  Madame  de  la  Mothe  gives 
me  a  good  opportunity  of  thanking  you 
very  humbly  for  all  the  courtesies  with 
which  you  have  overwhelmed  me  all  the 
past  summer  both  on  our  march  and 
at  Detroit.  I  beg  you  to  be  so  good  as 
to  continue  to  grant  them  to  me  in  the 
person  of  the  one  of  our  Fathers  who 
is  to  come  down  from  Missilimakinak  to 
Detroit,  for  I  have  no  doubt  you  will 
have  one  there  very  soon,  for,  on  Lake 
Erie  I  met  Quarante  Solz,  the  Huron, 
who  assured  me  that  the  Hurons  were 
going  to  settle  near  you  after  this 
autumn,  without  fail.  As  regards  the 
Iroquois  whom  we  met  on  the  way,  we 
did  not  find  them  much  opposed  to  your 
settlement;  some  even  testified  to  me 
their  joy  that,  when  going  hunting 
on  Lake  Erie,  they  will  find  at  Detroit, 
[in  exchange]  for  the  skins  of  the  roe- 
buck, stag  and  hind,  all  they  want. 
Hence  you  will  now  only  have  to  think 
of  the  means  of  providing  goods  there 
in  [sufficient]  quantity  and  cheap.  I  do 
not  tell  you.  the  news  we  have  learnt 
here  because  it  is  Mad.  Lamothe  who 
has  informed  us  of  it,  and  she  will  tell 
it  to  you  exactly  as  I  could  write  you 
word  of  it.  I  beg  you  to  accept  here 
my  very  humble  services,  and  to  believe 
me.  Sir,  very  sincerely  your  very  htlm- 
ble  and  very  obedient  servant. 
[Signed]  Francois  Vaillant.  J. 

Digitized  by 



Endorsed— Canada.    The  Chev.  de  Callieres,  4th  Oct.  1701. 

My  Lord, 

*  *  » 

I  have  already  had  the  honor  of  notifying  to  you,  My  Lord,  in  my  first 
letter  of  the  6th  of  August,  that  I  had  sent  the  Srs.  de  la  Motte,  de  Tonty, 
Duqu^  and  Chacornacle  on  the  7th  of  June,  with  more  than  a  hundred 
men,  soldiers  or  Canadians,  to  establish  the  post  of  Detroit,  with  a  recol- 
let  as  almoner  to  the  soldiers,  and  a  Jesuit  as  missionary  to  the  savages. 
You  will  see  from  the  speeches  of  Teganisorens  and  of  the  other  men  of 
importance  who  accompanied  him,  which  I  have  inclosed  with  this  letter, 
under  the  index  letter  D,  that  he  opposed  it  to  me,  telling  me  to  wait 
until  the  chiefs  who  were  to  come  to  Montreal  for  the  peace  had  arrived. 
But,  as  it  appeared  to  me  that  he  had  not  been  commissioned  to  speak  to 
me  on  this  point,  I  still  proceeded  with  that  enterprise;  for  I  feared  lest, 
if  those  chiefs  had  requested  me  not  to  establish  that  post,  and  I  had 
refused  them,  that  might  have  given  rise  to  some  opposition  to  the  peace, 
whereas,  if  they  found  the  matter  settled  by  the  departure  of  the  Sr.  de 
la  Motte.  they  would  not  speak  of  it ;  and  that  is  what  happened,  I  hav- 
ing made  them  approve  of  the  reasons  for  [forming]  that  post,  in  spite 
of  the  distrust  which  the  English  inspired  them  with,  although  they  had 
the  intention  of  going  there  themselves,  as  I  learnt  in  the  winter,  which 
was  yet  another  reason  for  hastening  the  departure  of  the  Sr.  de  la  Motte 
and  for  making  his  detachment  as  strong  as  it  is,  for  fear  lest  the 
English  might  anticipate  me.  I  also  made  the  Sonnontouans  promise, 
when  they  returned  to  their  villages,  to  take  Indian  corn  there,  on  the 
news  I  had  received  that  the  Br.  de  la  Motte  would  not  find  any  at  Missi- 

The  Sr.  de  Chacornacle  has  just  arrived  now  from  the  fort  of  Detroit, 
and  has  brought  me  letters  from  the  Sr.  de  la  Motte ;  but,  as  we  are  giv- 
ing you  an  account,  in  our  joint  letter,  of  what  we  have  learnt  from 
them,  I  will  not  repeat  it  for  you  here. 

You  will  see,  My  Lord,  from  what  we  have  the  honor  to  inform  you  of 
in  the  said  joint  letter,  that  when  we  handed  over  the  trade  of  this  fort 
to  the  Company,  it  pledged  itself  to  pay  the  6000#  which  you  were  good 
enough  to  have  decided  upon  for  the  relief  of  the  poor  families  of  this 
country.    You  have  thereby  done  a  very  charitable  thing,  because  of  the 

need  they  have  of  it ;  and  they  are  greatly  indebted  to  you  for  it. 

*  *  * 

Your  very  humble,  very  obedient,  and  most  obliged  Servant. 

The  Chev.  De  Callieres. 
Quebec,  the  4th  of  Oct.  1701. 

Vol.  b,  p.  920. 

Digitized  by 


108  ^  ANNUAL   MEETING,    1903. 


5th  Oct.  1701. 
Endorsed — Canada.    The  Chev.  de  Callier^  and  M.  de  Champigny. 

My  Lord, 

«  •  •  •  . 

The  licensed  traders  were  suppressed  owing  to  the  fear  that  was  enter- 
tained that  too  large  a  quantity  of  beaver-skins  would  be  traded  for  in 
the  woods.  Yet  this  country  is  chagrined  to  see  that  there  are  more 
traders  than  ever  in  the  further  districts,  without  any  profit  accruing  to 
it  therefrom  since  the  whole  trade  is  carried  on  simply  by  Le  Sueur,  the 
itinerant  traders  in  the  woods,  and  [agents]  for  the  Srs.  de  la  Forest  and 
de  Tonty,  who,  it  is  said,  are  not  content  to  trade  with  the  Ilinois  only, 

but  [do  so]  in  all  the  other  parts  of  these  countries  as  well. 

*  *  *  * 

We  will  do  our  best  to  reduce,  as  far  as  may  be  possible,  the  presents 
that  will  have  to  be  made  to  the  savages ;  but  we  cannot,  at  the  present 
juncture,  help  making  them  large  presents,  as  we  had  the  honor  of  in- 
forming you  before. 
Good,  w]th  The  savages  do  not  make  presents  after  presents  have  been  made  to 

them ;  moreover  when  anything  is  given  them,  it  is  generally  as  they  are 
ready  to  depart,  when  they  have  transacted  their  trade  and  have  none  of 
their  furs  left.  The  Chev.  de  Callier^s  has  forbidden  the  oflBcers  in  com- 
mand at  Fort  Frontenac  and  Detroit  to  receive  any. 

♦  ♦  ♦ 

We  are  pleased  to  learn  that  he  [?  His  Majesty]  has  granted  to  the 
Sr.  de  Louvigny  the  company  he  had ;  but  we  are  in  a  diflBculty,  somewhat, 
on  account  of  that  company  having  been  granted  to  the  Sr.  de  Tonty  by 
the  promotion  of  the  said  Sr.  de  Louvigny  to  be  Major  at  Three  Rivers. 
He  is  now  without  a  company,  although  the  senior  of  the  half-pay  cap- 
tains, three  of  whom  have  been  made  captains  on  the  active  list  this 
year.  But  as  there  is  a  company  vacancy  by  the  death  of  the  Sr.  de 
Grais,  we  feel  sure.  My  Lord,  that  you  will  approve  of  our  ordering  the 
pay  to  be  issued  to  the  said  Sr.  de  Tonty  from  the  date  on  which  the  said 
Sr.  de  Louvigny  returns  to  his ;  and  we  most  humbly  beg  you  to  send  us 
authority  next  year  for  putting  him  in  possession  of  this  company,  as 
it  is  not  right  that  he  should  lose  his  pay  and  his  company  while  he  is 
actually  serving  His  Majesty  at  the  post  His  Majesty  is  forming  at 


Vol  5.  p.  912. 

Digitized  by 



The  SrB  de  la  Motte  and  de  Tonty,'  Captains  [and]  Dugu^  and  Chacorn- 
acle,  Lieutenants  on  half  pay,  set  out  at  the  beginning  of  last  June  with 
a  hundred  men,  soldiers  and  settlers,  in  25  boats  loaded  with  provisions, 
goods,  stores,  and  necessary  tools,  to  go  and  establish  the  post  of  Detroit. 

We  did  not  forget  on  behalf  of  His  Majesty,  to  prohibit  these  oflflcers, 
soldiers  and  settlers  from  carrying  on  any  trade,  on  pain  of  incurring 
the  extreme  penalty  of  the  decrees ;  and  as  it  is  necessary  to  trade  with  the 
savages  there,  we  have  sent  two  upright  men  who  will  carry  it  on  for  the 
profit  of  His  Majesty  with  all  possible  fidelity;  and  we  have  taken  who? 
the  other  precautions  which  were  necessary  in  order  to  prevent  any  abuses 
from  creeping  in, 'so  as  to  be  able  to  give  you.  My  Lord,  an  exact  account 
of  the  consignments  sent  there  which,  up  to  the  present  time  are  very 
large  as  you  will  see  from  the  annexed  statement  which  the  Sr.  de  Cham- 
pigny  has  had  drawn  up.  index  letter  p. 

Since  the  departure  of  the  said  Sr.  de  la  Motte,  we  have  sent  him  two 
boats  laden  with  provisions  and  goods,  as  we  feared  he  might  stand  in 
need  of  them ;  and  at  the  same  time  we  informed  him  of  the  conclusion  of 
the  peace  between  us,  our  allied  savages,  and  the  Iroquois.  We  also  sent 
off  two  boats,  at  the  beginning  of  September,  to  take  the  wives  of  the 
Srs.  de  la  Motte  and  de  Tonty  who  have  gone  to  join  them,  on  the  request 
they  made  to  us. 

We  will  consider  his  memorandum  which  you  have  sent  us,  in  which  f^rsue  this  ob- 

•^  '  ject  energet 

there  are  many  things  which  are  impracticable,  especially  in  those  coun-  Jf^^JJf*' 

His  Majesty  having  directed  us  to  put  the  Company  of  the  Colony  in  • 
possession  of  this  post,  to  have  the  trade  which  may  be  done  there  to  the 
exclusion  of  everyone  else,  we  have  agreed,  subject  to  h^s  will  and  pleas-  g<xxi- 
ure,  to  hand  it  over  on  condition  that  he  is  reimbursed  for  all  the  ex- 
penses he  has  incurred  there,  consisting  not  only  of  the  goods  which 
have  been  sent  there  for  trading  but  also  of  the  provisions,  stores,  and 
tools,  boats  bought  for  the  journey,  the  construction  of  the  fort  which  is 
set  up  there,  and  the  wages  of  those  who  are  serving  at  that  post,  but  on 
condition  of  making  it  a  reduction  of  the  sum  of  15000#  which  His  Maj-  why? 
esty  granted  for  the  construction  of  this  fort. 

This  company  binds  itself  also  to  provide  food  for  the  oflScers  in  com-  Little. 
mand  there,  so  that  they  may  have  their  pay  clear,  as  His  Majesty  or- 
ders ;  to  have  the  provisions  and  clothing  of  the  soldiers  conveyed  there  Much. 
at  the  rate  of  15  #  per  cwt.  which,  otherwise  would  cost  as  much  again. 

They  are  also  pledged  to  distribute  to  poor  families  of  rank,  from  the 
1st  of  January  the  sum  of  6000#,  in  place  and  instead  of  of  the  licensed 
traders,  according  to  the  orders  of  the  Chev.  de  Callieres  countersigned 
by  the  Sr.  de  Champigny;  and  the  statement  of  .the  distribution  made  of 

^Henry  Tonty  was  at  Fort  St  Louis  and  his  younger  brother,  Alphonse,  was  at 
Detroit— C.  M.  B. 

Digitized  by  VjOOQIC 


ANNUAL   MEETING,    1903. 



Index  letterO. 
Council  at 

this  [sum]  will  be  sent  every  year  to  the  Court.  And  since  this  Company 
does  not  at  present  possess  the  funds  for  making  the  repayment  spoken 
of  above,  it  has  appropriated  for  that  purpose  the  returns  which  should 
accrue  next  year  from  the  goods  which  have  been  sent  to  this  fort;  and 
if  they  are  not  sufficient,  they  will  give  letters  of  exchange  for  the  re- 
mainder, payable  in  France  the  said  year. 

The  Sr.  de  Chacornacle  has  just  arrived  now  from  Detroit  with  five 
men,  and  has  brought  us  letters  from  the  Srs.  de  la  Motte  and  de  Tonty ; 
the  former  notifies  us  that  he  arrived  at  the  mouth  of  that  river  on  the 
24th  of  July  with  all  his  detachment  in  good  health,  and  that  after  hav- 
ing looked  for  the  most  suitable  place  to  establish  himself,  he  built  a  fort 
with  four  bastions  of  good  oak  stakes  15  feet  long,  three  of  which  are  in 
the  earth,  each  curtain  being  thirty  fathoms  long ;  that  he  has  placed  this 
fort  three  leagues  from  Lake  Erie,  and  two  from  Lake  St.  Clair  at  the 
narrowest  part  of  the  river  towards  the  west  south-west ;  that  he  began 
by  building  a  warehouse  in  order  to  put  all  his  goods  under  shelter ;  that 
he  is  setting  them  to  work  at  the  necessary  dwellings,  and  that  they  are 
not  yet  in  a  very  forward  state,  which  has  obliged  him  to  keep  nearly 
all  his  people  trying  to  complete  them  before  the  winter. 

We  have  no  doubt  that  this  post  will  attract  the  savages  of  Missilli- 
makinac,  and  especially  the  Hurons,  and  that  they  will  go  and  settle 
there  from  this  autumn,  as  they  promised  the  Chev.  de  Callieres. 

The  Sr.  de  la  Motte  sends  us  a  favorable  description  of  the  country 
where  he  is ;  and  although  he  says  he  is  sending  a  copy  of  it  to  you,  we 
do  not  omit  annexing  a  copy  here. 

We  took  the  liberty  of  asking  you  last  year  for  an  annual  gratuity  for 
the  Srs.  de  la*  Motte  and  de  Tonty,  and  we  make  the  same  request  to  you 
again  this  year  seeing  the  great  hardships  they  have  experienced  in  their 
journey  and  in  forming  their  settlement.  The  Sr.  Dugue,  lieutenant  on 
half-pay,  who  remained  there  in  garrison  would  deserve  one  in  propor- 
tion and  to  be  promoted,  as  he  is  the  senior  of  the  half-pay  lieutenants 
and  a  very  good  officer.  The  Sr.  de  Chacornacle,  also  a  lieutenant  on 
half-pay,  is  the  one  who  has  just  brought  us  news  from  this  fort;  and  as 
he  is  going  to  France  in  accordance  with  the  permission  you  sent  him, 
he  can  give  you  an  account  of  his  journey  if  you  wish  to  question  him ;  he 
deserves  a  gratuity  for  the  pains  he  has  taken  in  the  matter. 

Your  humble,  very  obedient  and  most  obliged  servants 

The  Chev.  de  Callieres 
Quebec,  the  5th  Oct.  1702*  ( ?). 

♦Should  be  1701.— C.  M.  B. 

Digitized  by 




DESCRIPTION    OF    THE    RIVER    OF    DETROIT    BY    M.    I)E    LA 

Endorsed — f.  [  ?  fai*et=made,  i.  e.  drawn  up]  5th  Oct.,  1701. 
Annexed  to  the  letter  from  MM.  de  Callieres  and  de  Champigny. 

Since  the  trade  of  war  ia  not  that  of  a  writer,  I  cannot  without  rash- 
ness draw  the  portrait  of  a  country  so  worthy  of  a  better  pen  than  mine; 
but  since  you  have  ordered  nie  to  give  you  an  account  of  it  I  will  do  so, 
telling  you 

That  Detroit  is,  probably,  only  a  canal  or  a  river  of  moderate  breadth, 
and  twenty -five  leagues  in  length  according  to  my  reckoning  lyin^  north- 
north-east,  and  south-south-west  about  the  41st  degree  [of  latitude], 
through  which  the  sparkling  and  pellucid  waters  of  Lakes  Superior, 
Michigan  and  Huron  (which  are  so  many  seas  of  sweet  water)  flow  and 
glide  away  gently  and  with  a  moderate  current  into  Lake  Erie,  into  the 
Ontario  or  Frontenac,  and  go  at  last  to  mingle  in  the  river  St.  Lawrence 
with  those  of  the  ocean.  The  banks  are  so  many  vast  meadows  where  the 
freshness  of  these  beautiful  streams  keep  the  grass  always  green.  These 
same  meadows  are  fringed  with  long  and  broad  avenues  of  fruit  trees 
which  have  never  felt  the  careful  hand  of  the  watchful  gardener;  and 
fruit  trees,  young  and  old,  droop  under  the  weight  and  multitude  of  their 
fruit,  and  bend  their  branches  towards  the  fertile  soil  which  has  pro- 
duced them.  In  this  soil  so  fertile,  the  ambitious  vine  which  has  not 
yet  wept  under  the  knife  of  the  industrious  vine-dresser,  forms  a  thick 
roof  with  its  broad  leaves  and  its  heavy  clusters  over  the  head  of  what- 
•ever  it  twines  round,  which  it  often  stifles  by  embracing  it  too  closely. 
Under  these  vast  avenues  you  may  see  assembling  in  hundreds  the  shy 
stag  and  the  timid  hind  with  the  bounding  roebuck,  to  pick  up  eagerly 
the  apples  and  plums  with  which  the  ground  is  paved.  It  is  there  that 
the  careful  turkey  hen  calls  back  her  numerous  brood,  and  leads  them  to 
gather  the  grapes ;  it  is  there  that  their  big  cocks  come  to  fill  their  broad 
and  gluttonous  crops.  The  golden  pheasant,  the  quail,  the  partridge, 
the  woodcock,  the  teeming  turtle-dove,  swarm  in  the  woods  and  cover  the 
open  country  intersected  and  broken  by  groves  of  full-grown  forest  trees 
which  form  a  charming  prospect  which  of  itself  might  sweeten  the  mel- 
ancholy tedium  of  solitude.  There  the  hand  of  the  pitiless  mower  h€U9 
never  shorn  the  juicy  grass  on  which  bisons  of  enormous  height  and  size 

The  woods  are  of  six  kinds, — walnut  trees,  white  oaks,  red,  bastard 
ash,  ivy,  white  wood  trees  and  Cottonwood  trees.    But  these  same  trees 

Voi  1.  p.  2. 

Digitized  by 


112  ANNUAL   MEETING,    1903. 

are  as  straight  as  arrows,  without  knots,  and  almost  without  branches 
except  near  the  top,  and  of  enormous  size  and  height.  It  is  from  thence 
that  the  fearless  eagle  looks  steadily  at  the  sun,  seeing  beneath  him 
enough  to  glut  his  formidable  claws. 

The  fish  there  are  fed  and  laved  in  sparkling  and  pellucid  waters,  and 
are  none  the  less  delicious  for  the  bountiful  supply  [of  them] .  There  are 
such  large  numbers  of  swans  that  the  rushes  among  which  they  are 
massed  might  be  taken  for  lilies.  The  gabbling  goose,  the  duck,  the  teal 
and  the  bustard  are  so  common  there  that,  in  order  to  satisfy  you  of  it, 
I  will  only  make  use  of  the  expression  of  one  of  the  savages,  of  whom 
I  asked  before  I  got  there  whether  there  was  much  game  there ;  "there  is 
so  much,"  he  told  me,  "that  it  only  moves  aside  [long  enough]  to  allow 
the  boat  to  pass." 

Can  it  be  thought  that  a  land  in  which  nature  has  distributed  every- 
thing •in  so  complete  a  manner  could  refuse  to  the  hand  of  a  careful 
husbandman  who  breaks  into  its  fertile  depths,  the  return  which  is  ex- 
pected of  it? 

In  a  word,  the  climate  is  temperate,  the  air  very  pure ;  during  the  day 
there  is  a  gentle  wind,  and  at  night  the  sky,  which  is  always  placid,  dif- 
fuses sweet  and  cool  influences  which  cause  us  to  enjoy  the  benignity  of 
tranquil  sleep. 

If  its  position  is  pleasing,  it  is  no  less  important,  for  it  opens  or  closes 
the  approach  to  the  most  distant  tribes  which  surround  these  vast  sweet 
water  seas. 

It  is  only  the  opponents  of  the  truth  who  are  the  enemies  of  this  set- 
tlement, so  essential  to  the  increase  of  the  glory  of  the  King,  to  the 
spread  of  religion,  and  to  the  destructibn  of  the  throne  of  Baal. 


At  Missilimakinak  this  Sth  Oct,  1701 

This  7th  letter  is  from  Father  Maret,  f.  [?/'aite  =  written.] 

missionary  to  the  (?)  Utavois  of  Missili-  Seventh 

makinak.    It  obviously  proves  that  the  Sir, 

return  of  Father  Vaillant,  who  had  been  I  am  much  obliged  to  you  for  the  hon> 

granted  to  M.  de  la  Mothe  to  start  his  or  of  your   remembrance  [of  me],  and 

mission  at  Detroit,  had  been  arranged  I  beg  you  to  be  so  good  as  to  extend  it 

from  Quebec.     It  agrees  witbi  the  4th  to  me  always;  I  will  endeavor  to  return 

[letter]   towards  the  end.     One    thing  it  in  kind  before  the  Lord,  which  is  the 

mo^e  it  discloses,  for  it  appears  this  de-  most  effective  way  in  which  to  show  my 

Vol  1,  p.  88. 

Digitized  by 




cision  was  come  to  in  concert  with  M. 
de  Calliere,  which  is  not  likely. 

The  Father  is  correct  in  writing  that 
the  Savages  are  not  agreed  as  to  the 
establishment  of  Detroit  The  words 
they  hay^  uttered  in  open  council  show 
what  the  missionaries  are,  the  ones  who 
have  divided  them  by  the  bad  impres- 
sions they  have  given  them,  and  by  die 
threats  they  have  offered  them  if  they 
should  come  and  settle  at  this  post 

gratitude.  As  regards  the  return  of 
Father  Vaillant,  it  ought  not  to  have 
surprised  you,  for  I  have  been  assured 
that  that  was  in  reality  arranged  from 
down  there,  and  that  M.  de  Calliere  was 
expecting  him,  and  that  he  expected  him 
by  way  of  KtarokSi.*  It  is  true,  however, 
that  this  Father  was  much  mortified 
that  he  was  not  able  to  pass  this 
way,  either  going  to  Detroit  or  return- 
ing and  so  were  we.  It  is  true  that  the 
8ta8as  have  brought  us  from  down  there 
news  [that  had]  arrived  from  Europe, 
some  of  which  is  very  consoling.  M.  de 
la  Forest  is  only  setting  out  from  here; 
your  boats  for  the  Bay  went  off  nearly 
15  days  ago.  Father  Chardon  embarked 
with  the  latter  to  go  also  to  the  Bay  to 
the  assistance  of  Father  Nouvelle  laden 
with  the  weight  of  nearly  80  years,  and 
with  many  infirmities.  This  Father 
brought  us  some  letters  for  you  from 
down  there;  there  are  two  packets  of 
them  and  one  ordinary  letter  which  I 
have  charged  Mikinak  (who  is  not  un- 
known to  you)  to  deliver  to  you,  he 
always  behaves  well  towards  the 
French.  Your  letters  will  no  doubt  tell 
you  that  most  important  news  is  ex- 
pected by  the  last  vessels;  I  don't  know 
whether  we  shall  be  informed  of  it  here 
this  year. 

I  cannot  tell  you  what  the  opinion  of 
our  8ta8as  is  as  to  the  establishment 
of  Detroit  and  I  think  they  would  be 
somewhat  embarrassed  to  tell  us  them- 
selves, for  they  are  not  agreed.  Sev- 
eral of  them  fear  that  the  Iroquois,  not 
having  returned  them  their  slaves, 
which  was  the  most  essential  article  of 
the  treaty,  may  be  on  the  watch  to  de- 
ceive them;  but  if  they  are  handed 
over  to  them  this  autumn,  as  they  have 
been  given  to  hope,  that  will  calm  them 
down  a  little.  As  for  me  I  am  ex- 
pecting orders  from  our  Revd.  Father 
Superior  every  day,  and  I  do  not  think 
any  move  could  be  made  between  now 
and  the  spring,  nor  could  I  be  of  serv- 

*In  the  old  French  language  there  was  a  letter  not  in  use  at  present.  The  near- 
est to  it  of  anything  we  have  in  English  is  the  figure  8.  Wherever  the  letter 
occurs  we  have  used  the  figure. — C.  M.  B. 


Digitized  by 



ANNUAL.   MEETING,    1903. 

ice  to  the  savages  who  are  quite  deter- 
mined to  disperse  in  the  woods,  each 
in  his  own  direction  and  that  as  far  as 
ever  they  can.  I  recommend  to  you 
those  who  go  and  visit  you;  and  I  am 
with  great  respect,  Sir,  your  very  hum- 
ble and  very  obedient  servant. 

Joseph  J.  Maret.* 

This  8th  letter  is  from  Father  Maret. 
*It  proves  the  contrary  of  what  he  wrote 
to  M.  de  Lamothe  in  the  2nd,  dated  28th 
July,  1701,  in  which  he  says  he  is  quite 
ready  to  set  out  from  the  autumn  of 
the  same  year,  if  it  is  desired;  and  he 
appears  to  have  been  requested  to  do  so 
by  M.  de  Calliere,  as  well  as  Father 
de  Carheil.  But  all  this  is  practiced  in 
order  to  lull  M.  de  Lamothe  to  sleep, 
who  was  not  disposed  to  be    ♦     ♦    ♦ 

Joseph  Jacques  Marest,  Jesuit  was  in 
Canada  in  1687.    He  died  July  17,  1738. 

Repertoire  Oeneral  du  Clergy  Can- 
adien,  70. 

*Henry  Nouvel,  Jesuit,  arrived  at 
Quebec  August  4,  1662.  Was  Superior 
to  the  Ottawas  in  1673.  Died  at  Quebec, 
October  7,  1674.    Rep.  Gen.  62.— C.  M.  B. 

At  Missilimakinak,   this   20th  Oct., 


The  wife  of  Quarante  Solz  has  re- 
turned us  the  packet  of  letters  of  which 
you  speak  in  the  one  you  have  done  me 
the  favor  to  write  me.  I  was  expecting 
to  find  in  it  a  letter  from  Father  Chol- 
lenu  who,  at  the  beginning  of  the  one 
he  sent  me  by  N.  f.  Louis  de  Boeme  tells 
me  that  he  has  already  written  to  me 
by  way  of  Quarante  Solz  who  had  set 
out  before.  I  do  not  know  what  has 
become  of  this  letter;  if  it  has  been  in- 
advertently forgotten,  I  should  be  ob- 
liged by  its  being  sent  to  me  on  the 
first  opportunity  as  I  know  not  what  it 
may  contain.  I  have  already  sent  you 
word  by  K8ta8ilib8a  that  I  had  charged 
Mikinak  with  the  letters  Brother  Louis 
brought  to  me  here  for  you;  I  have  no 
doubt  he  has  faithfully  delivered  them 
to  you.  He  will  have  been  able  to  tell 
you,  both  he  and  the  other  8ta8as  who 
are  in  your  parts,  what  their  decision 
is  (if  however  they  have  a  fixed  de- 
cision), so  it  would  be  useless  for  me 
to  write  to  you  of  it.  M.  Amand  who 
arrived  here  the  day  before  yesterday 
in  the  evening  from  the  Bay  will  be 
able  to  tell  you  that  we  have  never  been 
more  lonely  at  Missilimakinak  than  we 
[now]  are  since  it  has  been  made  a  set- 
tlement. He  did  not  bring  us  any  let- 
ters from  the  Bay,  only  he  told  us  that 
Father  NouveP  was  forming  a  mission 
two  leagues  from  the  place  where  your 
people  were  trading  their  com;  he  will 
tell  you  the  news  himself  by  word  of 
mouth   as  he  has  understood  It  from 

Digitized  by 




'Claude  Aveneau,  Jesuit^  came  to 
Quebec  June  4,  1683.  Missionary  to  the 
Miamis  on  River  St.  Joseph  after  father 
Allouez.  He  was  at  this  mission  as  late 
as  1708.    Rep.  Gen.  68.— C.  M.  B. 

AmaiSe  who  arrived  yesterday  from 
down  there  with  sundry  letters  not  yet 
informing  us  of  the  arrival  of  the  ves- 
sels which  were  expected.  We  have  al- 
ready taken  to  the  Miamis  what  they 
had  left  here  in  our  charge,  everything 
shall  be  faithfully  returned  to  them 
independently  of  [?=except]  your  note 
which  I  have  not  yet  been  able  to  send 
to  Father  Aveneau.*  The  fort  which 
you  have  already  finished  and  the  fine 
building  you  tell  me  of  will  please  our 
savages  greatly,  but  what  will  please 
them  more  than  all  the  rest  is  the 
cheapness  of  the  goods  which  you  will 
get  for  them  especially  if  it  is  [  ?to  last] 
for  ever.  I  have  already  sent  you  word 
that  I  should  apparently  make  no  move 
this  autunm;  I  have  not  even  the  au- 
thority to  do  so.  I  may  indeed  say  the 
same  of  Father  de  Carheill,  who  has 
desired  me  to  tell  you  that  he  Is  also, 
with  respect,  as  I  am  and  will  ever  be. 
Sir,  your  very  humble  and  very  obedi- 
ent servant. 

Joseph  J.  Marest. 

Endorsed — Colonies.    M.  de  Champigny.    30th  Oct.  1701. 

My  Lord, 

The  great  haste  in  which  the  King's  store-ship  "La  Seine"  left  here, 
prevented  me  from  sending  you  by  that  means  all  the  documents  re- 
ferred to  in  my  private  letter,  which  has  compelled  me  to  annex  to  this 
one  a  statement  of  the  quantities  used  up  out  of  His  Majesty's  stores 
during  the  first  eight  months  of  the  present  year,  which  ought  to  have 
been  under  the  Index  Letter  A  in  the  former  [letter.] 

A  detailed  forecast  of  the  disbursements  to  be  made  in  this  country 
next  year,  under  the  letter  C. 

A  statement  with  details  of  the  expenditure  incurred  for  masts  dur-  TWspaper 

ing  this  year  under  letter  D. 
And  another  for  that  wh 
ships  "La  Seine"  and  "I^  Jeanne  Corneille,"  under  letter  E. 

until  the  lAst 
sbip  leaves,  on 

And  another  for  that  which  has  been  incurred  for  the  King's  store-  »ooountof  the 

"  payments  still 

being  made 


Vol.  5,  p.  W3. 

Digitized  by 


116  ANNUAL  MEETING,    1903. 

This  latter  store-ship  arrived  here  on  the  8th  of  this  month,  and 
brought  us  a  hundred  soldiers  as  reinforcements  in  sufficiently  good  con- 
dition. His  Majesty's  stores  with  which  it  was  loaded  have  been  found 
to  be  in  a  good  state ;  but  as  it  was  unable  to  bring  all  the  flour  which 
ought  to  have  been  sent  us,  the  cost  of  which  has  been  redkoned  in  ad- 
vance against  the  funds  destined  for  this  country  for  the  present  year,  I 
am  sending  word  to  Mons.  Begon,  Intendant  of  Rochefort,  to  send  it  next 
indcxictterA,      I  have  had  twenty  masts  and  some  planks  put  on  board  this  store-ship, 


as  you  will  see,  My  Lord,  from  the  statement  annexed  hereto. 

They  could  not  make  a  large  mast  go  in  it,  the  port  hole  not  being 

Index  letter  B.  large  cuough.  I  should  very  much  have  liked  to  put  on  board  also 
thirty  fine  small  masts  which  cost  20#  each,  French  money,  the  bill  for 
which  I  send  you. 

Letter  c,  bis.  As  the  inhabitants  of  St.  Paul's  Bay  have  not  carried  out  the  arrange- 
ments I  made  with  them  for  masts,  I  have  made  a  considerable  reduction 
against  them  in  the  price  I  was  giving  them  for  each  mast ;  and  I  have 
made  a  fresh  arrangement  with  the  Sr.  de  la  Chesnaye,  a  copy  of  which 
is  attached,  from  which  you  will  learn  My  Lord,  that  I  am  giving  him. 
66#  for  each,  which  is  an  increase  of  6#.  But,  as  he  relieves  me  of  all  the 
tackle  I  was  obliged  to  supply  under  the  former  arrangement,  I  hope 
you  will  find  this  one  more  advantageous  to  BUs  Majesty ;  moreover  he  is 
an  upright  man,  and  in  a  position  to  carry  this  out  faithfully,  to  which 
he  has  pledged  himself. 

Index  letter  D,      I  am  very  glad  to  annex  to  this.  My  Lord,  a  copy  of  the  decision  I  have 

^  given  between  Guigne,  farmer  of  the  revenues  of  the  western  domain,  and 

the  Company  of  the  Colony,  regarding  certain  letters  of  exchange  which 
were  drawn  on  the  former  for  the  payment  of  what  was  contained  in  the 
statement  of  the  charges  of  last  year,  in  order  to  give  you  complete  infor- 
mation of  all  that  I  have  done  in  regard  to  that. 

I  sent  you.  My  Lord,  as  you  requested,  the  statements  of  the  charges 
for  the  years  1698,  1699  and  1700,  in  which  I  distinguished  the  persons 
who  had  been  accustomed  to  be  paid  in  advance,  on  the  old  footing,  from 
those  who  were  so  formerly  on  that  of  the  navy ;  but  it  was,  at  that  time, 
impossible  for  me  to  show  therein  from  what  day  they  were  paid.    How- 

index  letters,  ever,  having  since  made  a  more  careful  search,  I  am  sending  you  a 
memorandum  in  which  it  is  stated  from  what  day  the  officers  of  justice 
have  been  paid,  from  the  year  1686  since  I  have  been  in  this  country ;  and 
as  regards  the  other  individuals  who  are  included,  it  cannot  be  ascer- 
tained exactly,  except  by  seeing  the  receipts,  in  the  court  of  exchequer, 
which  they  have  given  since  they  obtained  commissions  from  His 
Majesty,  the  dates  of  which  are  in  this  memorandum. 

But  in  order  to  set  matters  straight,  I  think  it  would  be  advisable.  My 
Lord,  after  a  thorough  examination  of  what  I  have  the  honor  to  write  to 

Digitized  by 



you  on  this  point,  to  have  a  statement  drawn  up  next  year  in  which  it 
should  be  explained  from  what  day  the  salary  or  wages  of  each  indi- 
vidual should  commence. 

As  the  parties  in  Paris  formerly  interested  in  the  North  Bay  have  not 
sent  me  any  memorandum  concerning  the  indemnification  they  demand 
from  the  New  Company,  and  no  one  has  come  forward  in  their  behalf, 
I  have  been  unable  to  settle  anything  on  this  head.  You  will  find  at-  index  letter  f. 
tached.  My  Lord,  a  copy  of  a  memorandum,  concerning  the  establishment 
of  Detroit. 

You  will  see  from  the  agreement  I  have  made  with  the  Company  of  the 
Colony,  on  putting  it  in  possession  of  the  forts  of  Frontenac  and  Detroit, 
that  I  have  been  obliged  to  advance  large  sums  without  being  able  to 
obtain  payment  until  next  year,  in  letters  of  exchange  and  furs  which 
will  have  to  be  sent  to  France  to  be  sold,  and  this  will  delay  the  repay- 
ment for  two  years.  Therefore  I  most  humbly  beg  you,  My  Lord,  to  take 
this  into  account  to  some  extent,  by  granting  us  next  year  such  increase 
of  funds  as  you  may  think  fit,  having  regard  to  the  extraordinary  dis- 
bursements we  have  been  obliged  to  make  this  year  both  for  the  ratifica- 
tion of  the  peace  with  the  Iroquois,  and  for  the  enterprise  of  Detroit, 
and  for  the  fortifications  of  Quebec,  as  you  know  from  the  statements 
which  have  been  sent  to  you. 

I  hope,  My  Lord,  you  will  be  good  enough  to  send  us  a  ship  early  next 
year,  in  order  that  the  Intendant  who  relieves  me  may  be  able  to  be  in- 
structed sufliciently  in  the  affairs  of  this  country  before  I  leave  it. 

Permit  me.  My  Lord,  to  beg  you  to  continue  to  honor  me  with  your 
assistance  in  my  desire  to  do  all  I  can  to  retain  it,  being  with  the  deepest 

My  Lord 
Your  very  humble,  very  obedient,  and  most  obliged  servant, 


Quebec,  the  SOth  of  October  1701. 

Digitized  by 



ANNUAL   MEETING,    1903. 


This  9th  letter  Is  from  Father  Mer- 
met.  Prom  the  first  paragraph  it  con- 
tains it  seems  that  this  Father  is  very 
glad  to  make  known  to  M.  de  Lamothe 
that  he  willingly  gives  him  an  oppor- 
tunity to  attain  to  glory  if  by  his  care 
and  action  he  may  avert  the  evils  with 
which  the  colony  and  religion  are 
threatened;  and  he  claims  by  this  action 
he  is  taking  (although  the  thing  is  in 
itself  greatly  to  be  commended)  to  con- 
vince him  that  the  Jesuits  are  more 
friendly  to  him  than  he  thinks.  This 
infers  and  means  in  good  French  [=in 
plain  English]  that,  if  the  Jesuits  had 
been  enemies  of  M.  de  Lamothe,  they 
would  rather  have  let  religion  and*  the 
Colony  perish  than  have  informed  him 
of  the  dangerous  condition  to  which 
they  were  reduced  or,  it  were  better  to 
say,  according  to  his  letters,  of  -their 
imminent  and  almost  certain  ruin. 

This  father  seems  to  be  alarmed  at 
the  Miamis  being  more  eager  than 
usual  for  hunting,  and  pays  no  regard 
[to  the  fact]  that  it  is  evident  that  that 
is  on  account  of  the  general  peace  that 
has  been  concluded,  which  invites  them 
to  hunt  without  fear.  He  asserts  that 
Quarante  Sous,  Chief  of  the  Hurons,  is 
to  settle  20  or  30  leagues  from  Detroit, 
and  does  not  know  that  the  same  Quar- 
ante Sous  is  already  settled  with  his 
village  at  Detroit  in  the  place  which 
M.  de  Lamothe  has  assigned  to  them; 
he  makes  him  out  to  be  the  soul  of 
all  intrigue  at  a  time  when  this  chief 
is  doing  nothing  but  carrying  out  what 
has  been  laid  down  for  him.  They 
bear  this  poor  man  ill-will  because  they 
believed  it  was  he  who  spoke  against 
Father  de  Carheil,  and  they  do  not 
perceive  that  they  are  blundering,  that 
it  is  another   Quarante    Sous  who  was 

At  St.  Joseph  River  the  19th  of  April, 


Although  I  have  not  the  honor  of  be- 
ing known  to  you  I  cannot  omit  writing 
to  you  about  an  important  matter  which 
concerns  the  welfare  of  the  Colony  as 
well  as  of  religion;  and  from  that  Sir 
you  may  see  that  the  Jesuits  are  more 
friendly  to  you  than  you  think  unless 
you  yourself  will  not  honor  them  with 
your  kind  remembrance,  and  if  I  dare 
say  so,  with  your  friendship. 

Five  of  our  Miamis  are  betaking  them- 
selves to  the  English  for  goods  which 
they  will  bring  this  summer.  They  have 
never  been  seen  more  eager  in  hunt- 
ing the  beaver  than  since  they  received 
fine  belts  from  the  English,  brought  by 
the  Iroquois  who  have  come  here.  That 
is  in  order  to  get  permission  from  our 
Miamis  to  establish  a  post  freely,  three 
days  from  here  near  a  river  which  is 
the  source  of  the  Oiiabache,  whence 
there  is  only  one  portage  of  half  a 
league  to  get  to  this  river  here  and  an- 
other like  [portage]  to  go  to  a  river 
which  runs  down  to  Detroit.  From 
thence  the  English  would  be  able  to  go, 
or  send  from  all  sidM  the  savages  from 
our  Lakes. 

In  this  latter  rivep  which  runs  to  De- 
troit M.  Quarante  Solz,  who  will  not  fail 
to  inveigh  against  Father  de  Carheil, 
and  is  the  moving  spirit  of  every  in- 
trigue of  our  Miamis  [?is  going]  to 
settle,  20  or  30  leagues  from  Detroit.  He 
has  also  made  very  large  presents  to 
testify  to  the  alliance  which  the  Hurons 
and  the  Miamis  wish  to  form  between 
them.  From  this  river  the  said  Quar- 
ante Solz  will  have  the  choice  of  the 
English  or  the  French  for  trading,  in 
order  to  be  more  at  peace  there,  he  is 
to    go — they  say — to  M.  de  Calliere  to 

Vol.  1,  p.  44. 

Digitized  by 




sent  to  M.  de  Lamothe  to  speak  to  him 
on  behalf  of  the  Hurons  of  Missilimak- 
inak.  Finally,  after  this  Father  has 
roundly  abused  the  innocent  Quarante 
Sous,  he  draws  an  inference  for  which 
there  appears  to  be  no  grounds;  these 
are  his  words, — ^judge  from  that,  Sir, 
says  he,  how  far  we  should  trust  to 
the  report  of  the  savages,  and  yet  it  is 
on  their  report  that  he  informs  M.  de 
Lamothe  of  this  important  matter 
which  concerns  the  welfare  of  the  col- 
ony and  even  of  religion.  Finally  in  a 
postscript  to  his  letter  he  returns  to 
the  charge;  he  urges  me  to  send  his 
letters  filled  with  similar  advice  to  the 
Governors  and  the  Intendant,  as  well  as 
to  his  Superiors.  He  writes  through 
Missilimakinak,  and  there  is  reason  for 
astonishment  that  he  is  not  already  in 
Quebec,  and  the  English  with  the 

This  is  the  Gk>rdian  knot  of  this  im- 
portant matter,  on  which  M.  de  La- 
mothe was  already  informed.  Two  cap- 
tains, namely  MM.  de  la  Forest  and 
Tonty,  arranged  a  meeting  at  Missili- 
makinak in  the  month  of  July,  1701, 
and  they  formed  a  scheme  there  with 
the  Jesuits  to  form  a  post  at  the  river 
where  the  Miamis  are,  with  the  inten- 
tion of  making  the  ^post  of  Detroit  fail. 
That  is  why  the  missionaries  of  Missili- 
makinak invited  the  savages  to  go  and 
settle  there;  and  it  was  decided  that 
this  Father  Mermet*  should  give  this 
alarm  to  M  de  Lamothe  with  Father 
Davenant;  the  Jesuits  undertook  M.  de 
Ghampigny  and  the  two  officers  of  M. 
de  Calliere,  the  whole  with  the  object 
of  compelling  the  Governor-General  to 
send  a  strong  garrison  to  the  Miamis  in 
order  to  start  that  post  under  the  pre- 
text that  the  English  would  come  there. 

^Jacques  Jean  Mermet,  Jesuit,  arrived 
at  Quebec  June  24,  1700  and  died  in 
Sept.  1726.  His  remains  were  trans- 
ported to  the  church  at  Kaskaskia  Dec. 
18,  1727  with  those  of  Father  Pierre  Ga- 
briel Marest.    Rep,  Gen.  82.— C.  M.  B. 

ask  permission  to  trade  there  on  his 
own  account  [?sa3dng]  that  if  he  does 
not  go  nearer  to  Detroit  it  is  so  as  not 
to  deprive  the  French  of  the  advantage 
of  the  hunting,  or  from  fear  of  incom- 
moding the  French  who  have  sheep, 
cows  or  other  domestic  animals  which 
their  children  could  not  help  killing  if 
they  were  nearer.  But  he  ought  not  to 
disclose  either  the  alliance  he  meditates 
with  the  English  or  the  resentment 
which  he  will  some  day  cause  to  break 
out  against  the  8ta8as;  he  has  not  even 
managed  to  keep  himself  from  saying, 
to  one  of  his  confidants,  that  the  French 
were  preventing  him  from  revenging 
himself  on  the  8ta8as,  but  that  the  Eng- 
lish would  assist  him.  Judge  from  that. 
Sir,  how  far  we  should  trust  to  the 
report  of  the  savages.  You  should,  Sir, 
however,  conceal  [the  fact]  that  the  re- 
port I  am  making  to  you  comes  from  us, 
especially  as  they  might  do  us  an  ill 
turn;  but  I  thought  Sir,  in  writing  this 
to  you,  to  oblige  you.  You  should  not 
doubt  that  there  will  be  no  lack  of 
denials  of  so  infamous  a  case;  but,  if 
you  think  I  am  interested  in  this,  so 
that  you  do  not  entirely  credit  it,  in- 
quire into  it  elsewhere  and  be  on  your 
guard  against  the  Hurons.  I  take  the 
liberty  of  addressing  to  you,  on  the  same 
subject,  letters  to  the  Governor,  and  the 
Intendant  and  our  Superior.  I  beg  you 
to  send  them  as  soon  as  possible.  If 
I  have  the  opportunity  you  shall  learn 
how  far  I  am.  Sir,  your  very  humble  and 
obedient  servant. 

[Signed]  Jean  Mermet.* 

In  order  to  succeed.  Sir,  I  beg  you  to 
use  all  possible  diligence  either  in  writ- 
ing yourself  or  in  forwarding  our  let- 
ters to  the  authorities.  I  think  the  mat- 
ter so  certain  and  so  important  that,  if 
your  man  had  not  set  out  for  Detroit 
I  should*  have  started  specially  to  go 
down  to  Missilimakinak  and  thence  per- 
haps to  Quebec.  Lest  your  man  should 
be  stopped  by  the  Savages,  I  am  writ- 
ing the  same  matter  by  Missilimakinak, 
but  that  way  will  be  much  longer.  So 
diligence!     I  beg  you. 

Digitized  by 



ANNUAL   MEETING^    1903. 

This  10th  letter  Is  from  Father  Bon- 
nart  Superior  of  the  Jesuits.  He  ap- 
pears to  wish  that  Fathers  Maret^  and 
Carheil  should  settle  down  near  M.  de 
Lramothe.  This  letter  infers  that  he 
must  have  written  about  it  to  these  two 
missionaries;  or  rather,  it  gives  ground 
for  thinking  from  the  effects  that  they 
only  wished  to  trifle  with  M.  de  La- 
mothe,  in  thanking  him  two  years  in 
advance  for  the  courtesy  he  was  to  show 
to  Fathers  Maret  and  Carheil,  who  in- 
deed resolved  not  to  go  to  the  missions 
of  Detroit,  and  on  the  contrary  contrib- 
uted with  all  their  power  to  ruin  the 

^There  were  two  Jesuits  named  Marest, 
Joseph  Jacques  and  Pierre  Gabriel.  It 
id  probable  that  the  one  here  mentioned 
as  "senior"  was  the  former  as  he  came 
to  Canada  in  1687  while  Pierre  Gabriel 
Marest  did  not  arrive  until  the  follow- 
ing year.  The  name  is  sometimes  spell- 
ed Maret,  showing  the  elimination  of  the 
letter  s,  which  was  common  at  that 
time,  as  in  Estlenne,  Etienne,  Chesne, 
Chene  and  many  other  words  and 
names. — C.  M.  B. 

'Francois  Dollier  de  Casson,  a  priest 
of  the  Sulpician  order,  came  to  Canada 
Sept.'  7,  1666.  He  made  a  journey 
through  the  Detroit  River  at  a  very 
early  period  —  years  before  Cadillac 
came,  and  made  a  very  good  map  of  the 
strait  and  of  Lake  Erie.  He  died 
Sept.  27,  1701.  He  was  the  author  of 
a  history  of  Montreal.  See  Rep.  Gen. 
54.— C.  M.  B. 

At  Quebec  this  20th  of  April  1702.  f. 

It  was  with  much  joy  that  I 
learnt  last  autumn  that  Madame  de  la 
Mothe  was  very  well  during  her  jour- 
ney. I  congratulate  you  on  it  and  her 
also,  to  whom  with  your  permission  I 
present  my  compliments,  I  hope  your 
winter  has  been  fortunate  in  all  re- 
spects, and  that  some  of  our  Fathers 
with  their  savages  have  settled  down 
near  you,  namely  Fathers  de  Carheil  and 
Marest^  senior.  If  so,  I  flatter  myself  I 
shall  have  as  many  thanks  to  give  you 
on  their  account  as  I  have  already  given 
you  and  as  I  give  you  again  in  regard 
to  Father  VaiUant'  who  prides  himself 
most  particularly  on  your  friendship;  I 
am  therefore  much  obliged  to  you  for 
it.  Sir,  and  I  feel  I  should  be  still  more 
so  if  I  could  get  any  opportunity  of 
serving  you  here.  Meanwhile  you  must 
know,  if  you  do  not  know  it  already, 
that  the  Quebec  seminary  was  burnt  on 
the  16th  of  Novr.  1701,  and  that  the  fort 
of  Chambly  was  burnt  somewhat  in  the 
month  of  March  last;  in  the  latter  the 
Rev.  Father  Benjamin  perished  but  no 
one  perished  in  the  former.  .  We  know 
nothing  yet  for  certain  as  to  the  peace 
or  the  war  between  France,  E^ngland  and 
Holland.  It  is  said  that  James  II,  the 
rightful  king  of  Great  Britain,  is  dead 
and  that  his  son  has  been  recognized 
successor  under  the  name  of  James  III. 
The  ceremony  took  place  at  St  Ger- 
main without  any  religious  ceremony. 
The  King  of  Spain,  Philippe  6th,  was 
expecting  at  Barcelona  in  September  the 
Princess  of  Savoy  his  future  wife  be- 
fore he  had  gome  to  Toledo  to  pay  a 
visit  to  the  Queen  Dowager  of  whose 
marriage  with  Monselgneur  there  is 
much  talk.  Since  the  death  of  M.  Dol- 
lier* there  have  been  none  of  import- 
ance except  those  of  Mme.  de  Blainville 
at  Montreal  and  Mother  Agnes  Duquet, 
Ursuline,  called  La  Nativity.  A  few 
marriages  have  been  solemnized  at 
Montreal  as,  amongst  others  that  of  M. 
Demuy  and  Mdlle  Dailleboust,  and  sev- 
eral others  are  spoken  of.    But  as  these 

Digitized  by 




matters  are  not  within  my  province,  I 
conclude  by  assuring  you  that  I  shall 
oyer  be  very  respectfully  and  in  all 
truth,  Sir,  your  very  humble  and  very 
obedient  servant. 
[Signed]  M.  Bonnart. 

This  11th  letter  is  from  Father  Maret 
missionary  at  Missilimaklnak.  This 
style  of  writing  to  M  de  Lamothe,  who  is 
his  Commandant,  is  too  haughty,  and  it 
is  clear  that  the  expressions  are  those  of 
a  mind  inflated  with  pride  which  cannot 
endure  authority.  But  as  M.  de  La- 
mothe has  replied  to  this  [letter],  and 
sends  me  a  copy,  it  is  superfluous  to  give 
his  observations  on  it 

The  2nd  paragraph  of  his  letter  agrees 
with  the  9th  from  Father  Mermet  and 
proves  their  scheme. 


At  Missilimakinak  this  30th  May  1702.  f. 


All  that  I  have  to  answer  at  present, 
as  to  what  you  write  to  me  of,  by  Miki- 
nick,  is  that  what  Father  de  Carheil 
and  I  have  done  has  not  been  In  order 
to  hinder  the  settlement  of  your  post 
but  to  act  for  the  best;  you  will  perhaps 
know  that  too  well  hereafter,  condemn* 
ing  your  hasty  accusations  yourself. 
Things  cannot  be  carried  out  as 
soon  as  you  think,  and  wish.  We 
will  explain  ourselves  more  at  length  to 
our  superiors,  sending  them  word  what 
we  have  done  for  the  best;  and  we 
hope  that,  judging  well  according  to 
reason  and  justice,  they  will  be  satis- 
fied with  it,  for,  in  short,  we  are  the 
servants  both  of  Qod  and  of  the  King 
and  have  no  other  interest  which  could 
induce  us  to  act  contrary  [to  theirs.] 

But  here  is  another  matter  on  which 
you  should  reflect.  Our  Fathers  with 
the  Miamis  send  us  worct  that  they 
wrote  to  you  by  one  of  your  men  who 
wintered  at  their  mission,  sent  on  pur- 
pose, that  the  Iroquois,  the  Loups  and 
the  Hurons  who  are  near  you,  and  par- 
ticularly the  man  who  complains  so 
loudly  and  whose  complaints  you  lis- 
ten to, — who,  apparently,  only  makes  so 
much  fuss  in  order  the  better  to  conceal 
his  own  designs  [lit.  to  conceal  him- 
self] by  flxing  your  attention  on  us 
alone, — ^re  acting  in  concert  to  estab- 
lish at  Sabache  an  English  post  entirely 
opposed  to  that  of  Detroit,  which  if  it 
once  comes  to  be  established  will  inevit- 
ably overthrow  the  trade  of  the  Colony. 
As  our  Fathers  who  are  on  the  spot  in- 
form you  of  it,  we  have  nothing  to  add 
on  our  part  to  what  they  have  written 
to  you,  having  no  other  knowledge  of 
it  than  that  which  they  give  us;  for  a 

Digitized  by 


122  ANNUAL   MBBTING,    1903. 

most  profound  silence  is  maintained 
here  towards  us,  which  of  Itself  serves 
to  inspire  us  with  mistrust. 

It  is  for  you,  on  a  warning  of  this 
importance,  not  to  fix  your  mind  on 
us  so  [exclusively]  as  not  to  take  a 
moment  for  turning  it  to  the  examina- 
tion of  the  conduct  of  those  near  you  in 
order  to  find  out  the  truth  or  falsity  of 
it  I  could  not  understand  how  Mikir 
nak,  after  so  many  obligations  as  he  is 
under  to  you,  could  resist  the  efforts  you 
have  made  to  retain  him  at  Detroit 
without  a  reason  as  old  and  strong  as 
them  [i.  e.  the  obligations]  but  if  peo- 
ple continue  also  to  impute  everything 
to  us  as  a  crime,  we  shall  be  reduced, 
even  in  matters  in  which  we  have  some 
credit,  to  the  necessity  of  accusing  no 
one  lest  this  accusation  should  be  made 
use  of  with  the  accused  to  make  them 
speak  against  us.  For  the  rest,  the  sav- 
ages of  this  place,  having  seen  the 
quality  of  the  land  at  Detroit  and  hav- 
ing found,  as  they  say,  that  there  is  no 
fishing  there  or  very  little,  and  that  the 
hunting  will  not  be  long  in  falling  off 
there  as  people  assemble  more,  near  to 
one  another,  are  thereupon  showing  an 
inclination,  which  it  will  not  lie  in  our 
power  to  change,  and  it  will  be  unjust 
to  take  offence  at  us  for  an  impotence 
opposed  to  our  inclinations. 

Mikinak  told  me  yesterday  and  begged 
me  to  write  you  that  he  has  already 
invited  the  Nokens  to  come  and  incor- 
porate themselves  with  them  in  what- 
ever place  they  may  wish  to  settle*  on 
which  they  have  not  yet  announced 
their  intentions.  The  same  invitation 
is  to  be  .given  to  the  Sauteurs  and  it 
is  probable  that  they  will  accept  it. 
You  have  more  acuteness  than  I  in  fath- 
oming their  designs,  take  care  lest  Prov- 
idence, by  what  it  may  permit,  should 
justify  us,  for  we  are  at  a  place  where 
we  can  learn  more  than  you  as  to  what 
may  be  advantageous  or  injurious  to 
your  post.  I  am  with  profound  respect. 
Sir,  yr.  very  humble  and  very  obedt 

Joseph  J.  Marest. 

Digitized  by 




This  13th  letter  [Is]  from  Father 
d'Avenaut,  missionary  to  the  Miamis. 
He  acknowledges  having  received  one 
from  M.  de  Calliere,  and  [says]  that  he 
read  It  to  the  Miamis,  having  invited 
them  to  go  and  settle  at  Detroit.  M.  de 
Lamothe  knows  the  contrary  from  the 
Frenchmen  who  were  present  there,  hav- 
ing told  the  savages  [before]  them  to  re- 
main steady  in  their  village.  Abd  this 
agrees  with  what  one  of  the  chiefs  of 
the  Miamis  told  M.  de  Lamothe  at  the 
council  of  the  27th  of  June,  1702.  On 
the  last  point,  the  Father  relied  on  the 
speech  which  M.  de  Calliere  had  made 
to  the  Miamis  at  Montreal  at  the  gen- 
eral assembly  which  was  held  there  on 
the  6th  of  August,  1701,  in  which  he  be- 
gins in  these  terms  at  para.  6. 

As  regards  what  you  ask  me.  Chichi- 
katelo,  that  the  other  villages  of  the 
Miamis  should  form  one  only  with  us 
at  the  St.  Joseph  river,  you  may  assure 
all  those  of  your  tribe  that  they  will 
give  me  pleasure  by  Joining  you  there, 
for  I  am  convinced  that  as  soon  as  peace 
is  concluded  they  will  live  much  better 
there  than  in  all  the  other  places  where 
they  [now]  are. 

It  is  agreed  that  this  speech  would 
have  been  a  reason  for  dissuading  the 
Miami  savages  from  coming  to  settle 
at  Detroit,  if  the  letter  which  the  Gov- 
ernor wrote  to  him  to  invite  them  to 
come  there,  had  not  been  later. 

From  the  St.  Joseph  River  the  4th  of 
June,'  1702. 

i  no  sooner  received  last  summer  the 
letter  which  the  Governor  did  me  the 
honor  of  writing  to  me  as  to  the  set- 
tlement of  the  French  at  Detroit,  In 
which  he  invites  the  savages  including 
the  Miamis  to  come  and  settle  near  the 
French  at  the  poet  of  Detroit,  than  I 
read  it  to  them  in  their  tongue  with- 
out concealing  anything  of  the  contents 
of  the  aforesaid  letter  from  them.  And 
now,  when  I  remind  them  of  it,  they 
tell  me  that  it  is  true  that  I  read  it  to 
them,  and  that  I  added  that,  if  they 
went  and  settled  at  Detroit  I  would  not 
fail  to  go  there  also,  not  being  willing  to 
abandon  them;  they  answered  me  that, 
amidst  so  great  a  number  of  people, 
they  feared  to  be  reduced  in  a  short 
time  to  starvation,  although  the  goods 
which  they  are  encouraged  to  hope  they 
will  get  cheap  do  not  fail  to  shake  their 
[resolution]  greatly.  The  news  of  100 
or  200  Iroquois  who  were  to  come  here 
this  summer  to  speak  to  them,  which 
St.  Michel  told  me  to  tell  them  for  you, 
has  surprised  them  strangely  and  has 
given  them  occasion  to  doubt  the  truth 
of  the  peace,  thinking  they  were  not  in- 
cluded, especially  when  they  were  told, 
also  from  you,  that  they  were  to  stand 
upon  their  guard,  which  nevertheless 
did  not  prevent  a  few  young  men  from 
setting  out  a  few  days  ago  on  the  war- 
path against  the  Si8s  in  spite  of  all  that 
the  old  men  and  I  could  say  to  them  to 
make  them  at  least  delay  their  march 
for  some  time  till  they  should  learn 
news  of  Onontio  their  father.  You  know 
still  better  than  I  the  disposition  of  the 
savages,  I  mean  their  way  of  acting, 
they  always  pursue  their  own  points,  so 
that  if  they  really  wish  to  go  to  De- 
troit, they  will  go  without  fail;  if  not, 
they  will  remain  just  where  they  are, 
or  at  least  they  will  make  no  great  stir 
to  change  their  dwelling  place.  I  pray 
God  that  he  will  give  us  and  them  the 
grace  to  do  ever  and  in  all  things  his 

Vol  1,  p.  64. 

Digitized  by 



ANNUAL    MEETING,    1903. 

holy  will.    I  greet  your  wife  again  and 
ask  her  for  some  share  in  her  prayers; 
and  am.  Sir,  with  respect    your    very 
humble  and  very  obedient  servant    . 
CI.  Aveneau 

As  soon  as  the  Father  has  returned 
here  himself,  I  will  hand  him  your  let- 
ter and  another  from  Detroit  which  St. 
Michel  brought.  He  arrived  yesterday 
and  I  gave  him  your  letter  with  that 
from  M.  de  Tonty  to  whom  you  will  per- 
mit me  to  send  greeting. 

This  12th  letter  from  Fftther  Carheil 
was  written  to  M.  de  Tonty  who  is  the 
Captain  at  Detroit.  He  handed  It  over 
to  M.  de  Lamothe  to  take  it  to  M.  de 
Calllere  having  made  a  sacrifice  of  it 
to  him  out  of  gratitude  for  M.  de  la 
Mothe  having  passed  over  a  grave  fault 
on  his  part. 

In  this  letter  the  hand  of  providence 
may  be  seen;  it  is  certain  that  M.  de  la 
Mothe  had  special  confidence  in  M.  de 
Tonty,  who  profited  by  it,  like  a  good 
scholar  of  Naples,  to  betray  him,  work- 
ing in  concert  with  the  missionaries  to 
overthrow  the  post  of  Detroit.  He  pur- 
sued this  matter  with  so  much  cunning 
that  it  remained  impenetrable  to  M.  de 
Lamothe  for  a  somewhat  long  time. 

It  is  seen  in  this  letter  how  this 
Italian  and  this  missionary  flatter  each 
other  on  the  matter  of  devotion;  would 
it  not  be  said  that  the  Monique  referred 
to  was  at  least  half  a  saint. 

Nothing  troubles  this  Father,  and  he 
makes  it  understood  that  M.  de  la 
Mothe  is  this  "cause"  which  originates 
all  the  accusations  which  are  brought 
against  him  whether  by  the  French  or 
by  the  savages.  He  says  they  will  die 
away  because  they  are  made  contrary 
to  the  truth  and  mantains  that  they  are 
so  for  two  reasons.  His  first  is  that  it 
is  necessary  to  make  the  intentions  of 
the  King  distinct;  his  second,  no  doubt, 
is  that  M.  de  Lamothe  wishes  to  con- 
fuse them.  And  in  order  to  encourage 
M  de  Tonty    strongly,  he    assures  him 

At  Missilimakinak,  the  17th  June  1702  f . 


The  good  evidence  which  you  have 
been  good  enough  to  give  me  of  the 
diligence  of  Monique  in  constantly  ful- 
filling, every  Sunday  and  every  saints- 
day,  the  requirements  of  Christianity 
could  not  but  be  very  agreeable  to  me, 
not  only  because  it  assures  me  that  for 
her  part  she  desires  her  true  welfare, 
but  also  because  it  assures  me  conse- 
quently for  your  part  that  what  you 
value  most  in  her  is  also  what  you  most 
value  in  yourself.  It  were  to  be  wished 
that  all  those  at  Detroit  might  look  at 
matters  only  from  this  point;  they 
would  not  have  made  such  an  outcry 
there  against  me  as  they  have.  But  I 
have  heard  so  much  here  In  former 
times  of  similar  outcries  on  the  part  of 
the  French,  and  I  am  so  accustomed 
[to  them]  that  I  could  not  be  surprised 
at  those  I  hear  nowadays  on  the  part  of 
the  savages;  the  same  cause  remaining 
the  same  never  produces — wherever  it  is 
— other  than  the  same  results.  The 
oufcries  of  the  French  have  died  away 
without  harming  any  one  but  those  who 
l»ad  raised  them  contrary  to  the  truth. 
I  hope  that  the  outcries  of  the  savages 
will  die  away  in  time  in  the  same  man- 
ner. To  effect  that,  it  is  only  neces- 
sary to  make  the  Intentions  of  the  King 
distinct,  which  people  wish  to  confuse. 
This,  which  Is  notified  to  us  in  all  the 
letters  we  have  received  whether  from 

Vol.  l,p.68. 

Digitized  by 




that  this  defining  of  the  intentions  of 
the  King  is  notified  to  them  in  all  the 
letters  they  have  received  from  the  Gov- 
ernor-General, from  M.  de  Champigny 
the  Intendant,  and  from  his  Superiors 
and  that  this  it  is  which  will  set  every- 
thing right  by  removing  the  confusion 
which  caused  the  uproar;  that  is  to  say, 
by  getting  M.  de  la  Mothe  recalled  from 
his  post  and  consequently  by  having  M. 
de  Tonty  appointed  there. 

From  all  this  we  must  draw  an  un- 
answerable conclusion,  either  what  this 
Father  writes  is  true,  or  it  is  false;  if  it 
is  true  the  Governor-General,  the  Intend- 
ant  and  the  Superiors  of  the  Jesuits 
have  worked  together  to  ruin  M  de  La- 
mothe  and  destroy  the  post  of  Detroit; 
if  it  is  false  it  is  an  imposture  of  Father 
de  Carheil,  and  he  is  calumniating  these 
gentlemen  and  even  his  Superiors.  All 
this  was  discovered  by  a  voice  from 
heaven  which  cast  M.  de  Tonty  and  his 
horse  to  the  ground,  and  by  a  light 
which  blinded  him  on  the  road  to  Da- 

The  rage  of  this  Father  is  also  seen 
in  that  he  boldly  affirms  that  M.  de  La- 
mothe  reduced  Father  Valllant  to  the 
necessity  of  withdrawing  from  Detroit 
— 80  as  to  reduce  him  himself,  he  says, 
to  not  being  able  to  come  there. 

Yet  the  contrary  appears  from  the 
letters  of  the  same  Father  Vaillant,  of 
Father  Bouvart*  his  Superior,  of  Father 
Germain,*  and  of  Father  Maret,  the  first 
two  of  these  thanking  M.  de  La  Mothe 
for  the  good  treatment  and  for  the 
courtesies  he  showed  him,  and  the  two 
latter  assuring  him  that  the  return  of 
this  Father  was  expected  at  Quebec. 

Moreover  you  would  say  that  this 
Father  was  suffering  from  a  high  fever, 
especially  when  he  says  that  everything 

^Samuel  Bouvard,  Jesuit,  came  to 
Canada  in  1673.  He  sometimes  signed 
his  name  Martin  Bouvard.  He  left  Can- 
ada Oct  10,  1710.  Rep.  Gen.  61.— C.  M. 

•Joseph  Louis  Germain,  Jesuit,  arrived 
in  Canada  June  4,  1683  and  returned  to 
France  in  1718.    Id.  68.— C.  M.  B. 

the  Governor,  the  Intendant,  or  our 
Superiors,  will  set  everything  right  by 
taking  away  the  confusion  which  caus- 
ed the  uproar. 

That  I  am  not  able  to  be  at  Missili- 
makinak  with  those  who  have  remain- 
ed there  and  at  Detroit  with  those  who 
have  been  attracted  there,  is  not  a  mat- 
ter which  ought  to  cause  an  outcry 
against  me,  unless  from  a  desire  to  com- 
pel me  to  do  an  impossibility  by  being 
in  two  places  at  the  same  time.  Why 
were  they  divided  without  agreeing  to- 
gether as  to  such  a  settlement?  And 
why  was  Father  Vaillant  brought  back 
(whom  they  had  sent  to  assist  us)  al- 
though they  were  not  at  all  able  to  pre- 
pare us  for  it,  except  to  reduce  us  also 
to  being  unable  to  go  there  at  the  same 
time  that  he  was  withdrawn  from  it, 
and  when  they  began  to  raise  an  outcry 
there  against  us.  However  we  have 
done  nothing  but  for  the  best;  a  little 
delay  to  make  one's  arrangements  is  al- 
ways necessary  for  prudence  in  one's 
enterprises,  and  chiefly  in  what  relates 
to  any  fixed  and  permanent  matter,  such 
as  a  new  settlement  is.  Moreover  we 
are  surprised  that  none  of  the  letters 
which  have  come  to  us  from  Detroit 
tells  us  anything  of  an  important  new 
fort  which  our  Fathers  with  the  Miamis 
send  us  word  that  they  have  made 
known  to  M.  de  Lamothe  by  a  messen- 
ger sent  on  this  matter.  As  we  have 
no  other  information  of  it  here  than 
that  which  they,  give  us,  we  can  for  our 
part  add  nothing  to  it;  and  even  if  we 
could,  and  had  learnt  some  private  news 
which  in  itself  should  compel  us  to  give 
warning  of  it,  yet  seeing  what  is  going 
on  regarding  us,  we  know  not  whether 
it  would  not  be  better  for  our  own 
safety  to  keep  silent  than  to  expose  our- 
selves to  the  dangers  of  being  accused 
again  thereupon  to  the  savages.  For  in- 
deed everything  is  turned  into  an  ac- 
cusation and  proceedings  against  our 
functions  which  there  is  a  grudge 
against;  but  it  will  be  in  vain  to  bear 
ill-will  against  them,  we  shall  never  fail 
for  all  that  to  discharge  them  faithfully 
whatever  may  come  of  it. 

Digitized  by 



ANNUAL    MEETING.    1903. 

is  turned  into  an  accusation'  and  pro- 
ceedings against  their  functions,  wliich 
we  have  a  grudge  against.  Where  then 
are  these  proceedings  which  have  been 
instituted?  Assuredly  they  must  be  in 
his  own  imagination. 

As  for  you.  Sir,  I  have  no  doubt  you 

condemn  all  these  so  opposed 

to  reason,  Justice  and  truth.  You  have 
not  forgotten  what  we  used  to  say  here 
in  former  times,  in  some  of  our  con- 
versations, that  all  our  duties  might  be 
reduced  to  these  five  heads;  servant  of 
God  for  himself,  servant  of  everyone  for 
God,  servaiht  of  no  one  against  God,  serv- 
ant of  God  against  everyone,  servant  of 
God  against  erne's  self.  No  one  could 
turn  aside  from  his  duty  by  following 
these  five  rules  and  I  wish  with  you  that 
they  were  followed  at  Detroit.  I  am, 
with  respect  both  for  you  and  Madme, 
to  whom  you  will  permit  me  to  send 
greeting.  Sir,  yr  very  humble  and  very 
obedient  servant. 

[Signed]  Etienne  de  Carheil 

Father  Marest  presents  his  compli- 
ments to  you  and  begs  you  to  permit 
him  to  greet  Madame. 

This  14th  letter  is  from  Father  Maret. 
It  will  be  seen  that  it  is  in  answer  to 
one  which  M.  de  Lamothe  wrote  to  him, 
dated  the  2nd  of  May,  1702,  a  copy  of 
which  he  is  sending  to  the  Court,  which 
relates  to  the  councils  held  at  Detroit 
by  the  savages  on  the  30th  Oct.  and 
4th  Dec.  1701. 

It  is  as  well  to  know  that  all  that  this 
Father  writes  does  not  originate  with 
him;  that  these  letters  are  all  in  the 
style  of  Father  de  Carheil  who  has  In- 
deed much  intellect  and  Is  also  very 
learned;  but  he  goes  astray  and  It  ap- 
pears from  all  his  conduct  that  it  would 
be  well  for  him  if  his  knowledge  and 
wit  had  a  seasoning  of  ^ood  sense  and 
of  a  little  more  Judgment.  It  is  only 
necessary  to  read  the  letter  from  M.  de 
Lamothe  of  the  2nd  of  May  1701  as  to 
which  this  Father  has  returned  to  the 
charge  in  this  fourteenth  [letter],  in 
which  he  says  that  the  condition  is 
wanting,  and  proves  nothing.  It  should 
be  observed  [that]  M  de  Lamothe  trusts 

At  Missilimakinak  this  23d  of  July,  1702. 

Fourteenth     f. 

The  first  words  of  your  letter  inform 
me  that  you  wish  me  to  answer  it  point 
by  point.    I  will  do  so,  to  content  you. 

It  reduces  itself  to  five  or  six  points. 
The  first  concerns  our  pretended  corre- 
spondent; the  2nd,  your  conditional 
Judgment;  the  3rd,  the  person  of  Quar- 
ante  Solz;  the  4th  the  place  of  your 
settlement,  its  ,cause,  its  object  and  the 
manner  of  it;  the  5th  the  scheme  of 
Miklnak,  and,  finally,  the  sixth  of  prom- 

On  the  first  point  which  refers  to  our 
pretended  correspondent,  I  reply  that 
this  faithful  correspondent,  but  ill-in- 
formed— you  say — as  to  the  memoranda 
of  which  you  have  written  to  us,  is  you 
yourself;  these  memoranda  are  the  let- 
ters you  have  written  to  our  Fathers 
with  the  Miamis,  and  the  one  you  did 
me  the  honor  to  write  to  me.  There 
has  been  no  need  for  us  to  seek  any 
other,  could  we  be  better  informed  of 

Vol.  1,  p.  68. 

Digitized  by 




[to  this]  that  the  contentB  of  his  letter 
rests  on  an  "If,"  whereby  his  judgment 
was  conditional  and  is  not  decisive. 

This  Father  also  places  himself  in  a 
difficulty  in  the  5th  paragraph  of  his  let- 
ter in  which  hQ  says  that  he  knows  well 
that  Quarante  Sous  could  not  have  ac- 
cused him,  since  he  does  not  know  him 
nor  understand  him;  but  that  he 
knows  that  if  he  did  not  complain  at 
Detroit,  he  complained  very  loudly  to 
the  Miamls. 

There  is  a  confession  already.  What! 
Quarante  Sous  only  complained  to  the 
Miamis!  Why  then  does  this  Father 
accuse  M.  de  La  Mothe,  in  the  2nd  para- 
graph of  his  11th  letter,  of  listening  to 
the  complaints  of  him  who  complains 
so  loudly,  that  is  to  say  of  the  same 
Quarante  Sous,  since  he  admits  that  he 
knows  this  chief  has  not  complained 
against  them  at  Detroit. 

M.  de  Lamothe  has  explained  that 
they  have  confused'  matters,  that  they 
have  taken  one  Quarante  Sous  for  an- 
other man  of  the  same  name;  he  pointed 
this  out  to  these  fathers,  but  as  they 
had  taken  the  first  step  and  claim  to  be 
infallible  in  all  things,  like  the  Pope  in 
his  council,  they  have  censured  this  poor 
man  in  an  unbridled  manner,  and  also 
impute  to  him,  without  any  considera- 
tion, that  he  had  separated  himself  from 
his  people  in  order  to  go  and  join  the 
enemy.  Where  was  his  dwelling?  They 
must  either  be  asleep  or  dreaming,  not 
to  know  that  it  was  in  the  village  of  the 
Miamis;  is  this  tribe  hostile  to  us?  He 
is  accused  of  going  with  his  story  pre- 
pared, to  Montreal  to  inveigh  againt  all 
the  .  missionaries;  but  M.  de  Calliere 
knows  that  he  was  very  silent  and  did 
not  even  open  his  mouth  against  them, 
and  he  was  so  pleased  with  his  conduct 
that  he  proclaimed  him  chief  of  all  his 
tribe,  which  approved  him  as  such;  but 
the  missionaries,  not  having  found  this 
choice  to  their  minds,  have  roused  the 
malcontents  against  him. 

In  his  6th  paragraph  he  replies  to  the 
1st  of  M.  de  Lamothe's  letter.  He  does 
not  dare  to  deny  entirely  that  Detroit  is 
a  good  country,  because  he  knows  that 

your  opinions   than   by  yourself,   than 
by  your  own  evidence? 

As  to  the  2nd  point  on  which  you  say 
there  is  no  occurrence  on  your  part,  but 
a  conditional  judgment,  I  answer  that 
the  condition  is  lacking.  In  regard  U> 
the  3rd — where  Quarante  Solz  is  in 
question,  I  know  that  he  could  not  ac- 
cuse me  since  he  does  not  know  me 
nor  understand  me.  But  I  also  know 
that  if  he  has  not  been  at  Detroit  he 
has  complained  very  loudly  to  the 
Miamis  against  the  Revd.  Father  de 
Carheil,  attributing  to  this  Father  what 
he  ought  to  attribute  to  himself, — I 
mean  the  division  in  the  tribe.  He  com- 
plained loudly  that  Father  de  Carheil 
had  prevented  his  people  from  follow- 
ing him.  But  he  ought  not  to  call  them 
his  people  since  he  separated  himself 
from  them  to  go  and  Join  the  enemy; 
and  he  should  have  come  and  rejoined 
them  as  they  had  agreed  last  autumn 
before  going  down  to  Montreal,  at  a 
council  held  for  that  purpose  in  the 
presence  of  M.  de  Courtemanche,  who 
committed  it  to  writing  in  order  to  re- 
port upon  it  to  M.  de  Calliere.  It  was 
at  this  council  that  Quarante  Solz  sol- 
emnly pledged  himself  to  return  here  to 
put  an  end  to  the  question  of  their  set- 
tlement; but  his  failing  [to  keep]  his 
word  was  the  reason  why  all  his  tribe 
did  not  settle  at  Detroit  But  although 
he  had  complained  very  loudly  to  the 
Miamis  against  Father  de  Carheil,  we 
were  Informed  also  that  he  went  down 
[the  river]  with*  his  story  prepared 
against  this  Bother.  Ought  we  not  to 
have  believed  that  what  he  told  the 
Miamis,  and  what  he  went  declaiming" 
on  the  way  down  to  Montreal,  was  <mly 
expressing  what  he  had  said  at  Detroit? 
As  to  the  accusation  which  has  been 
made  against  him,  if  it  is  false,  it  is  not 
we  who  have  accused  him,  it  is  not  we 
who  should  be  blamed,  but  the  Savages- 
who  reported  it  to  our  Fathers  with 
the  Miamis.  We  had  expressly  told  you 
that  we  had  no  knowledge  of  It  except 
what    had    been    given    us    from    the 

♦Literally,  "with  a  ball  in  his  mouth."" 

Digitized  by  VjOOQIC 


ANNUAL.   MEBTING,    1903. 

Father  de  Carheil  and  Father  Anjalran 
had  good  opinions  of  it;  but  he  throws 
It  on  the  savages.  And  yet  it  appears 
from  the  statements  which  all  the  tribes 
made  to  M.  de  Calliere  by  the  mouth  of 
Jean  le  Blanc,  otherwise  [called]  Otout- 
agan,  at  the  general  assembly  which  was 
summoned  at  Montreal  on  the  6th  of 
August,  1701,  that  they  had  resolved  to 
come  and  settle  there.  Here  are  the 
very  phrases  of  this  chief  in  the  3rd 
paragraph  of  the  replies. 

"We  ask  you  [that  we  may]  set  out 
tomorrow,  and  that  we  may  return  in 
good  health  because  otherwise  we  should 
not  be  able  to  go  to  Detroit  as  you  wish, 
and  as  we  [also]  desire"  which  proves 
that  it  is  .only  the  mischievous  talk  ad- 
dressed to  the  savages  when  they  ar- 
rived at  Missilimakinak  which  made 
them  change  their  intention. 

This  Father  continues  his  letter  by 
saying  that  M.  De  Lamothe  dwells  on 
the  will  of  the  king,  that  he  says  that 
the  King  wishes  this  settlement  [form- 
ed], that  he  has  no  other  aim  but  his 
service.  But,  to  these  words,  this  arro- 
gant and  bold  Father  answers  him  like 
a  master  and  treats  him  as  an  inferior. 
We  know,  says  he,  what  the  real  will 
of  the  King  is;  that  is  to  say,  in  plain 
French,  that  M.  de  Lamothe  does  not 
know  it,  nor  the  Governor-CJenl.  either 
who,  in  his  instructions,  ordered  him  to 
invite  all  the  tribes  to  come  and  settle 
at  Detroit.  This  is  the  copy:  M.  de  La- 
mothe will  send  to  give  notice  to  all  the 
tribes  of  the  upper  countries  who  are 
our  allies,  of  the  post  we  have  had  form- 
ed at  Detroit,  in  order  to  invite  them  to 
come  there  for  goods  which  they  will 
find  reasonable  in  price,  as  well  as  to 
settle  there,  making  them  understand 
that  the  object  of  this  post  is  only  to  ob- 
tain for  them  their  commodities,  and 
abundance  for  their  subsistence  both  by 
means  of  hunting  and  by  the  fertility 
of  the  soil  there,  [which  is]  much  more 
fruitful  than  the  land  they  occupy. 

This  Father  goes  on  to  say  that  they 
do  not  in  any  way  oppose  what  the  King 
wishes;  that  as  long  as  people  only  serve 
him  there  will  be  no  dispute. 

Miamis,  where  the  Frenchmen  could  not 
help  reproaching  him  about  it  in  pub- 
lic; and  it  is  this^  apparently,  which 
caused  his  design  to  miscarry  because 
he  found  he  was  discovered. 

In  your  4th  paragraph  you  say  that 
the  land  of  Detroit  has  always  been 
regarded  as  a  land  of  promise.  If  that 
is  so,  and  the  savaged  make  false  state- 
ments as  to  the  quality  of  the  land  at 
Detroit,  as  they  are  not  willing  to  go 
and  settle  there,  that  should  show  you 
their  disinclination  for  that  place.  This 
false  reason  which  they  bring  forward, 
indicates  true  ones  which  they  do  not 
say,  or  at  least  a  great  opposition  in 
their  will.  Tou  dwell  upon  the  will  of 
the  King;  you  say  that  the  King  wills 
it,  that  you  have  had  no  aim  but  his 
service.  We  know  what  the  real  will  of 
the  King  is,  we  do  not  oppose  anything 
that  he  wishes;  when  people  will  serve 
him  only,  there  will  be  no  dispute.  Also 
do  not  think  that  we  took  the  useless 
trouble  of  examining  into  the  utility  or 
the  drawbacks  of  your  settlement  It 
was  the  savages  who  examined  it;  we 
did  nothing  more  than  listen  to  them 
without  coming  to  any  conclusion  in  a 
matter  of  which  we  had  no  knowledge 
except  from  their  report. 

I  wish  you  were  speaking  truly  in 
your  fifth  paragraph,  and  that  Mikinak 
were  on  the  watch*  to  become  indeed 
my  hero;  he  would  have  to  become  a 
true  Christian,  that  is  the  only  way  in 
which  he  could  be  so. 

finally,  after  having  done  us  all  the 
harm  you  could  do  on  this  present  oc- 
casion, after  having  dealt  us  all  the 
blows  you  could  both  at  Detroit  and 
with  the  Miamis,  and  at  Montreal  by 
sending  there  by  your  letters  and  your 
accusers,  you  make  us  fine  promises  and 
tell  us  you  will  bury  your  Just  resent- 
ments.   Is  that  burying  resentments,  to 

[•"Were  on  the  watch  to" — ^the  word 
in  the  text  is  "veille,"  if  "veuiUe"  is  In- 
tended— ^which  seems  possible  from 
other  passages  in  these  letters — "were 
desirous  of"  or  "wished  to"  would  have 
to  be  substituted.] — G.  R. 

Digitized  by 




This  expression  is  insulting  to  their 
commandant,  signifying  that  if  there 
are  disputes  between  them  and  M.  de 
Lamothe  it  is  because  he  does  not  serve 
the  King.  They  set  themselves  up  as 
Judges  and  condemn  him,  while  his  Oov- 
emor-Genl.  does  him  the  honor  to  ap- 
prove of  his  proceedings  in  all  the  let- 
ters he  has  written  him,  and  the  con- 
sultations he  has  had  with  him. 

Finally  he  complains  that  M.  de  La- 
mothe, after  having  dealt  all  the  blows 
he  could  against  them,  makes  them  fine 
promises,  especially  after  having  sent 
his  letter  and  accusers  to  Montreal;  as 
if  he  could  have  helped  giving  the  Gov- 
ernor-General an  account  of  what  goes 
on  at  his  post,  and  sending  him  a  copy 
of  the  statements  of  the  savages.  If  he 
acted  otherwise  he  might  be  reprimand- 
ed for  it;  but  he  did  not  treat  them  in 
an  underhand  manner,  for  he  gave  them 
notice  of  it  in  his  letter  of  the  2nd  of 
May.  The  statement  that  he  sent  ac- 
cusers against  them  to  Montreal  de- 
sires a  reprimand,  he  [?M.  de  La- 
mothe] refers  that  matter  to  MM  de 
Calliere,  de  Champigny  and  de  Vau- 
dreuil.  Finally,  he  concludes  this  beau- 
tiful letter  by  saying  that  they  have  laid 
their  resentments  at  the  foot  of  the 
crucifix.  That  may  be  true;  but  as  they 
no  doubt,  often  go  to  it,  they  can  find 
them  there  again  when  they  want  them; 
and  it  would  appear  that  he  went  there, 
to  take  up  the  postscript  of  this  very 

publish  them  everywhere  you  could,  and 
in  terms  as  outrageous  as  you  have 
done?  On  what  do  you  base  the  justice 
of  your  resentments?  Do  you  base  it  on 
the  accusation  against  us  by  the  sav- 
ages? There  is  no  just  foundation;  you 
ought  to  have  heard  the  defence  and 
convicted  it  of  falsehood.  It  is  indeed 
for  us  to  say,  with  much  more  reason, 
that  we  bury,"  or  to  speak  in  a  more 
Christian  spirit,  that  we  lay  at  the  foot 
of  the  ctniciflx — as  indeed  we  do — all  our 
just  resentments;  for  I  can  assure  you 
that  I  am,  with  all  possible  sincerity  and 
profound  respect.  Sir,  yr.  very  humble 
and  very  obedt.  servant 

J.  J.  Marest 

Ton  will  be  good  enough  to  permit  me 
to  present  my  compliments  to  Madame 
de  Lamothe;  I  know  that,  as  a  Jesuit,  I 
shall  be  neither  unknown;  nor  indiffer- 
ent to  her. 

In  the  3rd  letter  Father  Anjalran, 
who  is  one  of  the  most  able  Jesuits,  and 
the  only  one  who  has  mastered  the  Ou- 
tavois  and   Algonquine   tongues,  [who] 

'Although  this  letter  bears  the 
date,  on  the  endorsement,  of  1702,  it 
was  probably  written  in  1701.  Madam 
Cadillac  went  to  Detroit  in  the  fall  of 
1701  after  the  treaty  of  peace  with  the 
Iroquois.  This  alone  would  fix  the  date 
of  the  letter.  Cadillac  was  in  Quebec 
Sept  25,  1702.— C.  M.  B. 

At  Montreal,  the  7th  August  1702* 
Sir,  I  do  not  know  what  reply  to 
make  to  the  letter  I  have  received  from 
you,  in  which  I  have  at  the  same  time 
received  an  honor  which  I  value  great- 
ly, in  the  confidence  which  you  show 
you  have  in  me.  Everything  here  is  in 
a  state  of  such  great  uncertainty  that 
I  should  not  dare  to  give  you  any  hope 
as  to  the  proposal  which  you  repeat 
that  [I]  should  act  as  escort  to  Mme.  de 
La    Mothe   and    to   Mme  de  Tonty    to 

Vol  1,  p.  u. 


Digitized  by 



ANNUAL    MEETING,    1903. 

was  chosen  to  summon  all  the  tribes  to 
the  general  peace  which  has  been  con- 
cluded at  Montreal  as  he  had  great  in- 
fluence over  their  minds,  expresses  him- 
self clearly  as  to  the  importance  of  the 
settlement  of  Detroit,  and  proves  in  his 
letter  of  the  27th  of  August  that  it  is 
important  to  unite  all  the  missions  and 
the  other  posts  to  this.  He  expresses 
it  in  these  terms.  As  for  me  I  have 
always  held  the  same  opinion,  etc. 

But  because  this  Father  stated  his 
opinion  about  it  in  public,  the  Society 
of  Canada  made  him  go  to  France,  and 
no  doubt  it  afforded  him  some  other 

come  and  see  you  at  Detroit  although 
both  of  them  are  inclined  for  this  jour- 
ney with  all  their  hearts.  Madame  de 
la  Mothe  does  not  make  her  appearance 
here  yet,  and  someone  told  me  that  she 
was  ill. 

Our  savages  are  thinking  of  going  by 
Niagara  and  Detroit  to  Missilimakina; 
by  all  appearances  they  will  go  and  pass 
the  winter  with  you.  The  sickness  of 
the  greater  part  of  them  and  the  death 
of  some  has  greatly  disconcerted  them; 
but  for  that,  the  conclusion  of  peace  in 
that  assembly,  the  finest  that  has  ever 
been  seen  in  this  country,  could  not 
have  been  a  greater  success.  I  am  look- 
ing forward  to  finding  other  opportun-*^ 
ities  which  will  give  me  more  leisure 
to  prove  to  you  the  sincere  desire  I 
have  to  please  you  and  to  show  you 
that  I  am,  with  feelings  of  particular 
esteem,  Sir,  your  very  humble  and  very 
obedient  servant,  signed, 

Anjalran,  Jesuit,  27th  August. 

I  had  written  this  letter  during  the 
time  of  the  perplexity  in  which  I  was 
thrown  by  the  mad  policy  of  the  sav- 
ages and  by  the  various  intrigues  con- 
cerning the  establishment  of  the  post 
of  Detroit.  For  my  part  I  have  always 
held  the  same  opinion,  and  have  always 
spoken  to  the  same  effect,  namely,  that 
the  post  of  Detroit  should  be,  as  it 
were,  the  head  of  a  fine  body  which  we* 
were  seeking  to  form;  but  as  we  did 
not  want  to  have  a  body  without  a 
head,  so  also  we  did  not  want  a  head 
without  the  other  parts  of  the  body. 
Nor  could  I  Just  then  tell  you  what  I 
would  do  to  comply  with  your  wishes 
regarding  what  you  requested  of  me  in 
respect  to  your  wife,  for  everything- 
was  in  a  state  of  suspense,  but  now 
nothing  is  more  certain  than  that  you 
and  M.  de  Tonty  will  get  what  you 
wish;  and  I  shall  be  better  able  to 
assist  your  good  plans  when  we  have 
the  last  decisions  of  the  Court,  in  the- 
mean  time  the  missionary  Fathers  wilt 
remain  on  the  spot,  which  may  be  done. 

Digitized  by 



Endorsed — Portfolio  127.     Document  44.     Description. 

In  order  to  give  you  an  outline,  My  Lord,  of  what  Detroit  is  [like],  in 
case  you  may  not  have  one,  you  must  know  that  it  is  a  River  which  is 
twenty-five  leagues  in  length  into  which  Lake  Huron  discharges  [on  its 
way]  to  empty  itself  into  Lake  Erie.  Another  is  met  with  in  this  River, 
called  Lake  St.  Claire,  which  is  nearly  ten  leagues  from  the  latter;  it  is 
ten  leagues  through  and  about  fifteen  broad,  abundantly  stocked  with 
fish,  as  well  as  the  River,  which  [  ?  latter]  is  about  the  forty-first  degree 
[of  latitude]  and  runs  from  its  exit  to  Lake  Erie  from  the  North-north.- 
east  to  the  South-south-west.  The  land  to  the  north  extends  from  the 
border  of  the  Miamis,  where  there  is  a  river  by  which  the  journey  can  be 
made  in  six  days,  whence  it  is  easy  to  go  up  to  the  Mississippi ;  that  to  the 
south,  as  far  as  Torento  which  is  a  [stretch  of]  dry  land  at  the  foot  of 
Lake  Huron  ending  at  that  of  Ontario.  Detroit  is  distant  a  hundred! 
leagues  from  Missilimakinac.  and  a  hundred  also  from  the  lower  part  at 
Niagara,  which  is  distant  from  Montreal  a  hundred  and  fifty;  and  if  a 
settlement  is  made  of  this  post,  it  has  been  determined  to  build  boats  at 
Katarakoui  to  convey  the  necessary  articles  as  far  as  Niagara  where  a  fort 
will  be  constructed  in  order  to  keep  carters  there  who  will  carry  out  the 
portage  of  them ;  they  will  be  received  by  other  boats  which  will  convey 
them  here,  whence  we  shall  be  able  to  send  them  to  the  Miamis  at  ChikagS^ 
and  to  the  Bay  to  carry  on  the  trade  with  the  tribes  which  are  in  large 
numbers  there. 

Our  fort  is  one  arpent  square  without  the  bastions,  very  advantageously 
situated  on  an  eminence,  separated  from  the  river  by  a  gentle  slope  of 
about  forty  paces  which  forms  a  very  desirable  glacis.  We  took  care  to 
put  it  at  the  narrowest  part  of  the  River,  which  is  one  gunshot  [across) 
being  everywhere  else  a  good  half-quarter  of  a  league;  and  if  the  post  \b 
[hereafter]  inhabited,  the  ground  is  very  good  there  for  building  eventu- 
ally  a  large  town. 

The  different  things  that  are  seen  in  this  country  render  it  altogether 
desirable;  the  climate  is  as  temperate  there  as  in  Touraine;  and  the 
Winter  (according  to  what  the  savages  say)  lasts  only  six  weeks  at  most. 
It  is  a  delight  to  see  that  River  bordered  by  an  infinite  number  of  apple- 
trees,  a  number  of  plum  trees  of  several  kinds,  chestnuts,  walnuts  and 
French  nut-trees ;  and  to  come  upon  the  vine  there,  which  forms  one  of  the 
finest  ornaments,  the  grapes  of  which  are  tolerably  large  and  good.  At 
intervals  are  very  large  prairies,  dry  and  damp,  full  of  grass  which  is 

Vol  1, 1^  118. 

'Digitized  by  VjOOQIC 

132  ANNUAL    MEETING,    1903. 

more  than  three  feet  high;  they  are  interrupted  only  by  fruit  trees,  or 
by  natural  trees  of  very  great  height  [and]  of  many  kinds,  as  the  wal- 
nut tree,  soft  and  hard,  oak  red  and  white,  ivy,  whitewoods,  elm,  ash,  and 
cotton  trees.  This  variety  extends  into  the  distant  parts  of  the  lands, 
which  we  have  taken  the  precaution  of  exploring  and  it  turns  out  so  good 
that  it  makes  us  hope  that  its  fertility  will  not  refuse  to  the  hand  of  the 
careful  husbandman  what  nature  unaided  has  produced  so  abundantly. 
It  is  in  these  woods  and  on  these  vast  prairies  that  an  immense  number 
of  oxen,  cows,  stags,  hinds,  roebucks,  bears  and  turkeys  feed,  which  have 
been  of  very  great  assistance  to  us  for  providing  food  for  our  soldiers  and 
voyageurs  while  occupied  on  the  work  for  whom  provisions  would  have 
failed  from  the  time  of  their  arrival.  Four  or  five  hunters  have  been 
sufficient  up  to  the  present  time  to  keep  them  supplied,  in  spite  of  the 
great  heat  which  has  made  them  lose  a  part  of  their  spoil ;  and  this  should 
enable  [us]  to  judge  of  the  number  of  animals  which  are  to  be  seen  in 
this  continent.  In  the  prairies,  in  Lake  St.  Clair,  and  the  River,  in  which 
there  are  several  islands,  a  great  quantity  of  game  is  met  with,  consisting 
of  pheasants,  quails,  rails,  red-legged  partridges,  cranes,  s^ans,  wild 
geese,  ducks  of  several  species,  teals  and  turtle  doves. 

If  this  settlement  is  continued  it  will  be  a  means  of  preventing  the 
English  from  coming  and  seizing  on  it  in  order  to  take  from  us  the  trade 
with  the  tribes  of  the  further  districts;  of  curbing  the  Iroquois;  and  of 
holding  our  allies  to  their  duty ;  and  it  will  be  easier  to  frenchify  them, 
and  to  proclaim  the  Gospel  to  them,  on  account  of  the  proximity  of  the 
French  and  the  number  of  missionaries  there  will  be. 

That  Sir,  is  all  I  can  tell  you  at  present  of  the  goodness  of  this  country ; 
if  hereafter  we  make  any  other  discovery  I  will  communicate  it  to  you. 

Another  translation  of  this  document  is  printed  in  Wis.  His.  Soc.  Col.  XVI.  127 
with  an  intimation  that  it  should  be  dated  about  1686.  At  that  date  there  was  a 
post  located  on  the  River  St.  Clair  near  the  present  city  of  Port  Huron.  This  post 
was  destroyed  by  Baron  La  Hontan.  It  was  not  a  settlement  or  village,  and  so 
far  as  the  records  show,  was  only  a  block-house  or  single  building  used  to  protect 
a  few  soldiers.  The  text  of  the  above  document  shows  that  the  place  here  men- 
tioned was  the  Detroit  founded  by  Cadillac  and  probably  this  account  was  written 
by  him  as  it  contains  many  expressions  that  are  in  the  larger  and  more  complete 
description  of  the  settlement  sent  to  Paris  in  1701. — C.  M.  B. 

Digitized  by 





Endorsed— Portfolio  127.  Document  45.  M.  La  Motte  Cadillac,  25th. 
Sept.  1702. 

My  Lord, 

It  is  my  duty  to  give  you  an  account  Df  this  country,  I  will  begin  with 
a  short  description,  so  that  you  may  be  more  definitely  informed  about  it. 

Detroit  is  a  river  lying  north-north-east  towards  Lake  Huron  and  south- 
south-west  to  the  entrance  of  Lake  Erie.    According  to  my  reckoning  it* 
will  be  about  25  or  26  leagues  in  length  and  it  is  navigable  throughout 
so  that  a  vessel  of  100  guns  could  pass  through  it  safely. 

Towards  the  middle  there  is  a  lake  which  has  been  called  St.  Claire, 
which  is  about  30  leagues  in  circumference  and  10  leagues  in  length.  This 
lake  is  scarcely  noticed,  on  account  of  several  large  and  fine  islands  which 
form  various  passages  or  channels  which  are  no  wider  than  the  river. 
It  is  only  for  about  four  leagues  that  the  channel  is  wider. 

Through  this  passage,  the  waters  of  Lake  Nemebigotin,*  which  is  300 
leagues  [?  round],  flow  gently;  those  of  Lake  Superior,  which  is  550 
leagues  round;  those  of  Lake  Michigan  or  Illinois,  300  leagues;  those  of 
Lake  Huron,  600  leagues.  They  go  into  Lake  Erie  300  leagues,  and  after- 
wards into  Lake  Ontario  or  Frontenac,  300  leagues;  finally,  they  pass 
through  the  River  St.  Lawrence,  or  Quebec  River,  and  mingle  in  the 

All  these  lakes  are  of  sweet  water. 

At  the  entrance  to  Lake  Huron  the  lands  are  brown  and  well  wooded; 
a  vast  and  grand  prairie  is  seen  there  which  extends  to  the  interior  of 
the  lands  on  both  sides  of  the  river  up  to  Lake  St.  Claire,  [where]  there 
are  fewer  prairies  than  elsewhere. 

All  the  surroundings  of  this  lake  are  extensive  pasture  lands,  and  the 
grass  on  them  is  so  high  that  a  man  can  scarcely  be  seen  in  it. 

This  river  or  strait  of  the  seas  is  scattered  over,  froin  one  lake  to  the 
other,  both  on  the  mainland  and  on  the  islands  there,  in  its  plains  and  on 
its  banks,  with  large  clusters  of  trees  surrounded  by  charming  meadows; 
but  these  same  trees  are  marvelously  lofty,  without  nodes  and  almost 
without  branches  until  near  the  top,  except  the  great  oak. 

On  the  banks  and  round  about  the  clusters  of  timber  there  is  an  infinite 
number  of  fruit  trees,  chiefly  plums  and  apples.    They  are  so  well  laid 

•Probably  Lake  Nipigon.— C.  M.  B. 

Vol  1,  p.  84. 

Digitized  by 


-134  ANNUAL   MEETING,    1903. 

'Vxxt  that  they  might  be  taken  for  orchards  planted  by  the  hand  of  a 

On  all  sides  the  vine  is  seen;  there  are  some  with  bitter  and  rough 
grapes, — others  whose  berries  are  extremely  large  and  plump.  There 
-are  also  white  and  red  grapes,  the  skins  of  which  are  very  thin,  full  of 
^ood  juice.  The  latter  are  the  best,  and  I  have  taken  care  to  select  some 
of  these  plants  and  have  them  planted  near  the  fort.  I  have  no  doubt 
that,  by  cultivating  it  as  they  do  in  France,  this  vine  will  produce  good 
grapes  and  consequently  good  wine. 

I  have  observed  there  nearly  twenty  different  kinds  of  plums.  There 
are  three  or  four  kinds  which  are  very  good ;  the  others  are  very  large  and 
^pleasant  to  look  at,  but  they  have  rather  tough  skins  and  mealy  flesh. 
The  apples  are  of  medium  size,  too  acid.  There  is  also  a  number  of  cherry- 
trees,  [but]  their  fruit  is  not  very  good.  In  places  there  are  mulberry 
trees  which  bear  big  black  mulberries;  this  fruit  is  excellent  and. refresh- 
ing. There  is  also  a  very  large  quantity  of  hazel  nuts  and  filberts.  There 
are  six  kinds  of  walnuts;  [the  timber  of]  these  trees  is  good  for  furni- 
ture and  gun-stocks.  There  are  also  stretches  of  chestnuts,  chiefly  to- 
wards Lake  Erie.  All  the  fruit  trees  in  general  are  loaded  with  their 
fruit ;  there  is  reason  to  believe  that  if  these  trees  were  grafted,  pruned 
and  well  cultivated,  their  fruit  would  be  much  better,  and  that  it  might 
be  made  good  fruit. 

In  places  the  woods  are  mixed,  as  white  oak,  red,  walnut,  elm,  white 
wood  trees,  mulberry  trees,  cottonwood,  chestnuts,  ash;  and  in  others 
they  are  not. 

There  is  one  tree  which  is  unknown  to  me,  and  to  all  who  have  seen  it ; 
:lts  leaves  are  a  vivid  green,  and  remain  so  until  the  month  of  January, 
it  has  been  observed  that  it  flowers  in  the  spring,  and  towards  the  end 
of  November;  the  flowers  are  white.    This  tree  is  a  big  one. 

There  is  another  tree  which  is  well  defended,  the  prickles  of  which  are 
half  a  foot  long  and  pierce  the  wood  like  a  nail;  it  bears  a  fruit  like 
kidney-beans.  The  leaf  is  like  the  capillary  plant;  neither  man  nor  animal 
could  climb  it.  That  would  be  good  for  making  fences,  its  gi*ain  is  very 
hard ;  when  it  has  arrived  at  maturity,  the  wood  is  so  hard  that  it  is  very 
diflBcult  to  drive  an  axe  into  it. 

There  are  also  citron-trees  which  are  the  same  in  form  and  color  as  the 
citrons  of  Portugal,  but  they  are  sweeter  and  smaller;  there  is  a  very 
•  large  number  of  them,  they  are  good  preserved.  The  root  of  this  tree  is 
a  very  subtle  and  deadly  poison ;  and  it  is  also  a  sovereign  remedy  against 
snake-bites.  It  is  only  necessary  to  pound  it  and  to  apply  it  to  the 
-wound,  and  you  are  instantly  cured.  There  are  but  few  snakes  at  Detroit ; 
they  are  very  common  in  the  country  of  the  Iroquois. 

I  have  seen  an  herb,  pointed  out  to  me  by  the  Iroquois,  which  renders 
the  venom  of  snakes  innocuous ;  perhaps  it  may  have  some  other  use. 

Digitized  by 


CADILLAC    PAPERS.       '  136 

It  is  certain  that,  on  both  sides  of  the  river  of  Detroit,  the  lands  are 
very  fertile  and  extend  in  the  same  manner  and  with  the  same  pleasing 
character  about  ten  leagues  into  the  interior,  after  which  few  fruit  trees 
are  to  be  found  and  fewer  prairies  seen.  But  15  leagues  from  Detroit, 
at  the  entrance  to  Lake  Erie,  inclining  to  the  south-south-west,  are  bound- 
less prairies  which  stretch  away  for  about  100  leagues.  It  is  there  that 
these  mighty  oxen,*  which  are  covered  with  wool,  find  food  in  abundance. 
Forty  leagues  from  this  lake,  going  straight  towards  the  south,  there  is 
no  winter ;  the  French  and  the  savages  have  reported  that  they  have  seen 
neither  ice  nor  snow  there. 

I  sent  this  spring  to  the  Chevalier  de  Calliere  some  hides  and  wool  of 
these  animals,  and  he  sent  both  to  the  directors  of  the  Company  of  the 
colony  to  make  trial  of  them,  and  it  has  been  found  that  this  discovery 
will  prove  a  valuable  one;  that  the  hides  may  be  very  usefully  employed, 
and  this  wool  used  for  stockings  and  cloth-making.  There  is  a  number  of 
stags  and  hinds,  they  are  seen  in  hundreds,  [with]  roebuck,  black  bears, 
otters  and  other  smaller  fur-bearing  animals  [literally,  "furs"] ;  the 
skins  of  these  animals  sell  well.  There  are  also  numbers  of  beaver^.on 
this  mainland  and  in  the  neighborhood. 

Game  is  very  common  there,  as  wild  geese  and  all  kinds  of  wild  ducks. 
There  are  swans  everywhere;  there  are  quails,  woodcocks,  pheasants, 
rabbits — it  is  the  only  place  on  the  continent  of  America  where  any  have 
been  seen.  There  are  so  many  turkeys  that  20  or  30  could  be  killed  at 
one  shot  every  [time  they  are]  met  with.  There  are  partridges,  hazel- 
hens,  and  a  stupenduous  number  of  turtle-doves. 

As  this  place  is  well  supplied  with  animals,  the  wolves,  of  which  there 
are  numbers,  find  abundant  food  there;  but  it  often  costs  them  their 
skins  because  they  sell  well  also;  and  this  aids  in  destroying  them,  be- 
cause the  savages  hunt  them. 

There  are  wood  rats  which  are  as  large  as  rabbits;  most  of  them  are 
grey,  but  there  are  some  seen  which  are  as  white  as  snow.  The  female  has 
a  pouch  under  her  belly  which  opens  and  shuts  as  she  requires,  so  that, 
sometimes  when  her  little  ones  are  playing,  if  the  mother  finds  herself 
pressed,  she  quickly  shuts  them  up  in  her  pouch  and  carries  them  all 
away  with  her  at  once  and  gains  her  retreat. 

I  have  seen  a  number  of  different  [kinds  of]  birds  of  rare  beauty.  Some 
have  plumage  of  a  beautiful  red  fire  color,  the  most  vivid  it  were  possible 
to  see ;  they  have  a  few  spots  of  black  in  the  tail  and  at  the  tips  of  their 
wings,  but  that  is  only  noticed  when  they  are  seen  flying.  I  have  seen 
others  all  yellow,  with  tails  bigger  than  their  bodies,  and  they  spread  out 
their  tails  as  peacocks  do.  I  have  seen  others  of  a  sky  blue  color  with  red 
breasts ;  there  are  some  which  are  curiously  marked  like  those  great  but- 

♦Blson.    There  were  no  bison  at  Detroit. — C.  M.  B. 

Digitized  by 


136  •  ANNUAL    MEETING,    1903. 

terflies.  I  have  observed  that  a  pleasant  warbling  proceeds  from  all  these 
birds,  especially  from  the  red  ones  vrith  large  beaks. 

There  are  many  cranes,  grey  and  white ;  they  stand  higher  than  a  man. 
The  savages  value  these  latter  greatly,  on  account  of  their  plumage,  with 
which  they  adorn  themselves. 

In  the  river  of  Detroit  there  are  neither  stones  nor  rocks,  but  in  Lake 
Huron  there  are  fine  quarries,  and  it  is  a  country  wooded  like  Canada, 
that  is  to  say,  with  endless  forests.  Houses  could  be  provided  and  build- 
ings erected  of  bricks,  for  there  is  earth  which  is  very  suitable  for  that, 
and  fortunately,  [only]  five  leagues  from  the  fort.  There  is  an  island 
which  is  very  large,  and  is  entirely  composed  of  limestone. 

We  have  fish  in  great  abundance,  and  it  could  not  be  otherwise,  for  this 
river  is  inclosed  and  situated  between  two  lakes^  or  rather  between  as 
many  seas.  A  thing  which  is  most  convenient  for  navigation  is  that  it 
does  not  wind  at  all ;  its  two  prevailing  winds  are  the  north-east  and  the 

This  country,  so  temperate,  so  fertile,  and  so  beautiful  that  it  may 
justly  be  called  the  earthly  paradise  of  North  America,  deserves  all  the 
care  of  the  King  to  keep  it  up  and  to  attract  inhabitants  to  it,  so  that  a 
solid  settlement  may  be  formed  there  which  shall  not  be  liable  to  the 
usual  vicissitudes  of  the  other  posts  in  which  only  a  mere  garrison  is 

I  could  not  send  any  of  our  oxen  or  calves  to  France  until  after  barges 
have  been  built,  on  which  I  believe  they  are  going  to  work  at  once.  One 
of  them  will  be  on  Lake  Frontenac  and  the  other  at  Detroit  in  order  to 
facilitate  the  conveyance  of  hides  and  wool  which  could  not  be  effected  by 
canoe  transport.  These  barges  will  serve  also  for  the  other  large  skins,  for 
beaver  skins,  and  other  small  furs  which  will  be  conveyed  at  less  ex- 
pense in  this  way.  They  will  serve  for  everything  in  general  that  is  in- 
cluded in  trade;  and,  as  they  will  be  capable  of  sailing  two  thousand 
leagues  in  the  surrounding  districts,  we  shall  not  fail,  in  time,  to  make 
some  discovery  which  perhaps  will  be  no  less  lucrative  than  glorious  to 

It  is  necessary  to  have  settlers,  in  order  to  develop  the  trade.  We 
were  nearly  100  years  in  Canada  without  thinking  of  prosecuting  the 
porpoise-fishery,  although  we  saw  them  every  day  before  our  eyes;  as 
soon  as  there  was  no  demand  for  the  beaver,  we  began  to  think  of  some- 
thing else.  That  is.  My  Lord,  the  account  of  the  country  of  Detroit  and 
all  I  can  tell  you  of  it  as  I  have  only  been  one  year  there,  very  busy  in 
doing  what  follows,  to  which  I  beg  you  to  give  your  attention. 

You  will  see  annexed  the  plan  of  Fort  Pontchartrain  which  I  have 
had  built  at  Detroit — ^^I  have  thus  named  it  by  the  order  of  the  Chev.  de 
Calliere — and  the  map  of  Detroit.    The  houses  there  are  of  good  timber, 

Digitized  by 



of  white  oak,  which  is  even  and  hard  and  as  heavy  as  iron.    This  fort  is  in 
no  danger  provided  there  are  enough  people  there  to  defend  it. 

Its  position  is  delightful  and  very  advantageous;  it  is  [at]  the  narro>v- 
est  part  of  the  river,  where  no  one  can  pass  by  day  without  being  seen. 

You  know  that  I  set  out  from  Montreal  on  the  2nd  of  June,  1701,  with 
100  men  and  three  months'  provisions;  that  I  arrived  at  Detroit  on  the 
24th  of  July,  having  gone  by  the  ordinary  route  of  the  Utatiais,  by  which 
I  made  only  30  portages,  in  order  to  try  it. 

After  the  fort  was  built,  and  the  dwellings,  I  had  the  land  cleared  there 
and  some  French  wheat  sown  on  the  7th  of  October,  not  having  had  time 
to  prepare  it  well.  This  wheat,  although  sown  hastily,  came  up  very  fine 
and  was  cut  on  the  21st  of  July. 

I  also  had  some  sown  this  spring,  as  is  done  in  Canada;  it  came  up 
well  enough^  but  not  like  that  of  the  autumn.  The  land  having  thus 
shown  its  quality,  and  taught  me  that  the  French  tillage  must  be  fol- 
lowed, I  left  orders  with  M.  de  Tonty  to  take  care  to  begin. the  sowing 
about  the  20th  of  Sept.,  and  I  left  him  20  arpents  of  land  prepared.  I 
have  no  doubt  he  has  "increased  it  somewhat  since  my  departure. 

I  also  had  twelve  arpents  or  more  sown  this  spring,  in  the  month  of 
May,  with  Indian  corn  which  came  up  eight  feet  high ;  it  will  have  been 
harvested  about  the  20th  of  the  month  of  August,  and  I  hope  there  will 
be  a  good  deal  of  it.    All  the  soldiers  have  their  own  gardens. 

I  believe  we  shall  have  60  arpents  of  land  sown  this  next  spring, 
hence  I  count  on  having  a  large  quantity  of  corn ;  and  I  will  have  a  mill 
built  on  the  spot,  so  as  to  be  absolutely  independent  of  Canada  for  pro- 
visions. I  have  also  a  fine  garden  in  which  I  have  put  some  vines,  and 
some  ungrafted  fruit  trees.  It  is  one  arpent  square,  and  we  shall  en- 
large it  if  necessary.  In  all  this  I  have  only  complied  with  the  orders  of 
the  Governor-General. 

All  that  is  no  easy  task,  especially  as  everything  has  to  be  carried  on 
the  shoulders,  for  we  have  no  oxen  or  horses  yet  to  draw  [loads]  nor  to 
plough;  and  to  accomplish  it,  it  is  necessary  to  be  very  active. 

I  have  also  had  a  boat  of  ten  tons  burden  built  which  will  be  useful 
for  many  purposes  in  the  river. 

On  the  right  of  the  fort,  at  a  good  distance,  there  is  a  village  of  the 
Hurons  to  which  I  have  granted  lands  in  the  name  of  His  Majesty,  ac- 
cording to  my  order.  The  chief  of  this  tribe,  with  four  of  the  most  im- 
portant men,  in  accepting  them  shouted  "Long  Live  the  King*'  three 
times  with  me ;  and  I  have  myself  set  up  the  landmarks,  and  marked  out 
the  place  where  I  wished  them  to  build  their  fort  and  their  village.  By 
this  means  I  have  set  all  the  tribes  on  the  track  of  asking  me  for  lands, 
and  for  permission  to  settle  there.  Having  shown  the  others  the  way, 
this  tribe  has  cleared  up  to  the  present  about  200  arpents  of  land,  and 
will  make  a  great  harvest. 

Digitized  by 


138  ANNUAL    MEETING,    1903. 

There  is  also,  on  the  left  of  the  fort,  a  village  of  Oppenago,  that  is,  of 
Wolves,  to  whom  I  have  likewise  granted  lands,  on  condition,  however, 
of  giving  them  up  to  me  If  I  want  them  afterwards,  on  granting  them 
others  further  off ;  th^  spot  where  they  are  might  be  useful  for  a  common 
land  hereafter.  These  are  the  most  tractable  and  most  peaceable  of  the 
savages.  I  am  convinced  that,  if  only  a  little  care  is  taken  of  them,  they 
will  very  soon  become  Christians.  They  dress  like  the  French,  as  far  as 
they  can;  they  are  very  caressing;  they  even  make  rough  attempts  at 
our  language  as  far  as  they  can.  They  have  also  made  fine  fields  of 

Above  this  village,  half  a  league  higher  up,  there  is  a  village  made  up 
of  four  tribes  of  the  Otltavois,  to  whom  I  have  likewise  granted  lands ; 
they  have  made  some  very  fine  fields  of  Indian  corn  there.  Thus,  within 
the  space  of  one  league,  there  are  four  forts  and  four  hundred  men  bear- 
ing arms,  with  their  families,  besides  the  garrison. 

Before  I  set  out  from  the  fort,  eighteen  Miamis  came,  on  behalf  of  their 
tribe,  to  ask  me  for  lands  and  to  beg  the  savages  who  are  there  to  approve 
of  their  coming  to  settle  there  and  joining  them.  Thus  the  settlements 
could  not  promise  better ;  these  having  prepared  the  way,  the  others  will 
not  be  long  before  they  come  there,  especially  as,  before  I  left,  we  learnt 
that  the  corn  at  Missilimakinak  had  been  killed  this  year  by  the  frost  as 
it  was  the  preceding  [year],  a  thing  which  very  often  happens  at  that 

Last  year,  my  wife  and  Mme.  Tonty  set  out  on  the  10th  of  Sept.  with 
our  families  to  come  and  join  us  there.  Their  resolution  in  undertaking 
so  long  and  laborious  a  journey  seemed  very  extraordinary.  It  is  certain 
that  nothing  [ever]  astonished  the  Iroquois  so  greatly  as  when  they  saw 
them.  You  could  not  believe  how  many  caresses  they  offered  them,  and 
particularly  the  Iroquois  who  kissed  their  hands  and  wept  for  joy,  say- 
ing that  French  women  had  never  been  seen  coming  willingly  to  their 
country.  It  was  that  which  made  the  Iroquois  also  say  that  they  well 
knew  that  the  general  peace  which  the  Chev.  de  Calliere  had  just  made 
was  indeed  sincere,  and  that  they  could  no  longer  doubt  it  since  women 
of  this  rank  came  amongst  them  with  so  much  confidence.  If  these  ladies 
gave  favorable  impressions  regarding  us  to  the  Iroquois,  those  our  allies 
received  from  them  were  no  less  so.  They  received  them  at  Detroit  under 
arms  with  many  discharges  of  musketry.  They  looked  upon  this  move 
as  the  most  important  that  could  be  made  to  prove  to  them  that  we 
wished  to  settle  there  in  earnest,  and  that  we  wished  to  make  it  a  post  to 
dwell  in,  and  a  flourishing  settlement. 

That  is. what  we  have  done,  having  been  unwilling  to  omit  anything  in 
this  undertaking  to  make  it  a  success  in  spite  of  the  fury  of  the  opponents 
who  thwart  it  in  vain,  and  act  only  in  connection  with  their  own  private 

Digitized  by 



All  that  I  have  had  the  honor  to  state  to  yon  has  been  done  in  one  year, 
without  it  having  cost  the  King  a  son,  and  without  costing  the  Com- 
pany a  double ;  and  in  twelve  months  we  have  put  ourselves  in  a  position- 
to  do  without  provisions  from  Canada  for  ever ;  and  all  this  undertaking: 
was  carried  out  with  three  months'  provisions,  which  I  took  when  I  set 
out  from  Montreal,  which  were  consumed  in  the  course  of  the  journey. 
This  proves  whether  Detroit  is  a  desirable  or  an  undesirable  country. 
Besides  this,  nearly  six  thousand  mouths  of  different  tribes  wintered 
there,  as  every  one  knows.  All  these  proofs,  convincing  as  they  are,  can- 
not silence  the  enemies  of  my  scheme ;  but  they  do  begin  to  grow  feebler 
and  to  diminish  in  violence.  It  may  be  said  that  nothing  more  remains 
to  them,  good  or  bad,  but  their  tongues. 

If  the  King  had  the  kindness  to  look  into  this  matter  well,  and  to  follow 
it  up,  numberless  advantages  would  be  obtained  from  it,  to  the  profit  of 
the  state,  the  Colony  and  religion.  It  is  very  grievous  that  this  matter,  so 
successfully  promoted,  should  be  suddenly  destroyed  by  the  obstacles, 
which  as  it  seems  to  me  are  rising  against  it. 

I  shall  ever  maintain  that,  if  this  post  is  settled  by  Frenchmen  and" 
savages,  it  will  be  the  safeguard  of  our  trade  with  our  allies,  and  the* 
blow  which  will  overpower  the  Iroquois,  because  in  consequence  of  it  he 
will  not  be  in  a  position  to  begin  or  to  maintain  war,  as  I  have  proved  in 
the  memorandum  which  I  had  the  honor  to  present  to  you  in  France. 

I  maintain  also,  and  take  the  liberty  of  deciding  definitely,  that  if  the- 
King  keeps  only  a  mere  garrison  there,  it  is  a  useless  post  which  it  would 
have  been  better  never  to  have  started,  and  it  will  without  doubt  pro- 
duce troublesome  consequences;  for  our  allies,  being  disappointed  in 
their  expectations,  and  in  the  promises  which  were  made  to  them  that  the 
French  would  settle  there,  may  take  some  course  which  might  make  us 
repent  of  our  instability.  The  Iroquois,  seeing  likewise  that  this  post 
would  be  anything  rather  than  what  they  have  been  led  to  expect,  will' 
infallibly  fall  into  feelings  of  mistrust  which  might  well  upset  the  peace* 
they  have  concluded. 

Moreover  it  is  not  possible  that  our  families  could  live  in  a  place  in^ 
habited  by  savages  only.  Their  distress  would  be  extreme,  for  they  wouldl 
be  without  any  relief;  as  happened  to  Mme.  Tonty  who  saw  her  infant 
die  for  want  of  milk,  which  she  had  not  anticipated.  I  fear  the  same 
may  happen  to  my  wife  who  was  just  about  to  be  confined  when  T  left.. 
That  is  not  extraordinary  because  these  ladies  have  wet  nurses  for  their 
children.  Hence  there  can  be  no  hesitation  in  sending  them  down  next 
year,  unless  a  few  families  are  permitted  to  go  and  settle  there,  so  that 
they  can  find  some  assistance  in  these  grievous  conjunctures. 

M.  de  Calliere  having  regard  to  that,  has  been  good  enough  to  permit 
six  families  to  go  and  settle  there  next  spring,  and  the  Intendants  who- 
are  also  here  thought  it  necessary.    I  spoke  afterwards  to  the  Directorfti 

Digitized  by 


140  ANNUAL   MEETING,    1903. 

of  the  Company  about  it,  and  they  have  made  no  objection  to  it,  and  have 
agreed  with  me  that  these  inhabitants  of  Detroit  should  be  given  goods 
at  one  third  cheaper  than  they  are  sold  to  the  savages,  so  that  they  might 
profit  by  this  advantage  through  the  trade  they  will  do  in  them  at  the 
fort,  in  consideration  of  which  they  will  be  obliged  to  hand  over  to  the 
agents  of  the  Company  the  beaver  and  other  skins,  the  proceeds  of  their 
trade,  for  which  they  will  be  paid  at  the  current  price. 

I  take  the  liberty  of  sending  you  certain  suggestions  for  contributing 
to  the  progress  of  this  post,  while  respecting  the  interests  of  the  Company 
to  which  the  King  has  granted  the  trade. 

As  the  subject  of  this  post  has  been  so  often  under  consideration,  and 
as  the  King  has  recognized  the  importance  of  this  settlement,  the  suc- 
cess of  which  has  been  so  fortunate  and  so  rapid  up  to  the  present  time, 
it  would  be  superfluous  to  reply  to  the  objections  of  an  infinitude  of 
noisy  fellows*  who  have  no  less  an  itching  to  speak  of  all  the  affairs  of 
this  country  than  the  newsmongers  of  the  Palais  Royal  about  the  move- 
ments of  all  Europe. 

You  are  convinced,  My  Lord,  that  I  have  never  had  in  view  anything 
save  the  propagation  of  the  Faith,  the  glory  of  the  King,  the  care  of  his 
interests,  and  the  benefit  of  the  colony. 

How  can  these  barbarians  be  made  Christians,  unless  they  are  made 
men  first?  How  can  they  be  made  men  unless  they  are  humanized  and 
made  docile?  And  how  can  they  be  tamed  and  humanized  except  by  their 
companionship  with  a  civilized  people?  How  bring  them  into  subjection 
and  make  them  subjects  of  the  King,  if -they  have  neither  docility  nor 
religion  nor  social  intercourse? 

All  that  can  be  done  easily  by  the  means  set  forth  in  my  memorandum ; 
and  in  perfecting  the  settlement  of  Detroit,  I  have  done  for  my  part  all 
that  is  necessary.  It  remains,  on  yours,  to  carry  out  what  you  have 
promised  me. 

There  are  at  Detroit  a  good  fort,  good  dwellings,  [and]  the  means  of 
living  and  subsisting.  There  are  three  villages  of  the  savages ;  the  rest 
will  very  soon  come  there.  They  are  watching  to  see  whether  what  was 
promised  them  is  being  carried  out.  It  is  for  you  to  push  this  matter 
about  the  inhabitants  (that  deserves  our  attention,  on  account  of  the 
war)  and  to  consider  whether  you  will  permit  the  inhabitants  of  Canada 
to  settle  there ;  to  form  a  seminary  to  begin  to  instruct  the  savage  chil- 
dren in  piety,  and  in  the  French  language;  to  allow  the  recollets  to 
settle  there  in  order  to  discharge  their  functions  there.  It  is  the  Lord's 
vine;  we  must  let  it  be  cultivated  by  all  sorts  of  good  laborers.  For 
nearly  a  hundred  years,  it  has  been  labored  at  without  success;  have 
trial  made.  My  Lord,  whether  the  methods  which  I  have  had  the  honor  to 
propose  to  you  are  not  more  sound. 

♦Literally,  bawlers. 

Digitized  by 



Your  Highness  may  rest  assured  that,  in  a  little  while  you  will  see  its 
progress,  and  you  will  have  all  the  glory  of  it.  If  this  affair  does  not 
advance  with  giant . strides,  see  to  it  yourself.  I  have  done  my  duty; 
[have  provided]  a  good  fort,  dwellings,  [and]  corn,  and  have  formed 
three  villages  of  savages.  All  has  been  begun  well ;  finish  it,  if  it  please 
you,  My  Lord.  Give  your  orders;  I  answer  for  it  that  as  far  as  I  am  con- 
cerned, I  shall  know  how  to  have  them  carried  out.  Up  to  the  present, 
I  have  succeeded  in  what  I  have  undertaken.  If  I  am  not  skilful,  what 
matter? — I  am  fortunate.  And  when  I  succeed,  they  say  it  by  a  miracle. 
Again,  what  matters  it,  if  I  belong  to  a  time  when  miracles  are  per- 
formed ? 

You  know  that  in  the  same  way  that  promises,  contracts,  bonds,  agree- 
ments, &c.  serve  as  security  with  civilized  nations,  so  belts  and  presents, 
among  the  savages,  confirm  all  the  words  we  say  to  them  and  the  steps 
we  wish  them  to  take ;  and  without  these  they  have  no  effect,  and  they  let 
them  fall  to  the  ground.  For  as  with  us,  when  any  dispute  arises,  we 
have  recourse  to  the  deeds,  so  the  savages  have  recourse  to  the  presents 
and  belts  which  have  been  given  them,  as  a  pledge  of  the  fidelity  of  the 
promises  which  are  made  to  them,  and  a  title  which  confers  on  them  the 
right  to  possess  or  to  abandon. 

As  no  one  can  dispute  the  truth  of  this,  it  is  the  fact  that  it  has  been 
rendered  morally  impossible  for  me  to  succeed,  and  to  induce  the  tribes 
to  come  and  settle  there;  and  this  shows  that  those' who  are  there,  are 
so  from  liking  for  the  place,  and  because  of  the  advantages  they  obtain 
from  it. 

If  you  wish  the  rest  of  the  tribes  to  come  there,  it  is  necessary  to  order 
a  few  presents  [to  be  made]  for  that  purpose. 

[I  should  be  glad]  if  you  would  also  look  over  the  memorandum  again 
which  I  had  the  honor  of  presenting  to  you  in  France,  in  favor  of  the 
former  agents,  in '  which  I  pledge  myself  to  supply  them  with  fresh 
beaver  skins,  and  to  prevent  any  quantity  of  dried  ones  from  going  down, 
as  it  is  burdensome  to  them,  for  I  intended  to  occupy  the  savages  at 
Detroit  in  hunting  the  large  skins  of  the  elk,  staigs,  hinds,  black  bears, 
and  small  furs.  It  is  easy  to  see  whether  I  have  succeeded,  since  for 
two  years,  they  have  not  received  at  the  oflSce  the  third  part  of  the 
beaver  skins  of  previous  years;  and,  as  the  dried  beaver  skin  is  now  in 
favor,  that  will  be  very  convenient.  I  shall  follow,  in  that  matter,  the 
advice  of  the  directors  of  the  company,  the  object  I  have  at  heart  being ' 
to  contribute  with  all  my  strength  to  the  public  good. 

The  unjust  complaints  which  the  town  of  Montreal  makes  are  raised 
by  the  anger  of  five  or  six  individuals  who,  having  been  accustomed  to 
make  the  most  of  all  the  boats  which  went  to  the  Outavois,  maintain  that 
they  are  deprived  of  that  by  the  establishment  of  Detroit,  and  do  not 
find  that  the  outlay  in  the  company  is  as  advantageous  as  the  trade  they 

Digitized  by 


i^2  ANNUAL   MfiBTING^    1903. 

had  been  accustomed  to  do  by  the  consignment  they  sent  to  the  Outavois. 
The  Governor  of  Montreal  thinks  his  governorship  is  at  stake,  and  that 
all  is  lost.  When  it  [?Montreal]  was  established,  the  inhabitants  of 
Quebec  told  the  same  tales  as  they  are  now  reciting  at  Montreal.  But 
jet  they  cannot  deny  the  utility  of  this  post*  for  it  has  preserved,  or 
rather,  gained  over  [to  us]  some  of  the  Iroquois,  and  has  driven  back  the 
rest;  it  has  very  often  supplied  provisions  to  the  town  and  neighbor- 
bood  of  Quebec  which,  without  its  assistance,  would  have  perished  of 
famine.  Can  it  be  shown  that  Rouen  has  destroyed  Paris,  or  Paris, 
Rouen?  Or  that  Bordeau  has  injured  Tolose,  or  Tolose,  Bordeaux?  Que- 
bec, Montreal  and  Detroit  are  in  the  same  position  as  regards  their  re- 
spective trade,  as  these  posts  are  to  one  another.  What  there  is  not  in 
one  country,  is  found  in  another ;  it  is  that  which  gives  rise  to  trading, 
and  it  is  that  which  maintains  States.  That  is  the  policy  of  France,  and 
not  to  unite  all  its  resources  in  one  place ;  the  kingdom  is  strong  enough. 
Discoveries  must  be  made;  and  what  is  more,  it  is  by  this  kind  of  post 
some  new  thing  is  always  discovered,  which  would  not  be  done  without 

^o  large  a  volume  could  be  made  of  all  that  the  missionaries  have  said, 

qpreached,  and  written,  since  they  have  been  in  the  lands  of  the  Utavais, 

against  the  trade  in  brandy  and  the  [trading]  expeditions  in  the  woods 

that  a  man's  [whole]  life  would  not  suffice  to  get  through  the  reading 

of  it. 

The  trade  in  that  drink  in  the  backwoods,  and  notably  at  Missili- 
makinak,  has  always  given  them  occasion  for  inveighing  against  all  the 
French  who  go  to  trade  among  the  savages;  and  the  [trading]  expedi- 
tions in  the  woods  have  equally  served  as  a  pretext  for  accusing  and 
iidecrying  those  who  did  not  conform  to  their  wishes.  They  have  maintained 
;that  the  brandy  trade  was  an  insuperable  obstacle  to  the  propagation 
tof  the  Faith  because  it  made  the  savages  incapable  of  being  taught ;  and 
the  lewdness,  which  they  stated  the  French  were  guilty  of  with  the  savage 
women,  was  the  second  head  of  their  discourse,  [they]  maintaining  that 
it  was  an  obstacle  to  the  success  of  religion  by  reason  of  the  bad  im- 
pression with  which  the  minds  of  the  savages  were  filled  at  the  sight  of 
such  debauchery. 

They  complained  next  of  the  bad  custom  the  Cong^  [licenses]  or  per- 
mits which  were  granted  to  go  and  trade  with  the  Utavais  and  with  the 
other  tribes.  The  governors  who  bestowed  them  were  suspected  of  shar- 
ing with  those  who  made  use  of  them.  Their  secretaries  were  accused  of 
taking  payments  from  those  who  had  the  preference  in  [getting]  them. 
It  was  asserted  that  their  cupidity  or  avarice  increased  the  number  of 
them,  through  the  readiness  and  influence  they  met  with  in  the  minds  of 
their  masters. 

[♦1.  e.  of  Montreal.] 

Digitized  by  VjOOQIC 


They  have  accused  the  officers  and  commandants  who  were  at  these 
posts  of  being  continually  guilty  of  malversation  and  of  obstructing  the 
Voyageurs,  in  order  to  favor  their  own  trade. 

Lastly,  they  complained,  with  reason,  that  the  excessive  hunting  by 
the  French  in  the  woods  produced  a  burdensome  influx  of  beaver  skins 
for  which  there  was  no  demand. 

They  persisted  so  obstinately  in  these  complaints,  whether  well  or  ill 
founded,  that  the  Court,  having  been  disposed  to  listen  to  them,  desired 
to  put  an  end  to  them  by  the  suppression  of  the  licenses  ["congas"]  and 
permits,  by  prohibiting  the  brandy  trade,  by  the  evacuation  of  the  posts 
which  had  been  occupied  there,  and  by  the  recall  of  the  officers  who  were 
there  for  the  purpose  of  keeping  our  allies  united  and  attached  to  our 
interests.  The  close  connection  which  exists  between  the  upper  colony 
and  the  lower  (which  gives  a  framework  to  New  France)  did  not  allow 
of  leaving  it  in  this  melancholy  condition,  to  which  the  combined  cir* 
cumstances  of  the  time  had  reduced  it,  with  ruinous  results. 

It  was  sedulously  sought  to  repair  this  evil;  and  you  found.  My  Lord^ 
n9  better  expedient  thaii  that  of  forming  a  substantial  post,  at  a  place 
which  should  be  suitable  on  account  of  the  fertility  of  the  land,  and  the 
security  of  trade. 

All  Canada  has  agreed,  at  all  times,  that  Detroit  was  the  most  suitable 
[place] ;  and  you  knew  so  well  how  useful  and  necessary  it  was  that  you 
resolved  to  have  it  established,  and  it  has  been  begun  with  all  the  suc- 
cess that  could  be  looked  for. 

What  follows  goes  to  prove  that  all  difficulties  have  been  remedied  at 
a  stroke,  and  that  this  was  done  by  establishing  Detroit  where  there  is  no 
longer  any  trade  in  drinks  carried  on  with  the  savages,  and  if  by  chance 
they  are  sold  any  at  times,  that  is  done  without  them  being  intoxicated 
for,  as  the  drinks  are  handed  over  to  the  charge  of  the  warehouse  guards, 
they  are  responsible  for  any  bad  use  which  may  be  made  of  them. 

By  means  of  this  post  the  licentiousness  of  the  French  with  the  savage 
women  is  practically  abolished;  for  your  intentions  were  to  send  some 
families  there,  or  at  least  to  let  the  soldiers  get  married,  who,  having 
their  wives,  do  not  trifle  with  indecency.  Nor  will  the  Voyageurs,  who 
are  intended  for  conveying  goods,  cause  any  scandalous  disorder;  for, 
finding  themselves  included  within  the  inclosure  of  a  fort,  and  under  the 
superintendence  of  missionaries,  and  of  a  commandant  with  the  power  of 
[inflicting]  punishment,  they  will  not  dare  to  expose  themselves  to  dis- 
grace and  to  the  confusion  of  being  severely  punished  for  it. 

As  the  commandant  and  officers  of  this  post  are  absolutely  excluded 
from  trading,  or  only  trade  for  the  interests  of  the  Company,  according 
to  their  agreements,  they  silence  all  the  complaints  which  could  be  made 
against  them;  for,  as  they  are  assembled  in  one  and  the  same  fort,  ex- 
posed to  the  view  of  the  public  and  of  the  guardians  of  the  warehouse, 

Digitized  by 


144  ANNUAL   »OJBTING,    1903. 

they  would  very  soon  be  informed  against  if  they  contravened  their 

By  means  of  this  post,  the  suspicions  of  trading,  which  have  been  enter- 
tained against  the  governors  and  others,  stand  completely  effaced;  and 
the  accusations  which  have  been  made  against  their  secretaries  remain 
equally  confounded. 

The  trade  of  the  country  is  relieved  and  increased  by  it;  for  I  have 
employed  the  savages  at  this  post  in  hunting  stags,  hinds,  elks,  roebucks^ 
black  bears,  otters,  sables  and  other  small  furs,  so  that,  as  they  have 
found  the  means  of  supplying  their  wants  by  the  trade  they  do  in  the 
skins  of  these  animals,  they  have  at  the  same  time  given  up  hunting  the 
beaver;  and  consequently  the  excessive  stock  of  that  article,  of  which 
there  have  been  such  loud  complaints,  is  diminished  by  the  purchases  of 
it  which  have  been  made  in  France.  Since  it  is  a  fact  that  the  beaver 
trade  which  has  been  done  at  Detroit,  has  not  exceeded  ten  thousand,  as 
appears  from  the  receipt  of  the  warehouse  keepers,  the  Company  will 
only  have  to  settle  the  quantity  it  will  require  in  future,  and  I  will  try 
and  satisfy  it. 

The  post  of  Detroit  is  indisputably  the  most  suitable  as  regards  the 
security  of  the  trade  and  the  fertility  of  the  land.  If  it  remains  the  only 
one,  with  sufficient  troops,  there  will  be  nothing  now  to  be  feared  whether 
on  the  part  of  our  allies  or  from  the  enemies  of  the  State;  for,  if  the 
French  do  not  go  about  in  the  distant  parts  of  the  woods,  and  give  up 
separating  into  small  parties  among  the  further  tribes  to  transact  their 
trade,  they -will  no  longer  be  exposed  to  the  humiliations  and  insults 
which  they  have  so  often  endured  without  being  able  to  help  it,  such  as 
being  plundered  and  cruelly  beaten,  which  has  disgraced  the  name  of 
France  among  these  tribes.  It  is  a  very  different  matter  when  the 
savages  come  and  trade  under. the  bastion  of  a  fort.  There  they  take  care 
to  make  no  venture  and  offer  no  insult  because  they  know  well  that  they 
would  be  compelled  to  conduct  themselves  properly,  and  that  a  small 
number  of  Frenchmen  united  and  inside  a  fort  [lit.  "shut  up"]  together 
are  invincible  to  them. 

It  follows  from  all  that  has  just  been  set  forth,  that,  if  there  had  been 
no  other  aim  &  no  other  motive  but  the  conversion  of  the  savages  and 
the  prevention  of  licentiousness,  the  missionaries  would  have  contributed 
with  all  their  power  to  the  success  of  our  objects,  by  exhorting  our  allies, 
especially  by  their  own  example,  to  come  and  settle  at  Detroit.  But  it 
appears  on  the  contrary,  that  they  have  sought  and  found  the  secret  of  re- 
maining themselves,  without  witnesses,  in  the  midst  of  the  woods;  and 
that  this  is  the  object  which  has  fulfilled  all  their  desires,  the  peaceful 
possession  of  which  is  so  dear  to  them. 

It  appeared  to  me,  My  Lord,  that  your  intention  in  establishing  Detroit 
was  to  bring  the  tribes  together  there,  and  chiefly  [  ?those  of]  the  post  of 

Digitized  by 



Missilimakinak.  The  revd.  Father  Bonnart,  Superior  of  the  Jesuits,  at 
a  conference  which  was  held  at  M.  de  Calliere's  house,  at  which  M.M.  de 
Champigny  and  de  Beauharnois  were  [present],  (and  to  which  M.M. 
d'Auteuil  and  de  Loftinieres  were  summoned),  agreed  to  grant  two  mis- 
sionaries for  Detroit,  one  for  the  Outavois  there  and  the  other  for  the 
Hurons.  But  as  he  maintains  that  this  action  cannot  be  taken  without 
expense,  the  Superior  of  the  Jesuits  proposed  to  defray  it.  These  gentle- 
men wished  to  saddle  the  Company  of  the  Colony  with  that  expense, 
giving  occasion  to  the  two  gentlemen  who  are  directors,  to  reply  thereto, 
making  the  following  distinction. 

If  it  is  agreed  to  give  up  the  mission  at  Missilimakinak  entirely  and 
to  transfer  it  to  Detroit,  the  Company  will  undertake  to  defray  the  ex- 
pense; otherwise  it  must  not  be  held  liable  for  it.  These  are  the  reasons 
M.  d'Auteuil  gave  for  it.  If  all  the  savages  at  Missilimakinak  come  to 
Detroit,  the  Company  may  expect  to  have  the  greater  part  of  the  trade 
of  that  tribe,  and  this  will  serve  to  indemnify  it  for  the  efxpenses  it  is 
to  bear;  whereas,  if  that  mission  remains,  as  it  is  now  the  scene  of  all 
debauchery,  serving  as  a  retreat  for  all  in  rebellion  against  the  orders 
of  the  King,  and  for  the  libertines  who  set  out  from  Montreal  every  day, 
taking  an  enormous  quantity  of  brandy  there  by  the  Grand  river,  which 
they  sell  to  savages,  it  is  impossible  for  the  Company  to  keep  up  the  post 
of  Detroit.  For,  so  far  from  the  savages  of  Missilimakinak  and  the 
neighborhood  coming  there  to  trade,  those  of  Detroit  on  the  contrary 
will  go  to  Missilimakinak  on  account  of  the  attraction  of  finding  brandy 
there,  of  which  they  are  deprived,  not  only  at  Detroit  by  the  good  order 
that  has  been  established  there,  but  also  at  Montreal.  And  addressing 
himself  to  the  Superior  of  the  Jesuits,  he  told  him  that  they  had  at  all 
times  complained  of  the  abominations  and  the  scandals  which  the  French 
caused  by  liquors  at  Missilimakinak,  and  that  they  were  right ;  but  that 
he  was  surpised  to  see  that,  although  the  Governor-General  had  provided 
a  remedy  for  it  by  the  wise  orders  he  had  given  regarding  Detroit,  and  by 
the  just  measures  the  Company  had  taken  with  its  agents,  so  that  every- 
body could  bear  witness  that  nothing  contrary  to  what  had  been  ordered 
went  on  there,  yet  these  same  abominations  and  this  same  disorderly 
conduct  were  perpetuated  at  Missilimakinak  by  rebels  and  libertines, 
and  nowadays  they  looked  on  without  saying  a  word,  and  without  com- 
plaining of  them.  This  attack  hit  this  revd.  Father  so  hard  that  it 
took  his  breath  away,  and  left  him  without  a  word  to  say  and  waiting 
for  breath. 

I  added,  My  Lord,  that  it  was  indisputable  that  Missilimakinak  was 
the  emporium  of  all  the  tribes ;  that  this  place  supplied  provisions  and 
boats  to  the  Voyageurs  to  go  from  there  into  all  the  other  countries ;  that 
the  Voyageurs,  on  their  return  from  trading,  again  obtained  there  what 
they  required  to  go  down  to  Montreal  or  elsewhere;  that  if  this  mission 

Digitized  by 


146  ANNUAX.    MEETING,    1903. 

were  not  in  existence,  there  would  be  no  need  to  watch  deserters  so  care- 
fully at  Montreal ;  for  those  who  escape  do  so  only  with  the  object  of  the 
gain  they  hope  to  make  by  trading  with  Utauais,  by  taking  a  quantity  of 
goods  with  them ;  that  I  begged  these  gentlemen  to  observe  that  if  Missili- 
makinak  were  not  in  existence,  and  there  were  no  more  provisions  there, 
it  would  be  impossible  for  deserters  to  take  goods  there,  fop  between 
Montreal  and  Missilimakinak  there  are  300  leagues  of  very  bad  road,  and 
after  that  the  Voyageurs  are  obliged  to  go  300  or  400  leagues  further  to 
carry  on  their  trade,  so  that  their  boats  would  not  be  large  enough  to 
carry  the  provisions  which  they  would  need  for  subsistence,  more  espe- 
cially as  those  are  sterile  countries,  where  there  are  no  animals ;  that  on 
returning  from  trading  they  would  necessarily  die  of  hunger  and  want. 
And  I  concluded  that,  to  break  up  this  mission  and  take  it  to  Detroit 
would  be  to  complete  a  work  worthy  of  the  glory  of  the  King,  of  religion, 
and  for  the  welfare  of  the  missions.  And  addressing  myself  to  the  Su- 
perior, M.  the  Governor-General,  and  M.  de  Champigny,  I  begged  them  to 
remember  that  I  had  informed  them  that  the  missionaries  at  Missili- 
makinak received  into  their  houses  the  goods  and  beaver  skins  of  fugitive 
rebels ;  that  they  had  promised  me,  when  I  set  out  for  Detroit,  that  they 
would  write  to  them  about  it;  that  nevertheless  I  had  proofs  how  they 
continued  to  do  so,  and  that  that  was  supporting  a  disgraceful  brigand- 

The  Superior  of  the  Jesuits  replied  to  this  statement,  and  opened  his 
lips  to  say  that  his  missionaries  were  unable  to  act  otherwise  for  fear 
lest  those  people  should  murder  them,  as  there  was  no  one  there  to  sup- 
port them;  but  that  he  requested  the  Governor  to  give  him  an  order  in 
writing  on  the  King's  behalf  to  forbid  them  to  do  it,  and  that  that  would 
protect  them  from  insult. 

I  answered  him  that  they  had  only  to  come  to  Detroit  and  they  would 
be  free  from  that  difficulty. 

M.  de  Champigny  spoke  and  said  that  the  King,  when  he  gave  orders 
for  establishing  Detroit,  did  not  declare  that  Missilimakinak  or  the  other 
posts  should  be  broken  up ;  that  the  orders  were  to  take  what  they  thought 
advisable  from  the  memorandum  of  M.  Charron  and  mine,  and  that  he 
took  Charron's  memorandum;  that  a  recollet  was  of  no  u^e  there,  and 
that  Detroit  would  be  established  if  there  were  none;  that  the  recollets, 
the  priests  and  the  Jesuits  did  not  agree;  that  he  had  never  dissembled 
since  he  had  been  in  the  country,  and  would  not  do  so  on  the  eve  of  his 
departure.  He  brought  forward  various  reasons  which  were  the  same 
as  [those]  he  wrote  to  us  before  the  post  of  Detroit  was  begun,  which  he 
looks  upon  as  a  thing  which  should  be  apologized  for  even  now,  although 
we  are  tired  to  death  of  telling  him  what  the  designs  we  have  for  the 
future  are. 

Digitized  by 



To  all  that  I  replied  that  it  was  apparent  enough  that  the  intention  of 
the  King  was  that  the  other  posts  should  be  broken  up,  for  the  Governor- 
Oeneral  had  included  in  the  instructions  he  gave  me  [that  I  was]  to 
invite  all  the  tribes  to  come  to  Detroit;  that  the  letters  which  you.  My 
Lord,  did  me  the  honor  to  write  me,  enjoin  it,  as  you  wish  me  to  make  this 
post  as  successful,  as  I  had  given  you  to  hope;  that  success  depends  on 
bringing  the  tribes  together  at  this  post,  and  especially  those  of  Missili- 
makinak;  that  you  expressed  yourself  pretty  clearly  about  it,  but  that 
they  would  neither  hear  nor  see;  that  as  I  met  with  so  many  hindrances, 
I  should  trouble  myself  no  more  about  it;  that  I  could  not  do  the  im- 

The  Governor  said  that  he  had  spoken  to  them  at  the  time  he  concluded 
the  peace;  that  a  part  of  the  savages  had  told  him  they  would  go  to 
Detroit,  that  the  rest  had  replied  that  they  must  consider  it ;  and  that  he 
had  their  answers,  that  he  could  not  force  them  to  settle  there  if  they  had 
no  wish  to  do  so;  that  to  take  their  missionaries  from  them  .would  be 
wanting  to  compel  them  to  go  there  by  force ;  that  it  would  also  be  giving 
occasion  to  the  rebels  to  go  to  the  Mississippi  for  goods,  and  afterwards 
to  come  and  trade  with  them  outside  Missilimakinak,  for  they  would 
obtain  meat  in  the  direction  of  the  Illinois,  which  they  would  dry,  and 
that  his  opinion  therefore  was  to  let  the  mission  of  Missilimakinak  alone, 
for  they  would  go  to  Detroit  of  themselves  if  they  thought  fit  to  do  so. 

M.  de  Champigny  also  said  that  this  mission  would  be  useful  in  case  the 
licensed  traders  were  reinstated,  and  it  was  desired  to  send  boats  into 
Lake  Superior  and  to  the  other  posts. 

Mm.  d'Auteuil  and  de  Lofbiniere,  who  spoke  for  each  other,  said  that 
either  the  King  wished  to  establish  Detroit  or  not.  M.  De  Beauharnois, 
who  had  said  little  and  listened  much,  said  that  it  was  certain  that  the 
King  wished  it,  and  that  he  would  answer  for  it.  If  that  is  so  said  M. 
d'Auteuil,  what  diflQculty  is  there  in  the  missionaries  of  Missilimakinak 
going  there,  since  that  would  induce  the  savages  to  go  there  with  them ; 
that  there  were  some  of  them  who  were  faithful  to  them ;  that  the  others 
would  let  themselves  [i.  e.  their  decisions]  be  shaken  when  they  saw  the 
former  departing;  that  some  would  follow  them  as  a  matter  of  honor, 
and  the  rest  from  the  confidence  they  would  be  inspired  with  on  seeing 
them  settle  at  that  place. 

To  this  I  added  that  to  quit  a  mission  or  a  post  was  not  forcing  the 
savages ;  that  the  missionaries  are  not  their  slaves ;  that  this^  is  very  often 
done  with  them;  that  it  is  open  to  a  missionary  to  tell  them  that  he  is 
going  away  to  a  desirable  land  to  join  his  brethren,  and  to  invite  them  to 
follow  him;  that  the  villages  of  the  savages  are  always  being  removed, 
not  only  in  tlie  country  of  the  Utavais,  but  in  the  neighborhood  of  Quebec 
and  Montreal;  that  people  do  not  go  to  seek  savages  axe  in  hand,  that 
this  is  done  by  belts,  by  presents  of  guns  and  of  kettles. 

Digitized  by 


148  ANNUAL    MEETING.    1903. 

Why,  said  M.  de  Beauharnois,  does  the  King  wish  to  make  a  great 
settlement  of  Detroit,  since  he  makes  no  grant  for  that  purpose.  I  told 
him  that  he  had  heard  that,  as  regards  the  mission  at  Missilimakinak, 
the  Company  would  bear  the  expense  if  the  Governor  thought  fit  to  re- 
move it.  It  was  also  said  that,  as  the  Jesuits  do  no  trading,  there  were 
[their]  expenses  to  be  defrayed.  I  replied  that  I  did  not  accuse  them  of 
it,  byt  that  many  abuses  went  on  among  the  people  who  brought  them 
wine  and  wafers  to  say  their  masses,  for  their  boats  were  laden  with  very 
heavy  loads  of  goods;  that  a  hundr€;d  men  who  were  with  me  had  seen 
them ;  that  their  hired  men  or  servants  had  gone  wherever  they  liked  in 
the  further  parts  of  the  woods  to  trade  with  them;  that  they  had  even 
had  the  impudence  to  come  within  one  day's  [journey]  of  Detroit;  that  I 
had  informed  the  Governor  and  the  Intendant  of  it ;  lastly,  I  pointed  out 
to  these  gentlemen  that  it  was  more  advisable  to  give  these  missionaries 
money  to  provide  themselves  with  dwellings  according  to  their  own  fancy, 
for,  if  I  undertook  to  house  them,  they  would  perhaps  ask  me  for  more 
than  I  could  do,  and  they  would  think  that  it  was  from  ill-will ;  that  I 
was  very  glad  to  have  no  disputes  with  them. 

You  know,  My  Lord,  that  you  had  promised  me  two  hundred  men  to 
strengthen  this  post.  If  you  continue  of  the  same  mind,  it  will  be  time  to 
send  them  over  next  year;  for  it  would  be  advisable  to  make  them  serve 
in  Canada  for  a  year,  in  order  to  give  them  a  little  elasticity  and  accustom 
them  to  the  country  before  bringing  them  to  Detroit.  You  had  also  given 
me  hope  of  twelve  companies,  and  I  even  had  an  order  from  Your  High- 
ness ta  go  to  the  office  of  M.  de  la  Touche  to  give  him  the  names  of  the 
captains  who  would  suit  me  best.  So,  if  this  settlement  does  not  get  on 
as  well  as  it  should  do,  it  is  not  my  fault.  They  will  decry  [it]  enough 
to  you ;  the  machine  with  the  great  springs  knows  very  well  how  to  set 
everything  going  here;  they  will  propose  to  you  now  a  multiplicity  of 
posts;  they  will  even  get  the  savages  to  ask  M.  de  Calliere  for  U\  although 
they  have  raised  such  an  outcry  against  that,  in  order  to  cause  the  down- 
fall of  Detroit  which  stands  in  need  of  all  your  powerful  protection.  It 
seems  that  you  wish  that  the  Jesuits  should  be  my  friends.  I  wish  it, 
too;  but,  as  the  quarrel  dates  from  the  time  of  the  late  Cerate  de  Fron- 
tenac,  and  as  they  have  very  good  memories,  I  must  not  think  that  they 
would  forget  the  past,  whatever  I  might  do  to  attain  that  end,  that  that 
will  not  prevent  me  from  having  great  regard  for  them,  and  much  respect. 
All  our  quarrels  have  arisen  only  from  the  opposition  they  have  offered 
to  the  orders  of  the  King,  which  I  know  very  well  how  to  maintain,  and 
to  have  carried  out. 

I  foresee.  My  Lord,  that  if  it  is  necessary  for  me  to  wait  until  the  set- 
tlement of  Detroit  becomes  a  perfect  town,  to  be  raised  to  a  governor- 
ship, from  the  way  they  are  going  to  work,  I  shall  be  made  governor  at 
the  age  the  popes  are  made.    That  decides  me,  with  great  mortification, 

Digitized  by 



to  beg  you  to  grant  me  the  appointment  of  major  of  the  town  of  Quebec, 
and  not  of  Montreal,  if  it  is  vacated  by  the  promotion  of  the  occupant  of 
it,  who  is  a  very  worthy  man ;  that  will  not  prevent  me  from  remaining  at 
fort  Pontchartrain  as  long  as  you  wish,  and  until  this  matter  is  com- 
pleted. I  shall  assuredly  continue  to  devote  all  my  care  to  making  it  a 
success  in  the  way  that  you  wish,  but  you  must  aid  me.  I  should  be  very 
glad  merely  to  learn  that  I  had  received  an  appointment,  since  the  oppor- 
tunity presents  itself  in  the  Majority  of  Quebec,  until  you  grant  me  the 
favors  which.  My  Lord,  you  had  the  kindness  to  promise  to  me  and  M.  de 
Tonty  in  the  letters  which  you  did  me  the  honor  to  write  to  me.  If  how- 
ever, you  will  grant  me  this  governorship,  or  at  least  a  commission  as  com- 
mandant of  this  post  and  all  the  others  in  the  lands  of  the  Utaliois  (as  I 
had  in  the  time  of  the  Comte  de  Frontenac,  a  copy  of  which  I  send  you) 
I  should  prefer  this  favor  to  the  majority  of  Quebec ;  and,  if  you  attach 
a  salary  to  it,  that  will  mitigate  the  hardships  which  I  am  obliged  to  en- 
dure among  these  barbarians,  and  I  will  do  my  duty  at  this  post  so  well 
that  you  will  have  every  reason  to  be  satisfied  with  the  course  I  shall  take 
to  make  it  as  great  a  success  its  you  expect.  The  Chev.  de  Calliere  prom- 
ised me  to  write  strongly  to  you  on  my  behalf;  he  assured  me  that  he 
was  pleased  with  me,  as  I  had  complied  very  faithfully  with  his  orders. 
No  one  can  complain  of  me  justly;  there  is  no  one  [that  does]  except 
the  envious  and  the  malcontents,  but  they  can  fret  and  fume  whenever 
they  please. 

You  also  promised  me.  My  Lord,  in  the  letter  which  you  were  good 
enough  to  write  to  me  on  the  31st  of  May  1701,  that  you  would  take  ad- 
vantage of  the  first  opportunity  which  presented  itself,  to  give  my  eldest 
son  an  appointment ;  but  you  have  promoted  four  ensigns  in  this  country 
[and]  he  has  had  the  misfortune  to  escape  your  memory.  I  am  therefore 
obliged  to  continue  to  ask  you  for  an  ensigncy  of  foot  for  him,  and,  if 
there  are  none  vacant,  to  send  him  an  order  for  the  first  that  becomes 
vacant.  I  can  assure  you  that  he  is  a  very  fine  lad,  and  a  very  good  fellow 
and  does  his  duty  at  Detroit,  where  he  is  serving,  very  well.  As  he  is  the 
first  cadet  who  has  come  there,  he  would  deserve  this  favor  on  behalf  of 
this  post  and  of  the  services  he  will  render  it,  which  I  will  take  good  care 

As  regards  my  memorials  which  you  referred  to  MM.  de  Calliere  and 
de  Champigny  to  comply  with  them  as  far  as  they  could,  it  will  be  very 
easy  for  me  to  carry  out  their  orders,  for  they  give  me  none  (no  doubt 
because  they  have  no  funds  for  that  purpose)  and  they  keep  complete 
silence  about  it.  For  my  part,  I  have  done  what  I  gave  [you]  to  expect; 
do,  on  yours,  what  you  wish.  It  seems  to  me  they  trouble  themselves  very 
little  here  about  Detroit.  The  concession  of  the  trade,  which  the  King 
has  granted  exclusively  to  the  Company  of  the  Colony  has  paralysed  all 
progress  at  Detroit  [lit.  "has  broken  its  arms  and  legs"] ;  for  that  com- 

Digitized  by 


160  ANNUAL    MEBTING,    1903. 

pany  makes  no  advance  for  it,  and  no  one  can  live  in  a  country  where 
there  is  no  trade.  If  it  is  only  a  question  of  bringing  the  savages  together 
there,  there  will  be  some  very  soon,  for  there  are  three  villages  already. 
As  to  the  rest,  it  is  your  business ;  a  hundred  pistols  are  required  to  begin 
the  seminary  [and]  the  Jesuits  demand  money  for  removing,  forgetting: 
that  they  are  missionaries  and  that  the  King  has  given  them  five  hundred 
pistols  for  their  missions. 

I  am  well  satisfied  with  the  reverend  Father  Constantine,  the  recollet 
who  oflSciates  at  Detroit,  that  is  to  say  for  the  garrison.  Whatever  may 
be  said  of  it,  it  is  very  necessary  that  these  reverend  fathers  should  be 
there.  The  Jesuits  are  good  for  their  missions,  but  if  they  make  us  be- 
seech them  too  much,  and  continue  to  want  money  for  coming  there,  this- 
recollet  in  the  meantime  will  be  useful  for  the  savages  occasionally. 
Moreover  there  is  nothing  so  sweet  as  liberty  of  conscience ;  for  my  party 
I  think  that  especially  necessary  in  these  distant  places. 

I  am  well  pleased  with  M.  Duguay,  lieutenant  on  half  pay ;  he  has  done 
his  duty  thoroughly  well  and  has  assisted  me  in  every  possible  way.  He 
is  a  very  good  oflScer  and  was  very  necessary  to  me;  and  M.  de  Calliere 
supported  him  through  the  obstacles  and  the  hostile  action  of  the  com- 
pany who  would  not  accept  the  views  of  M.  de  Calliere  regarding  M. 
Duguay.  He  deserves  your  support  both  on  account  of  his  family  and  his 
services,  and  I  am  convinced.  My  Lord,  that  if  you  knew  him  well  you 
would  promote  him  on  the  first  opportunity  that  offered. 

I  was  one  of  those  who  were  most  surprised  at  the  complaints  made 
against  M.  Hauteville,  M.  de  Calliere's  secretary ;  I  thought  it  necessary 
to  see  the  Governor-General  about  it,  so  much  the  more  as  this  difference 
was  in  a  way  referred  to  me,  and  I  found  him  from  the  first  with  the  best 
inclination  in  the  world  to  settle  it  and  to  do  justice  to  whomever  it  was 
due,  although  I  had  great  difficuly  in  finding  out  the  truth  the  matter 
being  so  involved  that  it  could  not  be  definitely  cleared  up.  However,  as 
M.  de  Chacornacle  maintained  that  he  had  been  struck  first,  I  and  all  the 
oflScers  then  at  Quebec  thought  that  this  confession  was  sufficient  to  have 
justice  done  to  M.  de  Chacornacle;  and,  having  informed  the  Chevalier  de 
Calliere  of  it.  he  sent  his  secretary  to  prison,  quite  resolved  to  make  him 
undergo  the  penalties  provided  in  the  decrees.  But  it  happened  that  M. 
de  Chacornacle  informed  us  that  he  was  satisfied  with  the  justice  which 
had  been  done  him,  and  begged  me  to  be  with  him  and  some  other  officers 
when  he  applied  for  the  release  of  M.  Hauteville,  and  I  granted  him  this, 
remembering  that  MM.  de  la  Chassagre,  le  Vasseur,  [and]  de  Champigny 
would  be  present  there;  and  finally  [it  happened]  that,  after  many  en- 
treaties to  let  the  secretary  out,  and  M.  de  Calliere  always  refusing  him,, 
we  joined  ours  thereto  with  such  earnest  representations  that  the 
Governor  sent  the  major  of  Quebec  for  him,  and  when  his  secretary  en- 
tered he  told  him  that  he  owed  his  release  to  us,  and  ordered  him  to  ask 

Digitized  by 



M.  de  Chacomacle's  pardon,  which  he  instantly  did,  and  when  they  had 
shaken  hands  and  embraced,  M.  de  Chacornacle  promised  him  he  would 
forget  all  that  had  passed,  and  M.  Hauteville  begged  him  to  think  no  more 
of  it.  That,  My  Lord,  is  how  the  matter  went,  and  those  who  have  in- 
formed yon  of  it  othierwise  are  very  wrong  and  are  very  dishonest.  That 
is  the  first  time  M.  Hauteville  appears  to  have  given  anyone  cause  to  com- 
plain of  him,  and  indeed  the  matter  was  always  very  questionable  to  me, 
for  M.  de  Chacornacle  is  a  little  too  quick  with  his  hand ;  moreover  he  is 
a  worthy  man  who  was  strongly  attached  to  the  Comte  de  Frontenac  and 
has  never  been  suspected  of  any  unfaithfulness,  and  I  think  that  is  why 
M.  de  Calliere  employs  him  with  confidence.  We  have  need  in  this  coun- 
try for  men'  of  this  kind,  who  are  somewhat  rare,  for  means  are  found  of 
moving  everyone. 

I  was  very  glad  to  be  here  when  M.  de  Beauharnois  arrived.  He  has 
such  a  fine  face  and  such  good  manners  that  he  gained  the  approval  of 
everyone.  I  hope  he  may  become  favorable  to  the  settlement  of  Detroit ; 
there  is  ground  for  fearing  that,  if  he  follows  the  memorials,  of  his  prede- 
cessor, he  may  be  against  it. 

I  have  had  no  one  sick,  and  nobody  has  died,  a  thing  which,  moreover, 
has  been  rarely  seen  in  distant  posts  such  as  this. 

I  have  carried  out  submissively  what  you  did  me  the  honor  to  write 
to  me  concerning  the  revd.  Jesuit  Pathei;  Vaillant;  that  was  done  after 
my  letter  was  written  in  the  presence  of  his  Superior  and  of  the  Revd. 
Father  Germain,  Father  Vaillant  having  set  out  four  hours  after  the 
arrival  of  the  King^s  ship.  This  Father  has  gone  to  Senountoilan.  There- 
fore, as  this  matter  has  just  been  arranged  by  the  Chev.  de  Calliere, 
together  with  various  things  for  the  future  which  have  been  drawn  up  in 
clauses,  we  may  trust  you  will  receive  no  more  complaints  from  them 
against  me;  and  I  do  not  think  I  shall  be  obliged  to  carry  mine  to  you, 
because  of  the  satisfactory  arrangement  concerning  it  which  the  Gov-, 
ernor-General  has  made,  and  will  make  in  case  of  dispute,  as  you  will  see, 
My  Lord,  from  the  agreement  which  has  been  made  on  the  subject  and 
signed  in  all  due  form,  of  which  M.  de  Calliere  is  to  send  you  a  copy.  If, 
therefore,  anything  is  brought  before  you  about  it,  directly,  or  indirectly, 
I  beg  you  to  pay  no  attention  to  it,  for  by  the  agreement  which  has  just 
been  made,  it  tas  all  been  put  an  end  to. 

Permit  me,  if  it  please  you,  to  be  with  very  deep  respect,  My  Lord, 
Your  very  humble  and  very  obedient  servant, 

La  Mothe  Cadillac. 

At  Quebec,  this  25th  of  Sept.,  1702. 

Digitized  by 


162  ANNUAL   MEETING,    1903. 


M.  de  la  Motte  says  that  when  he  was  sent  to  Detroit  by  the  Court  to 
establish  the  post  he  did  not  think  it  would  fall  into  the  hands  of  a  Com- 
pany, and  that  if  he  had  foreseen  it  he  would  not  have  undertaken  it, 
because  there  is  as  much  difiference  between  the  King  and  the  Company 
as  between  a  proprietor  and  his  tenant.  When  a  man  manages  his  prop- 
erty himself,  as  he  has  an  interest  in  not  letting  it  run  to  ruin ;  he  puts  up 
with  bad  years  hoping  to  recompense  himself  in  others.  But  when  this 
property  is  in  the  hands  of  a  selfish  farmer,  he  sucks  the  very  marrow  out 
of  it  while  it  is  in  his  possession,  not  caring  what  may  become  of  the 
land  after  that. 

When  M.  de  la  Motte  set  out  from  Montreal  on  the  5th  of  June,  1701, 
he  did  so  with  the  intention  [shared]  by  the  Governor-General,  of  making 
a  success  of  the  undertaking  of  the  settlement  of  Detroit.  In  order  to 
succeed  in  it,  it  was  necessary  not  to  apply  himself  to  trading  only,  but 
far  rather  to  laying  the  foundations  of  a  post  the  ownership  of  vhich  had 
not  been  decided  upon  between  the  Crowns  of  France  and  England.  That 
is  why  it  is  thought  advisable  to  choose  good  men  and  a  sufficient  number 
to  drive  the  enemy  out  of  it  if  they  were  posted  there  before  him ;  or  to 
be  prepared  to  defend  himself  in  case  he  should  be  attacked  there.  This 
is  in  conformity  with  his  instructions;  therefore  his  boats  were  loaded 
with  quantities  of  provisions,  iron  and  tools  to  enable  them  to  house  them- 
selves couyeniently,  to  fortify  themselves,  and  finally  to  prepare  them- 
selves for  repulsing  the  enemy,  if  they  had  come  there. 

It  should  be  borne  in  mind  that  M.  de  la  Motte,  in  going  to  Detroit, 
found  himself  in  a  district  where  there  were  no  inhabitants ;  that  he  was 
obliged  to  provide  food  there  for  the  garrison  and  the  Voyageurs  for  a 
whole  year  by  means  of  hunting.  Consequently  the  trading  done  there  in 
this  first  year  was  not  so  large  as  it  may  be  after  the  place  has  been 
settled  and  populated.  When  he  set  out  from  Montreal,  the  merchants 
who  had  advanced  the  money  on  behalf  of  the  King,  and  M.  de  Champigny 
in  particular,  begged  M.  de  la  Motte  to  deal  as  little  as  possible  in  beaver- 
skins  because  they  were  then  depreciated  goods ;  but  to  trade  for  the  skins 
of  stags  and  hinds  which  were  valued  at  fourteen  livres,  roebuck  skins 
which  were  worth  up  to  six  livres,  bear  skins  up  to  ten  livres,  otters  five 
livres,  wildcats  thirty-two  sols,  and  so  of  the  rest.  This  trading  was  in 
accordance  with  the  suggestion  which  M.  de  La  Motte  had  made  on  the 
subject  to  the  Court ;  for  his  part,  he  has  complied  with  this  instruction. 

Vol  1.  p.  152. 

Digitized  by 



They  continued  the  following  spring  of  1702,  to  send  him  the  same  advice 
to  confine  himself  to  this  business  solely,  and  to  exclude  the  trade  in 
beaver-skins.  He  did  so:  and  yet  in  thjB  same  year,  in  the  month  of 
October,  it  may  be  seen  from  the  accounts  that  the  directors  made  a  re- 
duction of  more  than  one-half  in  the  prices  of  these  kinds  of  skins  and 
furs,  for  which  they  ought  to  be  censured;  this  question  is  left  for  con- 

M.  de  la  Motte  says  that  the  directors  regulate  their  trade  from  Mon- 
treal to  Detroit,  as  that  from  La  Rochelle  to  Quebec  is  regulated,  and 
that  this  should  not  be  done.  The  whole  expenditure  incurred  in  1701 
should  be  shown,  according  to  the  time  [occupied  in  sending]  the  con- 
signments, as  payable  in  1702 ;  of  the  following  year,  and  so  on.  This  is 
what  the  directors  have  not  done  in  their  account,  having  shown  and 
mixed  up  sums  belonging  to  the  year  1702  in  the  return  for  1701.  They 
have  also  made  a  valuation  of  the  goods  remaining  at  Detroit  which  is 
outrageous,  for  they  have  only  estimated  them  at  50  p.  c.  profit  after  hav- 
ing been  conveyed  to  the  place,  so  that  there  is  no  more  than  the  cost  re- 
turned. These  goods  are  such  as  will  produce  two  hundred  per  cent, 
profit  at  the  least,  there  being  2015#  of  powder,  which  costs  only  22s. 
to  buy,  one  pound  [of  which]  sells  for  a  beaver-skin,  [or]  for  a  roebuck, 
otter,  stag  or  bear's  skin ;  four  thousand  two  hundred  and  twenty  pounds 
of  lead,  costing  only  six  sols  a  pound,  at  1V2#  to  the  beaver  skin;  eight 
hundred  and  twenty-three  pounds  of  tobacco,  costing  only  twenty-seven 
sols  a  pound,  at  three-quarters  to  the  beaver-skin.  This  proves  that  two 
pounds  of  powder,  costing  forty-five  sols  [and]  producing  one  stag  skin  at 
seven  livres,  two  sols — even  by  the  reckoning  of  the  board  of  directors, 
gives  more  than  two  hundred  per  cent  profit.  If  we  take  three  pounds  of 
lead  at  six  sols,  making  eighteen  sols,  that  works  out  to  nearly  seven 
hundred  per  cent.  If  we  take  three-quarters  of  tobacco,  making  twenty- 
one  sols,  that  amounts  to  very  nearly  seven  hundred  per  cent ;  if  in  bear 
skins  or  in  otter  skins,  it  ought  to  return  three  hundred  per  cent  or  more; 
if  in  roebuck  skins  and  winter  beaver-skins,  thick  and  dry,  on  the  average 
it  should  amount  to  very  nearly  the  same.  There  is  a  reduction  in  [the 
price  of]  roebuck  skins :  but,  in  whatever  way  it  may  be  reckoned,  there  is, 
or  ought  to  be  on  the  terms  on  which  trade  is  transacted  here,  two  hun- 
dred per  cent  profit  on  those  goods,  all  expenses  paid. 

M.  de  la  Motte  says  that  the  board  of  directors  shows  in  its  accounts 
that  there  were  a  number  of  skins  spoilt,  or  of  poor  quality.  If  that  is 
so  they  must  have  become  wet  in  the  boat,  [going]  from  Montreal  to 
Quebec,  therefore  it  is  for  the  directors  to  look  to  themselves  for  com- 
pensation for  it.  If  they  were  of  poor  quality,  that  would  arise  from  the 
ignorance  of  the  agents,  so  that  it  is  for  the  board  of  directors  to  choose 


Digitized  by 


154  ANNUAL   MBBTING,    1903. 

someone  who  is  more  experienced.  Therefore  this  loss  should  not  be 
attributed  to  the  post  of  Detroit. 

M.  de  la  Motte  says  that  the  goods  which  are  sent  to  this  post,  especially 
those  which  M.  Radisson'  has  just. brought,  are  exorbitant  in  price;  there 
is  a  part  of  them  which  is  by  no  means  suitable  for  the  trade,  and  that 
it  appears  that  it  is  the  directors  themselves,  who  are  merchants,  that 
are  very  glad  to  get  rid  of  them,  and  to  make  for  themselves  alone  the  gain 
which  the  public  should  draw  from  them.  These  goods  are  also  of  low 
quality,  and  they  will  in  part  remain  in  the  warehouse  and  no  one  will  be 
able  to  find  a  sale  for  them  except  at  a  loss ;  and  to  this  M.  Radisson,  the 
clerk,  agrees  himself,  not  being  able  to  do  otherwise.  M.  de  la  Motte  says 
that  he  is  not  surprised  ^t  the  skins  falling  in  price,  for  it  is  the  directors, 
as  merchants  who  purchased  them  themselves  or  have  th^m  purchased  in 
an  underhand  manner  by  others,  with  whom  they  share  the  spoil ;  and  this 
sale  is  only  a  sham,  for  the  understanding  between  the  merchants  con- 
cerning it  is  made  beforehand;  that  the  custom  in  Canada  in  these  mat- 
ters is-  sufficiently  well  known. 

That  that  shows  that  the  affairs  of  the  Company  are  entirely  ruined  for 
it  has  not  [even]  so  small  a  capital  as  that  [necessary]  to  bear  for  one 
year  the  sending  these  skins  to  France  although  it  would  produce  a 
considerable  profit ;  and  it  runs  also  into  expense  in  paying  for  the  food 
and  expenses  of  the  Voyageurs  engaged,  who  go  down  from  Montreal  to 
Quebec  in  order  to  fetch  their  payment,  whereas  by  remitting  the  money 
to  their  principal  clerk  at  Montreal,  it  could  make  these  payments  and 
save  its  expenses. 

M.  de  la  Motte  says  that  he  does  not  consider  that  the  Company  has  lost 
on  this  first  consignment,  as  it  says  it  has,  the  sum  of  twelve  thousand 
two  hundred  and  ninety  seven  livres,  seventeen  sols;  and  that,  if  he  had 
the  honor  to  talk  to  the  board  of  directors  only  two  hours  on  this  point 
he  is  confident  that  they  would  agree  to  it  and  that  he  could  make  them 
see  it  by  pressing  it  well  home. 

He  also  says  that  the  board  of  directors  manages  its  trade  in  that 
matter  as  a  merchant  does  from  the  sale  to  the  purchase,  but  that  it  ought 
to  have  another  object  for  it  should  be  directed  with  reference  to  the 
settlement  and  to  the  trade  which  will  arise  from  it. 

For  example,  M.  de  la  Motte  says  that  a  merchant  has  a  vessel  of  three 
hundred  tons  burden  built;  that  he  sends  it  to  sea  and  receives  for  the 
freight  of  each  ton  the  sum  of  a  hundred  livres  which  makes  thirty  thou- 
sand livres,  which  is  the  amount  of  his  outlay.  But  this  merchant  is 
obliged  to  pay  the  captain  whom  he  puts  on  this  vessel,  the  pilots,  and  the 

*For  biography  of  Peter  Esprit  Radisson,  see  Voyages  of  Radisson,  pubUshed  by 
the  Prince  Society.     The  text  indicates  that  he  was  at  Detroit  before  the  trade  • 
of  that  post  was  transferred  to  Cadillac  in  1704  and  while  It  was  still  held  by  the 
Company  of  the  Colony.    He  was  born  In  1665  and  died  at  Montreal,  June  15,  1735. 
— C.  M.  B. 

Digitized  by 



sailors ;  &  to  supply  them  with  the  provisions  and  the  fittings  necessary, 
as  the  expenses  of  the  voyage;  and  this  may  amount  to  ten  thousand 
millions;  whence  for  this  reason,  or  it  were  better  to  say  for  that  of  the 
directors,  the  owner  of  the  vessel  has  lost  twenty  thousand  livres.  This 
is  however,  untrue;  for  the  vessel  remains  and  may  continue  to  make  a 
considerable  profit  every  year,  since  the  first  outlay  has  been  made. 
Hence,  even  if  it  were  true,  which  M.  de  la  Motte  does  not  think,  that  the 
Company  had  lost  twelve  thousand  livres  on  these  first  consignments,  in 
[connection  with]  which  it  has  been  necessary  to  build  many  dwellings 
and  to  make  large  clearings  for  the  lands,  it  counts  them  as  nothing. 
Yet  they  will  continue  every  ye5r  to  give  large  profits  to  the  advantage  of 
its  trade  by  the  grain  they  have  yielded  and  will  yield,  provided  it  has  a 
mill  built  and  sends  cattle  there,  which  they  have  been  asked  for. 


Endorsed — Colonies.  M.  de  Callieres,  M.  de  Beauharnois,  3rd  Nov.  1702. 

My  Lord, 

*  «  • 

The  Directors  of  the  Company  have  promised  that,  as  soon  as  all  their 
furs,  which  are  the  proceeds  of  the  trade  at  the  forts  of  Detroit  and 
Frontenac,  have  come,  they  will  carry  out  the  obligations  they  entered 
into  with  the  Srs.  de  Callieres  and  de  Champigny.  The  Srs.  de  Callieres 
and  de  Beauharnois  will  take  that  in  hand,  and  the  Sr.  de  Champigny  will 

give  an  account  of  what  has  taken  place  on  that : 

*  *  « 

The  Sr.  de  Callieres  will  give  the  Sr.  de  la  Motte  the  necessary  support ; 
and  he  has  already  in  anticipation  [of  your  instructions]  strongly  urged 
the  savages  who  came  down  to  Montreal  this  summer  to  go  and  settle  at 

The  Directors  of  the  Company  of  the  Colony  were  right  in  informing 
you  that  the  expense  they  were  obliged  to  incur  for  conveying  the  articles 
necessary  for  the  officers  and  the  garrison  is  heavy,  in  regard  to  what  has 
had  to  be  taken  for  their  settlement;  but  they  have  no  ground  for  com- 
plaining of  it,  since*  we  learn  from  those  who  have  just  come  down  from 
there  that  with  the  15,000#  which  the  King  has  granted  them,  the  furs 
which  have  come  down  from  those  [posts]  to  Montreal,  and  the  rest  of 
the  goods  which  still  remain  at  that  fort,  they  have  now  sufficient  to 

Vol  6,  p.  929. 

Digitized  by 


156  ANNUAL    MEETING,    1903. 

reimburse  themselv^.  And  it  appears  to  us  that  it  will  cost  them,  this 
year,  only  the  refreshments  they  have  taken  for  the  oflficers,  the  wages  of 
four  hunters,  and  a  few  merchants  for  trading  for  Indian  corn,  in  ad- 
dition to  what  they  have  gathered  on  the  spot,  for  the  food  of  the  garrison 
and  their  people.  These  expenses  will  decrease  further  in  the  future,  as  a 
greater  harvest  is  made,  and  as  they  get  a  collection  of  animals  on  the 

As  His  Majesty  wishes  the  soldiers  to  supply  themselves  with  the  wood 
necessary  for  their  fuel,  the  Srs.  de  Callieres  and  de  Beauharnois  will 
issue  the  necessary  orders  on  that  point.  The  soldiers  of  Fort  Frontenac 
will  cut  their  wood,  as  they  do  elsewhere,  and  we  will  have  it  drawn  for 
them  by  means  of  two  horses  which  have  been  bought  and  are  already 
there.  And  as  regards  those  at  Detroit,  since  there  are  neither  oxen  nor 
horses  there  yet,  some  gratuity — to  be  agreed  upon — shall  be  granted 
them  at  the  King's  expense  for  the  laboJr  they  will  have  in  hauling  it  both 
for  themselves  and  for  the  officers,  who  have  not  servants  enough  to  cut 
their  wood  for  them  and  carry  it. 

We  do  not  think  it  is  advisable  that  the  Company  of  the  Colony  should 
be  at  liberty  to  carry  on  trade  outside  the  forts  of  Detroit  and  Frontenac, 
because  the  savages  who  may  be  settled  in  the  neighborhood  will  easily 
come  there  for  what  they  need,  in  the  same  way  as  the  savages  of  Le 
Sault  and  La  Montague  come  to  Montreal ;  whereas,  if  it  were  permitted 
to  this  Company  to  take  goods  to  them,  it  would  do  all  the  trade  of 
Canada  in  the  interior  of  the  woods  by  itself  under  this  pretext,  and  this 
would  entirely  ruin  the  trade  of  the  settlers  and  merchants  of  Montreal 
who  only  subsist  with  difficulty  [i.  e.  who  only  get  a  bare  subsistence] 
on  the  little  trade  done  there  at  present.  Therefore  the  Chevalier  de 
Callieres  and  the  Sr.  de  Beauharnois  will  make  the  Directors  of  the  Com- 
pany understand  that  they  should  carry  on  trade  only  within  the  bound- 
aries of  their  two  forts. 

We  have  no  doubt  that  the  Srs.  de  la  Motte  and  de  Tonty  are  devoting 

all  their  care  and  diligence  to  the  benefit  and  advantage  of  the  post  of 

Detroit,  with  the  intention  of  making  themselves  worthy  of  the  favors 

of  which  His  Majesty  gives  them  hope,  of  which  we  have  informed  the 

Sr.  de  la  Motte  who  has  come  to  pay  a  visit  here  and  will  communicate 

to  the  Sr.  de  Tonty  who  has  remained  on  the  spot. 

«  «  « 

When  we  proposed  last  year  that  various  posts  should  be  established 
in  the  upper  countries,  that  was  with  a  view  to  His  Majesty  approving  of 
the  15  licenses  [for  trading]  of  which  we  have  just  spoken,  being  granted; 
[the  holders  of]  which  by  being  distributed  among  these  posts,  would 
have  prevented,  by  the  transaction  of  their  own  trade,  the  irregular 
[traders]  from  carrying  on  theirs,  and  by  this  means  it  would  have  cost 
His  Majesty  nothing  for  them;  and,  far  from  driving  away  trade  from 

Digitized  by 



the  Colony,  it  would  have  increased  it,  for  some  of  the  savages  of  Lake 
Superior  carry  their  furs  to  the  English  of  the  Northern  bay,  and  the  rest 
on  account  of  their  great  remoteness,  and  because  they  have  not  the  use  of 
boats,  do  not  come  either  to  Montreal  or  to  Detroit. 

♦  ♦  • 

It  has  been  reported  to  us  that  the  agents  of  the  Srs.  de  la  Forest  and  de 
Tonty,  contrary  to  the  orders  of  His  Majesty,  which  forbid  them  to  trade 
for  any  beaver  skins,  even  at  Fort  St.  Louis  of  the  Illinois,  and  only  allow 
them  to  buy  small  furs  at  that  place,  are  carrying  on  the  trade  with  all 
sorts  of  tribes.  When  the  Sr.  de  la  Forest,  whom  we  are  expecting  im- 
mediately, has  returned,  the  Srs.  de  Callieres  and  de  Beauharnois  will 
inquire  definitely  what  has  been  done  on  that  point,  and  if  it  is  shown 
that  the  orders  of  the  King  have  been  disobeyed,  the  Sr.  de  Callieres  will 
suspend  the  exercise  of  their  privileges,  if  they  do  not  amend,  until  His 

Majesty  shall  signify  to  him  his  pleasure. 

*  «  * 

The  Sr.  de  la  Motte  has  written  from  Detroit  to  the  Sr.  de  Callieres  that 
the  savages  had  told  him  they  had  learnt  that  the  Governor-General 
wished  to  have  the  orders  against  selling  them  brandy  at  Montreal  kept 
up,  and  that  they  had  requested  him  to  send  him  word  that,  if  that  were 
so,  they  would  be  obliged  to  go  elsewhere  for  it. 

The  Directors  of  the  Company,  wishing  to  give  the  Sr.  de  la  Motte  an 
interest  in  the  prosperity  of  their  affairs  at  Detroit,  have  made  an  agree- 
ment with  him  under  wliich  they  grant  him  2000#  a  year,  and  two-thirds 
[of  this]  to  the  Sr.  de  Tonty* ;  the  Srs.  de  Callieres  and  de  Beauharnois 

have  signed  this  agreement. 

«  •  • 

Your  humble,  very  obedient  and  most  obliged  Servants, 

The  Chev.  de  Callieres, 
Rochart  Champigny. 
At  Quebec  this  3rd  of  November  1702. 
P.  S. 

"Henry  Tonty  and  Alphonse  Tpnty  were  brothers.  Henry  (bras  de  fer)  was  at 
IPort  St.  Louis  with  La  SaUe  and  with  La  Forest  Alphonse  was  at  Detroit  with 
Cadillac  and,  subsequently,  as  commandant.  Henry  died  in  1704  and  Alphonse  died 
at  Detroit  and  was  buried  November  10,  1727.  The  record  of  the  families  as  given 
by  Tanguay  is  somewhat  in  error. — C.  M.  B. 

Digitized  by 


158  ANNUAL    MEETING,    1903. 

Endorsed — Colonies.    M.  de  Callieres.    4th  Nov.  1702. 

My  Lord, 

«  •  * 

The  Sr.  de  la  Motte  very  conveniently  happened  to  be  here  to  settle  the 

affair  of  the  Revd.  Father  Vaillant  in  conformity  with  what  yon  wrote 

to  me;  and  an  arrangement  has  been  made  in  my  presence  between  the 

mdexietterH.  gr.  de  la  Motte  and  the  Superior  of  the  Jesuits,  a  copy  of  which  I  annex 

hereto,  which  I  hope  will  prevent  any  new  quarrels  occurring  in  the 


«  «  « 

The  Sr.  de  Tonty  also  sends  me  word  that  certain  savages,  formerly 

settled  at  the  Sault  and  now  with  the  Hurons  of  Detroit,  have  been  to 

trade  at  Orange*,  with  some  of  that  tribe,  and  that  they  brought  belts  on 

behalf  of  the  English  to  invite  our  Savages  of  the  upper  country  to  go 

and  see  them  in  order  to  make  their  acquaintance.    On  this  the  chiefs  of 

those  at  Detroit  went  to  the  Sr.  de  Tonty  to  tell  him  that,  if  he  did  not 

cause  the  goods  to  be  given  them  cheap,  they  could  not  prevent  their 

young  men  from  going  to  the  English  for  them,  who  offer  them  to  them  at 

a  low  price,  or  from  inviting  the  English  to  bring  them  some  to  some 

mSBeting-place;  which  makes  me  greatly  fear  that  these  intrigues  may 

have  disastrous  consequences  to  the  Colony. 

«  «  « 

Your  very  humble,  very  obedient  and  most  obliged  Servant, 

The  Chev.  de  Callieres. 
Quebec,  the  4th  of  Nov.  1702. 


Vol.  5,  p.  »8& 

Digitized  by 





This  15th  letter  is  from  Father 
Maret,  and  M  de  Lamothe  has  replied 
to  It;  he  contents  himself,  therefore, 
with  sending  a  copy  of  it. 

As  to  what  refers  to  the  savages  of 
Missillmakinak,  these  are  the  supposi- 
tions of  this  Father;  for  the  tribe  of 
the  Sinago  Outavols  sent  a  belt  secretly 
to  M.  de  Lamothe  to  tell  him  that,  after 
they  had  gathered  their  Indian  com, 
they  would  come  and  settle  at  Detroit; 
and  since  the  letter  of  Father  Maret, 
a  chief  of  the  Hurons  has  come  with 
30  men  to  Join  those  who  are  at  De- 
troit, so  that  only  about  25  of  this  tribe 
remain  at  Missilimakinak,  where  this 
poor  Father  de  Carheil,  as  obstinate  as 
Benedict  VII  at  the  time  of  the  other 
two  anti-popes  remained  In  Aragon 
where  he  had  himself  buried  in  papal 
garments;  and  this  one  will  die  mis- 
sionary to  the  Hurons  at  Missilimak- 
inak,  whatever  it  may  cost,  although 
there  may  be  no  one  left  for  him  any 

If  M.  de  Lamothe  were  allowed  to  act 
according  to  the  custom  of  the  savages, 
viz.  by  presents  and  by  belts,  he  would 
make  them  all  come  to  Detroit. 

Although  this  Father  mentions  in  his 
letter  his  quitting  Missillmakinak  to  go 
down  to  Quebec  and  come  to  Detroit, 
M  de  Lamothp  well  knows  that  they 
have  done  nothing  but  trifle  with  him 
for  two  years  by  similar  promises. 

At  Missillmakinak  this  12th  of  May 


As  I  have  strong  reasons  which  make 
it  indispensably  necessary  for  me  to  go 
down  to  Quebec  on  leaving  Missillmak- 
inak, I  find  myself  unable  at  present  to 
avail  myself  of  the  boat  and  the  man 
sent  me  in  order  that  I  might  comply 
with  the  wish  of  those  who  invite  me  to 
go  to  Detroit.  I  am  greatly  obliged  for 
the  courtesy  you  show  me  in  offering 
me  your  house  until  I  can  be  provided 
with  a  habitation,  and  also  for  the  com- 
fort I  have  derived  from  your  letter  by 
the  hope  It  makes  me  conceive  and  by 
the  foretaste  it  gives  me  of  the  perfect 
harmony  in  which  we  shall  dwell  to- 

You  write  me  that  you  are  sending 
me  the  letters  from  M.  de  Calliere.  I 
have  not  received  any  of  them,  but 
only  this  decision  which  you  know, 
and  which  you  must  not  doubt  has  ap- 
peared to  us  the  same  as  it  has  assur- 
edly appeared  to  you  and  to  us  and  to 
M.  de  Calliere,  intelligentea  pouca/ 
why  do  you  say  that  you  have  sub- 
mitted to  It  willingly? 

There  is  no  submission  in  it  for  you 
but,  on  the  contrary,  submission  which 
is  entirely  on  our  side  without  any 
sharing  [of  it];  and  that  in  a  matter 
wherein  no  other  command  from  men 
is  ever  necessary  but  that  of  our  State, 
which  orders  us  In  God's  name  to  make 
all  men  observe  the  requirements  of 
the  King's  service. 

As  soon  as  I  knew  from  the  letter  of 
my  Superior,  that  he  summoned  me  to 
Detroit,  I  made  it  my  business  the  next 
day  to  give  notice  to  the  savages  of  it, 
and  that  I  was  preparing  to  obey;  that 
they  knew  well  enough  that  the  will  of 
Onontio  was  that  they  should  follow  me 

Vol  1,  p.  78. 

Digitized  by 


160  ANNUAL    MEETING,    1903. 

there;  that  they  were  therefore  to  give 
me  a  precise  and  decided  answer  on 
that;  that  I  was  obliged  to  go  first  to 
Quebec,  and  that  I  would  lay  their 
words  before  Onontio.  They  asked  me 
for  three  days  to  consider,  which  gave 
me  occasion  to  think  that  they  would 
assemble  at  Detroit,  but  I  was  much 
surprised  when,  on  the  third  day,  the 
leading  men,  having  assembled  with 
the  Kiskakdus,  all  told  me  unanimously 
^  that  they  had  resolved  to  die  at  Michili- 
makinac,  and  that  even  if  they  left  it, 
it  would  never  be  to  go  to  Detroit;  that 
that  was  their  final  resolve;  that  I 
'  might  assure  Onontio  of  it  from  them, 
and  that  this  was  what  they  had  them- 
selves told  him  last  year  when  they 
went  down  to  Montreal.  I  have  no 
doubt  your  astonishment  at  such  a  de- 
cision will  be  as  great  as  mine. 

As  regards  the  Hurons,  it  will  be 
for  Quarente  Solz  to  inform  you  of 
what  he  has  arranged  with  them.  Al- 
though Father  de  Carheil  went  to  see 
him  as  .soon  as  he  arrived,  he  did  not 
deign  to  call  him  to  his  council  nor  to 
come  and  see  him,  except  as  a  matter 
of' form  on  the  day  before  his  departure,  • 
that  is,  about  a  week  after  he  arrived, 
during  which  the  Father  compelled 
himself  to  ignore  everything  and  to 
know  nothing  until  after  his  departure, 
so  as  not  to  give  him  occasion  for  any 

That  is  what  he  is  reduced  to  in  his 
own  mission;  there  is  no  other  con- 
solation  but  that  which  comes  to  him 
from  God,  the  true  judge  of  his  inno- 

I  hope  to  show  you  by  my  actions 
that  I  am  respectfully  and  sincerely. 
Sir,  your  very  humble  and  very  obedi- 
ent servant 

[Signed]  Joseph  J.  Marest 

Digitized  by 




Endorsed— 31st  August  1703.  (Duplicate.')  Colonies.  M.  de  la  Mothe 

My  Lord, 

I  had  the  honor  to  write  to  you  last  year  at  great  length  the  disposition 
of  everything  concerning  the  post  of  Detroit.  I  am  writing  to  you  again 
without  knowing  what  decisions  you  have  arrived  at  as  to  its  settlement. 

No  doubt  you  have  given  your  attention  to  the  arrangement  which  was 
made  by  Chev.  de  Calliere'  while  I  was  at  Quebec  between  the  revd.  Father 
Bouvart',  Superior  of  the  Jesuits,  and  me;  and  apparently  you  did  not 
doubt,  when  you  saw  it,  that  everything  contained  in  it  had  been  carried 
out  on  both  sides. 

This  arrangement  obviously  proves  the  resistance  which  the  Jesuits  of 
this  country  have  offered  in  order  to  prevent  the  savages  from  settling  at 
this  post;  and  I  had  had  reasons  to  hope  that,  fulfilling  the  promises 
which  had  been  made  to  me,  to  which  they  had  subscribed  in  so  authentic 
an  agreement* 

You  were  good  enough  to  write  to  laie  that  the  King  wishes  the  missions 
of  Detroit  to  be  administered  by  the  Jesuit  fathers,  and  that  their 
Superior  at  Quebec  would  grant  me  some  who  would  be  more  in  sympathy 
with  me  than  Father  Vaillant  had  been. 

It  would  appear  that  your  orders  were  suflScient  to  induce  this  Superior 
to  provide  for  that  mission  promptly,  especially  after  the  special  favor 
you  have  done  him  by  approving  of  Father  Vaillant  remaining  in  this 
country  after  having  opposed  the  will  of  His  Majesty  as  he  has  done. 

The  arrangement  made  by  M.  de  Calliere  also  seemed  to  compel  him, 
absolutely,  to  have  the  mission  provided  for,  as  is  clearly  explained 

Yet  you  will  see  that,  up  to  the  present,  the  Jesuits  have  done  nothing 
to  carry  out  His  Majesty's  intentions  which  you  explained  clearly  both 
to  M.  de  Calliere  and  to  their  Superior  at  Quebec,  with  which  you  were 
pleased  to  acquaint  me. 

I  do  not  know  whether  they  have  sent  you  word  that  it  was  agreed,  in 

^Oflflclal  letters  were  generally  written  in  duplicate  or  triplicate,  and  sent  by 
different  modes  of  conveyance  to  ensure,  at  least,  the  safe  arrival  of  one. — C.  M.  B. 

^IjOuIs  Hector  de  Calliere,  Governor  of  Canada,  succes^r  to  Frontenac,  died 
May  26, 1703.    His  successor  was  Philip  de  Rigault,  Marquis  de  Vaudreuil. — C.  M.  B. 

'Samuel  (or  Martin)  Bouvart  is  not  mentioned  in  Tanguay's  Rep.  Gen.  In  Jes. 
Rel.  &  All.  Doc.  LVIl]  297,  it  is  stated  that  he  was  born  Aug.  15, 1637;  became  Superior 
of  the  Jesuit  Missions  in  Canada  in  1698  and  died  at  Quebec  Aug.  10,  1705.— C.  M.  B. 

*This  paragraph  appears  to  be  incomplete,  but  it  is  so  in  the  original. 

Vol  1,  p  168. 


Digitized  by 


162  ANNUAL   MEETING,   1903. 

consequence  of  the  arrangement  which  had  been  made,  that  the  Company 
of  the  Colony  should  pay  to  each  missionary  of  Detroit  the  sum  of  eight 
hundred  livres  a  year ;  that  it  would  have  the  things  they  would  want  for 
their  food,  and  the  clothing  necessary  for  their  use,  brought  for  them  at 
its  cost  and  expense;  and  that  it  would  get  dwellings  for  them  in  the 
villages  of  the  savages  until  there  was  time  to  build  them  more  conve- 

I  have  carried  out,  for,  my  part,  the  arrangements  which  have  been 
made;  the  Company  has  carried  them  out  on  its  side,  having  this  spring 
(in  accordance  with  the  agreement)  sent  a  boat  on  purpose  for  Father 
Maret,  Superior  of  Missilimakinak,  who  feigned  [to  have]  important 
reasons  for  not  coming  here.  So  the  Company  has  incurred  that  expense 
in  vain,  as  it  had  already  done  regarding  Father  Vaillant. 

You  wish  me  to  be  friendly  with  the  Jesuits,  and  not  to  pain  them. 
Having  thought  it  well  over,  I  have  only  found  three  ways  of  succeeding 
in  that.  The  first  is  to  let  them  do  as  they  like ;  the  2nd,  to  do  everything 
they  wish;  the  3rd  to  say  nothing  about  what  they  do.  By  letting  them 
do  as  they  like,  the  savages  would  not  settle  at  Detroit  and  would  not  be 
settled  there ;  to  do  what  they  wish,  it  is  necessary  to  cause  the  downfall 
of  this  post ;  and  to  say  nothing  about  what  they  do,  it  is  necessary  to  do 
what  I  am  doing;  and  [yet],  in  spite  of  this  last  essential  point,  I  still 
cannot  induce  them  to  be  my  friends. 

It  is  for  you,  My  Lord,  to  consider  whether  you  wish  me  to  continue  to 
get  the  savages  to  settle  here,  and  for  this  post  to  be  preserved  and  main- 
tained in  a  flourishing  state.  If  those  are  your  opinions  as  I  believe, 
I  am  perhaps  fitted  to  have  them  carried  out ;  but  I  venture  to  tell  you 
that  the  intentions  of  the  Jesuits  of  this  country  are  entirely  opposed  to 
yours,  at  least  on  that  point. 

All  that  has  not  prevented  the  Sauteurs  and  Mississaguez  from  coming 
this  year  and  forming  another  village  on  this  river.  These  two  tribes 
have  united  and  incorporated  [themselves]  with  one  another,  having 
followed  my  advice  in  that,  and  done  my  will.  I  thought  this  advisable, 
considering  that  their  union  will  be  an  advantage  to  them,  and  to  us  if 
any  rupture  occurred  with  the  enemies  of  the  State  and  of  the  Colony. 

Thirty  Hurons  from  Missilimakinak  arrived  here  on  the  28th  of  June 
to  incorporate  themselves  with  those  who  have  settled  here.  Thus  only 
about  twenty-five  of  them  remain  at  that  place,  where  Father  de  Carheil^ 
their  missionary,  remains  ever  resolute.  This  autumn  I  hope  finally  to 
tear  this  last  feather  from  his  wing;  and  I  am  convinced  that  this  obsti- 
nate vicar  will  die  in  his  parish  without  having  a  parishoner  to  bury  him. 

Several  households*  and  families  of  the  Miamis  have  also  settled  here, 
as  w:ell  as  some  Nepissiriniens ;  the  first  have  incorporated  themselves 

♦Literally  "huts." 


Digitized  by  ^ 


with  the  Hurons  and  the  others  with  the  Outavois,  and  the  Oppenago  op 

The  rest  of  the  Sinago  Outavois,  who  are  still  at  Missilimakinak,  have 
secretly  sent  me  a  belt  to.  tell  me  they  will  come  and  join  their  brothers 
of  Detroit  after  they  have  gathered  their  harvest.  Six  large  households* 
of  the  Kiskakouns  have  sent  to  me  to  say  the  same  thing.  I  replied  to 
them  by  a  belt  that  I  was  going  to  mark  out  the  lands  where  they  may 
make  their  fields.  "" 

This  procedure  on  the  part  of  the  savages  shows  how  they  are  restrained 
and  that  they  are  much  intimidated  by  the  fear  which  is  insinuated  into 
their  minds  that  an  ill  turn  will  be  done  them  here. 

I  take  the  liberty  of  sending  you  a  copy  of  the  letters  which  the  Jesuits 
of  this  country  have  written  to  me  since  I  have  been  at  Detroit  and,  in 
part,  the  counsels  which  have  been  held  within  this  fort.  You  will  see 
my  observations  thereon  in  the  margin.  I  also  send  you  those  I  wrote  in 
reply  to  them,  or  on  business;  and  after  you  have  considered  them  all 
you  will  know  their  design  as  to  this  post,  and  especially  their  good  will 
towards  me,  from  which  you  may  judge  whether  it  is  easy  for  me  to  make 
them  friends  of  mine. 

When  it  pleases  you  that  I  should  complete  the  mustering  [of  the 
savages]  at  this  place,  it  will  be  a  very  easy  matter  for  you.  But,  to  suc- 
ceed properly  in  it,  a  fund  must  be  formed  or  an  assignment  out  of  the 
special  war  fund  of  Canada,  of  six  thousand  livres  with  orders  to  remit 
these  sums  to  me  to  use  in  matters  I  think  necessary  to  the  success  of 
this  undertaking,  but  I  will  give  an  exact  account  of  them  to  the  Chev. 
de  Calliere  and  M.  de  Beauharnois,  the  Intendant. 

I  have  already  had  the  honor  to  write  to  you  that  the  presents  and  belts 
which  are  given  to  the  savages,  especially  when  it  is  a  question  of  any 
migration,  are  pledges  of  the  sincerity  of  the  promises  made  to  them,  and 
a  title  which  gives  them  the  right  of  possessing  or  leaving,  as  contracts 
are  among  civilized  nations. 

You  know  also  that,  to  this  day,  not  a  farthing  has  been  sent  me  to  help 
in  inducing  the  savages  to  move.  It  is  quite  true  that  a  considerable 
fund,  in  goods,  has  been  put  in  my  hands  in  order  to  form  this  post,  with- 
out it  having  cost  the  King  anything  whatever  for  it.  I  believe  they  have 
had  reason  to  be  satisfied  with  my  action  in  that  matter,  by  the  good  order 
I  have  kept  in  this  business;  for  it  is  certain  that  the  Company  has  gained 
rather  than  lost,  and  that  is  a  thing  I  am  better  informed  about  than 
anyone.  However,  if  they  come  to  complain  of  the  expenses  which  it  has 
been  necessary,  or  is  necessary  to  incur  in  order  to  keep  up  this  post,  I 
willingly  pledge  myself  to  indemnify  them  and  to  carry  it  on  as  far  as 
Your  Highness  wishes ;  and  if  you  are  in  doubt,  I  will  give  you,  when  you 
please,  eo  good  an  outline  of  it  that  I  venture  to  flatter  myself  that  you 

♦Literally  huts. 

Digitized  by  VjOOQIC 

164  -  ANNUAL   MEETING,    1903. 

will  agree  to  it.  If  this  country  has  not  fallen  although  trade  has  been 
excluded  it  would  have  grown  strong  if  left  alone  [lit  "by  itself']. 

I  think  the  shortest  way  would  be  to  settle  the  matter  with  me.  Be  so 
good  as  to  employ  me  in  any  undertaking;  support  me  with  the  honor  of 
your  protection;  and  if,  despite  the  malice  and  the  wiles  of  my  enemies/ 
I  do  not  succeed  in  it,  never  employ  me  again.  The  inclination  of  those 
who  hate  me  is  to  kill  time  by  constantly  bringing  forward  arguments 
and  ififeuperable  difficulties  in  everything  I  wish  to  undertake,  and  mine 
is  to  take  measures  to  get  over  them. 

I  do  not  know  whether  the  trade  in  ox  hides  can  be  kept  up,  because  of 
the  low  value  set  on  them,  for  they  will  not  reckon  them  as  worth  more 
than  a  hundred  sous  or  six  francs  to  the  savages ;  and  this  does  not  suit 
them,  for  one  skin  weighs  up  to  250  and  300  #  which  they  are  obliged  to 
convoy  three  or  four  leagues  by  I'^nd.  This  they  find  too  laborious,  pre- 
ferring to  apply  themselves  to  hum^'^g  the  beaver  and  other  animals  be- 
cause their  skins  are  lighter  and  easier  to  convey.  If  the  Company  does 
not  increase  the  price  of  them,  I  believe  the  savages  will  no  longer  bring 
themselves  to  hunt  these  except  during  the  time  when  there  are  no  other 

We  have  found  a  copper  mine  on  Lake  Huron,  a  sample  from  which  I 
send  you,  which  seems  to  me  quite  pure.  I  have  sent  some  to  M.  de 
Calliere  as  well,  and  to  the  Directors  of  the  Company,  so  that  they  could 
take  steps  to  ascertain  whether  it  is  abundant  enough  to  be  worth  taking 
in  hand.  The  convenience  of  it  would  be  great ;  for  barges  and  even  ships 
can  go  to  the  spot  where  it  is  and  it  is  not  very  far  from  this  post. 

If  you  will  give  me  permission  to  have  search  made  for  mines  in  the 
neighborhood  of  the  lakes  and  rivers,  I  will  devote  to  it  all  my  care  and 
all  the  information  I  can  get  hold  of  about  it.  I  will  go  myself  to  the 
places  if  you  wish  it,  by  which  means  you  will  obtain  more  certain  infor- 
mation. But  as  I  am  not  in  a  position  to  defray  the  expense,  I  ask  you 
only  for  permission  to  choose  twelve  capable  men  from  Canada  for  this 
enterprise,  who  shall  have  permission  to  take  [goods]  to  the  value  of 
only  four  hundred  livres  each  to  the  places  where  they  are  sent;  and  in 
case  they  find  mines,  that  you  will  consent  to  promise  me  to  have  them 
rewarded  for  it.  This  matter  shall  be  conducted  punctiliously ;  it  cannot 
injure  anyone;  and  it  may  turn  out  useful  to  the  King  and  advantageous 
to  the  Colony. 

It  may  be  that  some  objection  will  be  raised  concerning  this  project, 
for  that  is  a  thing  they  are  qualified  for  in  this  country ;  but  you  have  only 
to  receive  all  the  objections  made  against  it  and  insert  them  in  the  permis- 
sion I  am  asking  you  for.  By  conforming  thereto,  I  shall  close  every- 
one's mouth;  I  do  not  intend  anything  underhanded  in  it.  In  this  way 
there  will  remain  to  the  envious  nothing  save  perhaps  the  vexation  of 
seeing  me  succeed.    At  any  rate  this  venture  will  cost  nothing  either  to 

Digitized  by 



the  King  or  to  the  public,  and  consequently  there  would  be  no  good 
ground  for  complaining  of  it. 

The  Grand  River,  thus  called  in  Lake  Erie,  near  to  the  end  of  this  lake 
about  15  leagues  from  here  is  supplied  on  its  banks  and  in  the  interior 
with  large  numbers  of  mulberry  trees,  the  ground  also  is  perfectly  suited 
for  them.  If  you  will  have  the  goodness  to  grant  me  six  leagues  frontage 
on  both  sides  and  as  much  in  depth,  with  the  title  of  Marquis,  and  with 
higher,  middle  and  lower  jurisdiction,  with  hunting,  fishing  and  trading 
rights,  I  win  establish  a  silk  industry  by  sending  for  suitable  people  from 
France  for  that  purpose  who  will  bring  the  necessary  number  of  silk 
worms.  If  you  grant  me  this  favor  I  will  take  steps  to  bring  them  over  by 
the  first  ships  so  that  they  may  arrive  here  before  winter.  As  regards  the 
trade,  I  will  do  none  until  after  the  Company^s  lease  is  out. 

You  promised  me.  My  Lord,  last  time  you  sent  me  back  from  France, 
that  you  would  permit  me  to  go  back  there  as  soon  as  Detroit  was  estab- 
lished ;  there  it  is  now,  on  a  sound  footing,  so  I  hope  you  will  be  so  good 
as  to  send  me  a  permit  next  year  to  go  there,  and  to  go  and  attend  to  my 
affairs  for  once  in  my  life.  For  I  have  not  been  able  to  put  them  in  order 
at  all  for  twenty  years,  during  which  I  have  been  in  Canada  or  at  Acadia; 
and  by  this  means  I  shall  be  able  to  give  you  an  exact  account  of  this 
country,  if  you  wish.  I  will  not  set  out  from  here  until  I  see  everything 
beyond  [all]  risk. 

As  I  do  not  know  whether  Your  Higliness  has  granted  me  the  Governor- 
ship of  this  post  and  of  all  the  other  distant  [posts],  or  at  least  the  gen- 
eral command,  as  I  had  it  in  the  lifetime  of  the  Comte  de  Frontenac,  and 
as  the  Chev.  de  Calliere  granted  it  to  me  by  his  order  of  the  25th  of  Sept. 
1703  ( ?)  a  copy  of  which  I  send  you,  I  shall  continue  very  humbly  to  beg 
you  to  grant  me  this  favor,  and  to  be  good  enough  to  attach  to  it  suitable 

We  have  gathered  in  a  very  fine  harvest,  and  I  am  able  to  provide  food 
amply  for  a  garrison  of  a  hundred  and  fifty  men;  but  I  do  not  think  I 
shall  be  put  to  that  trouble,  from  the  objections  that  are  raised  against 
giving  me  soldiers.  I  have  contented  myself  with  asking  for  only  fifty 
effectives,  for  they  had  left  me  only  twenty-five ;  and  I  do  not  know  whether 
this  number  will  be  granted  me.  I  beg  that  you  will  send  word  to  M.  de 
Calliere  to  grant  me  fifty  more  next  year,  so  that  this  garrison  may  be 
composed  of  a  hundred  men  and  I  may  thus  be  able  to  answer  for  all 
emergencies,  whether  on  the  part  of  our  enemies  or  of  our  allies,  whom 
it  is  necessary  to  keep  a  little  in  awe.  But  it  would  be  still  better  i^ 
you  should  think  fit  to  send  me  some  from  France. 

The  Chief  of  the  Hurons,  who  is  very  absolute  over  his  tribe,  has  begged 
me  to  write  to  you  that  he  would  be  very  glad  to  proceed  to  France,  to 
go  and  assure  His  Majesty  of  his  fidelity,  and  of  the  ardent  desire  he  has 
to  enter  into  his  service ;  and,  to  that  end,  he  will  form  a  company  of  fifty 
men  of  his  tribe  provided  he  is  made  captain  of  it.  that  he  is  given  a 

Digitized  by  VjOOQIC 

166  ANNUAL   MEETING,   1903. 

lieutenant  and  an  ensign^  and  that  they  are  paid  monthly,  as  well  as  their 
soldiers  at  the  same  rate  as  the  officers  and  troops  of  the  Navy  are  paid 
in  this  country.  There  is  another  chief  of  the  same  tribe  who  binds  him- 
self to  do  the  same ;  they  also  beg  you  to  have  passages  given  them  in  the 
King's  ships.  I  believe  they  intend  to  hunt  for  skins  in  order  to  present 
them  to  you,  which  is  a  token  of  their  good  will. 

The  principal  chief  of  the  Hurons,  who  is  one  of  the  best-informed  men 
I  have  yet  seen  among  all  these  tribes,  and  is  Frenchified,  has  requested 
me  to  write  to  you  regarding  the  same  matter,  but,  as  his  age  does  not 
allow  of  his  making  so  long  a  voyage,  he  will  send  his  nephew  to  you  at 
the  same  time  with  another  of  his  friends,  in  order  to  offer  the  King  his 

If  His  Majesty  will  go  to  this  expense,  it  would  be  the  true  means  of 
bringing  these  two  tribes  gradually  and  entirely  into  subjection.  I  think 
it  would  be  necessary  to  deal  with  them  rather  gently  at  the  beginning 
by  making  them  take  arms  only  once  a  month  when  reviews  might  be  held, 
and  even  by  exempting  them  from  it  for  three  months  in  winter,  because 
for  that  time  they  are  busy  in  pursuing  their  hunting ;  but  it  is  necessary 
to  be  very  punctual  in  paying  the  companies  every  month.  They  ask  to 
have  flags,  and  to  be  permitted  to  make  their  clothes  in  their  fashion,  and 
that  red  stuffs  may  be  given  them ;  they  hope  that  arms  will  be  given  them 
as  we  give  them  to  the  soldiers,  and  clothing  the  same,  in  which  they  are 
now  instructed  by  the  explanation  I  have  given  them.  They  have  told 
me  that  they  will  obey  me  in  everything  that  I  order  them  for  the  time 
for  the  King's  service,  and  every  one  else  who  may  h^ve  his  orders.  I  have 
explained  to  them  perfectly  well  the  bearing  required  by  the  military  art 
and  how  necessary  it  is  to  catch  the  spirit  of  subordination,  which  they 
approved  of. 

We  need  not  be  surprised  at  it,  for  all  men,  in  whatever  condition  they 
may  be  born,  lack  neither  vanity  nor  ambition,  and  there  are  always 
some  skilful  enough  to  get  credit,  to  make  themselves  esteemed  and 
respected  by  others.  The  Huron  chief  is  already  so  elated  by  this  pro- 
posal that  he  has  begged,  M.  de  Calliere  to  have  a  dwelling  provided  for 
him  in  French  fashion ;  and  I  received  orders  for  it  when  I  was  at  Quebec, 
which  I  have  complied  with,  having  had  a  house  built  for  him  of  oak 
timber-work  of  ten  feet  frontage  by  24  in  width.  It  is  situated  on  rising 
ground  on  the  edge  of  the  river,  overlooking  the  village  of  that  tribe. 

Following  his  example,  the  Outavois  chief  went.  I  think,  to  Montreal 
to  obtain  the  same  favor  from  M.  de  CJalliere,  whence  he  has  not  yet  re- 
turned ;  undoubtedly  he  will  not  refuse  him  it. 

You  may  think  from  this  beginning  that  the  things  I  have  planned  are 
getting  on  fast.  My  opinion  is  that  this  is  the  most  certain  way  to  make 
these  people  subjects  of  the  King,  and  afterwards  to  make  them  Chris- 
tians. That  would  have  a  better  effect  than  a  hundred  missionaries; 
for  it  is  certain  that,  since  they  have  been  preaching  the  gospel  to  these 

Digitized  by  VjOOQIC 


peoples,  they  have  made  no  progress,  and  that  all  the  good  resulting  from 
it  may  be  reduced  to  the  baptism  by  them  of  infants  who  die  after  having 
received  it. 

Permit  me  to  continue  to  persist  in  representing  to  you  ho^^necessary 
it  js  to  set  up  a  seminary  here  for  instructing  the  children  of  the  savages 
with  those  of  the  French  in  piety,  and  for  teaching  them  our  language  by 
the  same  means. 

The  savages  being  naturally  vain,  seeing  that  their  children  were  put 
amongst  ours  and  that  they  were  dressed  in  the  same  way  would  esteem 
it  a  point  of  honor.  It  is  true  that  it  would  be  necessary  at  the  beginning 
to  leaye  them  a  little  more  liberty,  and  that  it  would  be  necessary  for  it  to 
be  reduced  merely  to  the  objects  of  civilizing  them  and  making  them 
capable  of  instruction,  leaving  the  rest  to  the  guidance  of  heaven  and  of 
Him  who  searches  hearts. 

This  expense  would  not  be  very  great.  I  believe,  if  His  Majesty  grants 
the  seminary  of  Quebec  a  thousand  crowns,  it  will  begin  this  holy  and 
pious  undertaking.  They  are  gentlemen  so  full  of  zeal  for  the  service  of 
God,  and  of  charity  towards  all  that  concerns  the  King's  subjects  in  this 
Colony,  that  one  cannot  tire  of  admiring  them,  and  all  the  country  owes 
them  inexpressible  obligations  for  the  good  education  they  have  given  all 
the 'young  people,  for  their  good  example,  and  their  doctrine,  and  it  is 
that  which  has  produced  very  good  success  in  the  service  of  the  church  in 
New  France.  I  venture  to  tell  you  that  you  cannot  begin  this  work  too 
soon;  if  you  fear  its  expense  afterwards,  I  will  supply  you  with  devices 
for  continuing  this  bounty  to  them  by  taking  it  on  the  spot,  without  its 
costing  anything  to  the  King. 

For  the  rest,  there  is  no  fear  that  there  will  be  any  lack  of  savages  to 
carry  on  the  hunting,  and  to  supply  beaver  and  other  skins ;  there  are  so 
many  tribes  round  about  the  lakes  and  in  the  interior  of  the  lands,  who 
will  perhaps  never  be  reduced,  that  they  are  suflficient  to  kill  off  all  these 
animals  that  are  of  use  in  trade. 

The  restraint  of  serving  the  King  in  the  manner  of  which  I  have  spoken 
to  you  will  not  prevent  them  from  carrying  on  their  hunting  at  the  proper 
time;  we  shall  only  put  them  by  that  means  in  a  position  to  Frenchify 
themselves,  and  to  take  up  arms  in  the  King's  service  when  there  is  need 
of  them. 

I  foresee  that  many  objections  will  be  made  to  you  as  to  what  I  have 
the  honor  to  write  to  you;  that  is  a  thing  which  I  cannot  prevent,  the 
only  assurance  I  can  give  you  is  that  of  succeeding,  if  you  wish  it.  To 
attain  that  end  it  is  necessary  to  send  wise  orders,  very  decided  and  pre- 
cise ;  and  to  talk  rather  big.  ^  Be  good  enough  to  acquaint  me  with  your 
intentions,  and  leave  to  my  care  to  do  the  rest. 

We  see  from  experience  that,  if  the  savages  were  now  on  that  footing, 
great  advantages  would  result  to  the  Colony;  for  it  is  certain  that  on  the 

Digitized  by 


168  ANNUAL    MEETING,    1903. 

first  drum-beat  we  should  put  under  arms  those  who  were  disciplined, 
and  this  would  induce  all  the  rest  to  follow  them  and  to  do  as  they  did. 
Thus,  in  the  present  war,  those  people  in  conjunction  with  us  would  make 
incursions*and  terrible  invasions  '[lit.  "inundations'^  into  the  English 
colonies;  whereas  they  are  divided  and  content  themselves  with  looking 
on,  and  we  are  only  too  fortunate  if  we  can  keep  them  in  that  position. 

If  these  memorials  had  been  put  forward  by  someone  who  had  the 
assistance  of  the  Jesuits,  they  would  have  been  found  of  excellent  quality 
and  nothing  could  have  seemed  easier  to  put  into  practice.  But  because 
I  have  not  consulted  them,  or  rather,  because  I  have  not  been  inclined  to 
allow  myself  to  be  treated  like  a  slave,  as  some  of  my  predecessors,  who 
have  commanded  in  this  country  have  done,  they  make  everything  im- 
possible that  I  put  forward  or  propose.  It  seems  to  me,  however,  that 
if  the  Court  would  pay  attention  to  the  plans,  and  to  what  I  have  had 
the  honor  to  put  before  it,  on  which  M.  de  Latouche  is  well  informed,  it 
could  see  clearly  whether  I  have  reasoned  wisely  or  foolishly  therein.  In 
what  have  I  failed  to  succeed  up  to  now? — whence  [it  appears]  that  the 
matters  I  have  put  forward  are  not  impossible. 

There  is  no  need  to  return,  or  go  back  to  the  various  plans  I  have  put 
before  the  Court  concerning  many  enterprises  which  His  Majesty  had  pro- 
jected. I  confine  myself  merely  to  speaking  of  Detroit,  and  I  leave  it  for 
consideration  whether  what  I  have  said  about  it  is  true  or  false. 

Remember,  if  you  please,  what  a  difficulty  we  were  in.  at  the  time  I  had 
the  honor  to  present  my  memorial  on  it  to  you,  concerning  the  too  heavy 
stock  of  beaver  skins  for  which  no  demand  was  found  in  France.  Those 
were  the  complaints  of  the  former  tenants  by  which  they  state  that  they 
are  unable  to  keep  up  their  lease.  It  was  on  this  that  I  set  forth,  in  a 
paragraph  of  my  memorial,  that  by  means  of  the  post  of  Detroit  I 
pledged  myself  to  employ  the  savages  in  hunting  the  stag,  hind,  elk,  roe- 
buck, black  bears,  wolves,  stag-wolves,  otters,  wild  boars,  and  other  small 
skins,  for  the  space  of  three  years,  without  hunting  the  beaver,  so  that 
in  this  way  time  might  be  found  to  sell  a  large  part  of  the  mass  [of 
beaver-skins]  there  was.  It  remains  to  be  seen  whether  what  I  have  prom- 
ised up  to  the  present  has  been  carried  out ;  for  only  about  eight  thousand 
beaverskins  have  passed  out  of  Detroit  in  three  years,  and  the  remainder 
of  the  trade  has  been  in  fresh  skins  and  small  furs.  The  fact  is  indisput- 
able; it  is  only  necessary  to  look  at  the  books  of  the  Company.  I  have 
the  documents  by  me;  and  yet  they  said  at  first  publicly  in  Canada,  and 
have  boldly  and  with  impunity  written  to  the  Court,  that  this  was  imag"- 
inary.  ! 

The  second  aim  I  had  in  putting  forward  the  plan  of  this  settlement 
was  not  to  form  merely  a  post  for  trading,  but  far  rather  for  the  preserva- 
tion of  trade;  for  it  is  the  only  place  for  going  among  all  the  tribes  (by 
canoe,  or  barge)  that  are  round  the  lakes,  and  it  is  the  door  by  which 

Digitized  by 



we  can  go  in  and  out  to  trade  with  all  our  allies.  That  was  a  bad 
argument  for  forming  such  a  post. 

My  third  aim  was  to  bring  together  several  tribes  there  in  order  to 
strengthen  it  by  this  means  and  to  keep  the  Iroquois  in  awe  on  account 
of  [our]  proximity,  having  on  one  side  Montreal,  and  on  the  other  Detroit 
which  was  their  only  place  of  retreat,  where  they  found  all  their  provi- 
sions when  their  fields  and  villages  were  burnt  by  [our]  expeditions  in 
force  (which  cost  immense  sums). 

But  [they  say]  there  are  various  roads  from  Montreal  to  Detroit,  that 
is,  various  ways  in  and  out  relative  to  one  another,  without  even  passing 
by  the  lakes.  Therefore  that  is  a  post  really  very  badly  designed  for 
keeping  in  check  not  only  the  English  and  the  Iroquois,  but  even  our 

I  confess  that,  to  secure  for  it  full  success,  it  is  necessary  to  accom- 
plish and  effect  what  I  have  explained  in  ray  memorial,  that  is  to  ciay, 
to  make  it-  a  substantial  post,  to  keep  a  good  garrison  in  it, 
to  leave  it  free  to  settle  there,  to  discontinue  the  licenses,  [and]  not  to  per- 
mit any  other  post  in  the  upper  country  because  it  is  only  greed  and 
avarice  which  gives  rise  to  this  sort  of  plan,  and  th^y  cause  endless  dis- 

The  other  objects  contained  in  my  memorial  are  not  essential  to  this 
post ;  they  are  only  accessory  to  it  and  intended  to  make  it  complete.  Yet 
this  scheme  has  alarmed  the  whole  Colony;  has  made  all  the  bells  ring 
and  form  a  chime,  and  [has  caused]  a  confused  uproar  in  which  nothing 
was  understood.  For  my  part,  I  well  knew  who  the  chimers  were ;  I  saw 
them  before  my  eyes,  but  I  had  my  reasons,  however,  for  pretending  to  be 
blind.  I  had  told  you  who  they  were  in  my  first  memorial ;  I  have  con- 
tinued to  bring  them  to  your  notice  in  all  my  letters ;  you  may  also  see  a 
little  trace  of  them  from  this  one.  I  do  not  fail  to  see  that  they  have 
on  their  side  the  favor  and  the  great  influence  (the  great  machine  which 
moves  the  whole  mass  of  the  universe),  and  that.*  revolving  on  this 
point,  they  continue  to  wish  me  to  go  down  and  be  suffocated  under  the 
waters  of  vengeance  and  persecution.  But,  as  long  as  I  have  for  my  pro- 
tection Justice  and  Merit,  I  shall  float,  and  swim  over  the  waves  like  the 
nest  of  the  ingenious  King-fisher ;  I  shall  try  to  conduct  myself  better  and 
better  and  to  walk  by  the  brightness  and  the  light  of  these  two  illustrious 
patronesses.  Without  them.  I  should  long  ago  have  been  unable  to  bear 
up  against  the  torrent;  it  is  true  that  sometimes,  raising  my  eyes  to 
heaven,  I  cry  in  the  weakness  of  my  faith  ^'Sancte  Frontenac.  ora  pro 
me/'    ["Pray  for  me,  O  Saint  Frontenac."] 

As  several  soldiers  are  desirous  to  settling  here  and  are  asking  me  for 
grants  of  land,  be  good  enough  to  send  me  word  whether  you  wish  me  to 
grant  them  some,  of  which  they  will  obtain  the  donflrmation  from  MM. 

[♦The  sense  of  the  passage  appears  to  require  **que"  instead  of  "qui."]  Trans. 

Digitized  by 


ITO  ANNUAL   MEETING.    1903. 

de  Calliere  and  Beauharnois,  and  whether  you  also  wish  them  to  marry 
when  they  are  able  to  keep  their  wives;  it  will,  I  think,  be  advisable 
to  fix  a  certain  number  of  them  per  year.  Be  kind  enough  also,  if  you 
please,  to  let  me  know  whether  you  wish  me  to  grant  dwelling  places  to 
the  Canadians,  there  are  several  of  them  who  importune  me  to  obtain 
them; "it  is  for  you  to  say  positively  as  to  that,  for  I  cannot  conceal  from 
you  that  they  do  not  wish  me  to  do  so  at  all.  I  believe  they  maintain  that 
this  migration  would  reduce  the  strength  of  Quebec  and  Montreal.  For 
my  part  I  do  not  think  that  forty  or  fifty  men,  more  or  less,  would  seem 
much  in  those  places,  nor  prevent  them  from  carrying  out  anything  they 
wished  to  do,  while  it  would  be  a  great  help  to  this  post,  without  which 
nothing  will  ever  be  done  here;  and  it  is  to  be  supposed  that  our  allies 
already  settled  there,  and  those  who  are  about  to  come,  will  draw  a  bad 
augury  and  unfortunate  inferences  from  the  non-fulfilment  of  our  prom- 
ises ;  for  they  were  told  that  an  important  settlement  would  be  established 

You  may  be  aware  that  there  is  not  a  post  in  this  country,  especially 
where  there  are  French  people,  even  as  far  as  the  dwelling  of  M.  Jucher- 
eau,  where  there  ar^  no  Jesuits ;  there  is  none  but  Detroit  alone  which  is 
without  them,  although  they  are  so  eager  to  conduct  missions.  This 
shows  the  good  will  they  bear  me;  and,  if  people  are  very  solicitous  in 
this  country  about  what  they  do,  for  my  part  I  am  no  longer  at  all  eager 
to  see  them  there,  for  I  am  well  aware  that  the  living  there  is  not  so  good 
as  elsewhere.  Nevertheless  they  ought  to  make  their  choice  and  speak 
their  minds,  because  we  could  [then]  take  means  to  bring  other  mission- 
aries there.  Can  they  stretch  their  authority  more  than  by  not  only 
dispensing  with  conducting  this  mission  themselves,  as  the  King  wishes, 
but  even  preventing  others  from  coming  there. 

It  is  right  that  you  should  be  informed  that,  more  than  fifty  years  ago, 
the  Iroquois  drove  most  of  the  tribes  by  force  of  arms  to  the  end  of  Lake 
Superior,  that  is,  five  hundred  leagues  to  the  north  of  this  post,  which 
is  a  barren  and  fearful  country;  and  that  about  thirty-two  years  ago 
we  brought  them  together  again  in  the  district  of  Missilimakinak  which 
is  also  unfruitful,  where  they  have  been  reduced  to  the  necessity  of  living 
on  fish  only  as  I  explained  to  you  in  a  short  description  when  I  was  in 
France,  with  which  you  were  good  enough  to  tell  me  you  were  well 
pleased.  It  appears,  therefore,  that  God  has  raised  me  up  like  another 
Moses,  to  go  and  deliver  this  people  from  its  captivity,  or  like  another 
Caleb  to  bring  it  back  to  the  land  of  its  fathers  and  its  former  dwelling 
place,  of  which  only  feeble  recollections  still  remained  to  it. 

But  Montreal  plays  the  part  of  Pharaoh  here;  it  cannot  witness  this 
migration  without  a  shudder,  and  arms  itself  to  confound  it.  But  I  hope 
that  the  Court,  observing  that  the  people  is  [as]  a  wild  animal  without  a 
guide  and  without  light,  will  smooth  my  path  and  will  not  burst  its  dykes 

Digitized  by 



except  to  deluge  and  engulf  those  who  have  the  temerity  to  wish  to  over- 
throw so  lawful  a  design.  The  people  has  never  known  what  it  asked  for ; 
it  broke  the  sceptre  of  its  first  king,  who  was  God  himself,  and  would  have 
rejected  and  even  stoned  him  who  made  it  rain  delicious  meats  for  them 
on  the  most  barren  lands,  and  opened  the  rocks  to  quench  their  thirst. 
What  does  Montreal  complain  of  concerning  the  post  of  Detroit  since  it 
was  an  abandoned  country,  the  possession  of  which  had  remained  with  the 
Iroquois  and  the  Loups.  It  was  they  who  hunted  there  and  in  all  the 
neighboring  district,  and  brought  its  hides,  beaverskins,  and  small  furs  to 
the  English.  This  is  an  unanswerable  fact,  and.anyone  must  be  filled  with 
obstinacy  and  injustice  to  deny  it.  Then  I  have  chosen  my  time  well  for 
beginning  this  settlement;  the  Iroquois  have  entirely  withdrawn  or,  if 
any  remain,  they  are  incorporated  with  our  allies.  All  the  hunting  is 
done  by  our  savages,  and  all  the  trade  falls  to  us.*  It  is  therefore  an  ad- 
vantage to  the  kingdom,  and  a  possession  which  we  have  withdrawn  and 
snatched  from  Englaifd.  Private  individuals  complain  that  the  Company 
of  the  Colony  profits  by  it ;  I  do  not  deny  it,  I  leave  them  free  to  complain. 
Only  I  wish  they  had  eyes,  to  be  able  to  see  that  that  is  not  the  fault  of 
the  post  nor  of  him  who  originated  the  plan  for  it. 

I  also  acknowledge  that  there  was  some  hardihood  in  coming  and  set- 
ting up  trading  by  a  Company  among  uncivilized  peoples,  who  are  [just] 
beginning  to  have  some  glimmering  of  subordination;  this  might  well 
extinguish  it,  seeing  that  they  are  all  at  once  reduced  to  the  necessity  of 
taking  what  it  is  desired  to  give  them,  and  of  bearing  the  rough  manners 
of  the  clerks  of  the  Company,  who  treat  them  according  to  their  caprice, 
or  rather,  according  to  the  brutal  disposition  with  which  men  of  this 
sort  are  generally  filled.  I  am  willing  to  believe  that  the  affairs  of  the 
Kingdom  determined  the  Court  to  take  that  course  for  a  time,  with  the 
intention  of  uniting  this  post,  after  its  lease  was  up,  to  His  Majesty's 
domain.  It  is  in  this  same  spirit  that  I  have  devoted  myself  to  serving 
the  King  there  by  humoring  our  allies,  making  them  understand  that 
this  second  captivity,  or  rather  this  barbarity  veneered*  [with  civiliza- 
tion], will  very  soon  end.  I  do  not  know  whether  all  my  promises  will  be 
able  to  preserve  their  patience  until  that  time;  I  am  afraid  that  sort  of 
servitude  will  make  them  determine  to  ally  themselves,  and  trade  with 
the  English.  I  must  not  be  blamed  if  that  happens.  Moses,  when  mur- 
murings  arose,  went  up  the  mountain,  there  to  consult  Him  who  had  sent 
him,  with  his  rod  or  his  stick  only ;  and  He  replied  to  him  in  his  oracles. 
I  walk  in  his  footsteps ;  I  write  to  the  Court,  I  give  it  an  account  of  my 
conduct,  [and]  of  the  wranglings  and  the  murmuring  of  a  foolish  people, 
but"  I  receive  no  answer.  The  Clamorers  are  allowed  to  clamor,  they  are 
even  listened  to ;  and  I  am  left  to  pick  this  bone,  no  one  being  willing,  as  it 
seems,  to  concern  himself  about  it  although  it  would  require  only  one 

[♦Literally,  "plastered"  or  "painted."] 

Digitized  by  VjOOQIC 

172  ANNUAL   MEETING,    1903. 

clap  of  thunder  to  make  all  these  grumblings  tremble  and  to  silence  them. 
For,  in  a- word,  My  Lord.  I  repeat  what  I  had  the  honor  of  telling  you 
myself,  that  this  settlement  is  either  good  or  bad.  If  good,  it  must  be 
maintained  without  the  matter  being  deliberated  over  any  longer  with  the 
inhabitants  of  Canada,  as. you  have  already  given  orders  to  M.  M.  de  Cal- 
liere  and  de  Champigny  about  it.  Why  then  permit  further  discussions 
on  this  same  subject?  You  thundered  by  the  orders  you  gave  to  start  this 
post ;  it  is  a  question  now  of  your  making  the  thunder  roar,  and  of  the 
lightening  being  mixed  with  it,  in  order  to  finish  it  and  complete  your 
work,  and  that  their  hearts  may  be  inclined  to  pay  attention  to  your 
orders  thereupon  without  wishing  to  hear  you  speak  further  about  it. 
For,  in  short,  it  is  time  these  disputes  were  ended ;  I  know  well  that,  in 
order  to  succeed  in  it,  it  would  be  necessary  that  the  Jesuits  of  this* 
country  should  feel  the  thunder  a  little. 

If  this  settlement  is  undesirable,  it  is  well  that  the  Court  should  set- 
tle [it]  sooner  than  later.  I  have  stated  my  opinion  thereon,  I  have  ex- 
plained the  circumstances.  You  were  persuaded  of  the  necessity  there 
was  for  forming  it,  and  of  its  usefulness  for  the  glory  of  the  King,  the 
progress  of  religion,  and  the  advantage  of  the  Colony.  What  is  there  left 
for  me  to  do  now  but  to  imitate  that  Governor  of  the  Holy  City,  that  is, 
to  take  water  and  wash  my  hands  of  it. 

If  you  had  wished  to  grant  me  the  governorship  of  it,  it  would  have  been 
with  this  matter  as  in  all  others,  the  clamors  and  murmurs  would  have 
turned  and  changed  to  congratulations  and  compliments ;  for  those  who 
envy  me  and  fear  my  promotion  without  cause,  always  find  strength 
enough  to  misrepresent  all  I  do  in  the  hope  of  my  dying  in  trouble. 
Whereas  if  they  saw  their  hope  disposed  of  and  at  an  end,  they  would 
follow  the  usual  course  of  the  world  which  would  be  to  praise  the  scheme 
against  which  they  have  inveighed  so. 

The  only  favor  I  ask  of  you  is  to  be  good  enough  to  put  from  your 
mind  [the  idea]  that  what  I  have  done  and  what  I  have  said  about  it  is 
only  with  the  object  of  inclining  you  to  raise  this  place  to  a  governorship, 
and  that  you  might  have  the  kindness  to  grant  it  to  me  with  the  general 
command  of  this  country;  but  it* is  because  I  am  convinced,  and  it  is  easy 
for  you  to  understand  it,  that  everything  would  go  better  for  it  at  this 
post.  All  men  would  allow  themselves  to  be  impressed  by  the  splendor  of 
the  elevation ;  the  savages  would  no  longer  doubt  the  promise  I  made  them 
on  the  King's  behalf  and  yours,  that  an  important  settlement  would  be 
formed  here  and  that  we  should  never  abandon  it ;  while  the  Montreal 
party,  and  in  general  those  who  complain  of  me  would  have  their  breath 
taken  away,  and  would  put  an  end  to  their  ill-will.  Afterall,  you  yourself 
Would  only  fulfil  what  you  were  good  enough  to  promise  me  with  your 
own  mouth,  and  what  I  have,  perhaps,  deserved  after  having  been  so  long 

Digitized  by 



amongst  these  barbarians,  where  I  have  passed  my  good  youthful  days, 
being  now  forty-seven  years  of  age. 

If  yon  would  consent  to  decide  yourself  the  matters  which  concern 
this  post,  without  referring  them  to  Canada,  everything  would  go  better ; 
for,  as  I  am  not  on  the  spot,  that  is,  near  the  Governor  General  and  In- 
tendant,  they  have  always  some  particular  reason  for  not  granting  me 
the  aid  I  ask  from  them ;  and  all  that  is  done  to  humor  those  who  thwart 
me,  and  it  is  not  in  my  power  to  prevent  it  whatever  steps  I  may  take. 
You  may  trust  to  what  I  tell  you  about  it ;  so  be  good  enough  to  express 
yourself  decidedly  about  it.  You  should  fear  nothing  as  regards  me;  I 
will  answer  for  the  issue  in  the  matters  of  which  I  write  to  you. 

People  are  still  sent  to  trade  with  all  our  allies  under  specious  pre- 
texts, and  this  is  a  continuation  of  the  Congc^  [^=Iicense]  system  which 
causes  endless  irregularitiesi  by  the  bad  conduct  of  the  Frenchmen,  who, 
finding  themselves  even  more  unrestrained  than  of  old,  give  rise  to  all  the 
scandals  that  debauchery  is  capable  of  devising;  consequences  even  super- 
vene which  are  shameful  to  the  French  nation ;  and  enormities  go  on  there 
which  deserve  correction.  All  that  causes  also  such  unusual  disagree- 
ments with  our  allies  that  it  will  be  difficult  to  manage  to  set  them  right. 

Last  year  M.  Boudor,  merchant  of  Montreal,  was  sent  into  the  country 
of  the  Sioux  there  to  join  Le  Seur.  He  took  advantage  of  this  journey  to 
such  an  extent  that  he  brought  goods  there  to  the  value  of  twenty-five  or 
thirty  thousand  livres  with  the  intention  of  trading  with  them  in  all  the 
lands  of  the  Outavois,  which  he  did,  though  to  no  purpose,  for  he  was 
plundered,  partly  by  the  Otitagaries.  I  think  it  necessary  that  you  should 
be  informed  of  that  matter,  so  that  you  may  yourself  apply  the  proper 
remedy.  I  shall  speak  of  it  to  you  with  a  knowledge  of  the  cause,  for 
what  I  am  about  to  tell  you  happened  at  the  time  I  was  at  Missilimaki- 
nak.  •  Here  are  the  facts — 

All  our  allies  in  general  have  at  all  times  been  at  war  with  the  Sioux. 
When  I  arrived  at  Missilimakinak  in  accordance  with  the  instructions 
of  the  late  M.  de  Frontenac,  who  was  the  most  able  man  that  ever  came  to 
Canada,  I  negotiated  a  truce  between  the  Sioux  and  all  our  allies.  I 
succeeded  in  that  negotiation  and  made  use  of  that  opportunity,  making 
them  turn  their  arms  against  the  Iroquois,  on  whom  we  had  declared  war, 
perhaps  unjustly,  on  false  statements  which  had  been  made  to  the  Court. 
After  that  truce,  I  got  peace  concluded  between  our  tribes  and  those  of 
the  Sioux.  It  lasted  for  two  years;  at  the  end  of  that  time,  the 
Sioux  in  large  numbers,  under  the  pretence  of  coming  to  confirm 
this  peace  and  to  ratify  it  properly  with  the  Miamis,  were  thoroughly  well 
received  by  them;  and,  after  having  passed  some  days  in  their  villages, 
they  left  apparently  well  pleased,  and  they  had  in  fact  reason  to  be  so 
from  the  good  welcome  which  had  been  given  them.  The  ]^fiamia,  think- 
ing them  already  very  far  off,  slept  in  peace;  but  the  Sioux  who  had 

Digitized  by 


174  ANNUAL.    MEETING,    1903. 

premeditated  their  attack,  re-entered  their  village  the  same  night,  and, 
having  surprised  the  Miamis,  slaughtered  three  thousand  souls,  and  put 
the  rest  to  flight. 

This  treachery  enraged  all  the  tribes.  They  came  to  Missilimakinak  to 
lay  their  complaints  before  me  and  to  request  me  to  join  them  in  going  to 
destroy  the  Sioux.  But  the  war  we  had  on  our  hands  with  the  Iroquois 
and  the  English  did  not  permit  [me]  to  listen  to  that  proposal.  I  had 
to  adopt  the  course  of  haranguing  them  well  and  playing  the  orator  to 
attain  my  ends.  Finally  the  conclusion  was  to  mourn  their  dead,  to  wrap 
them  up  and  let  them  sleep  warm  until  the  day  of  vengeance  should  come, 
telling  them  that  the  way  must  first  be  cleared  towards  the  Iroquois,  the 
very  memory  of  whom  must  be  wiped  out ;  and  after  that  we  could  more 
easily  avenge  the  atrocious  deed  which  the  Sioux  had  just  committed 
against  them.  Finally  I  guided  their  minds  so  well  that  the  matter  was 
determined  on  as  I  had  proposed.  But,  as  the  25  Gong^s  [licensed 
traders]  existed  at  that  time,  and  as  avarice  and  the  desire  to  trade  for 
beaverskins  urged  the  French  to  go  to  the  Sioux  in  search  of  them,  our 
allies  complained  strongly  of  it,  and  pointed  out  to  me  that  it  was  unjust 
that  ^at  the  very  time  when  they  had  arms  in  their  hands  in  our  own 
quarrel  against  the  Iroquois,  the  French  were  going  to  the  Sioux  taking 
munitions  of  war  to  have  them  killed.  And  they  begged  me  to  set  that 
right,  the  more  because  the  French  passed  over  their  lands  and  in  front  of 
their  villages,  which  was  violating  the  people's  rights.  I  informed  the 
late  Comte  de  Frontenac  and  M.  de  Champigny  of  it;  and  they,  having 
<;onsidered  the  reasons  which  I  had  put  before  them,  had  a  decree  promul- 
gated at  Montreal  forbidding  anyone  to  go  among  the  Sioux  to  trade  with, 
them  under  the  penalty  of  a  fine  of  one  thousand  livres,  of  the  confisca- 
tion of  their  goods,  and  other  penalty  at  the  judge's  discretion,  according 
to  the  advice  I  had  given  about  it.  This  decree  was  sent  to  Missilimak- 
inak with  orders  to  have  it  published  there  and  in  all  the  other  distant 
posts,  which  was  done.  I  went  down  to  Quebec  the  same  year,  having 
asked  to  be  relieved;  and  from  that  time,  in  spite  of  this  prohibition, 
Frenchmen  have  continued  to  go  and  trade  with  the  Sioux,  but  not  with- 
out having  met  with  affronts  and  indignities  even  from  our  allies,  which 
dishonor  the  French  name. 

Now  this  is  how  matters  stand.  All  the  tribes,  remembering  the  prom- 
ise I  had  made  to  them,  which  was  to  join  them  in  going  against  the  Sioux 
after  the  war  against  the  Iroquois  was  finished,  summoned  me  to  keep  it 
to  them.  But  as  the  time  supplied  [me]  with  a  good  pretext,  I  made  use 
of  it  saying  that  I  was  now  fighting  against  the  English  and  that  it  was 
necessary  to  have  patience.  Thereupon  they  replied  that  since  I  would 
not  engage  in  their  quarrel,  they  had  a  request  to  make  to  me,  hoping 
that  I  would  grant  it  them,  which  is  to  prevent,  as  I  had  done  during  the 
time  I  was  at  Missilimakinak,  Frenchmen  from  going  any  more  to  the 

Digitized  by 



Sioux,  and  taking  arms  and  munitions  of  war  there;  and  they  declared 
that  they  were  resolved  to  oppose  it,  all  the  more  as  a  fight  had  just  taken 
place  in  which  were  found  two  Frenchmen  who  had  been  killed  among 
the  Sioux  with  whom  they  had  sided* 

I  have  sent  M.  Galliere  and  M.  de  Beauharnois,  my  opinion  on  this  mat- 
ter, and  I  explain  clearly  to  them  that  it  is  important  not  to  break  our 
promises  in  this  manner,  and  that  we  cannot  do  so  without  making 
ourselves  liable  to  lose  the  confidence  which  our  allies  have  in  us ;  and  that 
I  therefore  think  it  advisable  not  to  permit  anyone  to  go  to  trade  among 
the  Sioux  any  more  under  any  pretext  whatever ;  more  especially  because 
M.  Boudor  has  just  been  robbed  by  the  tribe  of  the  Benard  and  M.  Jun- 
chereau  has  given  a  thousand  crowns'  worth  of  goods  to  get  a  free  passage 
to  go  to  his  dwelling;  for  they  claim  that  they  have  the  right  to  do  so, 
as  they  were  carrying  aid  to  their  enemies.  Altogether,  I  do  not  think 
they  are  far  wrong. 

They  also  represented  to  me  that  Le  Suetir  was  going  to  the  Sioux  by 
way  of  the  Mississippi,  but  that  they  were  determined  to  oppose  it;  and, 
if  he  put  himself  in  such  a  position  as  to  force  them  to  resist  him,  they 
would  not  answer  for  the  issue.  Hence  this  is  a  warning  which  you  may 
give  to  Le  Suetir  through  the  Governor  of  the  Mississippi. 

All  these  disturbances  arise  only  on  account  of  the  distant  French 
dwelling  places,  which  are  all  very  useless,  or  to  speak  more  correctly 
very  injurious,  for  they  only  serve  as  pretexts  for  obtaining  permits  and 
licenses.  And,  instead  of  going  about  it  straight  forwardly,  they  carry  on 
trade  in  beavers  and  all  kinds  of  furs  by  the  Grand  river,  on  Lake  Huron, 
on  Lake  Superior,  in  the  Michigan  district  and  in  all  the  Country  of  the 
Otltavois  in  general.  It  is  thus  they  were  made  use  of,  and  that  MM.  de 
la  Forest  and  Tonty  even  now  make  use  of  them.  And  now  MM.  Jun- 
€hereau  and  Pascant,  partners,  are  trading  in  all  this  country,  even  up  to 
the  neighborhood  of  Detroit.  It  is  that  which  makes  the  public  jealous^ 
and  causes  all  these  escapades  of  licentious  Canadians,  who  say  bluntly 
that  it  is  only  the  virtuous  and  the  obedient  who  are  victims  to  it.  They 
are  indeed,  not  altogether  wrong  in  that ;  for  it  is  grevious  to  them  to  see 
a  few  individuals  skim  the  milk  and  take  the  pick  of  the  wool  of  the  coun- 
try, through  the  licenses  and  permits  given  to  them. 

I  have  very  often  written  about  it,  but  they  keep  very  silent  as  to  that. 
You  know  that  the  country  of  the  Illinois  was  granted  to  M.  de  La  Salle, 
with  provisos  and  conditions,  none  of  which  he  has  carried  out,  and  this 
post  has  only  served  to  give  rise  to  many  disputes  with  the  agents  of  the 
King  on  account  of  the  poor  quality  of  the  beaver-skins  which  come  from 
it.  That  is  why  the  Court  prohibited  MM.  de  la  Forest  and  Tonty  from 
doing  any  trade  there  in  them,  but  at  the  same  time  it  permitted  them 
to  trade  for  small  furs  there,  which  is  clearly  a  mistake;  for  it  is  certain 
that  there  is  no  species  of  them  in  those  places,  for  there  are  only  ox-hides 

Digitized  by 


176  ANNUAL   MEETING,    190a 

and  a  few  roebucks  but  they'flnd  enough  of  them  everywhere  else,  having 
always  had  liberty  to  trade  in  all  places  without  anyone  saying  a  word 
about  it  to  them. 

It  is  not  difficult  to  fathom  why  this  may  be.  As  for  me,  I  am  like  St. 
Jean  Bouche  d'Or,  for  I  say  what  I  think.  Thus  I  believe  that  all  these 
too  distant  dwellings,  where  there  is  no  order,  do  much  harm  and  are  of 
no  use;  those  which  are  near  a  post  are  not  the  same.  In  a  word  it  is 
certain  that  the  statements  which  MM.  de  la  Forest  and  Tonty  have  made, 
that  they  had  advanced  sums  of  money  to  M.  de  Lasalle,  are  delusions. 
They  have  never  been  in  a  position  to  advance  any.  Everyone  knows 
their  means  and  their  inheritance ;  and  they  would  have  paid  themselves 
for  it  well,  since  for  nearly  20  years  they  have  possessed,  not  this  post 
only,  but  rather  all  those  of  the  Outavois  by  that  means. 

It  also  happened  that  the  Sauteurs,  who  as  I  have  already  told  you  are 
friendly  with  the  Sioux,  were  willing  to  let  M.  Boudor'  and  others  pass 
through  their  country  to  go  and  take  arms  and  other  munitions  of  war  to 
that  tribe;  but  the  others  having  opposed  it,  disputes  arose  between  them, 
whereupon  there  followed  the  pillage  to  which  M.  Boudor  was  subjected, 
which  gave  occasion  to  the  Sauteurs  to  make  an  attack  on  the  tribes  of 
the  Sakis  and  Malommisen  of  whom  they  have  killed  thirty  or  forty,  so 
that  there  is  war  among  these  peoples. 

I  would  have  set  all  these  disturbances  right  and  put  an  end  to  all  these 
quarrels,  were  I  not  here  destitute  of  resources,  without  any  fund  of  the 
King's  to  use  on  behalf  of  the  savages  to  whom  one  never  speaks  on  im- 
portant matters  with  empty  hands.  Plenty  of  similar  massacres  have 
occurred,  but  I  pacified  all  [the  feuds]  because  the  late  M.  de  Frontenac 
sent  me  large  presents  every  year  to  dispose  of  according  to  the  circum- 
stances.* of  which  I  used  to  give  him  an  account,  and  to  the  Intendant 
also,  taking  certificates  of  the  distribution  which  I  made  of  them.  Since 
his  death  they  have  adopted  a  different  course,  they  send  nothing  to  De- 
troit for  emergencies  of  this  kind.  I  have  written  about  it,  no  answer  has 
been  given  me;  and  instead  of  addressing  thejnselves  to  me  as  there  is  no 
other  post  but  this  in  all  this  country,  and  M.  de  Calliere"  has  given  me  the 
general  command  of  it,  which  would  be  only  the  shadow  of  a  command 
if  they  continue  the  practice  they  have  begun  viz.  to  send  people  to  the 
tribes  with  presents.  These  missions  cannot  be  sent  without  expense,  or 
at  least  without  permitting  those  who  are  selected  for  the  purpose  to  load 
their  boats  with  goods;  and  this  leads  to  these  people  having  no  other 

^Samuel  (or  Martin)  Bouvart  is  not  mentioned  in  Tanguay's  Rep.  Gen.  In  Jes. 
Rel.  &  All.  Doc.  58,  297  it  is  stated  that  he  was  born  Aug.  15.  1637;  became  Superior 
of  the  Jesuit  Missions  in  Canada  in  1698  and  died  at  Quebec,  Aug.  10,  1705. — 
C.  M.  B. 

■Louis  Hector  de  CalUeres,  Governor  of  Canada,  successor  to  Frontenac,  died 
May  26,  1703.  His  successor  was  Philip  de  Rigault,  Marquis  de  Vaudreuil. — 
C.  M.  B. 

♦lit.  "conjunctures." 

Digitized  by 



object  than  to  get  together  quantities  of  beaver-skins,  and  they  even  us© 
the  presents  they  are  entrusted  with  for  their  own  profit,  as  there  is  no 
one  to  supervise  their  action. 

It  would  be  much  more  natural  for  all  that  to  be  addressed  direct  to 
Detroit,  and  for  everything  to  pass  through  my  hands ;  for  I  should  send 
word  to  the  chiefs  of  the  tribes  to  come  here,  and  I  should  settle  all  their 
disputes  with  them ;  and  as  regards  the  distribution  and  the  use  I  should 
make  of  these  presents  sent  to  me,  or  to  anyone  else  at  this  post,  I  should 
give  my  certificates  concerning  them ;  the  other  officers  there,  the  mission- 
aries and  even  the  agents  of  the  Company  could  give  theirs,  so  that  no 
abuses  would  be  committed.  Moreover,  who  could  be  chosen,  to  send  to 
settle  liie  quarrels  of  the  savages,  who  would  know  their  ways,  manners 
and  inclinations  better  than  I,  and  in  whom  would  they  have  more  confi- 
dence? But  that  is  what  the  Jesuits  will  not  agree  to.  They  prefer  cer- 
tain hucksters,  who  have  no  weight  with  our  allies,  to  me.  That  is  why. 
My  Lord,  I  think  it  would  be  expedient  for  you  to  be  good  enough  to  send 
me  a  commission  as  Commandant-General  of  this  and  the  other  distant 
posts,  so  as  to  spare  me  these  acts  of  injustice. 

Some  savages  have  just  told  me  that  four  boats  are  coming  up,  to  go  to 
the  north  of  Lake  Superior  by  the  village  of  the  Sauteurs.  I  do  not  know 
what  this  may  be;  no  doubt  it  will  be  the  usual  thing,  that  is,  specious 

I  write  many  things  to  you  which  may  perhaps  make  enemies  for  me. 
But,  no  matter,  while  I  have  truth  and  justice  on  my  side,  I,  am  above 
[them]  all.   I  think  I  owe  that  to  the  zeal  I  have  in  serving  the  King  well. 

Also,  the  Sioux  are  a  tribe  which  should  be  indifferent  to  us,  and  too  far 
off  for  [us]  ever  to  obtain  any  service  from  them. 

As  the  convoy  which  comes  from  Montreal  generally  stays  here  only 
two  or  three  days,  in  order  to  spare  their  provisions,  I  had  got  this  letter 
ready  so  as  not  to  stop  it.  That  is  why  I  often  mention  M.  de  Calliere  in 
it,  for  I  did  not  know  that  he  was  dead.  I  learnt  this  with  grief  on  ac- 
count of  the  general  loss  sustained  by  the  whole  colony  which  needed  a- 
man  of  such  experience.  It  is  a  great  loss  to  me  personally,  for  you  may 
have  seen  from  all  the  good  reports  he  sent  you  of  me  that  he  honored  me 
with  his  esteem,  and  his  friendship.  I  hope  you  will  be  good  enough  to 
recommend  my  interests  to  the  one  you  put  in  his  place ;  I  assure  you  I 
have  great  need  of  that  protection,  on  account  of  the  large  number  of 
those  who  bear  me  ill-will. 

The  Company  having  relied  on  my  care  for  all  its  interests,  I  have  m.  de  Tonty 
undertaken  them  con  amove.    Hence  it  has  arisen  that  I  have  caught  its  ta^uitetrading. 
agents  at  fault,  transacting  trade  at  this  point.    I  gave  the  Directors  get  out  of  it!*^ 
warning  of  it  and  they  will  proceed  as  seems  good  to  them  in  that  matter ; 
it  is  for  them  to  act  according  to  their  lights  on  the  information  which  I 
give  them. 

Digitized  by 


178  ANNUAL   MEETING.   1903. 

I  have  written  to  M.  de  Vaudrenil  thinking  I  was  writing  to  M.  de  Cal- 
>liere.  I  have  asked  him  to  be  good  enough  to  raise  this  garrison  to  fifty 
men  so  that  I  may  be  in  a  position  to  defend  myself  in  case  I  am  attacked, 
as  I  cannot  do  with  less,  in  a  place  where  I  should  be  cut  off  from  all  as- 
sistance. He  answered  me  that  he  could  not  give  up  a  single  soldier  be- 
<^use  several  of  them  had  died  since  last  year  and  some  had  deserted 
him  then.  This  also  happens  at  this  post,  nine  of  them  having  deserted 
who,  however,  ask  to  come  back.  Some  say  that  they  resolved  on  this  only 
i)ecause  they  had  been  promised,  when  they  set  out  from  Montreal,  that 
After  three  years'  service  at  this  post  they  would  be  granted  their  dis- 
charge; in  fact  the  late  M.  de  Calliere  had  publicly  given  his  word  for  it. 
•Others  say  the  reason  of  their  desertion  was  because  they  were  over- 
whelmed with  work ;  that  they  were  made  to  do  duty  besides  that ;  and 
4hat  their  annoyance  was  at  seeing  that  the  profits  fell  to  a  Company 
which  treated  them  in  their  times  of  need  like  Turks  and  Moors.  Lastly 
there  were  some  who  said  that  a  promise  had  been  made  them  to  give 
them  lands,  and  to  let  them  settle  there ;  and  that,  seeing  they  had  been 
deceived,  they  resolved  on  this. 

It  is  quite  certain  that,  when  I  set  out  from  Montreal,  MM.  de  Calliere 
jand  de  Champigny  did  not  give  them  hope  of  this ;  I  am  a  witness  to  it.  It 
was  that  which  made  me  refresh  M.  de  Calliere's  memory  about  it  in  my 
letter.  For  this  reason  MM.  de  Vaudreuil  and  de  Beauharnois,  after  con 
sidering  it,  have  permitted  me  to  take  them  back,  seeing  that  the  new 
decree  against  deserters  had  not  been  promulgated. 

I  had  also  applied  for  six  families  to  come  and  settle  here,  which  the 
late  M.  de  Calliere  had  granted  me ;  but  that  was  refused  to  me  after  his 
death  and  I  was  told  that  none  came  forward,  although  I  knew  well,  of 
myself  and  in  other  directions,  that  as  many  would  come  as  we  wanted 
if  the  liberty  to  do  so  had  not  been  taken  away  from  them. 

I  had  also  asked  for  some  cattle.  The  Company  was  quite  willing  to 
bear  the  expense;  the  directors  sent  me  word  that  they  have  [tried  to] 
borrow  two  troop  boats  from  M.  de  Vaudreuil  to  provide  conveyances  for 
them  and  that  he  would  not  grant  them. 

You  may  believe  that  the  Company  has  no  other  object  but  to  make 
money  at  this  post,  and  not  at  all  to  contribute  to  its  settlement.  It  has 
BO  other  aim  but  to  have  a  warehouse  and  clerks,  with  no  oflBcers,  troops, 
nor  settlers,  caring  little  for  what  concerns  the  King's  glory  and  his  serv- 
ice. Allow  me  to  point  out  to  you  that  it  is  that,  to  a  certainty,  which 
will  entirely  overthrow  this  Upper  Colony,  without  which  the  Lower,  that 
is  Quebec  and  Montreal,  cannot  be  kept  up.  The  savages  wish  to  have 
complete  freedom  of  trade;  you  can  see  this  from  the  council  held  at  this 
fort  on  the  —  of  August,  1703.  They  have  formed  their  determination 
-concerning  it ;  there  is  no  delay  to  be  made;  That  should  be  remedied  by 
you  yourself,  by  ordering  the  Company  to  sell  goods  to  them  at  the  same 

Digitized  by 



price  as  they  were  sold  to  them  up  to  the  present  time.  1  have  given  them 
strong  hopes ;  and  that  makes  me  think  they  will  await  your  answer,  by 
the  vessels  that  will  come  next  year. 

The  CJompany  complains  about  the  loss  of  its  trade  at  this  post.  If 
that  is  so,  it  should  not  hesitate  to  give  it  up.  Consent  to  it.  My  Lord, 
and  I  promise  you  that  in  two  years  your  Detroit  will  be  established  of 
itself,  provided  you  allow  freedom  of  trading  to  those  who  are  willing  to 
settle  there,  without  their  being  able  to  do  any  trade  outside  Detroit.  I 
assure  you,  you  shall  have  no  complaint  as  to  that,  and  that  I  will  have 
very  strict  order  observed  on  this  point. 

The  CJompany  appears  to  be  disgusted  with  this  post  because,  as  it  says, 
it  loses  by  the  trade  it  does  there.  I  have  replied  to  it  on  this  head  that, 
if  it  is  willing  to  appoint  me  to  its  rights  and  to  withdraw  in  my  favor, 
I  will  accept  them,  pledging  myself  to  indemnify  it  for  the  liabilities  from 
the  day  on  which  it  bore  the  expenses  of  this  post  up  tg  that  on  which  I 
enter  into  possession  of  it,  and  to  pay  it  ready  money  for  its  advances 
provided  it  will  honor  the  bills  of  exchange  for  the  beaver-skins  which  I 
shall  send  it  every  year;  and  that,  to  that  end,  I  will  give  it  good  and 
valid  security.  If  it  complains  to  you  about  that,  take  it  at  its  word ;  and 
if  you  appoint  me  to  its  rights  and  make  it  withdraw  in  my  favor,  I  oflEer 
you.  My  Lord,  the  sum  of  ten  thousand  livres  a  year  which  I  will  have 
remitted  to  the  treasurers  of  the  navy  in  this  country  on  your  order,  or 
indeed  in  France  if  you  wish  it.  That  should  be  paid  promptly  as  long 
as  the  Company  of  the  Colony  or  another  will  honor  the  bills  of  exchange 
for  the  beaver-skins  coming  from  it;  it  will  only  be  necessary  to  retain  in 
France  a  fund  of  a  like  sum,  that  is  to  say  of  10,000#,  and  I  will  so  hu- 
mor the  minds  of  the  savages  that  they  will  h^ve  reason  to  be  content. 
You  see  clearly,  My  Lord,  that  it  is  a  good  thing  to  have  a  man  like  me. 
I  promise  you  that,  if  the  Company  accepts  my  proposal  and  you  will 
approve  of  it,  I  will  make  your  Detroit  flourish;  that  nothing  shall  be 
lacking  there.  I  fear  I  shall  not  be  taken  at  my  word ;  the  machine  with 
the  great  springs  will  know  well  how  to  prevent  it,  for  they  work  dili- 
gently to  overthrow  this  post,  which  can  only  happen  by  working  it 
through  the  medium  of  a  Company  which  takes  every  precaution  to  act 
so  that  no  one  may  settle  there.  If  I  managed  this  matter,  I  should  not 
follow  their  traces, — ^far  from  it,  I  should  not  prevent  anyone  from  set- 
tling there.  They  set  up  for  clever  men,  but  I  can  assure  you  they  under- 
stand nothing  about  it;  they  even  sent  me  an  account  by  which  they 
showed  a  loss  of  12297#,  17s.,  in  which  they  are  mistaken,  or  at  least  they 
pretend  to  be  so;  for  I  find  in  it,  without  saying  where,  for  a  reason,  more 
than  twenty  thousand  livres  profit.  I  speak  correctly,  and  my  opinions 
are  safe. 

It  is  an  astonishing  thing  to  see  the  behavior  of  French  merchants ;  it 
is  very  diflPerent  from  that  of  the  English  and  Dutch.    The  former  want 

Digitized  by 


180  ANNUAL   MEETING,    1903. 

to  make  their  fortunes  in  the  first  year  they  begin  any  enterprise;  and  the 
latter  who  behave  more  wisely,  well  know  that  in  the  first  year  one  does 
nothing  bnt  distribnte  and  sow ;  that  in  the  second,  one's  enterprise  is 
brought  into  shape ;  and  that  in  the  third,  it  is  necessary  to  work  effect- 
ively in  order  to  reap  in  abundance  what  has  been  liberally  scattered. 
Anyone  who  gets  away  from  this  point  of  view  can  never  succeed  when 
chance  is  not  mixed  up  with  it ;  also  that  only  happens  on  passing  occa- 
sions ;  and  rarely  when  it  is  a  question  of  forming  any  substantial  post. 
One  need  not  be  surprised  if  the  directorate  of  the  Company  of  the  Colony 
seem  uneasy;  that  is  due  to  the  people  who  compose  it.  Two  of  "them  are 
lawyers,  qualified  for  getting  deeds  drawn  up;  the  others  have  been  mer- 
chants for  a  little  while  but  the  business  they  do  is  only  on  commission 
and  all  their  skill  and  knowledge  consists  in  selling  advantageously. 
There  are  even  very  few  of  them  who  have  put  their  own  private  affairs  in 
a  good  condition ;  that  is  an  everyday  experience  in  this  country. 

I  do  not  know  whether  they  have  been  careful  to  write  [and  tell]  you 
that  the  board  of  directors  made  an  agreement  with  me  last  year,  [which 
was]  approved  by  MM.  de  Calliere  and  de  Beauharnois  by  which  it 
pledged  itself,  in  consideration  of  the  pains  and  care  I  was  to  take  for  its 
interests  at  this  post,  in  order  to  prevent  frauds  and  malversations  and 
trading  by  people  other  than  their  clerks,  to  pay  me  every  year  the  sum 
of  two  thousand  livres,  and  to  supply  food  for  me  and  my  family  during 
the  term  of  its  lease. 

No  one  could  have  been  more  diligent.  My  Lord,  than  I  have  been  in 
complying  with  the  provisions  inserted  in  this  deed,  executed  before  two 
notaries,  signed  by  the  seven  directors,  by  the  late  M.  de  Calliere  and  by 
M.  Beauharnois  the  Intendant.  Yet  I  have  learnt  that  they  have  written 
to  you  to  get  themselves  released  from  [paying]  this  sum ;  but  I  do  not  be- 
lieve you  have  listened  to  so  unjust  a  proposal,  which  puts  an  end  to  plain 
dealing,  for  they  themselves  well  know  that  I  have  thoroughly  earned  my 
money  by  the  services  I  have  rendered  them,  and  continue  to  render  them. 

Moreover,  as  there  is  a  valid  deed  executed,  which  is  circumstantially 
stated  with  all  the  requisite  formalities,  I  hope  you  will  not  annul  it 
without  giving  me  time  to  defend  myself.  This  ingratitude  on  the  part  of 
that  Company  will  not  make  me  omit  anything  to  aid  in  the  preservation 
of  its  interests. 

There  is  some  prospect  of  your  making  some  promotion  this  year.  As 
the  distance  prevents  me  from  seeing  what  posts  are  vacant,  I  am  obliged 
to  leave  it  to  the  honor  of  your  favor  and  patronage  to  grant  me  one  of 
the  King's  lieutenancies  of  this  country,  that  is,  of  Quebec  or  Montreal, 
in  case  there  is  any  vacancy.  I  will  also  add  to  my  letter  the  request 
which  I  have  already  had  the  honor  of  making  to  you  viz.  to  be  good 
enough  to  grant  an  ensigncy  of  foot,  or  an  order  for  the  first  that  becomes 
vacant,  to  my  eldest  son,  who  is  serving  diligently  in  this  post.    You  know 

Digitized  by 



that  you  promised  me  in  your  letter  to  appoint  him  as  soon  as  there  was 
an  opportunity;  many  have  gone  by  since  that  time. 

I  annex  hereto  a  copy  of  some  observations  regarding  the  directors  of 
the  Company,  so  that  you  may  know  how  I  have  acted  and  whether  it  is 
very  agreeable  to  me  to  answer  for  my  actions  to  five  or  six  merchants 
who,  four  days  ago,  were  cleaning  their  masters'  shoes  but  who  wish  to 
meddle  with  the  concerns  of  the  government.  I  except  from  it  MM.  d'Au- 
teuil  and  de  Lofbinieres  as  it  seems  to  me  from  their  private  letters  that 
they  did  not  take  part  in  a  great  memorial  which  they  presented  to  MM. 
de  Vaudreuil  and  de  Beauharnois,  which  1  think  was  not  answered  as  a 
governor  [should]. 

No  one  has  died  yet  at  this  post.  I  will  not  weary  you  any  more  with 
such  long  letters.  I  thought  I  ought  to  do  so  this  year  in  order  to  finish 
informing  you,  and  to  beg  you  very  humbly  to  have  a  stop  put  to  all  these 
outcries  in  one  way  or  another,  for  indeed  all  that  will  end  in  making  our 
allies  go  to  the  English.  I  shall  continue  all  my  life  to  ask  you  only  for 
the  honor  of  your  patronage  being  with  very  deep  respect 

My  Lord 
Your  very  humble  and  very  obedient  servant 

Lamothe  Cadillac 

at  fort  Pontchartrain  this  31st  Augt.  1703. 

M.  de  Tonty  who  is  at  Quebec  writes  me  that  MM.  de  Vaudreuil  and 
de  Beauharnois  have  forbidden  him  to  write  to  you  at  length  [on]  mat- 
ters concerning  this  post. 

[The  following  is  written  on  the  last  page,  crossways  at  the  end  of  the 

This  is  the  original  of  the  letter  of  La  Motte  Cadillac,  all  the  documents 
are  annexed  to  it;  so  I  think  all  that  must  be  sent  to  M.  de  Champigny  to 
put  with  the  rest  to  examine  carefully,  and  to  send  his  opinion  in  detail 
stating  his  reasons;  for,  as  for  me,  I  am  in  favor  of  keeping  up  the  post 
and  leaving  La  Motte  Cadillac  the  master  of  it. 

Digitized  by 


182  ANNUAL   MEETING.    1903. 


Endorsed — 31st  August,  1703;  apparently  written  to  M.  de  la  Touche 

M.  de  la  Motte — I  have  replied  to  all  that  in  answering  the  letter 

which  M.  de  la  Motte  writes  to  Monseigneur. 


I  am  giving  the  Minister  an  exact  account  of  all  that  concerns  the  post 
of  Detroit;  I  should  have  informed  you  of  it  likewise  had  I  not  thought 
[it  would  be]  falling  into  superflous  repetitions,  being  quite  assured  that 
he  refers  to  you  all  the  affairs  of  this  Colony. 

You  will  see  from  the  letter  which  I  have  the  honor  to  write  to  him  the 
condition  of  this  settlement,  the  hindrances  which  are  thrown  in  its  way, 
and  the  means  I  am  taking  to  overcome  them. 

It  is  very  probable  that  the  reverend  Jesuit  fathers  have  demanded 
from  the  Court  the  preference  in  officiating  in  the  missions  of  this  post, 
and  no  doubt  there  have  been  reasons  for  granting  it  to  them.  Yet, 
although  the  savages  are  settled  here  in  number  sufficient  to  require  at 
least  two  Missionaries,  we  have  been  unable  to  succeed  in  getting  any  to 
come,  although  the  matter  has  been  decided  upon  as  you  will  see  from  the 
order  of  the  25th  Septr.  1702,  which  I  am  sending  to  M.  de  Pontchartrain. 

The  Envoys  from  the  colony,  who  proceeded  last  year  to  France,  will 
no  doubt  have  told  you  the  steps  which  the  directors  of  the  Company  of 
the  colony  had  taken  to  induce  these  Fathers  to  come  and  settle  at  this 
place,  by  giving  them  eight  hundred  livres  a  year  each  (besides  the 
gratuity  they  have  from  the  King)  and  by  having  everything  necessary  for 
their  subsistence,  and  wearing  apparel  for  their  use,  brought  for  them  at 
its  cost  and  expense. 

The  Chevalier  de  Calliere  also  had  taken  up  the  matter  with  their  su- 
perior at  Quebec  (if  they  have  a  superior)  or  me;  but  all  that  came  to 
nothing,  and  the  Reverend  Father  Maret,  for  whom  the  company  sent  a 
boat  on  purpose,  found  reasons  for  getting  out  of  coming  to  the  mission 
which  had  been  intended  for  him. 

You  can  see  from  the  course  taken  at  this  juncture  and  from  the  copies 
of  letters  which  I  am  sending  to  M.  de  Pontchartrain,  what  the  genius  of 
this  country  is,  and  whether  these  reverend  Fathers  recognize  any  other 
superior  but  themselves;  I  shall  take  care  to  keep  the  originals  of  them, 
in  case  there  should  be  any  desire  to  see  them.  I  showed  them  last  year  to 
the  Qovernor-G^n^ral  who  did  not  seem  pleased  with  their  conduct ;  and 
it  was  in  consequence  of  that,  that  he  issued  this  order  which  has  been 

Vol.  1.  p.  H4. 

Digitized  by 



notified  to  them,  but  they  have  paid  no  regard  to  it  and  have  treated  it 
with  contempt 

Can  it  be  believed  that  I  should  have  been  willing  without  powerful  rea-^ 
sons  to  thwart  any  Jesuits,  or  that  I  should  have  taken  it  into  my  head  ta 
attack  that  formidable  Society?  I  have  not  lived  so  long  without  know- 
ing full  well  how  dangerous  it  is  to  cross  its  path.  It  is  true  that  I  have 
attacked,  to  no  small  degree  but  far  rather  as  animated  by  zeal  for  the 
King's  service,  the  whole  society  in  this  country  only ;  and  I  have  even- 
been  so  well  justified  in  all  the  contests  I  have  had  with  it  while  I  have 
had  the  honor  of  b^ing  in  command  at  Missilimakinak  (on  which  all  the 
other  distant  posts  depended  at  that  time),  and  since  I  have  been  at  De- 
troit, that  I  pledged  myself  to  state  all  my  reasons  in  writing,  if  it  would 
do  the  same  with  its  reasons,  which  it  would  never  consent  to,  in  order 
to  avoid  the  decision  thereon.  Was  I  not  right  to  lay  down  in  my  scheme 
that  all  sorts  of  laborers  must  be  allowed  to  work  in  the  Lord's  vine- 
yard? You  would  say  that  the  souls  of  the  savages  are  the  private  do- 
main of  the  Jesuits;  if  that  were  true,  they  should  at  least  cultivate  it 
and  not  leave  it  as  a  prey  to  the  ravishing  wolf.  Of  what  pretext  can  they 
avail  themselves  for  refraining  from  coming  to  discharge  their  duties  in* 
the  missions  of  this  post?  The  service  of  God  may  be  found  there,  a» 
elsewhere;  that  of  the  King  lies  there,  since  he*  wishes  it,  and  it  is  their 
duty  tQ  give  these  proofs  of  obedience  to  the  authority  of  a  Governor-G^n- 
^ral.  But  this  is  the  theory  of  the  missionaries  of  the  Society  of  thia 
country ;  the  will  of  the  King,  in  the  orders  he  gives,  must  coincide  and  be 
in  conformity  with  the  will  of  God.  And  they  claim  to  have  the  right  first 
to  decide  what  the  true  will  of  the  King  is,  with  reference  to  the  knowl- 
edge which  they  say  they  have  of  the  true  will  of  God.  And  this  is  the 
chief  ground  on  which  they  have  clamored  and  still  clamor  so  against  the 
brandy  trade  on  which  point  they  have  been  humored.  Her^  is  a  specimen 
of  it  from  Father  de  Carlier  in  his  sermon  of  the  25th  of  March  1697 — 
"There  is"  he  says,  "no  power,  divine  or  human,  which  could  sanction- 
the  trade  in  this  drink ;"  whence  it  follows  that  this  Father  passes  boldly 
over  all  reasons  of  state,  and  that  he  would  not  even  submit  to  the  deci- 
sion of  the  pope. 

I  am  doing  my  utmost  sufficiently  to  make  them  my  friends,  truly 
wishing  to  be  theirs ;  but  if  I  dare  say  so,  all  impiety  apart,  it  would  be 
better  to  sin  against  God,  than  against  them,  for  on  the  one  hand  pardon 
is  received  for  it,  while,  on  the  other,  even  a  pretended  offense  is  never 
forgiven  in  this  world,  and  would  perhaps  never  be  so  in  the  other  if 
their  influence  there  were  as  great  as  it  is  in  this  country.  I  think  that 
if  they  are  so  slow  to  carry  on  the  missions  of  this  post,  it  is  because  they 
do  not  at  all  like  the  nearness  of  the  French  settlements.  They  put  for- 
ward many  false  reasons  for  it,  which  indicate  true  ones  which  they  do- 
not  state ;  but,  at  any  rate,  they  will  not  come  to  Detroit.    Why  do  they 

Digitized  by 


1«4  ANNUAL    MEETING,    1903. 

oppose  other  missionaries  taking  possession  of  it?  The  delay  they  occa- 
sioned by  making  this  move  is  founded  on  nothing  but  the  useless  and 
forlorn  hope  of  inducing  the  savages  to  go  back  to  where  they  were  before, 
by  punic  fears  which  they  try  to  instil  into  their  minds.  I  will  stake  my 
life  that  that  will  not  take  place  and  I  do  not  fear  their  influence  in  aU 

Permit  me  in  concluding  this  letter,  to  beg  you  to  be  good  enough  to  aid 
me  with  your  intelligence  by  pointing  out  to  me  a  way  by  which  I  may 
gain  the  friendship  of  the  reverend  Jesuit  Fathers.  I  ask  no  better  than 
to  walk  in  this  way,  which  now-a-days  dazzles  the,  eyes  of  the  whole 
world;  and  (this)*  is  the  stream  by  which  it  seems  that  all  men  allo^ 
themselves  to  be  borne  along,  that  will  be  easy  to  me  as  long  its  I  have 
only  my  private  interests  to  settle  with  them ;  but  when  it  is  a  question  of 
having  the  will  of  the  King  carried  out  atid  they  oppose  it,  telling  me  that 
they  know  better  than  I,  it  is  a  matter  of  laying  down  for  me  what  I  must 
do  in  that  case  in  order  to  remain  in  the  path  of  their  friendship.  That 
is  a  thing  that  I  have  been  unable  to  do  up  to  the  present ;  perhaps  I  shall 
do  better  in  future  on  the  ideas  you  suggest  to  me,  if  you  will  have  this 
kindness.  I  beg  you  to  be  good  enough  to  grant  me  the  honor  of  your  sup- 
port with  M.  de  Pontchartrain  by  speaking  to  him  on  my  behalf  concern- 
ing the  favors  I  am  asking  him  for.  You  have  been  pleased  to  assist  me  in 
the  past,  for  which  I  shall  be  eternally  grateful.  I  hope  you  will  con- 
tinue to  [grant]  me  the  same  favor,  since  I  am  with  very  great  re- 
spect, Sir, 

Your  very  humble  and  very  obedient  Servant 

Lamothe  Cadillac 

At  Fort  Pontchartrain  this  31st  of  Augt.  1703. 

♦This  word  is  In  the  text,  but  ought  to  have  been  omitted  as  the  word  "cella" 
further  on  Is  made  the  nominative  of  the  sentence. — Ed.  trans. 

Digitized  by 




Endorsed— Canada.  29  April,  1704. 

M.  de  Lamotte  who  originated  the  plan  for  this  settlement  maintains 
two  things  which  alike  deserve  that  attention  should  be  paid  to  them. 

The  first,  that  is  for  [the  interests  of]  the  King's  service  and  for  the 
general  good  of  the  Colony,  to  keep  up,  to  increase  and  to  perfect  this 
settlement.  The  second,  that  the  Colony  in  general,  and  almost  all  tliose 
who  compose  it  in  particular,  use  all  their  endeavors  to  thwart  him  in 
this  undertaking. 

Granting  these  two  contentions,  to  avoid  entering  on  endless  discus- 
sions which  would  only  serve  to  obscure  the  truth  further,  only  one 
means  presents  itself  of  conciliating  matters.  This  would  be  to  leave  the 
proprietorship  and  the  management  of  this  undertaking  to  the  one  who  is 
the  originator  of  it. 

The  offers  he  makes  to  undertake  it  bimself  if  the  Colony  finds  it  does 
not  suit  it;  the  conditions  on  which  he  makes  these  offers,  are  also  so 
many  favorable  dispositions  which  point  to  putting  this  means  into  prac- 

But  since  in  the  conditions  he  proposes  there  might  be  found  points 
prejudicial  to  the  Colony,  he  ought  not  to  object  to  their  being  examined 

He  offers  to  reimburse  the  Colony  for  all  its  advances  after  deducting 
what  it  has  received.  That  ought  to  be  done ;  but  as,  during  the  discus- 
sion of  the  expenses  and  receipts,  disputes  will  infallibly  arise,  it  appears 
necessary  that  these  accounts  should  be  adjusted  before  the  Governor- 
G^n^ral  and  the  Intendant  since  there  is  no  one  in  the  country  who  has 
not  an  interest  in  that  matter. 

He  asks  that  the  Colony  may  be  bound  to  receive  and  to  pay  him  for  all 
his  beaverskins.  That  general  proposal  can  never  be  accepted.  All  that 
he  could  claim  would  be  that  as  many  beaverskins  should  be  sold  for  him 
each  year  as  appears  from  the  accounts  of  the  Colony  to  have  been  re- 
ceived a  year  on  the  average.  10494  #'s  worth  of  them  appears  in  these 
accounts  the  first  year,  and  18239 #'s  worth  in  the  second.  That  is 
28733#'s  worth  in  all  in  two  years,  and  14366#,  lOs.'s  worth  per  year  on 
the  average.  If  15000#'s  worth  are  sold  for  him  every  year  he  would  have 
no  cause  to  complain ;  and  the  Colony  could  not  receive  more  without  be- 
ing considerably  injured  by  it. 

Vol  i,p.  222. 


Digitized  by 


186  ANNUAL    MEETING,    1903. 

By  the  new  agreement,  which  it  has  just  made,  it  is  restricted  to  sup- 
plying only  150000#'s  worth  of  beaverskins  to  its  agents  every  year.  If 
they  are  compelled  to  receive  30000#'s  worth  of  them  from  M.  de  la 
Motte,  all  the  Colony  together  will  be  able  to  supply  only  120000#'8 
iwrorth.  It  would  not  be  right  that  an  entire  country  all  settled  and  mak- 
ing a  figure  in  the  world  should  draw  only  four-fifths  of  150000#  while 
one  settlement,  in  its  infancy  and  with  its  success  still  doubtful,  should 
^aw  by  itself  one-fifth  of  that  sum. 

Everyone  is  aware  that  the  post  of  Detroit  is  in  the  midst  of  the  savage 
tribes,  and  that,  by  means  of  the  Lakes  and  the  rivers,  it  can  have  inter- 
<M>urse  with  all  the  countries  of  the  Outaouas.  The  Colony  could  never 
be  reassured  as  to  the  reasonable  apprehension  it  will  feel  that  whoever 
xemains  its  proprietor  will  have  it  in  his  power  to  transact  alone  the 
-whole  trade  in  beaver-skins.  It  only  burdened  itself  with  this  post  with 
the  object  of  preventing  this  irregularity,  and  of  reducing  the  [trade  in] 
lieaver-skins  to  the  least  that  may  be  possible. 

Whatever  prohibitions  may  be  laid  on  the  proprietor  of  this  post,  at 
-whatever  quantity  may  be  fixed  the  beaver-skins  he  may  supply  every  year 
to  the  Colony,  he  will  always  find  means  of  getting  as  many  through  as  he 
likes,  under  borrowed  names,  and  by  the  trail  of  the  savages  even.  This 
point  is  of  the  utmost  importance,  and  of  itself  may  cause  the  ruin  of  the 

Authority  will  be  granted,  it  is  said,  to  the  Colony  to  establish  an  In- 
spector at  Detroit  in  order  to  watch  over  the  conduct  of  the  proprietor. 
That  is  something;  but  what  can  private  interest  not  effect?  A  small 
-share  which  this  proprietor  will  give  this  Inspector  in  the  profits  he  will 
make  by  his  trading  will  very  soon  corrupt  him.  However  that  may  be, 
if  it  appears  right  and  almost  indispensable  to  leave  this  post  in  the 
liands  of  M.  DelaMotte,  granting  the  first  points  of  which  mention  has 
been  made,  the  Colony  confirms  itself  to  requesting 

1st.  To  be  reimbursed  its  advances  after  having  rendered  an  account 
tof  them]  before  the  Governor  and  the  Intendant;  and  that  for  this  pur- 
yose  M.  de  la  Motte  should  be  ordered  to  go  down  at  once  to  Quebec. 

2nd.  Only  to  be  bound  to  receive  from  M.  DelaMotte  annually  at  most 
15000  #'s  worth  of  beaverskins  coming  from  Detroit,  for  the  reasons 
-deducted  above. 

3rd.  That  it  may  be  allowed  to  appoint  an  Inspector  at  Detroit,  an  up- 
Tight  man,  who  shall  take  cognizance  of  the  messengers  M.  de  Lamotte 
«ends  to  the  savage  tribes,  and  who  may  oppose  his  sending  boats  to  trade 
w^ith  the  Outaouas,  or  elsewhere. 

4th.  That  this  Inspector,  on  his  arrival  at  Detroit  bearing  the  orders 
from  the  Court  to  M.  de  LaMotte,  shall  make,  in  conjunction  with  him,  a 
^general  Inventory  of  the  fort,  of  the  arms,  implements,  merchandise  and 

Digitized  by 



Other  iNX»patT,  wbick  InTentorr  M.  de  LjiMotte  shall  be  bound  to  si^ 
before  going  down  to  Qnebec  to  adjust  the  accounts. 

5th.  That  if  M.  De  la  Motte  has  changed  his  opinion  in  this  matter, 
or  if  he  does  not  adapt  himself  to  the  conditions  it  maj  please  Mj  Lord 
to  laj  down  for  him.  the  Colonj  shall  be  permitted  to  administer  and 
govern  this  post  for  the  benefit  of  the  sorice  of  the  King  and  for  the  gen- 
end  welfare  of  [the  Colonj],  as  it  promises  to  do  on  the  refusal  of  M.  De 
la  Motte,  if  M j  Lord  aUows  it. 

At  Paris,  the  29th  of  April,  1704 




Vosailles,  Uth  of  Jane,  1704. 

I  hare  received  the  letters  jon  wrote  to  me  on  the  30th  k  31st  of  the 
month  of  August  last,  with  the  papers  which  were  th^^to  annexed. 

I  received  at  the  same  time  the  complaints  of  the  directors  of  the  Com> 
panj  of  the  Colonj  as  to  the  pretended  losses  it  is  making  at  Detroit; 
and,  as  jou  anticipate  it  by  the  offer  vou  make  to  undertake  this  post  at 
your  own  risk  if  that  company  will  appoint  you  to  its  rights,  I  have  pro- 
posed it  to  the  King,  His  Majesty  has  agreed  to  it,  and  I  am  writing  to 
these  directors  that  he  desires  them  to  give  it  up  to  you  on  your  paying 
them  f<^  the  goods  which  they  now  have  there,  and  reimbursing  them  for 
the  useful  erections  they  have  put  up  there.  For  this  purpose  you  must 
come  to  Quebec  to  make  an  agreement  with  them  on  this  basis,  and  to 
take  the  orders  of  MM.  de  Vaudreuil  and  de  Beauharnois  thereon.  The 
will  of  the  King,  then,  is  that  you  should  have  the  management  as  well  as 
the  command  of  this  post,  and  that  you  should  transact  its  trade  for  your 
profit  as  the  Company  could  have  done.  His  Majesty  indeed  places  a  re- 
striction on  it  which  is  (since  the  Colony  will  henceforward  not  be  able 
-to  do  more  [trade]  in  beaver-skins  than  a  hundred  and  fifty  thousand 
[livres']  worth  a  year,  the  new  commissioners  with  whom  it  has  been 
necessary  to  come  to  terms  not  being  obliged  to  pay  for  more  than  that 
sum  with  bills  of  exchange)  that  His  Majesty  has  reduced  the  trade  in 
beaverskins  which  you  may  do  to  fifteen,  or  at  least  twenty  thousand 
livres  a  year,  leaving  you  however  at  liberty  to  trade  in  other  skins 

♦For  notice  of  Riverin  see  N.  Y.  Col.  Doc.  IX,  585.— C.  M.  B. 

Vol  2.  p.  846. 

Digitized  by 


188  ANNUAL    MEETING,    1903. 

to  whatever  sum  you  think  fit.  But  on  the  other  hand  Hia  Majesty  con- 
sents to  release  you  from  the  sum  of  ten  thousand  livres,  which  you  offer 
to  pay  him  annually,  until  further  orders. 

His  Majesty  further  forbids  you  to  send  boats  to  Missilimakinak  and  on 
the  lakes,  or  agents  into  the  more  remote  districts,  desiring  that  you 
should  transact  your  trade  at  Detroit ;  but  it  is  open  to  you  to  attract  the 
Savages  there  to  bring  the  said  skins.  And,  in  order  to  avoid  the  com- 
plaints which  the  CJompany  might  unjustly  make  against  you.  His  Majesty 
permits  it  to  keep  an  Inspector  [there]  whom  it  is  to  pay  at  its  own  ex- 

Moreover  His  Majesty  is  issuing  orders  to  MM.  de  Vaudreuil  and  de 
Beauharnois  to  give  you  all  the  help  and  protection  which  may  be  in  their 
power;  he  charges  M.  de  Vaudreuil  to  give  you  as  many  soldiers  as  you 
ask  for,  and  M.  de  Beauharnois  to  have  their  pay  issued  to  them  as  usual, 
you  of  course  bearing  the  cost  of  their  transport.  He  also  orders  them  to 
permit  all  those  who  wish  to  go  and  settle  there  to  do  so;  to  stir  up  the 
Savages  on  whom  you  have  counted  to  go  and  settle  at  Detroit;  and  also 
to  see  you  are  granted  the  missionaries  required  for  that  post. 

With  all  this  assistance,  and  any  other  just  and  reasonable  request  you 
may  make,  which  His  Majesty  will  grant  you,  he  hopes  you  will  succeed 
in  realizing  the  outline  you  have  given  [us]  of  this  post.  From  this  suc- 
cess you  may  expect  favors  from  His  Majesty  proportioned  to  the  service 
you  render;  and  you  may  count  on  my  contributing  on  my  part  to  pro- 
curing them  for  you  as  far  as  I  can.  I  am  explaining  the  intentions  of 
H.  M.  on  this  subject  definitely  to  MM.  de  Vaudreuil  and  de  Beauharnois, 
and  to  the  directors  of  the  Company  so  that  in  the  future  you  may  find 
no  more  obstacles  in  this  post.  I  am  convinced  that,  on  your  side,  you 
will  act  like  a  man  of  honor,  and  will  give  no  ground  for  complaint 
against  your  conduct,  especially  as  regards  the  beaver-skins  the  trade  in 
which  you  will  confine  to  the  said  sum  of  fifteen  or  twenty  thousand 

Matters  being  thus  ordered  you  will  have  no  more  contests  with  the 
Jesuits,  nor  with  anyone — if  these  priests  (who  are  however  able  as- 
sistants) do  not  suit  you — to  furnish  you  with  other  ecclesiastics;  but 
whom  so  ever  you  may  apply  for,  I  recommend  you  to  take  care  that  di- 
vine service  is  conducted  with  propriety,  that  debauchery,  blasphemy  and 
immorality  are  banished  from  this  post,  and  that  all  goes  on  properly 
there.  While  leaving  you  absolute  master  of  all  matters  at  that  place,  I 
hope  you  will  find  means  of  attracting  to  it  the  Savages  on  whom  you  have 
counted;  and  that  you  will  act  so  as  to  give  no  umbrage  to  the.  Iroquois 
nor  any  cause  for  rupture  with  us.  I  must  confess  to  you  that  that  was 
the  only  consideration  which  made  His  Majesty  hesitate  about  your  set- 
tlement of  Detroit ;  hence  you  cannot  be  too  cautious  to  avoid  this  mis- 
fortune which  would  fall  upon  the  rest  of  the  Colony. 

Digitized  by 

Google  . 


I  have  spoken  to  the  directors  of  the  Company  who  are  in  France  about 
the  ox  hides,  for  which  you  say  they  do  not  pay  enough ;  they  contend  that 
they  could  not  pay  more  than  six  livres  for  them  because  they  only  sell 
them  for  ten  in  France,  and  if  they  gave  more  for  them  they  would  lose  by 
it.  As  you  are  allowed  to  transmit  trade  on  your  own  account  without 
passing  it  through  the  hands  of  the  Company,  it  will  be  for  you  to  see 
whether  you  can  give  more  for  them. 

His  Majesty  does  not  think  it  advisable  for  you  to  go  in  search  of  the 
copper  mine  of  which  you  write  to  me ;  you  will  have  enough  business  at 
Detroit  without  wasting  your  energy  on  an  undertaking  like  that,  which 
is  always  liable  to  many  diflSculties  and  to  many  incidental  expenses 
which  cannot  be  foreseen. 

Nor  can  the  concession  you  ask  for,  and  the  erection  of  it  into  a  mar- 
quisate,  be  entertained  at  present;  that  would  not  be  compatible  with  the 
establishment  of  Detroit.  Work  to  compass  the  success  of  this  settle- 
ment, and  after  that  you  shall  not  lack  concessions  nor  even  posts  more 
important  than  that  you  [now]  have. 

I  am  very  glad  to  learn  that  you  had  a  good  harvest  at  Detroit  last 
year ;  the  surest  means  of  establishing  that  post  firmly  is  for  those  who 
dwell  there  t9  have  their  livelihood  assured  there. 

It  is  not  expedient  that  the  chief  of  the  Hurons  or  his  nephew  should 
come  to  France,  and  still  less  to  form  companies  of  soldiers  out  of  his 
savages  to  be  paid  by  the  King.  I  inform  you  above  that  M.  de  Vaudreuil 
will  give  you  as  many  French  soldiers  as  you  wish. 

His  Majesty  permits  you  to  make  grants  of  land  at  Detroit  as  you  tnay 
think  good  and  befitting  the  interests  of  the  new  colony;  also  that  you 
leave  the  soldiers  and  Canadians  who  may  wish  to  marry  there  [at]  lib- 
erty to  do  so  when  the  Fathers  who  discharge  the  duties  of  cur^s  find  no 
legitimate  impediment  thereto. 

His  Majesty  believes  he  has  anticipated  by  the  orders  he  has  given  all 
the  requests  you  might  make,  and  remedied  all  the  inconveniences  of 
which  complaint  has  been  made.  I  may  assure  you  again  that  if  you  suc- 
ceed in  firmly  establishing  this  post,  as  you  promise  and  as  I  hope,  I  shall 
take  pleasure  in  doing  you  a  service  and  in  obtaining  favors  for  you 
from  His  Majesty. 

Signed  Pontchartrain. 

True  copy  Lamothe  Cadillac.    I  have  the  original  here. 

On  the  8th  page,  crossways :] 

Letter  from  M.  de  Pontchartrain  to  M.  de  la  Motte,  of  the  14th  June, 

Digitized  by 


190  ANNUAL   MEETING.    1903. 

14th  op  JUNE  1704.      PARAGRAPH  9. 

indexietterA.  While  leaving  you  absolute  master  in  all  things  at  this  place,  I  hope  you 
will  find  a  means  of  attracting  thither  the  savages  on  whom  you  have 
counted,  and  that  you  will  act  in  such  a  manner  as  to  give  no  umbrage  to 
the  Iroquois,  nor  [any]  opportunity  for  a  rupture  with  us.  I  must 
acknowledge  to  you  thai  this  was  the  only  thing  which  caused  His  Maj- 
esty to  hesitate  as  to  your  settlement  of  Detroit;  you  cannot,  therefore, 
be  too  circumspect  in  order  to  avoid  this  misfortune  which  would  recoil 
on  the  rest  of  the  Colony. 


iDdezietterA.  His  Majesty  permits  you  to  grant  lands  at  Detroit  as  you  think  fit  and 
expedient  for  the  interests  of  the  new  Colony;  and  to  leave  the  soldiers 
and  Canadians  who  wish  to  marry  there  free  to  do  so,  as  long  as  the 
ecclesiastics  discharging  the  functions  of  parish  priests  find  no  just  im- 



Speech    of    the    Savages  of  Detroit,  Answers    of  the    Sounoutonouans  to 

Hurons,  Outaouas,  and'Mlamis  to  the  the   tribes   of    Detroit,   Hurons,    Outa- 

Iroquois  Sounoutonouans;    the   30th  of  ouas,  and  Miamis;  the  31st  of  July  1704. 

July,  1704.  We  are  rejoiced,  my  brothers,  Hurons, 

Our    custom,    my    brothers,    as    you  Outaouas,  and  Miamis,  to  see  you  come 

know,   is   to   use   calumets;    hence    we  to  our  village,  and  we  received  the  calu- 

present  one  to  you.    We  invite  you  to  met  you  bring  us  with  confidence, 

receive  it  with  eyes  of  friendship  and  We  know  your  customs  and  we  also 

goodwill.     We  pray  that  the  sky  and  follow  them.    Our  warriors  are  all  fur- 

the  sun   may   be   ever  calm  and   ever  nished    with   calumets    for  singing  of 

bright,  and  that  no  cloud  may  darken  war,  and  listening  to  peace.     It  is  true 

or  hide  it.  that  those    we  are    now  bearing    are 

Presents  given — a  Calumet.*  dyed  with   the   blood   of  our  enemies, 

You    warriors  on    your    part,    whose  and  seem  red,  and  that  our  bodies  are 

name    is    known    throughout    all    the  covered  with  that  of  our  brothers  slain 

earth,  bear  calumets  with  you  all  red  by  the  Agoiatonous  as  you  tell  us.    This 

*The  Indians  not  having  any  written  language  were  compelled  to  rely  upon 
symbols.  At  their  Councils,  the  speaker  raising  in  his  hand  a  calumet,  belt,  skin, 
or  some  beads,  would  tell  his  hearers  what  the  article  was  intended  to  represent, 
and  the  acceptance  of  this  emblem  by  them  constituted  a  contract  to  remain  in 
force  until  the  symbol  was  surrendered  to  the  party  giving  it. — C.  M.  B. 

Vol.  2,  p.  892. 

Vol.  5,  p.  wa 

Digitized  by 




with  the  blood  of  your  enemies.  We 
want,  today,  to  wipe  them,  that  the 
pain  which  you  feel  for  your  dead  may 
be  forgotten,  and  that  which  your 
enemies,  (now  become  your  allies  by 
the  general  peace  which  our  father 
Onontio  has  given  to  all  the  tribes), 
might  feel  at  seeing  this  blood  thus 
marked  on  your  calumets.  We  would 
also  wipe  away  that  which  seems  still 
to  flow  on  your  bodies. 

A  Belt.    • 

Long  had  we  taken  counsel  in  our 
village  on  coming  to  mourn  with  you; 
but  how  should  we  have  been  received 
if  we  had  not  possessed  assured  knowl- 
edge of  those  who  had  destroyed  you. 

You  would  perchance  have  accused 
us  either  of  the  act  itself , or  of  being  in 
league  with  your  enemies.  Now  that 
we  know  who  are  guilty,  we  come  to 
name  them  to  you;  it  is  the  Agolat- 
anous.  There  are  flve  dead  on  the  spot, 
and  five  prisoners  who  are  at  peace  on 
the  mat  in  their  villages. 
A  Robe  of 

This  robe  is  to  cover  the  dead,  that 
they    may    rouse     secret    impulses    of 
vengeance  in  the  hearts  of  the  living. 
A  Belt 

We  likewise  are  to  be  pitied,  my 
brothers,  for  we  have  lost  four  persons 
who  have  been  killed  by  the  same 

China  Beads. 

If  the  whole  tribe  were  contained  in 
this  village,  we  should  be  convinced 
that  our  course  would  be  understood 
in  all  the  huts.  But  we  fear  that,  as 
you  are  so  numerous  -  and  so  distant, 
this  message  which  we  give  you  from 
the  bottom  of  our  hearts  may  tarry 
here  and  may  not  be  able  to  spread  to 
the  end  of  your  villages;  and  that  some- 
one, in  ignorance  of  it,  may  disturb  the 
peace  and  rest  which  we  hope  to  enjoy 
under  the  general  peace.  Hence  we  in- 
vite you  to  have  it  spread  throughout 
all  your  lands,  and  amongst  all  your 

A  Belt. 

We  beg  you  to  permit  us  to  bring  you 

news  removes  from  us  the  doubt  we 
felt,  whether  that  could  be  the  tribe 
which  had  attacked  us.  Tou  know,  mj 
brothers,  our  customs  which  are  to- 
avenge,  or  to  perish  in  avenging  our 
dead;  but,  to-day,  when  the  heavens  tell 
us  that  the  sun  Is  shining  in  favor  upon 
us,  you  and  we  who  have  been  murder- 
ously attacked,  must  wipe  away  our 
blood  and  our  tears  until  we  have  spoken, 
to  our  father  Onontio,  who,  in  the  gen- 
eral peace,  reserved  to  himself  the- 
right  of  doing  Justice  for  us  on  whom- 
soever should  not  abide  by  his  words. 
We  have  received  your  present  to  wipe 
the  blood  from  our  bodies  and  to  wash 
our  calumets.  Receive  ours  for  the* 
same  purpose.  Believe  not  the  false 
words  which  creep  in  secretly  like  ser- 
pents and  inspire  you  with  fear  of  us; 
they  are  always  telling  you  that  we  are 
going  to  devour  your  village.  Fear 
nothing;  be  assured  that  we  wish  to- 
live  in  close  alliance  with  you,  and  thls^ 
I  ratify  with  you  by  this  belt. 

You  were  misinformed  when  yovt 
were  told  that  your  message  did  not 
get  past  the  Sounoutonouans.  How- 
could  they  tell  you  this  falsehood?  You 
have  never  said  aught  to  us  that  has 
net  been  faithfully  reported  to  our 
brother  L'Anglois;  and  to  prove  this 
my  saying  to  you,  you  have  now  five^ 
boats  which  have  come  by  the  river 
of  the  Onontaguez.  It  is  Amabauso,  it 
iH  Oanatagonioun.  Thus  you  see,  my 
brothers,  that  it  was  without  cause  that 
they  told  you  that  your  message  was 
not  in  our  village  since  the  road  has 
been  open  for  you  to  go  to  Orange.  And 
in  order  that  you  may  have  proofs  of 
the  sincerity  of  our  hearts,  we  give  you 
this  powder  to  keep  you  here  until  we 
have  answers  from  all  the  dwellings 
and  also  from  Pltre  Seul  to  whom  we 
are  sending  your  words.  They  shall, 
set  out  tomorrow  for  that  purpoM. 

Digitized  by 


192  ANNUAL    MEETING,    1903. 

fuel  to  keep  up  the  Ck>uiicil  fire  here, 
that  our  minda  may  ever  be  enlightened 
for  the  utterance  of  wise  thoughts,  and 
that  all  may  hold  ever  the  same  opinion, 
namely  to  harken,  as  we  do,  to  Onontio 
our  common  father. 

A  Belt 

Remember,  my  brothers,  it  is  to  this 
you  should  give  ear,  remember  the  belts 
we  have  exchanged,  one  with  another, 
In  order  to  signify  that  if  there  should 
fall  any  tree  between  us  we  are  to  cast 
it  out  without  looking  at  it.  These  are 
our  thoughts;  these  are  the  words 
which  proceed  from  the  depth  of  the 
hearts  of  our  old .  men  and  our  war- 
riors. We  ask  you  to  be  of  the  same 
mind,  and  that  this  may  be  the  will  of 
the  whole  tribe  of  the  Iroquois. 
A  Belt. 

It  is  now  with  the  Sounoutonouans 
that  we,  that  we  who  come  from  afar, 
will  light  our  council-fire. 
A  Belt 

Fear  nothing,  O  ye  Sounoutonouans; 
we  will  never  think  of  doing  any  hos- 
tile act  against  you,  nor  against  your 

A  Robe  of 

That  you  may  be  convinced  of  the 
sincere  feelings  of  our  hearts,  we  will 
leave  our  spirits  with  you,  although 
they  have  been  there  for  a  long  time. 
Unite  them  with  yours,  so  that  they 
may  form  but  one  heart  and  one  and 
the  same  will. 

A  Robe  of 

We  inform  you  that  Agothea,  head- 
man of  the  tribe  of  the  Miamis,  is  the 
ruler  of  four  tribes;  he  directs  their 
afPairs,  he  decides  upon  all  matters  at 
his  pleasure. 

A  Robe  of  Beaverskin. 

Accept  this  robe  in  return  for  hav- 
ing taken  care  of  the  bones  of  the  Chief 
of  the  Miamis  who  died  in  your  village 
last  winter.  He  could  not  wish  to  die 
more  comfortably  than  among  his 
brothers.  We  leave  him,  hoping  that 
he  will  be  safe  there  and  at  rest. 

Digitized  by 




Speech  of  the  Hurons  of  Detroit  to 
the  Governor-General  on  the  7th  of 
August,  1704. 

You  have  told  fiie,  my  children  that 
you  came  partly  to  testify  to  me  of  the 
joy  you  felt  because  the  great  Onontlo 
had  appointed  me  to  be  your  father  in 
this  country;  for  this,  I  thank  you. 

You  have  also  informed  me,  by  a 
belt,  that  the  Oyatauous  had  slain  some 
of  your  men;  but  that  remembering 
the  promise  you  had  given  to  your 
father  at  Montreal,  you  had  not  at- 
tempted to  avenge  yourselves  until  you 
should  learn  my  counsel;  and  that  you 
begged  me  to  remember  that,  when  the 
general  peace  was  made,  that  It  was 
ordered  that  any  tribe  which  be  attacked, 
should  not  avenge  itself  but  should 
carry  its  complaints  to  its  father;  and 
that,  if  the  one  which  had  attacked  it 
did  not  make  reparation,  all  the  tribes 
— should  band  themselves  together  to 
devour  it.   . 

I  am  obliged  to  you,  my  children,  for 
having  remembered  the  promise  you 
gave  to  your  father,  and  for  coming 
here  with  your  complaint  of  this  in- 
stead of  avenging  yourselves.  I  had 
already  learnt  from  M.  de  la  Mothe 
that  the  ^  Oyatauous  had  wrongfully 
s]ain  three  of  your  men,  namely  a 
Huron,  an  Outavois,  and  a  Poutouat- 
amy;  and  I  have  dispatched  the  Sr.  de 
Vlncenne,  whom  you  must  have  met,  to 
go  and  Inform  the .  Oyatauous  that  it  is 
my  will  that  they  should  give  you  satis- 
faction and  should  make  amends  for 
this  wrongful  act,  or  I  will  Join  with 
my  other  children. to  compel  them.  M. 
de  Tonty  sends  me  word  that  the 
Oyatauous  have  come  to  Detroit  and 
that  they  have  set  matters  right,  and 
have  given  satisfaction  to  the  Outavois 
and  to  you;  that  they  have  promised 
to  do  so  also  to  the  Poutouatamy.  I  re- 
joice, my  children,  to  see  that  the  land 
is  united,  and  that  tranquility  reigns 
among  you.  I  give  you  this  belt  to 
exhort  you  ever  to  be  of  the  same 
mind;  and  I  give  you  provisions  and 
IK>wder  to  make  the  way  of  your  return 
easy  to  you  and  I  enjoin  you  to  take 
care  of  what  I  commit  to  your  charge 
for  M.  de  Tonty,  to  give  to  such  of  your 
elders  as  I  name  to  him,  because  they 
have  obeyed  my  voice. 

Vol  6,  p.  961. 


Digitized  by 


194  ANNUAL   BiEETINO,    1903. 

Endorsed — Colonies.    M.  de  Ramezay/    14th  of  Novr.  1704. 

My  Lord, 

•  •  •  • 

The  younger  Rignolt  and  his  brother  Vandry  has  permission  to  go  and 
trade  with  the  Outaouais  under  the  pretext  of  going  to  the  Illinois,  for 
the  Srs.  de  Tonty  and  de  la  Forest ;  this  boat  alone  took  two  hundred  pots 
of  brandy,  which  they  sold  at  Misilimakinae.  The  two  Chauvins,  Beamus 
and  Richard,  have  also  taken  two  boats  under  pretext  of  going  to  the  Illi- 
nois for  the  Srs.  de  Tonty  and  de  la  Forest,  and  have  traded  with  their 

goods  at  Missilimakinac,  with  the  Miamis,  and  at  other  posts. 

•  •  • 

I  have  thought  it  my  duty,  My  Lord,  in  the  position  I  hold,  to  inform 
you  of  the  case  they  have  got  up  against  one  of  our  oflScers,  named  M. 
de  la  Mothe  Cadillac  who  commands  at  Detroit  by  the  orders  of  the  Court. 
He  has  the  honor  of  being  known  to  you.  My  Lord,  and  I  feel  obliged  to 
say,  pn  his  behalf  that  he  has  always  discharged  his  duty  well,  and  has 
executed  himself  well  in  the  work  that  has  been  intrusted  to  him  for  the 
King's  service.  So  that,  because  he  has  acted  most  uprightly  by  denounc- 
ing the  Sr.  de  Tonty  and  two  agents  of  the  Company  at  Detroit,  who  have, 
in  effect,  been  convicted  of  malversation  by  his  having  seized  a  certain 
quantity  of  furs  and  having  discovered  a  much  greater  quantity,  a  suit 
has  been  brought  against  him  in  order  to  render  his  evidence  liable  to  be 
challenged.  This  affair  is  a  scandal  to  the  public  generally,  for  it  is  very 
certain  that  the  Srs.  de  Lobini^res  and  de  Linot,  who  are  the  chief  of  the 
board  of  directors,  have  only  acted  in  this  manner,  as  it  would  appear,  in 
order  to  shelter  the  two  agents ;  and  the  former  is  the  father-in-law  of  the 
Sr.  Arnolt  while  the  latter  is  the  brother-in-law  of  the  Sr.  de  Linot,  who 
have  found  a  powerful  protector  in  M.  de  Vaudreuil,  the  nephew  of  the 
Sr.  de  Lobiniere  by  his  wife. 

If  the  conduct  of  the  Sr.  de  Linot  were  thoroughly  looked  into  it  would, 
I  believe,  be  very  difficult  for  him  to  escape  punishment  for  having  made 
so  much  money  at  the  expense  of  the  Company,  and  above  all  for  having 

^Claude  de  Ramezay  was  born,  according  to  Tanguay,  in  1657,  and  died  at 
Quebec,  August  2,  1724.  He  married  Marie  Charlotte  Denis  at  Quebec  November 
8,  1690.  He  was  in  command  at  Three  Rivers  and  was  subsequently  Governor  of 
Montreal.  He  ceased  to  be  Governor  of  Three  Rivers  as  early  as  October  10,  1700, 
for  by  an  instrument  of  that  date  "Claude  de  Ramezay,  ci-devant  Gouverneur  des 
Trols  Rivieres"  conveyed  to  the  bishop  of  Quebec  his  house  In  that  place. 
A  Travers  les  Reglstres,  85.— C.  M.  B. 

VoU  6,  p.  968, 

Digitized  by 



poisoned  the  Ganadas  with  Hamburg  gnnpowder,  which  is  good  for  noth- 
ing. This  having  been  sold  to  the  savages  has  wronged  them,  and  this 
disgusts  them. 

The  Srs.  Arnold  and  Nollan,  instead  of  being  punished  for  their  dis- 
honesty, have  been  paid  their  wages,  and  the  former  has  gone  up  to  the 
Outauais  with  a  boat  laden  with  goods  although  M.  de  la  Mothe  had  pub- 
licly declared  that  the  said  Arnold  and  Nolan  had  about  six  thousand 
livres'  worth  of  beaverskins  and  furs  at  Michilimakinac,  which  had  been 

stolen  from  the  warehouse  of  the  Company  at  Detroit. 

•  •  • 

Afterwards,  when  the  country  had  extended  and  the  King  had  taken 
over  the  rights  of  the  Company,  the  Jesuits  though  no  longer  able  to  reg- 
ulate the  choice  of  the  Governors  and  the  Intendants,  have  never-the-less 
always  tried  to  keep  up  the  authority  which  they  had  acquired  over  the 
country,  with  a  success  which  has  varied  according  to  the  laxity  or  firm- 
ness of  those  who  have  governed  the  Ganadas;  and  it  has  been  found  that 
those  who  have  deferred  to  them  too  far,  have  not  attained  success  in  the 
King's  service  in  this  Colony.  The  Gomte  de  Prontenac,  whose  birth  and 
merits  are  known,  when  he  arrived  in  Canada,  governed  it  with  so  much 
wisdom  that  he  was  able  to  draw  the  love  and  respect  of  the  whole  people. 
It  is  hardly  possible  to  imagine  the  intrigues,  the  plots  wd  the  calumnies 
which  the  Jesuits  made  use  of  at  Court  with  the  object  of  dislodging  him 
from  his  first  governorship,  on  which  he  would  never  communicate  with 
them,  any  more  than  in  their  last  reign.  I  can  confidently  assert  that  ^t 
would  be  very  difficult  to  find  one  who  would  do  so  much  good  for  the 
country,  and  would  know  so  well  how  to  govern  it.    The  only  fault  he  had 

was  that  of  seeking  too  eagerly  after  honors. 

•  •  • 

But  as  regards  the  Jesuits,  although  at  the  bottom  of  their  hearts  they 
do  not  approve  of  it,  there  is  no  likelihood  of  them  complaining  of  it  be- 
cause they  are  not  triumphant. 

Instead  of  distributing  according  to  His  Majesty's  intentions  the  two 
thousand  crowns  which  he  is  good  enough  to  present  to  the  best  families 
in  this  country,  a  part  of  the  sum  is  given  at  their  urgent  request,  to 
peasants,  dependants  of  theirs.  They  play  the  chief  part  in  the  govern- 
ment ;  nothing  is  considered  without  their  councils,  which  are  often  held 
at  their  houses;  moreover,  that  suits  their  private  interests,  as  I  shall 
have  the  honor  of  making  known  to  you.  My  Lord. 

The  men  named  Despins  and  Desriusseaux,  under  the  pretext  of  going 
up  to  take  the  four  hundred  livres'  worth  of  goods  which  are  required  for 
the  mission  of  the  reverend  Jesuit  fathers,  have  together  with  some  sav- 
ages, taken  three  boats,  which  were  loaded  with  merchandise  and  brandy, 

Digitized  by 


196  ANNUAL   MEETING,    1903. 

and  these  they  have  sold  to  the  rebels,  which  has  tended  to  prevent  them 

from  taking  advantage  of  the  amnesty. 

»  •  » 

My  Lord, 
Your  very  humble,  most  obliged  and  very  obedient  servant, 

De  Ramezay. 
Quebec  this  14th  of  Nov.  1704. 


Endorsed — MM.  de  Vaudreuil  and  de  Beauharnois. 
17th  of  Nov.  1704.    Colonies. 

My  Lord, 

«  »  » 

The  Sr.  de  Vaudreuil  having  learnt  at  Montreal,  where  we  then  were, 
that  the  Sr.  de  la  Mothe,  having  been  warned  of  the  request  which  had 
been  made  to  us  at  the  general  assembly  last  year  to  ask  you  that  the 
post  of  Detroit  might  be  abandoned,  and  fearing  to  lose  that  command, 
had  incited  the  savages  of  that  post,  without  it  appearing  to  proceed  from 
him,  to  demand  of  him  that  the  agent  whom  the  Board  of  Directors  had 
sent  by  the  first  convoy  to  relieve  the  one  of  whom  the  said  Sr.  de  la  Mothe 
had  complained  should  be  dismissed,  or  else  they  would  kill  him,  and  to 
declare  that  they  would  not  permit  the  furs  which  were  in  the  Company's 
warehouses  at  Detroit  to  go  down  until  the  Board  of  Directors  had  sent 
a  second  large  consignment  of  goods ;  which  we  learnt  from  some  savages, 
who  acquainted  us  that  the  said  Sr.  de  la  Mothe  went  down  to  Montreal 
and  caused  a  request  to  be  presented  to  himself  in  council,  by  the  prin- 
cipal chiefs  of  those  who  were  settled  at  Detroit,  by  two  belts  which  they 
presented  to  him,  (which  they  told  us  the  said  Sr.  de  la  Mothe  had  sup- 
plied them  with  for  that  purpose) ,  that  as  a  pledge  that  he  would  return 
to  command  at  the  said  post,  and  that  the  former  Agent  would  also  return 
there,  they  should  leave  their  wives  there.  The  said  Sr.  de  Vaudreuil  has 
proofs  of  this,  despite  the  precautions  which  the  said  Sr.  de  la  Mothe 
took,  by  making  the  French  sign,  who  were  at  the  said  fort  and  present 
at  the  Council,  and  even  the  agent  in  question,  and  the  almoner  of  the 
post  who  had  given  account  of  the  reasons  he  had  for  doing  so,  to  the  said 
Sr.  de  Vaudreuil. 

As  the  Board  of  Directors  was  obliged  to  send  a  second  convoy  to 
bring  back  its  furs,  the  Srs.  de  Vaudreuil  and  de  Beauharnois,  fearing 
lest  the  chiefs  whom  the  said  Sr.  de  la  Mothe  had  won  over  to  his  inter- 

Vol.  6,  p.  937. 

Digitized  by 



ests  should  do  anything  contrary  to  the  welfare  of  the  country  (for  he 
had,  as  it  were,  given  them  to  underatand  from  the  demands  he  had  got 
them  to  make  to  him  that  we  feared  them  as  if  we  dared  not  refuse  them) , 
though  they  could  not  find  any  person  more  capable  of  bringing  them  to. 
their  senses  than  the  Sr.  de  Louvigny,  major  of  Quebec,  who  was  in  com- 
mand of  them  at  Missillimakinac.  He  induced  these  savages  to  obey  the 
orders  of  the  said  Sr.  de  Vaudreuil,  and  sent  down  a  part  of  the  furs 
which  were  at  the  said  post ;  and  they  confessed  to  him  that  all  that  they 
had  done  before  had  been  only  through  the  advice  of  the  said  Sr.  de  la 
Mothe.  whose  wife  he  brought  back.  And  the  Srs.  de  Vaudreuil  and  de 
Beauharnois  hope,  My  Lord,  that  you  will  perceive  that  it  is  only  for  the 
good  of  the  country  that  they  have  labored  in  this  matter,  in  which  several 
persons,  on  account  of  private  interests,  have  secretly  interfered  more 
than  they  ought  to  have  done,  angry  at  seeing  us  acting  with  a  knowledge 
which  has  disconcerted  them,  after  having  tried  in  vain  to  alter  it. 

The  Directors  immediately  after  the  arrival  of  the  Sr.  de  la  Mothe  at 
Quebec,  complained  of  the  expenses  he  caused  to  the  Company,  and  re- 
quested permission  to  lay  an  information  against  him,  in  a  petition  pre- 
sented to  the  Sr.  de  Beauharnois.  who  replied  to  it  and  requested  M.  de 
Bamezay  who  commanded  at  Quebec,  in  conformity  with  the  object  of  the 
said  petition,  to  keep  the  said  Sr.  de  la  Mothe  there  until  he  had  answered 
it.  The  latter  declared,  by  a  protest  which  he  caused  to  be  made  known 
to  the  said  directors  that  he  recognized  neither  the  Sr.  de  Beauharnois, 
nor  even  the  said  Sr.  de  Vaudreuil,  as  his  judges;  but  this  has  not  pre- 
vented the  s  proceeding  with  the  preparation 
of  that  case,  with  which  the  King  has  honored 
him,  he  is  b  competency ;  and  we  believe  that 
the  said  Sr.  both  only  after  he  had  been  in- 
formed thai  he  had  induced  the  savages  of 
Detroit  to                                                      service  and  the  welfare  of  the 


»  • 

MM.  de  V  who,  My  Lord,  have  been  lenient 

enough  not  ire  of  whom  they  have  reason  to 

complain, — although  thfese  persons  made  use  of  many  means  for  the  pur- 
pose of  setting  them  at  variance,  with  one  another,  and  even  imposed 
upon  the  piety  of  a  bishop 'under  the  pretext  of  keeping  families  at  peace. 
— have  just  learnt  that  the  Sr.  de  Ramezay,  on  advice  of  the  Srs.  de  la 
Mothe,  d'Auteuil,  &  Aubert  and  Mme.  la  Forest,  and  others,  united  by 
the  hope  of  a  future  trade  at  Detroit,  on  the  evening  before  he  set  out  for 
Montreal  notified  the  Directors  of  the  annexed  protest  against  the  choice 
which  the  said  MM.  de  Vaudreuil  and  de  Beauharnois  have  made  of  the 
Sr.  Pascault  in  preference  to  the  Sr.  Aubert. 

Digitized  by 


198  ANNUAL  MiBBTING,   1908. 

It  is  also  with  these  same  objects  that  we  take  the  liberty  of  represent- 
ing to  you  that,  if  Detroit  is  made  use  of  as  the  Sr.  Biverin  writes  to  the 
Board  of  Directors,  the  trade  of  Montreal  which  has  already  fallen  away 
will  be  entirely  mined  in  less  than  fonr  years.  Of  this,  My  Lord,  the 
Sr.  de  la  Valliere,  major  of  that  place,  will  be  able  to  give  you  a  faithful 

•  •  •  • 

Tour  very  humble,  very  obedient  and  most  obliged  servants, 

Quebec,  the  17th  of  Nov. 


Endorsed— 19th  Nov.  1704. 

Canada.  La  Mothe  Cadillac  gives  an  account  of  his  conduct  concerning 
the  establishment  of  Detroit  by  questions  and  answers;  it  is  Monseig- 
neur  who  questions  him  and  Lamothe  replies.  Q.  signifies  the  question ; 
A.  the  answer. 

Q.  Was  it  not  in  1699  that  you  propose*  ^;vxe  the  establishment  of 
Detroit  which  divides  Lake  Erie  from  Lake^HurOa? 

A.    Yes,  My  Lord.  ji      \. 

Q.  What  were  the  motives  you  had  iir*'^ish^ng  lb  fortify  that  place, 
and  establish  it?  '        .  »  * 

A.  I  had  several.  The  first  was  to  make  ^  strong  post  of  it,  which 
should  not  be  liable  to  the  revolutions  of  the  other,  posts,  by  getting  it  in- 
habited by  a  good  number  of  Frenchmen,  and  savages,  in  order  to  subdue 
the  Iroquois  who  have  always  spoiled  the  Ooldpy:  and  have  prevented  its 

Q.  That  would  be  good  if  what  you  prox)Ose  could  be  achieved  without 
great  difficulties;  but  it  appears  to  me  that  instead  of  strengthening  the 
Colony  by  this  establishment,  it  would  weaken  it,  since  it  would  divide 
the  strength  of  the  French? 

A.  That  would  be  true  if  the  Iroquois  were  established  near  the  French 
settlements;  but  as  the  strength  of  that  tribe  consists  in  distance,  it  is 
absolutely  essential  to  advance  towards  it,  because  when  it  is  a  question 
of  attacking  them  in  their  villages,  the  French  have  to  make  long  move- 
ments [and]  march  in  large  numbers,  which  puts  the  King  to  immense 

Vol  2,  p.  «28. 

Digitized  by 



expense;  and  often  the  result  of  the  march  is  [merely]  to  kill  four  or  five 
poop  wretches,  because  large  expeditions  cannot  be  formed  without  bustle 
and  without  the  savages  getting  to  know  of  them,  and  this  makes  them 
take  the  course  of  retiring  into  the  woods  when  their  forces  are  inferior, 
by  which  means  they  make  the  raising  of  forces  by  the  French  useless, 
as  well  expensive. 

Q.  I  see  you  are  right,  for  the  large  expeditions  that  have  been  formed 
in  Canada,  and  even  the  general  marches  of  the  whole  Colony,  have  been 
unavailing,  and  have  inflicted  no  loss  on  the  Iroquois  except  laying  waste 
their  crops  which  they  have  done  without  by  means  of  it  prevented  their 
hunting  which  they  have  carried  on  in  the  direction  of  Detroit,  and  this 
has  sufficed  for  their  sustenance,  until  the  following  years'  harvest;  and 
I  see  you  are  going  to  tell  me  that  if  Detroit  were  settled  anfi  strengthened 
with  a  good  number  of  Frenchmen  and  savages,  they  could  shut  off  the 
resource  of  hunting  from  the  Iroquois;  and  that  by  constant  incursions 
that  would  be  made  upon  them,  because  of  the  nearness  of  the  post,  they 
would  be  reduced  to  the  deepest  misery  and  to  perishing  of  famine. 

A.  Your  acuteness.  My  Lord,  is  very  great ;  I  am  sure  that  when  you 
have  heard  the  other  grounds  for  [making]  that  settlement,  you  will 
remain  still  more  convinced  of  the  necessity  for  forming  it.  It  is  indis- 
putable that  all  the  waters  of  the  lakes  pass  through  that  river  at  Detroit, 
and  that  it  is  the  only  practicable  way  by  which  the  English  can  pass  to 
convey  their  merchandise  to  all  the  savage  tribes  that  have  dealings  with 
the  French,  and  that  they  employ  all  [means  they  can]  to  obtain  it. 
Hence  if  that  post  were  fortified  in  due  form,  the  English  would  give  up 
their  confidence  in  the  undertaking  of  absolutely  withdrawing  from  us 
this  trade. 

Q.  I  understand  what  you  say ;  your  argument  is  sound  as  regards  tak- 
ing away  from  the  enemies  of  the  state  the  means  of  going  themselves  to 
trade  in  that  country.  But  how  would  you  prevent  the  savages  from 
going  to  them,  if  they  wish,  and  if  they  are  attracted  there  by  the  favor- 
able price  of  goods? 

A.  I  confess  that  this  is  a  great  attraction  to  them;  but  experience 
shows  us  that  the  savages  who  are  round  about  Quebec,  the  Three  Rivers, 
and  Montreal,  know  perfectly  well  that  their  furs  sell  better  with  the 
English  [and]  that  they  give  them  goods  cheaper,  yet  they  do  all  their 
trade  with  us.  Several  reasons  engage  them  to  this ;  the  first  is  that  each 
savage,  taking  one  with  another,  kills  only  fifty  or  sixty  beavers  a  year, 
and  as  he  is  near  the  Frenchman  he  borrows  from  him,  and  is  obliged  to 
pay  in  proportion  on  his  return  from  hunting,  and  [out  of]  the  little 
which  remains  to  him,  he  is  compelled  to  make  some  purchase  for  his 
family,  and  in  that  way  he  finds  himself  unable  to  go  to  the  English  be- 
cause his  remaining  goods  are  not  worth  the  trouble  of  carrying  further, 
not  being  sufficient  to  repay  him  the  cost  of  his  journey.    The  second 

Digitized  by 


200  ANNUAL.   AOaJBTING,    1908. 

reason  is  that  in  resorting  to  the  French  they  receive  many  flattering 
attentions  from  them,  especially  when  they  are  well  oflP,  making  them 
drink  and  eat  with  them,  and  in  fact  they  [the  French]  contrive  matters 
so  well  that  they  never  let  their  furs  escape ;  hence  the  desire  to  go  to  the 
English  always  exists  in  them,  but  they  are  skilfully  reduced  to  being 
unable  to  put  it  into  execution.  It  is  for  this  reason,  if  Detroit  is  not 
settled,  you  will  see.  My  Lord,  all  the  savages  of  that  district  go  to  the 
English  or  invite  them  to  come  and  settle  among  them. 
Q.    Have  you  not  also  some  other  reason  ? 

A.  Excuse  me,  it  cannot  be  disputed  that  our  savages  used  to  carry 
on  their  hunting  only  to  the  north  of  Lake  St.  Clair,  but  through  this  post 
they  [now]  carry  it  on  as  far  as  two  hundred  leagues  to  the  south  of 
Lake  Erie  inclining  towards  the  sea;  and  consequently  their  furs,  which 
used  to  form  the  greater  part  of  the  English  trade,  are  [now]  carried  into 
the  CJolony  by  means  of  their  savages  and  make  an  increase  in  its  business 
which  is  very  considerable. 

Q.    What  skins  are  obtainfed  in  those  places? 

A.    The  skins  of  the  deer,  roe,  elk, — roebuck,  black  bear,  skins  of  bisons, 
wolves,  otters,  wild-cats,  beaver,  and  other  small  skins. 
In  it«w  and  in        Q.    Are  these  kinds  of  skin  worth  money  in  trade,  and  is  there  found 
wM^deoriel^*^  to  be  a  demand  for  them ;  and  could  not  some  means  be  found  of  employ- 
ing the  savages  in  hunting  for  them,  and  making  them  give  up  hunting 
the  beaver  which  has  lost  its  reputation  as  merchandise  and  is  so  burden- 
some to  France  because  there  is  no  demand  for  it  at  all  ? 
In  1701  this  was      A.    Thcsc  skius  are  now  in  request;  the  skins  of  the  deer  and  roe  are 
Sl^l^f     worth  up  to  16#  each,  those  of  the  Canadian  Elk  up  to  20# ;  the  black 
S^^maSJet***^  bears,  10# ;  those  of  the  roebuck  5# ;  the  others  in  proportion;  therefore 
value  at  aiL      .^  .^  Certain  that  it  will  be  easy  to  employ  the  savages  in  hunting  them 
provided  they  are  supplied  with  goods  to  the  value  of  their  skins; 
and  this  will  be  an  infallible  way  to  create  a  demand  for  beaver  in  the 
kingdom,  since  instead  of  a  hundred  and  thirty  thousand,  which  are 
received  every  year  at  the  office  at  Quebec,  only  about  seventy  thousand 
will  be  received  which  will  make  a  reduction  of  a  good  half  each  year, — 
1  am  not  speaking  of  the  beaver  of  the  Bay  of  Canada. 

Q.  There  are  several  objects  there  which  seem  to  me  good.  Since  it  is 
a  way  of  humbling  the  Iroquois,  and  keeping  them  in  awe;  since  the  ex- 
clusion of  the  English  trade  and  consequently  of  their  power  lies  in  it; 
since  we  profit,  through  it,  by  an  increase  of  furs  obtained  by  taking  them 
away  from  the  enemies  of  the  state ;  we  must  certainly  establish  that  post. 
Order  given  to  If  the  King  approvcs  of  this  design,  I  will  give  you  200  men  chosen  from 
return  to        different  trades  with  six  companies,  in  order  to  make  that  place  capable 

Canada  by  Mgr  r-  ?  r-  x- 

de  Pontcbar-    of  holding  the  Iroquois  in  subjection  in  time  of  peace,  and  of  destroying 
them  if  they  wish  for  war,  and  above  all  that  our  allies  may  be  safe 

Digitized  by 



through  that  protection.    Prepare,  therefore,  to  return  to  Canada  in  order 
to  begin  the  settlement  of  Detroit. 

A.  I  will  go  since  you  order  me  to  do  so  and  because  you  wish  it ;  but 
I  shall  find  many  hindrances  in  making  that  undertaking  successful,  for 
the  Jesuits  in  that  country  are  my  personal  enemies. 

Q.  Go,  but  do  not  trouble  yourself,  urge  this  matter  on  vigorously,  Lamothe  was 
and  if  it  meets  with  obstacles  which  resist  its  being  made  to  succeed  you  ih^^^ordi^** 
have  only  to  return  to  give  me  an  account  of  them. 

Q.  Whence  comes  it  that  you  have  returned,  and  that  you  have  not  Lamothe  re- 
carried  out  the  settlement  of  Detroit?  '  ck^arto 

I  am  informed  that  you  have  neglected  to  insure  the  success  of  this  versaiues. 
scheme.    I  know  you  have  suflftcient  ability  to  have  succeeded  in  it,  if  you  These  are  the 
had  so  wished ;  but  I  shall  punish  you  for  your  sloth,  and  I  will  teach  you  ^w^^SIi?^ 
not  to  present  plans  to  me  which  you  have  no  desire  to  carry  out.  S ilSnotheon 

A.    You  are  not  content,  My  Lord,  with  using  bitter  reproaches  to  me,  ^nlda™'^"^™ 
you  add  threats  also,  which  shows  me  that  some  one  has  done  me  an  ill 
turn  with  your  Highness.    I  can  assure  you  that  I  have  done  my  utmost  Lamothe  gaye 
to  secure  complete  success  for  that  scheme,  and  that  I  have  supported  my  JSo'^gSJIuV* 
proposal  with  all  imaginable  ardor ;  but  I  was  obliged  to  yield  to  the  ^w  in  the^s- 
torrent.    I  will  do  myself  the  honor  to  present  to  you  in  writing  all  that  cfa'nada!'* 
I  did  and  said  on  this  matter  in  the  Assembly,  which  will  vindicate  my 

Q.    The  King  has  again  considered  your  scheme,  and  has  ordered  me  order  and 
to  send  you  back  to  Canada  at  once  to  take  possession  of  Detroit  J^*L^Moth? 
promptly,  wishing  you  to  command  there  until  further  orders.    Go  forth 
at  once,  and  proceed  to  Rochefort  to  embark. 

A.  Those  are  two  very  laborious  journeys,  which  have  exhausted  my 
money  and  that  of  my  friends,  without  counting  the  expenditure  I  shall 
be  obliged  to  make  to  perfect  that  settlement. 

Q.    I  will  take  care  of  you ;  only  act  so  as  to  succeed.  wordsof  Mon- 

A.    Provided  I  am  supported  by  the  honor  of  your  protection  I  am  seigneur. 
confident  of  thoroughly  completing  this  work. 

Q.    How  were  you  received  on  your  arrival  in  Canada? 

A.  Thoroughly  well.  The  Jesuits,  having  had  information  by  the  first 
vessel  that  you  had  resolved  to  have  Detroit  settled,  came  to  the  water 
side  and  showed  me  much  courtesy.  I  returned  it  as  far  as  I  could ;  and 
finally,  when  they  learnt  the  confirmation  of  this  settlement,  they  busied 
themselves  effectively,  in  their  usual  manner,  with  the  Governor-General 
and  the  Intendant  in  order  to  establish  themselves  there  alone  to  the 
exclusion  of  all  other  ecclesiastics  and  monks,  which  was  at  first  granted 
them,  and  they  nominated  Father  Vaillant  to  go  and  take  possession  of 

Q.    At  what  time  did  you  set  out  from  Quebec  to  go  to  Detroit? 

A.     On  the  8th  of  May  1701 ;  on  the  12th  I  arrived  at  Montreal  where 


Digitized  by 


202  ANNUAL   MEETING.    190a 

a  change  was  made,  the  Franciscans  having  obtained  [permission]  fop 
one  of  their  fathers  to  accompany  me  and  to  remain  at  Detroit  as 
Almoner  of  the  troops,  with  the  Jesuit  as  missionary.  This  outrage,  as 
it  were,  against  the  Society  in  that  country  set  it  in  commotion,  for  it 
was  i)ersuaded  that  I  had  done  it  this  bad  turn.  It  was  in  the  interval 
that  it  settled  on  the  task  of  opposing  this  settlement  utterly.  I  set  out 
from  Achine'  on  the  5th  of  June  with  fifty  soldiers,  and  fifty  Canadians, 
MM.  de  Tonty,  a  captain,  Dugu6  and  Chacornacle,  Lieutenants.  I  was 
ordered  to  go  by  the  great  river  of  the  Outavois,  in  spite  of  the  representa- 
tions 1  made  on  the  point.  I  arrived  at  Detroit  on  the  29th*  of  July ;  I 
fortified  myself  there  at  once,  I  had  the  necessary  dwellings  built,  the 
lands  cleared  and  prepared  for  sowing  in  the  autumn. 

Q.  Apparently  Father  Vaillant  contributed  greatly  by  his  exhortations 
to  advancing  the  works. 
THis  was  for-  A.  He  excrtcd  himself  for  this  so  well  that  if  the  soldiers  and  Ganadi- 
MonsefgMur  aus  had  believed  him  they  would  have  set  out  after  two  days  to  return 
gether'Sith  theuce  to  Montreal  on  the  promise  which  this  Father  made  them  that 
tS^edlnpages  he  would  get  their  wages  paid  to  them  by  the  Intendant  for  a  whole  year, 
^^  ^'  although  they  had  been  employed  only  six  weeks. 

Q.  How  did  you  manage  to  learn  bis  ill-will,  and  to  combat  this  in- 

A.  I  perceived  it  from  the  discouragement  everyone  showed  as  to  the 
works,  which  gave  me  occasion  to  sound  a  few  of  the  most  worthy  men 
in  private  about  it ;  and  these  frankly  confessed  to  me  what  this  Jesuit 
had  told  them  in  order  to  persuade  them  to  leave  that  post  and  to  return 
with  him. 

Q.  Did  you  not  make  known  to  this  Father  that  you  had  seen  through 
his  bad  conduct? 

A.  Excuse  me,  this  is  how  the  matter  took  place.  We  were  still  en- 
camped ;  on  leaving  the  [dinner-]  table,  I  had  the  soldiers  and  Canadians 
assembled ;  Father  Vaillant  was  present,  but  he  did  not  know  my  inten- 
tion, nor  that  I  had  discovered  his.  I  asked  the  Canadians  what  reason 
they  had  for  wishing  to  go  back  to  Montreal,  and  I  begged  them  to  tell 
me  who  could  have  imbued  them  with  sentiment  so  opposed  to  the  service 
of  the  King ;  and*  addressing  myself  to  an  officer,  I  requested  him  to  tell 
me  what  he  knew  about  it.  Father  Vaillant  clearly  saw  by  this  speech 
that  the  mine  was  discovered,  and  that  the  moment  was  at  hand  when  he 
would  be  covered  with  shame  and  confusion.  He  took  the  course  of  rising 
from  his  seat  placing  himself  immediately  behind  my  tent,  whence  he 
went  through  the  woods  running  his  hardest,  which  gave  the  soldiers  and 
Canadians  who  saw  him  reason  to  laugh  their  fill  at  it.  My  tent  pre- 
vented me  from  seeing  him.    Having  asked  what  cause  they  had  to  laugh 

'Lechlne  (?). 

•He  arrived  at  Detroit  July  24th. 

Digitized  by 



SO,  one  of  them  said  he  did  not  know  what  I  had  made  Father  Vaillant 
eat,  that  he  was  in  a  great  hnrry  to  get  to  the  woods,  and  that,  by  the  gait 
he  was  going  we  should  apparently  not  see  him  again  very  soon.  I  knew 
from  these  remarks  what  the  matter  was;  I  contented  myself  with  ex- 
plaining to  these  people  the  King's  intentions  and  the  good  of  his  service, 
after  which  they  explained  to  me  nnreservedly  the  cause  of  their  dis- 
couragement which  arose  from  the  instigation  of  this  Father.  I  had  rea- 
son, afterwards,  to  be  more  pleased  with  them. 

Q.  I  see  by  all  that  you  have  just  said  that  this  Jesuit  had  had  no 
other  motive  for  going  with  you  but  that  of  making  your  scheme  abortive. 
I  suspect  also  that  he  resolved  to  return  thence  to  Quebec,  seeing  that 
he  could  no  longer  conceal  his  design. 

A.  I  have  already  had  the  honor  to  tell  you  that  it  was  a  conspiracy 
hatched  with  his  superior  before  his  departure;  and  this  caused  an  ex- 
pense of  a  hundred  pistols  to  the  King. 

Q.  But  did  you  not  point  out  to  him  his  wrong-doing  by  some  repri- 
mand, or  by  some  other  means  which  would  be  disagreeable  to  him  ? 

A.  Not  at  all;  I  thought  it  was  for  the  good  of  the  service  to  keep 
silent.  I  showed  him  as  much  courtesy  as  I  could  have  done  to  an  Arch- 
bishop, contenting  myself  with  informing  the  Governor-General,  and  with 
giving  you  an  account  of  it. 

Q.  I  remember  you  wrote  to  me  about  it.  I  was  also  informed  of  it 
from  other  sources;  that  is  why  his  Superior  at  Quebec  was  ordered  to 
make  him  go  to  France,  and  to  send  you  another  who  would  enter  better 
into  your  spirit  than  the  first  had  done. 

A.  This  expedient  would  have  been  very  good  if  it  had  been  carried 
out.  Examples  of  this  kind  are  marvellous  for  keeping  the  service  of  the 
King  in  order.  But  there  must  surely  have  been  a  contrary  [order],  for 
this  Jesuit  remained  in  that  country  with  more  animus  against  me  than 
ever,  fanning  his  hatred  with  the  members  of  the  Society;  and  although 
that  order  did  not  have  its  effect,  the  Jesuits  were  so  offended  at  it  that 
I  had  no  difficulty  in  understanding  that  they  have  sworn  to  ruin  me  in 
one  way  or  another. 

Q.  It  seems  to  me  however  that  the  late  Chevr.  de  la  Calliere  had  made 
an  arrangement  containing  several  paragraphs  in  order  to  enable  you  to 
dwell  in  perfect  harmony  and  good  understanding  with  the  Jesuits  of 
that  country;  and  I  expected  that  all  the  difficulties  which  could  arise 
would  be  removed,  and  that  the  contents  of  this  arrangement  would  be 
carried  out  on  both  sides. 

A.  It  is  quite  true  that  this  arrangement  might  have  put  an  end  to 
all  disputes  between  us;  but  the  fox  sooner  or  later  eats  up  the  hen.  The 
bad  c6nduct  of  Father  Vaillant  being  recognized;  the  King's  orders  to 
send  him  to  France  having  come;  and  having  on  my  part  discovered  a 
plot  made  between  the  Governor,  the  Intendant,  and  the  Superior  of  all 

Digitized  by 



ANNUAL   MEETING,    1903. 

Threats  of- 
fered to 
Lamothe  by 

the  Jesuits  of  the  country ;  also  M.  de  Tonty,  the  captain  who  had  been 
given  me  to  second  me  in  that  enterprise,  having  betrayed  me;  made  it 
necessary  for  that  Superior  to  subscribe  to  that  agreement  with  a  view 
to  making  peace  only  until  the  departure  of  the  vessels,  in  order  after- 
wards to  proceed  with  the  ruin  of  the  post  of  Detroit. 

Q.  I  see  plainly  that  the  King's  orders  lose  their  force  as  soon  as  they 
have  passed  the  Great  Bank,  and  that  the  Governor-General  and  Intend- 
ant  make  others  after  their  manner. 

A.  It  is  not  they,  who  act  as  they  understand ;  they  are  compelled  to 
yield  to  the  authority  of  the  Jesuits ;  it  is  indeed  true  that,  by  conform- 
ing to  their  will,  and  granting  them  all  they  [ask]  with  a  blind  acquies- 
cence, they  both  fish  in  the  same  fishing  place,  while  the  rest  of  the  people 
groan  and  suffer,  being  yet  forced  to  applaud  the  very  things  they  con- 
demn in  their  hearts  and  in  secret. 

Q.  That  is  what  you  ought  to  have  done.  If  you  had  kept  silenH:,  you 
would  not  have  so  many  enemies,  and  so  many  serious  troubles  would 
not  have  been  stirred  up  against  you. 

A.  I  should  have  treated  them  thus  if  you  had  not  threatened,  when 
I  was  at  Versailles,  to  chastise  me  for  my  indolence,  and  to  send  me  to 
the  Bastile,  if  I  failed  in  firmness  for  carrying  out  this  scheme.  You 
spoke  to  me  in  so  severe  a  tone,  and  you  so  set  alarm  in  my  flanks  and 
fear  in  my  entrails,  that  I  even  preferred  to  expose  myself  to  the  fury  of 
the  lions  of  the  time,  than  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  your  indignation; 
although  in  truth  it  were  hard  to  discern  which  of  the  two  will  be  the 
worst  and  most  dangerous  to  me. 

2nd    CHAITER. 

Q.  I  could  not  dispense  with  granting  the  trade  of  Detroit  to  the  Com- 
pany of  the  Colony,  which  promised  me  to  do  everything  in  its  power  to 
make  that  settlement  a  success. 

A.  If  you  had  known  [what]  its  power  [was]  you  would  have  hoped 
for  nothing  from  it ;  it  is  the  most  beggarly  and  chimerical  company  that 
ever  existed.  1  had  as  lief  see  Harlequin  emperor  of  the  moon.  It  was 
this  company  that  entirely  upset  my  scheme  by  consistently  opposing 
your  intentions  in  an  underhand  manner,  the  whole  being  cunningly  man- 
aged by  the  Jesuits  of  that  country. 

Q.  At  what  time  did  you  learn  the  news  that  the  King  had  granted 
this  company  the  trade  of  that  place? 

A.  I  received  the  first  notice  of  it  on  the  18th  of  July,  1702;  I  was 
requested  by  letters  which  I  received,  to  go  down  to  Montreal  and  Quebec 
in  order  to  make  arrangements  with  this  company  concerning  the  inter- 
ests of  that  settlement. 

Q.  It  seems  to  me  that  I  have  been  told  of  an  agreement  which  the 
directors  made  with  you ;  tell  me  concisely  its  purport. 

Digitized  by 



A.  Since  you  wish  to  know  it,  here  it  is  in  few  words.  I  agreed  with 
the  directors,  by  the  concurrence  and  consent  of  the  Governor-General 
and  the  Intendant,  that  I  should  be  assigned  the  third  part  of  the  trade 
which  should  be  done  in  that  post,  on  which  condition  the  Company 
should  be  relieved  from  [paying]  any  gratuity  to  the  other  oflScers.  The 
most  envious  having  obtained  information  of  this  treaty,  made  some  com- 
motion about  it,  and  thought  it  burdensome  to  the  company.  Hence,  an- 
other agreement  was  made  by  common  consent,  providing  that  the  Com- 
pany should  pay  me  each  year  the  sum  of  two  thousand  livres  and  supply 
me  and  my  family  with  food;  and  that  it  should- pay  also  to  M.  de  Tonty 
thirteen  hundred  and  thirty-three  livres  on  condition  of  doing  no  trade 
directly  or  indirectly  with  the  savages,  and  of  preventing — as  far  as  in 
me  lay — anyone  from  doing  any  in  that  place,  and  of  preventing — so  far 
as  my  knowledge  went — [any]  frauds  and  malversations,  the  directors 
trusting  also  to  my  care  and  my  conduct  for  their  interests.  That  is  the 
main  part  of  the  treaty  which  I  made  with  the  directors. 

Q.    That  is  in  accordance  with  what  I  had  written,  the  King  wishing^ 
you  to  be  given  an  increase  of  salary  as  it  was  not  reasonable  that  you 
should  carry  on  that  settlement  at  your  expense  and  be  excluded  from  the 
trade  of  that  place  which  was  the  only  means  of  indemnifying  you.  This 
deed  is  apparently  executed  before  a  notary. 

A.  That  is  so ;  it  is  agreed  to  by  the  Governor-General  and  the  Intend- 
ant and  signed  by  all  the  directors  and  by  me. 

Q.  You  have  done  well  to  take  all  these  precautions.  Are  there  many 
savages  at  Detroif  ? 

A.  There  are  now  more  than  2,000  souls.  This  place  becomes  peopled 
and  settled  visibly ;  it  can  reckon  four  hundred  good  men  bearing  arms. 

Q.  How  did  you  contrive  to  induce  those  people  to  leave  their  villages, 
their  fields  and  their  crops?  That  must  have  cost  the  King  dear, — I  am 
judging  by  the  heavy  expenditure  made  at  Quebec  and  at  Montreal  for  the 
savages  there,  since  they  are  given  the  soldiers'  ration,  and  are  given  it 
even  down  to  the  infants  at  the  breast,  besides  considerable  presents 
which  are  made  to  them  every  day. 

A.  I  do  not  know  how  I  did  it;  what  I  do  know  is  that  I  have  not 
spent  a  farthing,  and  that  the  Governor-General  and  Intendant  would  not 
grant  me  even  the  value  of  one  pistole  to  make  use  of  on  the  occasion ; 
that  on  the  contrary,  both  of  them,  and  above  all  the  Jesuits,  have  em- 
ployed every  means  and  exhausted  all  their  strength  and  their  ingenuity 
to  prevent  the  savages  from  coming  to  settle  there.  But  all  their  efforts 
have  been  fruitless. 

Q.  But  for  these  hindrances,  it  looks  as  if  the  greater  part  of  the 
savages  would  have  been  mustered  in  that  place. 

A.  That  is  beyond  doubt  for  they  knew  the  goodness  of  the  lands  and 
of  the  climate  which  gives  them  abundance  of  everything. 

Digitized  by 


206  ANNUAL   BiEBTING.    1903. 

Q.  But  why  do  you  say  it  is  such  a  good  country  and  so  fecund  ?  I  f 
that  were  so,  would  all  the  evil  that  is  said  of  it,  be  said?  I  am  eveu 
informed  that  the  land  there  is  worth  nothing;  that  it  produces  no  grains, 
that  there  is  almost  no  hunting  or  fishing,  and  that  there  are  only  lands 
enough  to  place  a  small  number  of  inhabitants.  These  'conditions  have 
obliged  me  to  call  for  the  fullest  explanations  before  pressing  this  settle- 
ment further;  and  for  this  purpose  the  King  wished  that  an  assembly 
should  be  called  together  at  Quebec  in  which  you  should  be  present  in 
order  to  answer  all  these  facts,  not  doubting  that  if  they  are  true  you 
would  have  agreed  to  them  in  good  faith,  and  that  if  they  were  false  you 
would  have  combatted  them  so  keenly  and  clearly  that  they  would  have 
been  obliged  to  give  in. 

A.  When  a  man  wishes  to  kill  his  dog,  he  declares  that  he  is  mad 
[?  Give  a  dog  a  bad  name,  and  hang  him].  Do  you  not  see  once  more 
that  this  is  a  matter  led  and  arranged  by  the  cunning  of  the  Jesuits  who 
have  the  power  of  attaching  to  their  party  the  Governor-General  and  the 
Intendant — ^the  rest  of  the  inhabitants  give  them  no  further  trouble;  and 
their  opinions  are  always  the  conclusions  of  the  Epistles  of  the  Apostles, 
that  is  to  say.  Amen,  of  all,  in  all,  and  for  all  that  the  Society  in  this 
country  wishes.  If  you  had  wanted  to  know  the  truth,  My  Lord,  and  the 
condition  of  that  settlement,  you  could  have  attained  your  end  by  send- 
ing an  honest  man  there,  secretly  and  incognito.  I  say  incognito,  and  an 
honest  man  because  if  he  had  been  known  to  have  been  chosen  to  give 
you  an  account  of  this  matter  he  would  have  had  to  have  been  furnished 
with  effective  preservatives  not  to  feel  the  contagion  and  the  pestiferous 
air  of  this  country.  If  he  had  kept  himself  free  from  it,  he  would  have 
assured  you,  as  I  do,  that  in  all  New  France  there  is  no  land  so  good; 
that  finer  grains  cannot  be  seen,  nor  larger  crops.  As  regards  the  number 
of  inhabitants^  there  is  room  to  place  Asia  and  Persia  there  by  spread- 
ing them  out  to  the  right  and  to  the  left  in  the  depths  of  the  lands ;  they 
must  have  been  very  bold  and  rash  to  have  dared  to  forward  to  you  such 
a  falsehood.  This  proves  how  affairs  are  managed  in  that  country.  In 
reference  to  the  hunting,  there  is  no  district  which  approaches  it;  and  it 
cannot  be  denied  that  more  than  thirty  thousand  animals  have  been  killed 
there  these  three  years.  In  short,  in  what  habitable  country  is  there  more 
hunting  than  at  Detroit? 

Q.  I  believe  you  are  right.  I  now  see  plainly  that  they  are  acting  out 
of  animosity  against  you,  which  makes  me  decide  clearly  that  the  King's 
service  suffers  by  it,  and  that  it  is  necessary  to  look  to  this  disorder.  It 
is  not  diflScult  to  see  that  if  the  lands  are  good  at  Detroit,  there  will 
be  sufficient  com,  and  much  more  than  is  required  for  the  subsistence  of 
the  inhabitants  that  will  be  there;  and  consequently  there  are  no  ex- 
penses to  meet  for  the  transport  of  provisions  as  they  have  sent  word  to 

Digitized  by 



me.  Give  me  also  a  little  explanation  as  to  the  oflPence  this  settlement 
gives  to  the  Iroqnois. 

A.  This  is  a  trick  of  the  opponents  of  this  post  who,  having  learnt 
that  the  Court  wishes  peace  to  be  kept  between  us  and  the  Iroquois,  in  or- 
der to  make  it  waver  as  to  the  increase  of  this  settlement,  make  it  believe 
'  that  the  Iroquois  are  discontented  because  of  it ;  and  yet  that  is  so  untrue 
that  there  are  at  this  very  time  at  Detroit  thirty  families,  of  that  tribe 
who  are  settled  there.  Before  establishing  this  place,  we  were  given  this 
reason ;  you  have  overcome  it,  the  place  is  fortified,  hence  that  objection  is 
now  out  of  date  and  no  importance,  and  as  long  as  Detroit  is  fotlified  by 
the  French  and  by  savages,  the  Iroquois  will  never  make  war  upon 
us.  The  Jesuits  know  it  well  although  they  insinuate  the  contrary ;  but 
in  order  to  attain  their  ends,  they  will  cause  the  Iroquois,  who  wish  for 
peace,  to  be  attacked  by  our  savages. 

Q.  Yet  in  the  assembly  which  was  held  at  Quebec  it  was  agreed  that 
that  was  the  greatest  obstacle  to  keeping  up  this  post.  Why  did  you  not 
set  forth  your  reasons  for  removing  that  difficulty? 

A.  I  had  no  knowledge  of  that  assembly ;  hence  I  could  not  object  to 
what  was  said  or  done  there;  and  the  letter  which  you  did  me  the  honor 
to  write  to  me,  dated  the  20th  of  June,  1703,  was  only  handed  to  me  in  the 
month  of  July,  1704;  I  took  action  in  consequence,  halving  assembled  all 
the  people  who  were  in  Detroit,  and  they  signed  the  contrary  of  all  that 
was  done  in  the  assembly  of  Quebec  (where  the  Governor-General  guarded 
the  door  and  would  let  no  one  go  out  who  had  not  signed  against  this 
post.)  All  the  people  who  were  there  asked  me  for  permission  to  settle 
there,  because  of  the  knowledge  they  had  of  the  goodness  of  the  lands  and 
of  the  country.  You  may  see  it  in  the  resolutions  which  I  take  the  liberty 
of  sending  you,  dated  the  14th  of  June  of  that  year. 

Q.  I  can  no  longer  doubt  that  everything  is  done  in  that  country  by 
intrigue  and  cabal ;  and  I  understand  that,  if  you  had  been  summoned  to 
that  assembly  as  I  wished  and  ordered,  this  matter  would  perhaps  have 
turned  out  differently.  I  see  clearly  that  the  King's  orders  are  altogether 
weakened  beyond  the  Great  Bank,  but  I  will  look  to  it.  What  surprised 
me  this. summer  was  that  the  Governor-General  and  the  Intendant  did  not 
positively  declare  either  for  the  preservation  or  the  destruction  of  this 
post.  Had  they  not  some  private  reason  for  dealing  with  it  thus  of  which 
you  can  inform  me? 

A. ,  It  is  simply  a  counsel  of  the  Jesuits.  Neither  of  them  wished  to 
appear  nor  to  declare  himself  against  this  settlement,  for  fear  that  ex- 
posing their  prejudice  you  might  have  known  that  those  who  formed  the 
assembly  had  given  their  opinions  only  to  adhere  to  those  of  their  supe- 
riors as  they  could  not  act  otherwise  without  risking  their  wrath.  That 
is  why  the  Governor-General  and  the  Intendant  prudently  pretended  to 
maintain  an  apparent  neutrality,  contenting  themselves  with  making  the 

Digitized  by 


208  ANNUAL    MEETING.    1903. 

public  speak,  who  were  made  to  sign  the  crucifixion  of  that  post,  making 
use  of  the  public  voice  without  allowing  it  to  appear  that  they  had  put 
anything  of  theirs  in  it,  in  order  the  better  to  gild  the  pill  for  you. 

Q.  What  you  say  there  might  well  have  been;  you  ought  indeed  rather 
to  have  warned  me  of  it;  [but]  yet  it  may  well  be  that  they  had  some 
other  reason  for  not  declaring  themselves  openly  against  that  post. 

A.  I  am  persuaded  that  they  had  other  reasons  and  that  they  did  not 
show  so  much  discretion  except  because  of  the  fear  they  had  that,  in  caus- 
ing the  fall  of  that  post  in  a  high-handed  manner,  the  condition  and  man- 
agement of  the  Colony  might  be  upset  by  it,  and  that  if  it  should  happen 
that  our  savages  went  over  to  the  English,  or  rather  if  the  latter  came 
and  settled  at  Detroit,  the  Court  would  have  reason  to  reproach  them, 
with  justice.  That  is  why  they  kept  silent,  and  apparently  neutral,  so 
that  in  case  of  an  evil  result,  they  could  exculpate  themselves  and  cast  the 
blame  on  the  decision  of  the  assembly  held  at  Quebec  by  the  order  of  the 
Court.  But  my  opinion  is  that  the  savages  will  not  quit  that  post  at  all, 
whatever  may  be  done  at  Quebec ;  and  that  makes  me  anticipate  that  the 
Jesuits,  in  despair  at  not  being  able  to  succeed,  perhaps  in  league  with  the 
Governor  and  Intendant,  will  cause  war  to  be  got  up  by  our  allies  against 
the  Iroquois,  so  as  in  that  case  to  take  the  final  resolution  to  abandon 
Detroit.    That  is  an  idea  I  have ;  it  may  be  that  1  am  mistaken. 

Q.  That  is  vexatious,  that  you  were  not  present  at  this  assembly  which 
1  ordered  only  in  order  to  inform  myself  thoroughly  as  to  the  necessity 
of  that  settlement ;  nor  am  I  at  all  pleased  at  my  letter  having  been  de- 
livered to  you  too  late. 

A.  You  might  well  be  still  less  so  at  the  evil  trick  that  was  played 
upon  me,  or  rather  at  the  insult  that  was  offered  to  you,  for,  speaking  of 
letters,  I  may  tell  you  that  they  intercepted  and  opened  three  which  I  had 
the  honor  to  write  to  you  last  year ;  that  copies  were  taken  of  them  which 
have  become  public;  and  this  shows  how  little  respect  they  have  in  those 
countries  for  His  Majesty's  ministers,  besides  which  it  is  a  violation  of 
the  law  of  nations,  and  nothing  more  could  be  done  by  the  enemies  of  the 
State,  during  war. 

Q.  What  is  this  you  tell  me  ?  Is  it  really  true  that  there  was  anyone 
audacious  enough  to  open  the  letters  you  addressed  to  me?  Do  they  not 
know  that  it  is  a  sacred  matter,  and  that  such  curiosity  as  this  is  a  crime, 
and  an  atrocious  insult  to  a  Minister  of  State,  and  that  no  one  is  permit- 
ted to  open  the  letters  which  a  commanding  oflScer  writes  to  me  without 
holding  a  permit  from  me  to  do  so? 

A.  This  is  quite  certain,  and  no  one  ought  to  be  ignorant  of  it;  but 
it  is  absolutely  beyond  doubt  that  my  letters  have  been  opened  and  that 
copies  of  them  have  been  made,  I  do  not  even  know  whether  the  orignals 
have  been  sent  to  you.  And  it  is  really  the  purport  of  my  letters  and  of 
this  little  catechism  which  has  stirred  up  against  me  all  the  diflQculties 

Digitized  by 



which  1  have  now  upon  my  handd,  from  which  I  hope  you  will  have  the 
kindness  to  release  me,  by  punishing  the  hatred,  or  rather  the  fury,  of 
those  who  are  plotting  my  ruin,  [?  hatred]  founded  on  this,  that  I  have 
maintained  with  so  much  vigor  the  [advisability  of]  preserving  Fort 
Pontchartrain,  the  success  of  which  they  have  been  unable  in  any  way  to 

Q.  I  understand  you,  and  it  is  not  difficult,  for  me  to  recognize  that,  as 
a  consequence  of  the  letters  you  wrote  to  me  having  been  opened,  your 
personal  enemies  and  those  who  have  opposed  that  post  would  be  much 
fluttered,  because  I  remembered  that  in  your  letters  you  point  out  to  me 
(as  you  do  now)  what  their  type  of  mind  is,  and  the  special  and  general 
reasons  they  had  for  opposing  this  settlement;  and  it  appeared  to  me, 
from  all  you  said  concerning  it,  that  those  who  clamored  so  against  that 
place  acted  only  with  reference  to  their  private  interests,  and  on  account 
of  the  hatred  they  bore  you.  I  see  that  it  increased  in  proportion  as  you 
made  the  settlement  flourish  and  advance.  I  am  very  much  mistaken,  if 
your  enemies  would  not  have  played  their  last  stake  this  year  in  order  to 
upset  your  scheme  entirely,  without  considering  that  in  doing  so  they 
were  thwarting  the  will  of  the  King,  and  sacrificing  the  Colony.  I  fear, 
as  you  have  pointed  out  to  me,  that  if  the  Iroquois  are  kept  in  awe  be- 
cause of  the  fort  of  Detroit,  some  tribes  other  than  those  of  Fort  Pont- 
chartrain might  be  stirred  up  to  make  war  on  the  Iroquois,  in  order  to 
destroy  that  Post  which,  according  to  what  I  know  of  it,  is  not  kept  up 
by  a  strong  garrison. 

A.  There  is  no  other  Minister  so  wise,  so  enlightened  and  so  vigilant 
as  you,  who  can  see  through  the  false  zeal  of  the  opponents  of  the  settle- 
ment of  Detroit,  and  who  can  distinguish  the  injustice  of  my  enemies. 
You  shall  see  the  vileness  of  it  from  the  manner  in  which  I  have  behaved, 
and  from  their  dishonesty. 

3rd  chaptbe. 

Q.  Give  me  an  exact  account,  and  tell  me  without  disguising  anything 
whether  you  are  guilty  of  all  you  are  accused  of,  and  as  to  the  complaints 
which  the  directors  of  the  Company  have  made  against  you,  and  whether 
it  is  true  that  you  have  transacted  trade  and  been  guilty  of  malversations 
at  Detroit.  If  so,  you  have  acted  contrary  to  the  King's  orders,  and  also 
to  the  agreement  you  made  with  them ;  you  will  therefore  be  very  culpa- 
ble. But,  if  you  are  innocent,  justify  yourself  and  prove  to  me  your  integ- 
rity and  your  innocence;  and  be  assured  that,  when  once  I  know  it,  you 
shall  have  my  protection,  for  I  should  be  very  sorry  if  any  wrong  were 
done  you  for  having  done  your  duty  by  supporting  my  intentions. 

A.  If  I  am  guilty  of  any  contravention  of  the  orders  of  the  King,  if  I 
have  traded,  or  been  guilty  of  malversation,  it  is  just  that  I  should  be 

Digitized  by 


210  ANNUAL   MEETING,    1903. 

punished  for  it.  But  I  can  assure  you,  My  Lord,  that  I  am  as  innocent  of 
all  the  calumnies  imputed  to  me  as  the  angels  are  of  sin. 

Q.  But  whence  comes  then  this  cause  of  hatred  and  animosity  which 
people  have  against  you^  which  causes  so  great  an  outcry  against  your 

A.  You  shall  see' the  origin  of  it;  I  am  going  to  give  you  a  detailed 
[account]  of  it,  so  that  you  may  know  what  stuff  they  are  made  of  in 
that  country,  and  how  justice  is  rendered  there. 

Q.  I  am  very  glad  to  be  informed,  but  I  recommend  or  rather  order 
you  to  speak  with  sincerity,  and  that  truth  shall  be  found  in  all  its  purity 
in  everything  you  tell  me,  for  if  you  distort  it,  far  from  finding  in  me  all 
the  protection  your  good  right  deserves,  you  must  expect  only  my  indig- 
nation and  a  double  punishment. 

A.  I  will  take  care  not  to  commit  so  heinous  a  fault;  it  is  only  the 
force  of  the  truth  which  I  maintain,  which  gives  me  the  strength  to  ap- 
pear before  you  with  so  much  perseverance  and  firmness.  This  then  is  the 
origin  of  my  dispute.  I  convicted  M.  de  Tonty  and  two  clerks  of  the 
Company  of  having  traded  at  Detroit,  although  they  were  bound  by  a 
valid  contract  not  to  do  so. 

Q.    Has  this  trading  been  proved? 

A.  It  is  indisputable,  [they]  having  been  caught  in  the  act,  beyond 
the  possibility  of  gainsaying  it. 

Q.  No  doubt  you  seized  the  skins  which  these  clerks  wished  to  smug- 

A.  That  was  so  done ;  but  what  seems  to  me  most  heinous  is  that  these 
skins  were  taken  from  the  Company's  own  warehouse,  or  at  least  it  ap- 
pears that  they  come  from  merchandise  belonging  to  the  Company  which 
they  have  sold  to  the  savages,  converting  the  payment  to  their  own  use. 

Q.  How  and  when  did  you  find  these  packages  of  skins  which  you  say 
you  seized? 

A.  I  found  nineteen  packages  of  them,  of  an  important  kind,  which 
these  two  clerks  had  hidden  in  a  hut  in  a  village  of  the  Hurons. 

Q.  Did  you  question  these  clerks,  and  did  they  agree  that  these  nine- 
teen packages  belonged  to  them,  and  wete  the  proceeds  of  their  trading? 

A.  That  is  so ;  they  did  not  deny  the  fact,  and  both  signed  their  depo- 
sition and  their  own  condemnation. 

Q.  But  in  the  examination  you  must  have  made  of  them,  did  it  appear 
that  these  skins  were  the  proceeds  of  their  own  goods  [which  had  been] 
smuggled,  or  of  those  of  the  Company? 

A.  They  varied  so  in  their  answers  that  it  seems  clear  that  they  plun- 
dered the  Company's  warehouse. 

Q.    Is  that  all  that  you  seized  ? 

A.    There  are  also  four  other  packages  of  beaver  or  other  skins,  which 

Digitized  by 



I  seized  even  in  the  warehouse  of  the  Company,  marked  with  the  mark  of 
M.  Armand  the  principal  olerk. 

Q.  How  did  you  come  to  discover  the  theft  of  these  four  packages  in 
the  warehouse? 

A.  This  was  discovered  through  two  beaver-skins  found  marked  with 
the  mark  of  the  Company's  warehouse,  with  the  number  229,  which  served 
as  a  wrapper  for  forty  roe-buck  skins  passed  [  ?==smuggled].  The  beaver- 
skins  were  not  yet  spoilt  although  they  had  been  thrown  into  a  cellar  full 
of  water,  in  an  empty  house;  and  this  made  me  conclude  that  the  ware- 
house had  been  plundered.  I  went  there  to  pay  it  a  visit,  and  that  was 
the  cause  of  my  finding  these  four  packages  which  M.  Armand,  the  princi- 
pal clerk,  had  concealed  there ;  and  this  proves  beyond  contradiction  that 
it  was  he  himself  who  took  away  the  package  number  229,  and  with  that 
many  others. 

Q.  Are  you  not  aware  that  these  clerks  have  been  guilty  of  great  mal- 
versations, though,  however,  those  are  quite  enough  to  hang  them? 

A.  Pardon  me,  I  know  they  have  smuggled  or  stolen  about  a  hundred 
and  eighteen  packages. 

Q.  What !  a  hundred  and  eighteen  packages !  That  is  a  great  number. 
Explain  to  me  a  little  the  value  of  that  quantity  of  skins,  and  the  sum 
to  which  it  may  amount. 

A.  According  to  my  reckoning,  at  the  current  price,  each  packet  on  an 
average  is  worth  at  least  forty  crowns ;  thus  it  is  a  loss  to  the  Company  of 
more  than  fourteen  thousand  livres. 

Q.  I  have  no  doubt  that  you  warned  the  Governor-General  and  the 
directors  of  the  Company  of  all  this,  so  as  to  remedy  this  irregularity, 
and  to  have  Armand  and  Nolan,  their  two  clerks,  severely  punished. 

A.  I  ^id  so  only  too  well ;  it  would  have  been  better  for  me  to  abide 
by  the  proverb  which  says  that  everyone  must  live,  thieves  as  well  as 
others.  I  wrote  about  it  to  M.  de  Calli^re  whom  I  thought  to  be  living, 
but  who  was  dead  when  my  letter  reached  Montreal ;  consequently  it  was 
handed  to  M.  de  Vaudreuil,  the  General  in  command.  I  wrote  also  of  it 
to  Lotbinieres  one  of  the  directors ;  I  begged  him  in  my  letter  to  send  me 
his  orders  before  the  convoy  left  Fort  Pontchartrain  for  Montreal,  regard- 
ing this  matter,  which  I  had  stated  very  circumstantially,  notifying  him 
that  if  they  wished  to  arrange  it  I  was  content  provided  I  was  secured  as 
regarded  them  and  the  board  of  directors  thinking  that  my  conscience 
would  not  be  burdened  with  it  after  I  had  made  my  accusation,  as  I  was 
bound  to  do  by  the  agreement  I  had  made  with  the  directors. 

Q.  But  whence  comes  it  that  you  accused  these  two  clerks  to  the  Gov- 
emor-General  and  Lotbinierep  only,  and  that  you  did  not  at  first  inform 
all  the  board  of  directors  of  it? 

A.  I  thought  I  ought  to  treat  the  matter  thus  for  two  reasons;  the 
first  because,  an  officer  being  mixed  up  in  this  dishonest  a£Fair,  I  ought  to 

Digitized  by 


212  ANNUAL    MEETING.    1903. 

warn  only  the  Governor-General  of  it  in  order  to  show  my  respect  for 
him ;  and  the  other  because  M.  Armand,  the  principal  clerk  who  was  in 
the  case,  and  was  the  contriver  of  all  this  irregularity,  was  the  son-in-law 
of  M.  Lotbinieres,  and  M.  Lotbinieres,  the  uncle  of  M.  de  Vaudreuil. 

Q.  So  far,  I  do  not  blame  your  conduct.  But  since  M.  de  Calliere  was 
dead,  and  M.  de  Vaudreuil,  the  general  in  command,  received  your  letter, 
apparently  he  will  have  answered  you  and  sent  his  instructions  as  to  what 
you  ought  to  have  done. 

A.  He  did  so,  writing  to  me  not  to  do  anything  in  a  hurry  because  he 
first  wished,  he  said,  to  see  the  Intendant  who  just  then  was  at  Quebec. 

Q.  But  M.  de  Vaudreuil  is  wrong,  for  I  observed  that  you  asked  in 
your  letter  that  an  answer  might  be  given  you  before  the  departure  of 
the  convoy  from  Fort  Pontchartrain,  and  that  you  were  content  that  this 
matter  should  be  arranged,  provided  you  were  secured  as  regards  the 
board  of  directors.  Hence  this  reply  to  do  nothing  hastily  has  no  security 
for  you  from  the  claims  which  the  board  of  directors  might  have  had  un- 
der the  agreement  which  you  had  made  with  it,  by  which  you  undertook, 
as  you  have  told  me  at  the  beginning,  to  prevent  frauds  and  malversa- 
tions; and  I  am  anxious  to  know  how  you  proceeded  on  the  order  of  M. 
de  Vaudreuil. 

A.  When  I  had  received  this  order,  I  was  much  embarrassed,  because 
I  should  very  much  have  liked  to  obey  it;  but  several  reflections  which 
occurred  to  me  weighed  against  it.  The  first  was  that,  if  I  deferred  warn- 
ing the  board  of  directors  of  the  thefts  of  its  clerks,  on  the  departure  of 
the  convoy  which  was  at  the  beginning  of  Sept.,  conducted  by  Nolan  one 
of  the  clerks,  it  could  not  be  informed  of  it  and  loolc  to  it  until  ten  months 
later,  and  this  would  have  been  too  long  a  delay  which  would  have  caused 
the  interests  of  the  Company  to  suffer.  The  second  reflection  was  that 
when  once  the  wages  of  the  clerks  had  been  paid  to  them  there  could  no 
longer  be  any  recovery  from  them,  as  they  were  two  merchants,  in  debt 
and  insolvent,  who  knew  not  which  way  to  turn;  and  this  would  have 
given  the  board  of  directors  cause  for  complaining  justly  against  me,  for 
the  contract  of  these  clerks  contains  a  provision  that  they  shall  lose  their 
wages  if  they  are  found  in  fault.  The  third  reflection  was  that  M.  de 
Vaudreuil  being  as  yet  only  the  commanding  [oflScer],  his  letter  ordering 
that  nothing  was  to  be  done  hastily  was  no  security  for  me,  for  two  rea- 
sons; the  first  because  this  expression  was  not  strong  enough  to  exon- 
erate me  from  the  obligation  I  owed  to  the  board  of  directors  who  could 
have  brought  an  action  against  me  as  to  my  gratuity ;  in  which  I  was  mis- 
taken. The  second  reason  is  that  he  was  then  only  the  commanding  [offi- 
cer] ;  and  that  if  the  Court  had  chosen  anyone  other  than  him  as  Gov- 
ernor-General, he  would  perhaps  have  blamed  me  for  not  having  con- 
formed to  the  agreement  made  with  the  directors,  it  being  very  uncertain 
how  it  would  have  turned  out, — whether  he  would  have  approved  or  found 

Digitized  by 



fault  with  what  had  been  written  to  me  by  M.  de  Vaudreuil,  to  do  nothing 

Q.  I  am  no  longer  troubled  now  as  to  what  you  have  done,  for  I  see 
from  what  you  have  just  said  that  you  lodged  information  against  the 
clerks  with  the  board  of  directors,  and  that  you  forwarded  the  docu- 
mentary proofs  of  it ;  you  did  well  to  act  thus.  I  also  approve  the  steps 
you  took  with  the  Governor-General ;  I  likewise  consider  you  did  well  to 
act  on  the  considerations  that  occurred  to  you  on  reflection  L^t.  "on 
the  reflections  you  made"].  You  do  not  however  tell  me  whether  Lotbi- 
niere  replied  to  your  letter. 

A.  Pardon  me,  [but]  I  should  have  done  still  better  to  have  allowed, 
the  Company's  warehouse  to  be  pillaged  and  plundered  without  saying 
a  word ;  the  directors  only  kept  their  relatives  there  with  this  view.  As 
regards  Lotbinieres  he  replied  stating  that  he  was  grieved  at  his  son-in- 
law's  fault,  and  he  begged  me  to  pardon  him  for  it,  and  that  he  would 
arrange  everything  with  Delino  on  account  of  Nolan  his  brother-in-law 
without  anyone  discovering  it.  M.  Monseignat,  also  the  brother-in-law  of 
Arinand  wrote  to  me  in  the  same  manner;  but  when  I  received  their  let- 
ters it  was  too  late  because  the  convoy  had  set  out  from  Detroit,  and  by 
it  I  had  sent  to  the  board  of  directors  [an  account  of]  the  seizure  made 
from  their  clerks. 

Q.  Explain  again  to  me,  shortly,  who  these  two  clerks  of  the  Company, 
Armand  and  Nolan,  are. 

A.  They  were  formerly  two  shopkeepers  and  managed  their  business 
so  ill  that  they  are  both  overwhelmed  with  debts.  Armand  is  the  son-in- 
law  of  Lofbinieres  and  the  uncle  of  M.  de  Vaudreuil  the  Governor-Gen- 
eral ;  Monseignat  is  Armand's  brother-in-law.  Nolan  is  the  brother-in-law 
of  Delino  and  of  Louvigny;  and  Lofbinieres  and  Delino  are  directors, 
both  councillors.  The  first  has  the  complete  protection  of  the  Governor- 
General  his  nephew ;  and  the  other  that  of  the  Intendant  although  there 
is  no  relationship.  As  regards  the  last  [?  statement]  I  rely  on  the  opin- 
ipn  of  the  public. 

Q.  That  being  so,  I  see  that  your  lot  is  unfortunate  and  still  worse 
in  our  affairs ;  there  is  no  doubt  that  they  had  fixed  on  you  some  ground- 
less quarrel.  I  am  much  mistaken  if  we  shall  not  have  to  pay  very  dearly 
for  all  this  at  the  post  of  Detroit. 

A.  Nothing  can  escape  you ;  your  penetration  is  unbounded,  even  into 
the  most  far  off  countries.  It  is  true  that  I  am  suffering  unheard  of  perse- 
cution for  having  done  my  duty ;  if  you  do  not  have  compassion  on  me,  I 
do  not  see  how  to  extricate  myself  from  it. 

Q.  Let  us  see  what  it  is  you  are  accused  of.  Who  are  they  that  com- 
plain?   What  have  you  done  then  so  [wrong]  ? 

A.     I  have  done  no  wrong  in  this  matter ;  it  is  the  directors  who  make 

Digitized  by 


214'  ANNUAL.   MEETING,   1908. 

complaints  against  me;  it  is  their  clerks,  whom  I  have  convicted  of  frauds 
theft  and  malversation,  who  are  my  accusers. 

Q.  Did  these  clerks  accuse  you  before  you  denounced  them  to  the  Gov- 
ernor and  the  board  of  directors,  and  before  you  convicted  them? 

A.  Not  at  all ;  it  was  ten  months  after  I  had  sent  the  proceedings  to 
the  board  of  directors  signed  by  themselves. 

Q.  Since  that  is  so,  their  accusations  ought  to  be  rejected,  and  deserve 
no  attention.  Yet  I  am  very  glad  to  know  what  the  board  of  directors 
accuses  you  of,  apparently  that  must  be  written  in  the  petition  of  their 

A.  This  is  then  the  first  point  of  accusation,  that  I  compelled  their 
clerks  to  sell  the  goods  to  the  savages  at  a  low  price  and  at  a  loss,  and 
that  it  is  a  clear  act  of  violence. 

Q.    Is  that  true?    Have  you  dealt  with  them  thus,  premeditately? 

A.  It  is  the  greatest  falsehood  in  the  world,  for  since  1702,  the  direct- 
ors, so  far  from  complaining  of  me  concerning  the  interests  of  the  Com- 
pany, have  been  well  pleased  about  them,  which  I  can  prove  by  their  own 
writings  which  it  is  not  possible  for  them  to  disown,  and  that  it  is  also 
true  that  they  paid  me  my  gratuities  up  to  the  end  of  the  year  1703,  which 
proves  that  they  were  satisfied. 

Q.  If  what  you  tell  me  is  true,  the  directors  must  be  mad,  and  must 
have  lost  their  wits,  to  take  proceedings  of  that  kind  against  you,  which 
appear  to  me,  so  far,  without  any  foundation. 

A.  It  is  out  of  pure  spite.  It  is  a  trick  of  Lofbinieres  and  Delino,  who 
rule  the  three  other  directors,  who,  when  they  saw  that  I  was  pressing 
Armand  and  Nolan  their  near  relatives,  who  deserve  to  be  hanged,  took 
it  into  their  heads  to  protect  them  at  the  expense  of  my  reputation  and 
my  uprightness,  by  causing  me  to  be  accused  by  these  same  clerks  of  hav- 
ing made  them  sell  the  Company's  goods  at  a  loss. 

Q.  That  is  called  playing  with  cunning;  but  I  find  that  Lotbinieres 
and  Delino  wish  to  extricate  their  relations  from  this  false  step  by  un- 
worthy means.  It  is  not  right  that  your  honesty'  should  suffer  by  i^. 
Leave  it  to  me;  their  injustice  shall  be  punished  when  you  have  completed 
the  proof  of  what  you  have  put  forward.  But  as  I  have  remarked,  and 
according  as  you  have  just  told  me  that  the  directors  approved  all  that 
you  did  up  to  the  end  of  1703, 1  have  reason  to  presume  that  you  perhaps 
used  violence  towards  their  clerks  in  1704,  by  compelling  them  to  sell 
goods  at  a  low  price.  If  that  is  so,  confess  it  frankly,  and  tell  me  the 
reasons  you  had  for  doing  so,  for  I  am  persuaded  that  you  had  sufficiently 
good  ones  not  to  be  responsible  for  it, 

A.  If  I  had  done  so,  I  would  confess  it  to  you  without  hesitation,  with- 
out running  any  risk,  having  for  my  security  the  orders  of  the  Governor- 
General  signed  also  by  the  Intendant,  and  even  the  directors.  Here  are 
the  very  words;  The  Commandant  will  give  permission  to  the  clerks  of  the 

Digitized  by 



Company  to  carry  on  its  trade  in  skins,  taking  care  to  do  so  according  to 
the  orders  of  M.  de  Calliere,  and  to  prevent  [them]  selling  the  goods  sent 
to  them  to  the  savages  any  dearer,  and  that  in  concert  with  the  clerks  of 
the  Company.  This  order  is  in  reply  to  a  paragraph  contained  in  a  long 
memorial  presented  to  MM.  de  Vaudreuil  and  Beauharnois  of  which  this 
is  the  purport. '  The  board  of  directors  thinks  it  well  that  the  Company's 
clerks  should  consult  the  Commandants,  and  that  they  should  confer  with 
them  on  matters  of  importance  concerning  the  Company's  interests ;  but 
it  thinks  the  principal  clerk  should  decide  in  matters  regarding  the  trade 
of  the  Company  and  this  in  accordance  with  the  orders  he  may  have  from 
the  board  of  directors,  or  with  what  he  deems  most  advantageous,  with- 
out the  Commandant  having  the  right  to  make  him  do  what  he  orders. 

Q.  I  see  how  it  is ;  the  Company  would  have  liked  to  sell  goods  at  ex- 
cessive prices,  without  troubling  whether  the  savages  would  be  with- 
drawn from  our  interest  or  not  by  going  with  their  trade  to  the  English. 
I  see  that  the  Governor  and  the  Intendant  did  well  to  reply  to  this  para- 
graph as  they  did.  Have  you  carefully  followed  their  instructions  on 
that,  and  have  you  caused  the  sale  of  the  goods  to  go  on  according  as  you 
were  ordered  by  the  late  M.  de  Calliere  when  you  began  to  establish  De- 

A.  Not  at  all ;  the  order  of  the  late  M.  de  Calliere  is  to  see  that  goods 
are  sold  to  the  savages  of  Fort  Frontenac  at  25  p.  c,  and  to  those  of  De- 
troit at  50  p.  c,  which  order  he  made  with  a  view  to  treating  them  kindly 
on  account  of  the  general  peace  which  he  had  just  made  both  between  us 
and  our  allies  with  the  Iroquois,  foreseeing  that  as  a  consequence  of  that 
peace  our  savages  would  think  first  of  the  trade  which  would  be  most 
advantageous  to  them,  and  that  the  sole  means  of  retaining  them  in  our 
interest  was  to  give  them  goods  at  a  reasonable  price.  And  it  appears 
that  M.  de  Vaudreuil  and  M.  de  Beauharnois  were  entirely  of  his  opinion 
from  the  orders  which  they  gave  me;  even  the  board  of  directors  agrees, 
writing  to  its  clerks,  that  it  cannot  disapprove  of  the  manner  in  which  I 
acted  and  made  them  act.  And  finally  in  the  last  letter  of  M.  de  Vau- 
dreuil of  the  24th  of  April  1704,  he  writes  to  me  in  these  terms : — Although 
I  tell  you,  M.,  to  allow  M.  Denoyer  to  carry  out  the  orders  which  he  has  oe^yertea 
from  the  board  of  directors,  supposing  always  that  the  interests  of  the  9^**^°^,^ 
King's  service  are  not  concerned.  I  tell  you  also,  Sir,  that  in  some  cases 
it  will  not  be  amiss  to  trade  on  the  old  tariff.  Try  however  to  be  careful 
of  the  Company's  interests  as  far  as  may  be  possible. 

Q.  I  cannot  believe  that,  having  the  orders  you  have,  and  the  letters 
from  the  board  of  directors,  anyone  could  accuse  you  of  violence  in  this 
matter.  That  would  be  folly  on  the  part  of  the  directors;  and  the  care- 
lessness of  the  Governor-General  and  the  Intendant,  if  they  suffered  and 
permitted  this  count,  and  such  a  pettifogging  charge  against  a  Command- 
ant, would  merit  rebuke  since  the  supreme  authority  of  the  former  is 
concerned  in  supporting  you  in  [carrying  out]  the  orders  be  has  given 

Digitized  by 


216  ANNUAL    MEETING,    1903. 

you,  not  doubting  that  you  have  conformed  to  them  and  have  had  them 
carried  out  most  scrupulously. 

A.  Pardon  me,  I  thought  I  ought  to  allow  something  to  my  discretion, 
and  by  that  means  husband  the  funds  of  the  Company;  for  instead  of 
having  had  the  goods  sold,  according  to  the  orders  of  the  late  Chevalier  de 
Calliere  confirmed  by  those  of  M.  de  Vaudreuil,  at  the  rate  of  fifty  per 
cent.,  the  Company's  powder  has  been  sold  at  Fort  Pontchartrain  at  four 
hundred  per  cent,  bullets  at  six  hundred  per  cent.,  tombac  at  three  hun- 
'dred  per  cent.,  vermilion,  glass  beads,  cutlery,  iron-work,  and  other  hard- 
ware, at  two  hundred  per  cent.,  and  lastly  all  kinds  of  fabrics  at  a  hun- 
dred per  cent.,  the  whole  being  based  on  the  price  of  skins  sold  at  Que- 
bec, and  [  ?  if]  it  is,  at  the  invoice  rate,  at  forty  sous  per  pound,  we  have 
sold  it  to  the  savages  and  even  to  the  garrison  [at]  four  times  forty  sous, 
that  is,  eight  francs  a  pound ;  and  so  with  the  rest. 

Q.  You  astonish  me;  I  cannot  exempt  you  from  blame  for  having  per- 
mitted the  clerks  of  the  Company  to  sell  goods  so  dear  to  our  savages  at  a 
time  when  it  is  necessary  for  us  to  keep  them  in  good  humor  on  account 
of  the  war  we  are  waging  against  the  English  who  do  all  they  can  to  at- 
tract them  to  their  side.  I  am  very  much  afraid  that  the  exorbitant  price 
of  the  goods  which  the  Company  has  sold  them  may  induce  them  to  take 
some  inconvenient  step  against  the  service  of  the  King  and  the  Colony. 

A.  You  should  indeed,  as  it  would  seem,  rather  blame  the  Governor 
and  the  Intendant  for  permitting  them  to  cavil  at  me  on  this  point,  when 
I  had  forgotten  their  orders  and  had  acted  in  the  interests  of  the  Com- 
pany beyond'all  they  could  expect  from  me  in  such  a  diflBcult  conjuncture, 
for  the  English  had  sent  necklaces*  to  Fort  Pontchartrain  and  a  list  of 
the  prices  of  their  goods  in  which  they  promised  to  sell  them  to  them  two- 
thirds  cheaper  than  the  Company. 

Q.  But  since  the  Company  sold  its  goods  so  dear,  it  must  have  made  a 
great  profit  out  of  the  trade  of  that  post. 

A.  By  no  means,  very  much  the  reverse.  It  has  lost  a  great  deal,  be- 
cause the  directors  positively  conduct  the  affairs  of  the  Company  very 
badly  and  they  do  not  understand  the  trade  of  that  country;  because, 
moreover,  they  incur  incredible  expenses  in  order  to  assist  their  relatives 
and  friends  in  order  to  ingratiate  themselves ;  because  the  price  of  certain 
skins  goes  down  every  year,  which  is  a  trade  emergency;  and  lastly  be- 
cause the  clerks  related  to  the  directors,  by  whom  they  are  sheltered,  put 
the  warehouse  to  a  kind  of  pillage,  and  who  knows  whether  they  do  not 
share  in  the  spoil  ?  That  is  why  Lofbinieres  and  Delino,  the  relatives  of 
Armaud  and  Nolan,  have  brought  an  action  against  me  so  as  to  make  my 
evidence  liable  to  challenge,  whether  against  them  or  their  relatives  who 

•The  word  "collier"  here  and  elsewhere  in  this  letter  is  literally  translated; 
but  a  comparison  of  the  passage  in  which  it  occurs  seems  to  show  that  it  is  used 
in  the  sense  of  a  negotiator  of  some  kind,  or  his  message  of  negotiation. — (E.  M. 

Digitized  by 



might  perhaps  have  spoken;  and  are  pretending  to  prosecute,  having 
chosen  a  subdelegate  to  go  and  investigate  at  Detroit  against  them,  or 
rather,  against  me ;  in  order  that  by  this  trickery  and  protection,  which 
it  is  impossible  to  resist,  they  may  be  able  to  extricate  themselves  and 
their  relatives  from  this  affair  while  laying  to  my  charge  atrocious  calum- 
nies which  they  cannot  prove. 

Q.  Who  is  this  [man]  who  has  been  sent  to  Detroit  to  investigate  this 

A.  It  is  the  [man]  called  Vincelot  whom  the  Intendant  has  subdele- 
gated  on  the  proposal  of  the  directors.  He  is  a  man  who  has  come  of  a 
race  steeped  in  filth,  whose  father  is  a  bastard  and  his  mother  illegiti- 
mate, a  man  of  no  capacity,  and  first  cousin  to  M.  Pinaud  one  of  the 
directors,  and  consequently  my  adversary,  which  renders  the  proceedings 
void,  the  said  Vincelot  being  liable  to  peremptory  challenge  under  the 

Q.  This  count  of  the  complaint  alone  is  enough  to  show  me  the  bad 
faith  of  the  directors,  and  it  makes  me  conjecture  that  their  valid  right 
consists  in  fact  of  the  protection  which  they  find  in  the  authority  of  the 
Governor  and  the  Intendant;  and  it  is  very  easy  to  distinguish  that  the 
seizure  you  made  of  the  skins  [in  possession]  of  their  clerks,  obtained  by 
dishonest  practices,  has  roused  MM.  Lofbinieres  and  Delino  to  action; 
and  that  M.  de  Vaudreuil,  the  general  of  that  country,  being  mixed  up 
with  that  alliance  sets  the  whole  in  motion ;  but  they  shall  not  profit  by  it. 
It  is  not  right  that,  having  maintained  like  a  good  officer  the  inter- 
ests of  the  King's  service,  and  as  an  honest  man  the  public  good,  you 
should  be  ruined  by  it.  Although  the  proofs  of  which  you  have  spoken 
to  me  are  more  than  sufficient  to  clear  you,  and  I  am  resolved  at  the  same 
time  to  punish  those  who  are  thus  using  trickery  against  you,  I  should 
be  very  glad  to  know  all  and  to  have  you  tell  me  whether  you  have  not 
any  paper  which  shows  that  you  have  used  no  violence  towards  the 
clerks,  for  if  that  is  so  I  shall  perhaps  be  able  to  have  the  directors  and 
their  clerks  prosecuted. 

A.  That  would  be  well  done.  I  have  still  a  settlement  with  the  clerks, 
drawn  up  by  common  consent,  signed  by  them,  by  the  almoner  of  the  Fort, 
by  M.  de  Tonty  and  by  me  which  completes  the  proof  that  I  have  used  no 

Q.  That  is  enough,  and  more  than  was  necessary  on  this  point.  1 
ought  not  to  listen  to  any  others,  since  the  directors  make  such  a  bad 
beginning;  I  see  plainly  that  there  is  neither  rhyme  nor  reason  in  their 
procedure.  Let  us  pass  now  to  other  matters  and  tell  me  whether  they 
complain  of  any  other  violence  on  your  part. 

A.    Yes,  they  impute  to  me  as  a  capital  offence  having  used  abusive 
language  to  their  clerks  under  the  pretext,  they  say,  that  they  did  not 
pay  me  certain  marks  of  respect  which  I  claim  to  be  due  to  me. 

Digitized  by 


218  ANNUAL   MEBTING,    1903. 

Q.  Oh,  indeed !  Under  the  pretext  of  certain  marks  of  respect  which 
you  claim  to  be  due  to  you !  Can  the  dik^ectors  doubt  that  their  clerks  owe 
respect  to  you  at  the  place  where  you  are  Ck>mmandanty  and  where  you 
hold  the  authority  of  the  King? 

A.  They  doubt  it  so  much  that  they  claim  it  in  this  way.  It  is  true 
that  I  have  sometimes  reproved  their  clerks:  but  this  has  only 
been  when  I  have  caught  them  in  flagrante  delicto,  and  after  I  had  con- 
victed them  of  malversation. 

Q.  That  is  very  serious,  and  there  is  a  fine  cause  of  complaint  on  the 
part  of  the  directors.  Either  they  must  be  very  silly,  or  very  passionate 
to  lay  an  information  against  a  Commandant  on  such  a  point.  Let  us  see 
whether  there  is  not  something  else  for,  at  present,  I  see  nothing  but  folly 
in  their  action. 

A.  The  third  count  of  their  complaint  is  that  when  they  sent  one, 
Denoyer,  to  replace  the  principal  clerk,  they  say  that  on  his  arrival  at 
Fort  Pontchartrain  I  retained  him  for  more  than  two  hours  in  my  room, 
under  the  pretence  of  reading  and  inveighing  against  the  letter  that  had 
been  written  to  me,  in  order  that  Badisson  the  other  principal  clerk, 
might  have  time  to  remove  the  papers  which  he  and  I  wished  not  to  be 
seen,  and  this  is  the  cause  of  the  board  of  directors  not  being  able  to  ob- 
tain the  information  they  need. 

Q.  This  count  has  very  much  the  look,  to  me,  of  being  violently 
dragged  in,  and  I  feel  that  the  whole  of  this  case  is  founded  on  conjecture, 
for  I  foresee  that  there  is  no  proof  of  all  this.  I  mistrust  also  that  this 
Denoyer,  whom  they  sent  there  as  their  principal  clerk,  will  put  in  an 
appearance  on  the  reports,  and  will  be  of  a  fawning  disposition ;  but  no 
matter,  it  is  well  that  I  should  be  informed  whether  what  they  complain 
of  is  true. 

A.  You  shall  be  informed  of  it  in  a  few  words.  Denoyer  having 
handed  me  the  letters  which  the  Governor-General,  the  Intendant,  the 
directors,  and  other  private  persons  wrote  to  me,  I  begged  him  to  take 
breakfast  (which  he  did)  while  I  read  my  letters.  The  Governor-Gen- 
eral's consisted  of  one  sheet,  the  Intendant's  of  half  a  one,  and  that  from 
the  directors  of  fourteen  pages ;  and  this  occupied  me  over  half  an  hour, 
after  which  I  dismissed  this  new  clerk  to  go  and  carry  out  his  orders, 
after  offering  him  the  protection  which  he  would  require,  but  informing 
him  that  it  was  advisable  to  do  the  things  and  carry  out  the  orders  he 
was  charged  with,  with  little  commotion  on  account  of  the  savages  who 
had  never  yet  seen  seals  placed  on  chests,  cupboards,  cash-boxes,  nor  on 
the  doors  of  the  warehouse,  any  more  than  setting  a  guard  over  it,  which 
are  things  contrary  to  the  freedom  which  is  so  precious  to  these  tribes. 
So  Denoyer,  when  he  had  breakfasted,  repaired  first  to  Badisson,  then 
chief  clerk,  who  was  conversing  with  the  [men]  called  Chateleraut  and 
Demeule,  other  clerks,  who  had  come  in  the  same  boat  as  Denoyer,  and 
relatives  of  MM.  Lofbinieres  and  Delino. 

Digitized  by 



Q.    It  is  not  true  then  that  Badisson  removed  any  papers? 

A.  I  had  no  knowledge  of  it.  Badisson  maintains  that  it  is  a  false^ 
hood  and  a  fabrication  by  Denoyer;  and  neither  the  latter  nor  the  direct- 
ors have  been  able. to  prove  it.  But  indeed  even  if  Badisson  had  taken 
some  papers,  by  what  right  can  the  directors  attribute  to  me  that  I  did 
so  by  connivance  with  this  clerk.  All  this  is  without  proof,  and  exists 
only  in  their  imagination,  which  supplies  them  with  the  means  of  adding 
one  falsehood  to  another.  That  is  why  I  hope  you  will  be  so  good  as  to 
compel  the  directors  to  make  reparation  for  so  atrocious  a  wrong,  for  it 
is  not  permitted  to  insult  a  man  in  writing,  who  has  the  authority  of  the 
Commandant  in  so  unfair  a  matter,  and  one  which  cannot  be  proved. 

Q.  You  shall  be  satisfied,  if  that  accusation  is  not  proved;  it  is  not 
sufficient  to  bring  accusations  and  to  allege  duplicity,  proofs  are  needed. 
These  are  wonderful  complaints,  that  make  me  think  that  this  will  last 
a  long  time  for,  by  allegations,  a  man  could  be  kept  on  trial  until  the  Day 
of  Judgment.  Never  mind,  continue  to  inform  me,  because  I  wish  to 
know  [about]  that  matter  thoroughly. 

A.  Since  you  will  really  have  patience  for  that,  I  feel  assured  of  my 
justification  and  of  the  punishment  you  will  mete  out  to  the  directors. 
This  is  the  fourth  count;  they  say  that,  after  having  accused  Badisson  of 
bad  conduct  in  regard  to  the  Company's  interests,  I  became  his  protector 
and  induced  the  savages  to  speak  in  his  favor  to  ask  that  Denoyer  might 
be  dismissed;  and  that  I  also  made  them  ask  that  my  wife  and  Badis- 
son's  should  remain  at  Fort  Pontchartrain  in  order  to  insure  my  return 
and  that  of  Badisson  to  my  post. 

Q.  I  see  by  what  you  have  just  told  me  that  the  directors  could  not 
find  any  valid  proof  against  you;  and  that,  seeing  their  case  thus  shat- 
tered, they  had  recourse  to  seeking  for  some  among  the  savages  and  the 
pagans.  But  it  seems  to  me,  or  I  am  much  mistaken,  that  their  evidence 
has  never  been  admitted  in  [a  court  of]  justice. 

A.  How  could  a  judge  trust  to  the  evidence  of  people  who  have  neither 
faith  nor  law,  and  whom  any  one  can  make  say  what  he  wishes  provided 
he  pays  them,  and  who  can  equally  be  made  to  unsay  [it]  on  payment; 
who  would  have  themselves  baptized  a  hundred  times  a  day  for  a  glass 
of  brandy.  They  are  people  who  are  liable  to  no  punishment  when  con- 
victed of  false  witness,  not  being  subject  to  our  laws;  when  they  kill 
each  other,  and,  what  is  worse,  when  they  kill  us ;  and  this  has  been  seen 
only  too  often  for  some  years  past,  they  having  killed  more  than  twenty 
Frenchmen  without  having  had  any  punishment  for  it,  and  outraged 
several  Frenchwomen  whom  they  killed  after  outraging  them;  and  this 
has  occurred  this  year  even,  near  Three  Bivers,  without  any  example 
having  been  made  of  it.  Now  what  likelihood  is  there  that  I  should 
have  caused  the  savages  to  apply  to  have  Denoyer  dismissed  in  favor  of 
Badisson,  for  the  directors  themselves  agree  that  I  was  not  pleased  with 

Digitized  by 


220  ANNUAL   MEETING,    1903. 

the  latter;  and  it  is  evident  that  Denoyer,  whom  I  did  not  know,  and 
whom  I  had  never  seen,  had  up  to  that  time,  done  nothing  and  said 
nothing  which  could  displease  me ;  and  since  it  is  a  fact  that  the  savages 
demanded  his  dismissal  the  third  day  after  his  arrival',  during  which 
time  I  had  made  him  eat  at  my  table,  which  in  truth  he  did  not  deserve. 

The  directors  are  wrong  and  are  speaking  heedlessly  when  they  ridic- 
ulously assert  that  I  prompted  the  savages  to  speak  to  make  my  wife 
and  Hadisson's  remain  at  Fort  Pontchartrain  in  order  to  secure  my  own 
return  to  my  post.  There  might  have  been  some  appearance  of  truth  or 
probability  if  I  had  had  an  order  from  the  Governor-General  or  the 
Court  to  leave  it  or  to  go  down  to  Quebec  or  Montreal,  to  give  an  account 
of  my  acts,  or  for  any  other  reason;  but  the  fact  is  that  I  had  asked  leave 
to  go  down  to  Montreal  the  previous  year  for  the  latter  [reason],  and  that 
it  was  granted  me  by  the  Governor-General,  that  is,  by  M.  de  Vaudreuil 
who,  at  the  same  time  notified  me  in  his  letter  his  satisfaction  with  my 
conduct.  What,  therefore,  should  I  have  feared  on  his  part?  What 
reason  could  I  have  had  for  making  the  savages  apply,  to  have  my  wife 
remain  at  Detroit,  since  she  has  ever  been  free,  as  I  have,  to  remain  there 
or  to  depart  therefrom,  neither  she  nor  I  having  had  any  order  or  any 
threat,  nor  anything  of  the  kind,  to  recall  us  from  it. 

Q.  Your  reasoning  is  good  and  very  sound ;  and,  as  you  very  well  say, 
there  would  be  some  probability  in  the  thing  if  the  Governor-General 
had  given  you  an  order  to  go  down  under  some  pretext  which  might 
show  you  that  he  was  displeased  with  your  conduct;  but  since  it  was 
you  yourself  who  had  asked  permission  [to  do]  so,  that  destroys  ip  every 
way  the  evil  inferences  they  wish  to  draw  against  you,  and  everything  is 
after  all  founded  on  conjecture.  Is  that  all  that  the  directors  have  to 
say  concerning  the  savages? 

A.  It  is  not  all ;  in  fact  they  state  that  I  have  prompted  the  savages 
to  say  that  they  will  not  allow  the  skins  which  are  in  the  fort  to  leave  it ; 
that  they  do  not  see  the  warehouse  stocked  with  goods;  and  that  all  the 
French  have  not  the  right  to  transact  trade;  and  [the  directors  say]  that 
that  is  a  trail  which  proceeds  from  me,  with  the  object  of  inducing  the 
company  to  send  large  consignments  to  this  post,  in  order  to  make  myself 
master  of  them  in  the  usual  manner. 

Q.  Whence  comes  it  that  the  savages  have  made  this  request,  and  that 
they  have  spoken  in  this  way? 

A.  It  is  because  Denoyer  on  his  arrival,  and  the  other  clerks,  and 
those  who  came  with  them,  maliciously  gave  out  to  the  savages  that  they 
came  for  the  purpose  of  sending  down  the  skins  only  and  that  they  would 
not  bring  them  goods ;  in  order  to  compel  them  to  abandon  this  post,  no 
doubt  according  to  the  private  orders  they  had.  This  is  what  offended 
them.  As  to  the  reference  to  the  freedom  of  trading,  it  is  a  right  which 
these  tribes  have  enjoyed  from  all  time  having  found  it  advantageous  to 

Digitized  by 



them ;  hence  it  is  not  extraordinary  that  they  should  have  demanded  this 
freedom  which  they  have  had  at  all  times  and  which  they  were  promised 
when  Detroit  was  established. 

Q.  But  what  do  the  directors  mean  when  they  assert  that  what  you 
did  was  in  order  to  compel  them  to  make  large  consignments  to  that  place 
so  as  to  make  yourself  master  of  them  in  your  usual  manner? 

A.  Who  can  guess  what  they  mean?  One  cannot  tell  from  this  talk 
whether  they  are  awake  or  asleep ;  for,  if  I  had  appropriated  their  goods, 
or  if  I  had  wasted  them,  they  would  have  had  good  grounds  [for  it]^  but 
these  two  things  not  being  facts,  it  is  talking  contrary  to  common  sense; 
and  as  to  this,  what  does  it  matter  to  me  whether  the  Company  makes 
large  consignments  or  not,  since  I  have  no  interest  in  it?  On  the  con- 
trary, if  it  were  true  that  I  had  been  trading  (as  they  have  dared  to 
assert)  it  would  have  been  an  advantage  to  me  that  they  should  send  but 
few  goods  so  as  to  sell  mine  (if  I  had  had  any)  to  better  advantage  and 
more  readily. 

Q.  I  see  the  directors  continue  to  make  the  proceedings  against  you 
out  of  imaginings  and  conjectures.  Will  there  not  be  any  count  of  their 
complaint  real  or  effective? 

A.  Pardon  me.  they  cry  out  greatly  against  the  audacity,  they  say,  I 
had  in  having  Denoyer  committed  to  prison,  whom  they  sent  to  Detroit 
to  replace  Badisson  their  principal  clerk  whom  they  recalled  because  I 
had  accused  him  of  bad  conduct.  This  accusation  they  say,  was  brought 
by  an  agreement  with  Radisson,  in  order  to  cover  his  acts  of  dishonesty. 
Is  not  the  reasoning  of  the  directors  altogether  whimsical  and  anoma- 
lous? And  is  it  not  answered  by  itself?  For  it  is  not  natural  that  Radis- 
son should  consent*  to  my  accusing  him  by  agreement  in  order  to  have  him 
recalled  from  his  employment  which  was  worth  to  him  eighteen 
hundred  livres  a  year  and  food,  to  lose  his  wages,  to  blacken  his  repu- 
tation and  to  sustain  an  action.  I  put  it  to  the  judgment  [even]  of  in- 
fants at  the  breast;  that  would  indeed  be  concerted  action  well  contrived. 

Q.  The  matter  appears  as  you  say;  but  let  us  see  what  was  this  im- 
prisonment of  Denoyer,  the  principal  clerk.  I  should  be  very  glad  to 
know,  before  you  proceed  further,  whether  you  have  been  forbidden  to 
imprison  [anyone],  or  whether  you  have  the  power  to  punish  with  im- 
prisonment the  oflScers  or  others  in  your  post.  If  it  was  the  case  that 
you  had  this  power,  it  must  be  said  that  the  directors  have  lost  their 
wits  to  lay  an  information  against  you  on  this  point. 

A.  Yet  that  is  my  great  crime,  and  they  declare  they  will  be  even  with 
me  for  having,  as  they  call  it,  the  audacity  to  imprison  one  of  their 
servants  whom  they  appointed  as  their  principal  clerk,  a  waif  and  a 
poor  wretch  who  came  here  not  knowing  which  way  to  turn  on  his  arrival 
in  this  country.  As  to  my  powers,  they  are  very  ample,  being  to  punish, 
according  to  the  circumstances,  by  censures,  by  reprimands,  by  arrests, 

Digitized  by 


222  ANNUAL  MEETING,  1903. 

by  imprisonment,  or  by  deprivation  [of  civil  rights] ;  and  in  ease  of  dis- 
tinct disobedience,  to  run  my  sword  through  anyone  who  has  [so] 
offended  against  me.  It  is  by  reason  of  the  remoteness  that  these  orders 
have  always  been  given  to  me,  and  on  account  of  the  seditions  and  in- 
trigues which  have  been  attempted  to  be  formed  there,  which  I  have 
known  quite  well  how  to  repress. 

^  Q.    There  is  much  more  than  is  necessary  for  it.    Tell  me  now  the 
reason  you  had  for  having  Denoyer,*  the  principal  clerk,  imprisoned* 

A.  You  shall  see  it.  A  soldier  of  the  garrison  having  been  killed  by 
the  enemy,  the  savages  reported  that  they  had  found  the  stake  to  which 
he  had  been  bound.  On  this  report,  a  party  of  about  a  hundred  savages 
of  different  tribes  was  instantly  formed  to  pursue  the  enemy  and  try  to 
avenge  this  soldier's  death.  They  asked  me  for  seven  or  eight  Frenchmen 
to  go  with  them,  and  having  granted  them  this  I  ordered  M.  de  Tonty 
to  command  eight  good  men,  of  the  employ^  of  the  Company,  to  take 
those  who  voluntarily  offered  themselves,  and  to  have  provisions  and 
ammunition  given  to  them  out  of  the  Company's  warehouse,  according 
to  custom.  Denoyer,  the  principal  clerk  maintained  that  I  could  not 
form  any  detachment  for  the  King's  service  out  of  the  employes  of  the 
Company  without  his  permission,  and  that  they  could  not  go  outside  the 
fort  without  telling  him  of  it;  that  the  matter  should  be  so  [arranged] 
or  he  would  take  strong  measures.  The  Canadians  engaged  for  the  Com- 
pany's service  having  complained  to  M.  de  Tonty  who  had  commanded 
them,  he  came  and  made  Ms  complaint  of  it  to  me.  Having  heard  him 
I  sent  for  them  and,  after  I  had  questioned  them  and  they  had  deposed 
to  what  is  above  stated  in  the  presence  of  witnesses,  I  sent  for  M. 
Denoyer.  Having  asked  him  whether  it  was  true  that  he  maintained  that 
I  had  no  power  to  detach  the  Company's  employes  from  the  King's  service 
without  telling  him  of  it  and  without  his  leave,  he  had  the  impertinence 
to  maintain  to  my  face,  M.  de  Tonty  being  present,  that  he  did  not  claim 
it  but  that  he  did  not  belive  I  had  this  power.  This  reply  made  with  all 
possible  arrogance,  compelled  me  to  send  him  to  prison  with  these  words 
— 'I  will  teach  you,  you  little  clerk,  to  swerve  from  your  duty  ajd  to 
raise  sedition  by  estranging  minds  from  obedience.' 

Q.  Is  it  possible  that  this  clerk  had  such  insolence,  and  that  a  rebel 
should  be  supported  and  protected  so  far  that  they  wish  to  impute  to 
you  as  a  crime  having  administered  so  small  a  punishment?  If  you  had 
treated  him  otherwise  you  would  yourself- have  deserved  to  be  severely 
punished  for  it.  But  tell  me  briefly  whether  the  Governor-General  had 
knowledge  of  all  this,  for  it  is  not  credible  that  he  should  have  suffered 
anyone  to  lay  information  against  you  on  such  a  subject,  for  there  is 
nothing  so  mischievous  as  to  leave  sedition  unpunished  in  its  origin,  and 
it  is  of  infinite  importance  to  be  punctilious  and  vigilant  so  as  not  to 

Digitized  by 



allow  the  King's  authority  to  be  disparaged  in  anything  whatsoever.  But 
what  is  that  prison,  how  long  did  yon  make  this  clerk  remain  there? 

A.  I  reported  it  very  carefully  to  the  Governor-General  as  soon  as  I 
.  arrived  at  Montreal.  He  knew  some  time  after  that  the  directors  were 
laying  information  against  me  on  this  matter  without  having  given  any 
sign  of  opposing  it,  which  proves  his  connivance  and  protection  as  regards 
Lofbinieres,  his  uncle  and  the  father-in-law  of  M.  Amaud,  or  at  least 
(with  all  deference)  his  lack  of  ability  in  upholding  the  authority  of  the 
government  and  maintaining  in  it  the  officers  who  know  the  service.  As 
regards  the  prison,  it  is  nothing  more  than  the  sergeant's  room,  and  this 
illustrious  clerk  Denoyer  remained  in  it  only  about  three  hours. 

Q.  That  is  indeed  a  great  punishment;  be  assured  I  will  see  right 
done  to  you  for  the  lack  of  attention  of  the  Governor-General  in  this 
matter.  I  should,  however  be  very  glad  to  learn  whether  this  imprison- 
ment took  place  before  or  after  the  savages  demanded  his  dismissal. 

A.  This  remark  is  very  right  and  very  good,  you  shall  be  plainly  in- 
formed as  to  this  difficulty.  Thus  I  shall  tell  you  that  Denoyer  arrived 
at  Fort  Pontchartrain  on  the  5th  of  June;  that  on  the  8th  the  savages 
demanded  his  dismissal  by  a  [*collar]  which  he  himself  accepted  con- 
trary to  my  judgment,  I  having  made  several  representations  to  him,  (and 
if  I  may  make  use  of  these  terms)  even  remonstrances  not  to  take  the 
course  of  going  back,  at  least  so  soon,  because  I  would  arrange  that  affair, 
not  doubting  that  I  should  learn  the  reasons  of  the  savages  in  time,  under- 
taking moreover  to  persuade  them  out  of  the  bad  impressions  they  had 
formed  of  him  personally,  and  after  having  several  times  repeated  my 
representations  to  deter  him  from  returning,  he  absolutely  would  not  give 
it  up ;  that  is  so  true  that  he  himself  signed  the  things  I  have  just  told 
you.  And' this  makes  me  think  that  Denoyer  had  instructions  himself  to 
make  the  savages  demand  his  dismissal ;  causing  me  to  be  accused  in  my 
absence,  the  board  of  directors  and  their  league  having  in  view  to  stir  up 
quarrels  against  me  in  order  to  procure  the  downfall  of  this  post.  Finally 
he  was  imprisoned  on  the  22nd  of  June,  fourteen  days  therefore  after 
the  savages  had  demanded  his  dismissal,  and  all  because  he  was  rebelr 

Q.  I  am  content;  no  conclusion  against  you  can  be  drawn,  that  you 
made  the  savages  speak.  Something  of  it  might  have  been  believed  if 
it  had  been  after  the  imprisonment  of  that  clerk.  But  I  have  heard  it 
said  that  he  had  embarked  with  you  and  Hadisson  in  the  same  boat  to 
come  together  from  there  to  Montreal  without  your  having  had  any  dis- 
pute with  him. 

A.    That  is  quite  true,  the  matter  is  publicly  known ;  what  caused  us  to 

•See  p.  216. 

Digitized  by 


224  ANNUAL  MEETING,  1903. 

disembark  and  land  was  the  news  of  the  death  of  the  soldier  killed  by  the 
enemy,  of  which  I  have  spoken  to  you,  which  compelled  me  to  remain  to 
give  my  orders  and  obtain  information  of  that  matter,  which  gave  me 
occasion  to  imprison  that  clerk  on  account  of  the  foolish  claims  (with  all 
deference)  which  he  made,  and  on  account  of  the  sedition  he  wished  to 

Q.  According  to  the  account  you  give  me,  it  appears  that  the  clerk 
Denoyer  had  given  up  all  business,  having  already  embarked  with  you  to 
come  to  Montreal. 

A.  That  speaks  for  itself.  A  long  time  ago  he  had  handed  over  his 
instructions,  all  his  papers,  and  in  general  the  efiPects  of  the  Company 
in  his  hands,  to  the  man  called  Chatelerau,  another  clerk. 

Q.  That  then  was  the  reason  of  his  imprisonment ;  he  got  off  cheaply 
for  it.    Tell  me  shortly  the  reasons  you  had  for  doing  it  a  second  time. 

A.  I  did  so  because  it  is  laid  down  in  my  orders  that  nobody,  officers 
or  otherwise,  is  tp  set  out  from  that  post  without  my  permission ;  yet  the 
clerk  Denoyer,  to  continue  his  disobedience,  had  his  boat  put  in  the  water 
and  loaded  for  Montreal  (as  he  says)  without  speaking  of  it  to  me  or 
saying  anything  to  me  about  it,  claiming  always  that  he  was  not  subordi- 
nate to  ine.  On  my  departure  he  remained  closeted  with  the  other  two 
clerks  although  everyone  was  under  arms  according  to  the  custom  in  the 
distant  posts;  and  finally,  having  found  the  boat  of  these  clerks  at  the 
water's  edge  manned  by  eight  men,  without  any  information  of  it  having 
been  given  to  me,  I  sent  Denoyer  to  prison  and  the  other  two  clerks  with 

Q.  It  seems  clear  that  there  was  some  snake  in  the  grass,  and  that 
these  clerks  only  behaved  so  badly  because  they  were  incited  to  it.  Were 
you  removed  from  your  command  at  that  time?  For  I  know  well  that  it 
is  not  allowed  to  leave  these  places  without  permission  of  the  Command- 
ant, and  if  they  ordered  eight  men  [to  do  so]  without  speaking  to  you 
of  it  and  without  your  leave,  you  have  done  well  to  punish  them  again. 
But  was  it  the  fault  of  Chateleraut,  the  second  clerk? 
.  A.  Yes,  for  he  was  in  charge  of  the  instructions,  papers,  and  effects 
of  the  Company,  and  it  was  for  him  to  come  and  ask  me  for  permission 
to  send  down  this  boat.  This  slight  showed  me  the  intrigue  which  was 
carried  on  between  these  clerks,  all  the  better  because  since  their  arrival 
at  the  Fort  they  had  not  come  to  see  me,  which  is  contrary  to  the  rule  of 
the  distant  posts,  all  those  who  come  from  a  distance  being  obliged  to  go 
before  the  one  who  commands  [there],  nor  is  it  permitted  to  anyone  to 
leave  them  to  go  down  to  Montreal  or  to  go  elsewhere  without  the  per- 
mission of  the  Commandant  on  account  of  the  malversations  that  might 
take  place  there,  and  for  other  reasons;  and  this  is  the  practice  on  ac- 
count of  the  distance,  though  it  may  not  be  the  custom  in  the  other  towns 
of  Canada. 

Digitized  by 


CADILLAC   PAPERS.      '  225 

Q.  Are  intrigues  and  revolts  frequent  in  that  country,  and  have  you 
not  a  strong  garrison  to  maintain  good  order  there?  It  seems  to  me  that 
you  should  have  a  hundred  men  in  your  fort,  M.  de  Calliere  having  sent 
me  word  of  it,  and  also  several  offieere. 

A.  The  preceding  year  the  clerks  and  employees  revolted  against  M. 
de  Tonty  who  was  then  in  command  in  my  absence,  although  it  was  on 
account  of  a  command  for  the  King's  service  by  the  order  which  he  had 
concerning  it  from  the  Governor-General ;  so  that,  since  this  rebellion  re- 
mained unpunished,  these  clerks  thought  they  had  only  to  continue  it, 
and  I  should  not  dare  to  punish  them  for  it.  Besides,  there  has  been  no 
commandant  in  that  country  who  has  subdued  very  strong  rebellions.  It 
is  true  that  during  all  the  time  I  have  had  the  honor  to  command,  that 
is  to  say,  for  twelve  years,  none  has  happened ;  but  that  is  on  account  of  . 
having  prevented  them  by  prompt  punishment  for  which  I  have  been  duly 
approved.  As  regards  the  garrison,  the  Governor-General,  the  Intendant 
and  the  Directors  have  so  used  their  utmost  endeavors  that  they  have 
reduced  it  to  fourteen  soldiers  who  are  treated  there  like  convicts ;  since, 
for  three  years  they  have  received  no  clothes  nor  their  pay. 

Q.  I  expect  that  at  the  time  these  clerks  wanted  to  play  the  mutineer, 
the  number  of  the  employes  was  superior  to  [that  of]  your'garrison. 

A.  That  is  wisely  observed.  There  were  at  that  time  thirty  men  em- 
ployed for  the  Company,  and  they  could  have  raised  a  regular  rebellion  if 
they  had  desired  to  second  the  designs  of  the  Company's  clerks. 

Q.  Those  then  are  all  the  counts  of  the  complaint  which  the  board  of 
directors  has  made  against  you.    What  then  are  their  contentions? 

A.  They  say  that  all  these  acts  of  violence  (it  is  thus  they  describe  the 
punishment  I  inflicted  on  their  clerks)  prove  that  I  have  had  interests 
opposed  to  those  of  the  Company,  and  that  on  account  of  this  fact  they 
oppose  my  returning  to  Fort  Pontchartrain  of  Detroit,  and  even  my  being 
present  in  Montreal  at  the  time  of  the  departure  of  the  convoy,  which 
should  set  out  at  once  for  the  said  post  in  order  to  prevent  me  from  hold- 
ing communication  with  the  travellers  because  I  might  be  able  to  imbue 
them  with  opinions  contrary  to  the  interests  of  the  Company's  business. 

Q.  I  see  from  all  you  have  just  related  that  the  directors  draw  con- 
clusions from  the  very  thoughts  you  might  have,  bringing  an  action 
against  your  intention  by  an  examination  into  futurity.  It  was  neces- 
sary to  let  you  go  to  Montreal  and  have  you  watched ;  and  if  you  had  in 
fact  given  the  advice  which  they  imagined,  or  rather  which  they  ma- 
liciously conceived,  it  would  have  been  these  facts  on  which  they  could 
have  laid  an  information.  But  I  consider  it  absurd  to  do  so  on  facts 
which  have  no  existence  save  in  the  imagination  of  the  accusers,  which  is 
absolutely  chimerical.  I  know  also  that  if  they  have  opposed  your  re- 
turn to  your  post,  it  is  in  order  to  prevent  the  success  of  that  settlement, 

Digitized  by 


226  ANNUAL   MEETING,    1903. 

or  rather  to  work,  without  hindrance  at  its  destruction.  Did  they  ask 
anything  else  in  their  petition? 

A.  Yes,  the  directors  asked  that  I  should  be  made  to  remain  in  this 
town  to  answer  the  questions  which  there  may  be  put  to  me ;  and  finally 
they  conclude  that  they  claim  to  make  me  responsible  for  all  the  wrongs 
I  have  caused  to  the  Company  and  for  the  outrage  I  offered  it  in  the  per- 
son of  its  clerks,  begging  the  Intendant  to  permit  them  to  lay  before  him 
information  on  the  above  facts,  circumstances  and  dependencies,  and  to 
order  me  to  remain  here  in  the  town  of  Quebec  until  he  shall  order  other- 

Q.  The  matter  is  rather  ridiculous,  to  lay  information  against  you 
as  to  facts  which  can  at  once  be  proved ;  for  I  have  seen  from  the  account 
you  have  given  me  that  you  hold  documents  justifying  your  conduct.  As 
for  all  that  concerns  the  interests  of  the  Company,  I  know  quite  well  that 
it  approved  of  all  you  did,  and  was  satisfied  with  you  up  to  the  end  of 
1703,  since  it  paid  you  four  thousand  francs  for  your  trouble,  and  for 
your  care.  But  the  directors  are,  no  doubt,  angry  at  the  accusation  you 
made  against  Arnaud  and  Nolan,  their  clerks  convicted  of  knavery,  the 
former  being  the  son-in-law  of  Lofbinieres  and  the  other  the  brother-in- 
law  of  Delino,  both  directors. 

Therefore,  if  they  have  raised  this  storm  against  you,  you  are  right  in 
saying  that  it  is  in  recrimination,  in  order  to  shelter  these  two  dishonest 
men ;  and  if  they  have  laid  information  against  you,  it  is  for  the  purpose 
of  eluding  in  this  way  their  [own]  condemnation,  and  the  restitution 
they  would  have  had  to  make  to  the  Company.  Moreover  it  is  making 
themselves  ridiculous,  to  lay  information  against  a  commandant  regard- 
ing an  act  of  imprisonment  when  he  has  power  to  order  it  on  his  own 
authority,  especially  when  the  offence  tends  to  rebellion.  I  am  anxious  to 
know  how  the  Governor-General  and  Intendant  acted  in  this  matter.  I 
cannot  believe  that  the  latter  has  granted  what  they  ask  him  for  in  their 

A.  Excuse  me,  and  you  shall  see.  He  has  permitted  the  directors  to 
lay  information  against  me  on  all  the  counts  contained  in  their  petition; 
decreed  that  it  should  be  communicated  to  me,  for  [me]  to  anfewer  it; 
requesting  M.  de  Ramezay,  the  commandant  of  Quebec  at  the  time,  to 
cause  me  to  remain  in  the  town  until  I  have  complied. 

Q.  I  was  mistaken ;  who  could  have  believed  that  the  Intendant  would 
have  gc^e  so  quickly  to  work,  for  I  see  he  has  not  contented  himself  with 
authorizing  the  information  against  you  which  would,  in  some  sort  be 
sufferable,  but  he  has  even  had  you  arrested  without  any  information 
having  been  laid,  which  is  contrary  to  the  decrees.  I  cannot  help  drawing 
this  conclusion  that  the  Intendant  does  not  understand  his  business,  or 
rather  that  he  has  acted  arbitrarily  in  his  decree.    But  I  should  like  to 

Digitized  by 




know  whether  M.  de  Ramezay  had  you  arrested  at  the  request  of  the 

A.  He  did  soj  but  not  without  protest,  and  without  intimating  several 
times  to  the  Intendant  that  he  saw  nothing  in  the  petition  of  the  directors 
which  was  criminal;  that,  in  short,  it  was  only  a  complaint  and  not 
proven  facts;  and  that  therefore  he  did  not  think  an  officer  ought  to  be 
arrested  who  was  settled  and  domiciled  in  the  country;  and  the  com- 
mandant, by  the  orders  of  the  Court,  of  Fort  Pontchartrain,  which  is  a 
distant  post  in  the  van-guard  of  the  Colony.  He  added  that  he  would 
write  to  the  Governor-General  about  it,  who  was  then  at  Montreal ;  which 
he  did. 

Q.  I  suppose  he  received  an  answer  to  his  letter,  and  the  Governor- 
General  was  of  his  opinion. 

A.  Kot  at  all ;  he  sent  him  word  that  he  had  done  well  to  carry  out  the 
order  of  the  Intendant  and  to  have  me  arrested. 

Q.  I  no  longer  doubt,  now,  that  the  Governor-Gen'l.,  the  Intendant 
and  the  directors  are  in  league  together.  All  that  they  have  done  after 
all,  has  been  only  in  order  to  save  the  two  clerks  at  the  expense  of  your 
reputation,  and  to  overturn  the  post  of  Detroit  by  removing  you  from  the 
command,  because  when  [you]  are  no  longer  there,  1  clearly  see  that 
there  will  be  no  opposition  to  the  measures  they  will  take  to  destroy  that 
post,  so  much*  the  more  that  this  is  a  matter  directed  by  the  Jesuits  who 
are  reported  to  have  the  power  of  the  government  and  of  justice.  But 
be  not  discouraged;  continue  to  inform  me;  be  assured  that  I  will  not 
allow  you  to  be  destroyed  thus,  for  having  carried  out  my  intentions,  and 
for  having  observed  strict  integrity  in  all  things.  I  have  also  learnt  that 
on  the  petition  of  the  directors,  the  Intendant  has  subdelegated  M.  Vin- 
celot  to  collect  information  against  you  at  Detroit,  and  that  he  has  also 
been  sent  there  to  look  after  the  business  of  the  Company.  But  I  should 
like  to  know  whether  you  accept  such  a  judge,  and  whether  you  have  not 
anything  to  say  against  the  proceedngs  he  will  take. 

A.  It  is  sufficient  that  the  said  Vincelot  is  the  first  cousin  of  Pinaud, 
one  of  the  directors,  who  is  my  adversary,  to  make  him  liable  to  challenge 
and  his  proceedings  absolutely  void  and  worth  nothing.  You  can  see 
what  choice  the  board  of  directors  makes  of  a  clerk  and  the  Intendant  of 
a  subdelegate,  (for  they  were  not  unaware  that  Vincelot  was  nearly  re- 
lated to  the  director  Pinaud,  and  that  his  father  and  mother  are  bastards 
and  illegitimate,  moreover  that  he  is  a  grand-nephew  of  M.  Beaulieu  who 
took  for  his  second  wife  the  widow  of  Xaintes  Armurier,  now  the  wife  of 
Lofbinieres) ;  and  this  shows  that  they  chose  such  unworthy  men,  all 
relatives  or  allies  of  the  directors,  only  in  order  to  ruin  me  if  they  could. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  Governor-General  has  sent  M.  de  I^uvigny,  a 
major  of  Quebec,  to  Detroit  under  the  8[»ecion8  pretext  of  commanding 
the  convoy,  though  the  only  [reason]  was  to  go  there  to  support  Vincelot 

Digitized  by 


228  ANNUAL   MEETING.    1903. 

against  me  and  to  cause  that  post  to  be  abandoned;  as  I  will  prove  in 
another  place,  and  to  shelter  Aruiand  and  Nolan,  the  latter  being  also 
brother-in-law  to  M.  Louvigny.  And,  to  omit  nothing,  it  is  important  to 
point  out  to  you  that  MM.  Lofbrinieres  and  Delino,  when  recalling  their 
two  clerks  Arniand  and  Nolan,  their  relatives,  replaced  them  by  two 
others  also  relatives,  namely  M.  Chateleraut  and  Demeul ;  the  former  is 
also  related  to  Louvigny ;  a  prettier  family  party  was  never  seen. 

Q.  Stop  there ;  by  the  way  you  are  going  on  you  would  have  me  believe 
that  all  those  who  have  been  employed  at  Detroit  and  still  are  so  since 
you  have  been  kept  at  Quebec,  are  relatives  or  allies  of  the  directors, 
Lofbinieres.  Delino  and  Pinaud,  and  therefore  I  see  that  this  alliance 
is  connected  with  that  of  the  Governor-General.  I  see  you  have  not  done 
so  badly  in  appealing  in  your  case;  for  I  know  well  that  the  Governor- 
General,  the  Intendant  and  the  Jesuits  are  so  powerful  in  that  country 
that  the  best  business  in  the  world  is  treated  as  atrocious,  when  they 
intervene  in  it ;  but  the  King  does  not  permit  acts  of  injustice.  Let  us 
pass  again  for  a  little  to  the  reasons  you  had  for  appealing  in  this  matter, 
and  finish  this  account. 

A.  You  have  seen  them  in  what  I  have  had  the  honor  to  communicate 
to  you.  I  have  not  yet  spoken  of  the  steps  that  have  been  taken  to  abso- 
lutely destroy  Detroit;  as  I  have  just  learnt  some  of  them,  I  will  inform 
you  of  them  after  I  have  told  you  the  reasons  for  my  appeal. 

Q.  It  is  true  that  you  have  supplied  me  with  enough  of  them,  but  the 
number  of  the  proofs  can  do  no  harm. 

A.  Since  you  wish  it  you  shall  be  satisfied.  I  may  tell  you  then  that 
I  challenged  [the  competency  of]  the  Intendant,  because  at  the  same  time 
that  he  gave  the  directors  permission  to  give  information  against  me,  and 
therefore  without  any  such  information  having  been  made,  he  had  me 
arrested  in  this  town,  preventing  me  from  returning  to  Fort  Pontchar- 
train,  which  is  my  post,  and  this  is  absolutely  contrary  to  the  ordinances, 
and  is  a  clear  act  of  violence,  which  proves  that  he  is  my  adversary  on 
account  of  his  so-called  subdelegate.  whom  I  committed  to  prison,  as  [I 
did]  the  principal  clerk,  on  account  of  his  sedition.  I  claimed  it  also  on 
this  ground,  that  he  was  quite  unable  to  judge  as  to  a  fact  which  is  not 
within  his  competence,  seeing  the  orders  and  the  authority  I  had  to  im- 
prison and  punish  according  to  circumstances,  which  I  have  always  had 
in  the  distant  posts,  and  until  now.  in  the  twelve  years  I  have  comnmnded 
there,  no  one  has  thought  of  Laying  information  on  such  points,  on  which  I 
ought  only  to  answer  either  to  the  Governor-General  or  to  the  Court. 
My  third  reason  is  that  he  has  had  considerable  sums  lent  to  the  directors 
on  these  conditions  that  the  skins  of  Detroit  are  mortgaged  to  him, 
and  that  he  is  thus  guaranteed  for  the  sums  he  has  had  lent,  being  re- 
sponsible for  them  to  the  Chamber  of  Accounts;  and  it  follows  that  a 
guarantor  is  not  less  interested  than  a  creditor  in  preserving  the  property 

Digitized  by 



of  his  debtor,  and  lastly  that  his  evidence  is  necessary  to  me  as  he  has 
private  knowledge  which  will  be  denied  by  the  directors;  and  finally  be- 
cause M.  de  Vaudreuil  has  told  me  that  he  will  avenge  the  imprisonment 
of  his  subdelegate.  I  have  also  objected  to  M.  de  Vaudreuil  on  the  ground 
that  M.  de  Lofbinieres,  who  is  my  adversary  and  the  chief  director,  is 
his  uncle  and  the  father-in-law  of  Arnaud  one  of  the  clerks  convicted  of 
malversation;  and  also  because  M.  de  Vaudreuil  and  M.  Lofbinieres,  espe- 
cially the  former,  hold  letters  concerning  the  dishonest  practices  of  the 
said  Arnaud  and  Nolan,  who  is  also  the  brother-in-law  of  Delino,  another 
director,  which  they  will  not  give  up  except  after  an  order  [from]  supe- 
rior [authority],  I  have  also  protested  against  the  validity  of  the  pro- 
ceedings taken  by  the  [man]  named  Vincelot  who  was  subdelegated  by 
the  Intendant,  a  man  without  character,  whose  father  and  mother  were 
bastards  and  also  of  evil  reputation ;  and  because,  moreover,  the  said  Vin- 
celot is  liable  to  be  challenged  as  being  the  first  cousin  of  M.  Pinaud  an- 
other director,  who  is  my  adversary.  To  sum  it  all  up,  I  have  appealed 
in  this  matter  on  account  of  the  conspiracy  between  the  Governor-Gen- 
eral, the  Intendant,  the  Jesuits  and  the  directors  who,  having  been  unable 
to  find  any  means  of  upsetting  the  post  of  Detroit  while  I  remained 
[there],  believed  that  by  keeping  me  here  a  prisoner  under  devilish  pre- 
texts they  would  succeed  in  it,  and  also  in  sheltering  their  guilty  relations 
by  imputing  to  me  the  same  charge  as  I  have  convicted  them  of.  [al- 
though] they  can  prove  nothing  against  me  with  all  their  arbitrary 
power;  and  in  order  to  complete  a  work  so  execrable  that  it  passes  the 
imagination,  they  have  sent  Louvigny,  a  major,  from  Quebec  to  Detroit 
to  bribe  the  savages  and  make  them  give  evidence  against  me;  [a  man] 
who  has  himself  been  convicted  of  trading  and  of  contravening  the  orders 
of  the  King-by  decree  of  the  sovereign  council,  deserving  to  be  cashiered; 
which  Louvigny  is  also  the  brother-in-law  of  Nolan,  who  is  one  of  the 
dishonest  clerks  and  of  Delino  the  director,  all  three  being  brothers-in- 
law\  Chateleraut  who  is  now  a  clerk  of  the  Company  at  Detroit  is  the 
cousin  of  Louvigny,  Delino  and  Nolan.  The  Governor-General  having 
chosen  Louvigny  on  this  occasion,  to  the  prejudice  of  twenty-eight  cap- 
tains, proves  his  good  will  towards  me.  Demeul  the  other  clerk  now  at 
Detroit  is  the  grand-nephew  of  Lofbinieres,  the  uncle  of  M.  Vaudreuil. 
Hence  you  can  see  and  judge.  My  Lord,  ^^hether  I  am  far  wrong  in  having 
apparently  attacked  them  by  taking  my  case  before  the  King  where  I 
hope  it  will  be  investigated  with  care  and  acuteness  and  not  as  they  do 
in  this  country  where  there  is  neither  faith,  nor  knowledge  nor  capability. 

Q.  You  told  me,  I  believe,  that  after  you  had  explained  to  me  the  rea- 
sons for  your  appeal,  you  would  inform  me  of  the  steps  they  have  taken 
to  destroy  utterly  the  post  of  Detroit. 

A.  That  is  true;  but  1  hope  you  will  allow  me  first  to  make  a  few 
observations  to  you  on  my  business. 

Digitized  by 


230  ANNUAL    MEETING,    1903. 

Q.     Very  well,  1  am  couteuted,  make  them. 

A.  The  first  is  that  the  clerks  Arnaud  and  Nolan,  having  accused  me, 
set  out  from  Quebec  as  soon  as  they  learned  of  my  arrival  at  Montreal. 
The  2Qd  is  that  they  were  sent  away  to  Missilimakinak  in  a  boat  belong- 
ing to  the  Jesuit  fathers  loaded  with  a  dummy  load  of  goods ;  the  whole 
in  order  to  afford  means  to  the  said  Arnaud,  son-in-law  of  Lofbinieres,  to 
get  back  his  beaver  and  other  skins  from  the  said  place  of,Missilimakinak 
where  he  conveyed  them  after  having  stolen  them  from  the  Company^s 
warehouse  at  Detroit.  The  3rd  is  that  the  beaver  and  other  skins  were 
in  the  house  of  the  Jesuit  fathers  at  Missilimakinak,  which  clearly  proves 
the  protection  by  the  Governor-General  of  the  Jesuits,  and  of  the  directors 
to  their  clerks.  1  spoke  to  the  former  about  it  one  day,  and  he  answered 
me  that  these  clerks  had  gone  to  Missilimakinak  unknown  to  him,  the 
Jesuits  having  said  nothing  to  him  about  it;  a  fine  beginning  for  a  Gov- 
ernor-General! What  is  one  to  think  of  it?  The  4th  observation  is  that 
almost  all  the  witnesses  who  had,  at  Detroit,  deposed  to  the  knavery  of 
the  clerks,  when  they  arrived  at  Montreal  were  sent  up  to  the  country  of 
the  rtavois  in  charge  of  goods  in  order  to  prevent  confrontations  and 
proofs.  The  5th  is  that,  having  taken  the  depositions  of  those  who  have 
accused  me,  they  have  sent  them  to  the  Utavois  to  shelter  them  from 
[punishment  for]  their  theft ;  and,  in  the  meantime,  they  are  bringing  an 
action  against  me,  keeping  me  in  prison,  persecuting  me,  destroying  the 
little  projK^rty  1  possess.  And  all  that  is  put  in  practice  to  gain  time  for 
overturning  Detroit  from  top  to  bottom;  in  order  to  weary  me,  to  tire 
me  out,  to  nmke  me  cry  men  y  I  mercy  I  and  ask  pardon.  15ut  1  shall  do 
nothing  of  the  kind.  1  ex])ect  everything  from  your  justice  and  that  of 
the  King.  I  will  pursue  this  matter  to  the  end;  my  reputation  has  been 
attacked  and  I  will  have  satisfaction  for  it.  I  have  served  the  King  with 
diligence,  with  zeal  and  with  distinction;  T  have  good  certificates  of  it. 
All  the  letters  of  my  superiors  are  filled  with  the  satisfaction  they  have 
felt  with  my  services  and  my  conduct. 

Q.  One  would  have  to  be  very  narrow-minded  not  to  know  that  it  is, 
in  effect,  a  conspiracy  which  has  been  formed  against  you.  The  Jesuits 
have  long  known  of  it  and  they  have  made  use  of  the  occasion,  they  have 
profited  by  the  opportunity.  I  see  clearly  that  they  have  embittered  the 
Governor-General,  Lofbiniere  and  Delino  against  you  on  account  of  your 
prosecution  of  their  relatives;  also  that  the  Intendant,  who  is  still  a 
novice,  has  allowed  himself  to  be  led  astray.  I  anticipate  that  you  may 
perhaps  have  something  new  to  tell  me;  go  on,  I  am  ready  to  listen  to 
you  and  to  pay  attention  to  what  you  say. 

4th  chapter. 
A.     It  is  easy  to  see.  My  Lord,  that  you  are  willing  to  be  instructed. 
I  wonder  at  your  patience  which  is  never  weary  in  all  that  concerns  the 

Digitized  by 



service  of  the  King.  If  what  I  have  had  the  honor  to  recount  to  you 
merits  any  attention,  the  matters  you  are  about  to  be  informed  of  deserve 
it  entirely.  This  is  now  the  actual  plan  that  has  been  formed  for  the  de- 
struction of  Detroit ;  yet  I  dare  not  proceed,  unless  you  order  me  to  do  so. 

Q.  You  may  do  so,  and  count  on  my  protection,  provided  you  make 
your  indictment  justly,  and  that  you  in  no  way  distort  the  truth. 

A.  I  will  never  depart  from  that  rule.  I  have  no  other  patron  but 
truth  itself,  and  so  great  is  my  confidence  in  it  that  I  believe  I  shall  be  in- 
vincible so  long  as  I  fight  under  its  standard.  I  am  about,  therefore,  to 
state  to  you  facts  from  which  you  can  draw  what  conclusions  you  please; 
the  public  have  drawn  theirs.  This  is  the  first  fact.  M.  de  Tonty  having 
come  down  last  year  from  Detroit  to  Montreal  and  to  Quebec,  found 
himself  accused,  together  with  the  clerks  of  the  Company,  of  trading  and 


So  far  from  punishing  him  and  having  him  recalled,  they  sent  him  back 
to  Detroit,  having  found  him  a  very  good  tool  to  make  use  of  for  acting 
in  an  underhand  way  against  me  and  against  the  post.  And  in  order  the 
better  to  encourage  him  they  gave  him  a  pension  of  six  hundred  livres  a 
year  by  a  document  under  private  seal,  on  the  pretext  of  making  his  wife 
come  down ;  and  this  was  done  to  make  the  savages  understand  that  De- 
troit was  being  abandoned.  On  this  news  I  made  the  same  proposal  to 
the  board  of  directors  for  my  [wife],  but  they  would  not  hear  of  it.  I 
acted  in  this  way  to  get  more  information. 

The  2nd  fact  is  that  at  the  same  time  M.  de  Mauthet  was  despatched  to 
go  to  Missilimakinak  with  two  boats  loaded  with  merchandise  and  brandy 
and  some  presents  for  the  savages,  under  the  pretence  of  taking  the  am- 
nesty there. 


M.  de  Mauthet  set  out  for  the  Utavois  before  the  amnesty  had  come,  and 
more  than  a  month  or  six  weeks  before  the  arrival  of  the  ships. 

The  (third)  3rd  fact  is  that  they  sent  M.  de  la'Decouverte  to  the  Uta- 
vois and  the  Miamis  with  two  boats  loaded  with  merchandise  and  brandy 
on  the  pretence  of  arranging  certain  disputes  that  existed  between  our 


M.  de  Mauthet  was  charged  (according  to  the  confession  of  M.  de 
Vaudreuil)  with  presents  and  [collars]  to  arrange  this  same  dispute;  the 
mission  of  M.  de  la  Decouverte  to  the  Miamis  was  only  to  prevent  that 
tribe  from  coming  to  settle  at  Detroit  and,  in  case  of  ill-success  to  throw 
things  into  confusion  there,  as  it  happened,  which  will  be  spoken  of  below. 

Digitized  by 


232  ANNUAL   MEETING,    1903. 

The  4th  fact  is  that  M.  de  Vincennes  was  sent  to  the  Miamis  with  orders 
to  pass  through  Detroit,  addressed  to  M.  de  Tonty ;  the  said  M.  de  Vin- 
cennes having  three  boats  laden  with  merchandise  and  more  than  four 
hundred  jars  of  brandy ;  under  the  pretext  of  going  to  put  an  end  to  the 
war  begun  by  the  Miamis  aouyatanouns  against  the  tribes  settled  at 
Detroit  and  the  Iroquois. 


This  quarrel  had  been  put  to  an  end,  and  the  Governor-General  and 
the  Intendant  had  been  informed  of  it ;  besides  which  it  is  not  natural  to 
send  an  ensign  ad  honores  [i.  e.  honorary-unpaid]  to  adjust  the  dispute 
between  the  tribes  at  a  post  where  there  was  a  commandant  nominated  by 
the  Court.  Therefore,  having  questioned  M.  de  Vincennes  about  his  being 
sent,  he  told  me  that  the  Governor-General  had  his  share  in  the  mer- 
chandise he  was  taking,  which  I  made  known  in  speaking  to  him  himself, 
and  he  answered  that  he  should  cashier  him  because  he  had  allowed  him 
to  take  only  two  boats. 

The  5th  fact  is  that  Father  Maret,  Superior  of  Missilimakinak  and  of 
all  the  missions  of  the  Utavois;  Tonty  the  captain  at  Detroit,  and  Man- 
thet  were  together  at  Quebec.  It  was  there  and  then  that  the  ruin  of 
Detroit  was  arranged  with  the  Superior  of  the  Jesuits  of  Quebec,  and 
with  the  General  in  command,  and  the  Intendant,  and  with  the  board  of 
directors,  having  planned  to  re-establish  the  Congas  and  the  mission  of 
Missilimakinak.  And  so  that  this  business  might  not  fail,  Father  Maret 
went  up  again  with  a  boat  full  of  merchandise;  M.  de  Manthet  with  him 
in  two  other  boats,  and  M.  de  Tonty  to  Detroit ;  and  by  the  same  means 
they  induced  the  savages  to  ask  for  M.  Boudor  who  took  the  Utavois  more 
than  twenty  thousand  franc's  worth  of  goods  and  brandy. 

The  6th  fact  is  that  M.  de  Louvigny : 

Q.  Wait  a  bit,  you  are  passing  the  5th  fact  without  making  any  obser- 

.  A.  That  is  true.  My  Lord,  I  thought  it  was  better  to  leave  it  to  you  to 
make.  However,  since  you  wish  me  to  be  another  St.  Jean  Bouche  d'Or, 
to  say  all  that  I  know  and  all  that -concerns  it,  you  shall  have  the  satisfac- 
tion you  ask. 


Father  Maret  was  intended  for  Detroit  by  the  arrangement  made  by  the 
late  Chevalier  de  Calliere,  to  which  the  Superior  of  the  Jesuits  at  Quebec 
had  subscribed.  And  yet  the  Governor-General  and  Intendant  wrote  to 
me  that  they  could  not  help  letting  him  go  up  to  Missilimakinak  for 
strong  reasons.  I  find  in  fact  they  were  not  wrong  from  their  point  of 
view,  for  there  was  Father  Maret  who  had  permission  for  one  boat,  Man- 
thet for  two.  La  Decouverte  for  two  also,  Vincennes  for  three,  and  Bou- 

Digitized  by 



dor  one,  and  the  savages  at  his  disposal  to  bring  up  more  than  20000#  of 

goods.    But  as,  up  to  the  present,  you  might  be  troubled  because  thev  had  The  two  boats 

^  >      f  r-  ./  o  .  which  wont  up 

not  rewarded  Tonty  enough,  I  may  tell  you  that  he  took  up  for  himself  to  to  the  utavois 
the  U tavois  three  boats  where  they  sold  their  merchandise.    It  is  true  ty  brought  to 

•^  M.  de  Vaud- 

that  this  permission  was  granted  him  under  the  pretext  of  going  to  the  ^®"{J^^®^^°" 
Illinois,  and  these  boats  had,  like  the  others,  a  good  supply  of  brandy. 
Thus  there  were  twelve  boats  that  went  to  the  Utavois,  besides  the  quan- 
tity of  merchandise  taken  by  the  way  of  the  savages. 

The  6th  fact  is  that  it  was  forbidden  throughout  the  Colony,  to  sell 
brandy  to  the  savages  under  any  pretext,  on  penalties  laid  down  in  the 
ordinances;  and  this  was  enforced  with  all  possible  severity. 


While  they  punish  without  mercy  those  who  disobey  the  decrees  con- 
cerning the  sale  of  brandy  to  the  savages,  they  allow  (or  perhaps  do 
worse)  an  enormous  quantity  of  that  drink  to  be  taken  into  the  depth  of 
the  woods,  without  the  Jesuits  complaining  of  it.  They  maintain  a  great 
silence,  after  having  made  so  much  fuss  about  it  in  the  time  of  the  late 
Comte  de  Frontenac  and  M.  de  Calliere.  That  is  because  then  they  were 
not  dominant  in  this  country. 

The  7th  fact  is  that  the  fort  of  Detroit  was  set  on  fire,  the  fire  having 
been  put  in  a  barn  which  wa«  flanked  by  the  two  bastions  and  was  full 
of  corn  and  other  crops;  the  flame  by  a  strong  wind  burnt  down  the 
church,  the  house  of  the  Recollet,  that  of  M.  de  Tonty,  and  mine  which 
cost  me  a  loss  of  four  hundred  pistoles,  which  I  could  have  saved,  if  I  had 
been  willing  to  let  the  Company's  warehouse  burn,  and  the  King's  ammu- 
nition. I  even  had  one  hand  burnt,  and  I  lost  for  the  most  part  all  my 
papers  in  it.  I  had  the  fort  repaired  in  two  or  three  days,  all  the  savages 
having  assisted  me,  and  having  done  things  with  the  best  grace  in  the 
world.  They  showed  their  generosity  to  me  on  this  occasion  for,  having 
lost  all  my  provisions  and  those  of  the  garrison  and  employ<^s  of  the  Com- 
pany, they  made  a  present  to  me  personally  of  fifty  minots  of  wheat;  and 
as  all  our  grains  were  burnt,  they  supplied  all  the  food  [we  required]  at 
the  usual  price,  without  taking  advantage  of  our  distress. 


The  garrison  of  a  hundred  men  which  had  been  given  me  at  the  begin- 
ning had  been  reduced  to  fourteen;  it  was  therefore  impossible  for  me 
to  guard  the  four  bastions  of  the  fort.  I  could  only  guard  two  of  them 
by  laying  heavy  work  on  the  soldiers,  to  whom  neither  pay  nor  clothing 
has  been  given  for  three  years,  which  has  greatly  discouraged  them.  How- 
ever, the  savage  who  set  fire  to  the  barn  was  shot;  we  have  never  been 
able  to  learn  who  it  was.  We  may  be  able  to  obtain  some  information 

Digitized  by 


234  ANNUAL    MEETING,    1903. 

about  it  hereafter.  All  the  tribes  settled  at  Detroit  assert  that  it  was  a 
strange  savage  who  did  this  deed,  or  rather — they  say — some  Frenchman 
who  has  been  paid  for  doing  this  wicked  act ;  God  alone  knows. 

The  8th  fact  is  that  the  Miamis  aotiyatanoiins  came  and  attacked  the 
savages  of  Detroit;  they  killed  one  Outavois,  two  Hurons,  and  one  Pou- 
totiatauis.  This  act  of  hostility  set  all  the  tribes  of  Fort  Pontchartrain 
in  arms,  but  I  made  them  suspend  [action  in]  that  matter.  I  sent  to  the 
Aotiyatanoiins,  who  number  four  hundred  men,  to  tell  them  that  if  they 
did  not  come  promptly  and  make  atonement  for  that  insult.  I  was  going 
to  set  out,  myself,  to  exterminate  them ;  and  I  sent  them  a  flag  to  serve  as 
a  passport  for  them  during  their  journey.  The  tribe  submitted ;  it  sent 
chiefs  to  Detroit  who  replaced  the  dead  men  by  living  ones,  according  to 
their  custom,  and  made  large  presents  to  the  relatives  of  those  who  had 
been  killed.    In  this  way  I  put  a  stop  to  that  war  at  its  origin. 


Father  Mermet,  a  Jesuit,  is  the  missionary  of  the  village  of  the  Aoya- 
tanoiins  Miamis,  This  attack  was  made  after  the  Miamis  of  the  St.  Jo- 
seph river  had  set  out  from  their  village  to  come  and  settle  at  Detroit. 

The  9th  fact  is  that  at  the  same  time  that  the  Aoyatanouns  made  an  at- 
tack on  Detroit,  the  Illinois  came  there  on  the  war  path  with  a  patty  of 
fifteen  warriors  who,  having  been  discovered,  were  made  prisoners.  We 
contented  ourselves  with  whipping  them  with  birch  rods  when  they 
arrived  at  the  fort,  to  make  them  understand  that  I  was  treating  them 
like  a  father,  saving  their  lives  which  they  had  deserved  to  lose,  and  so 
that  they  should  not  be  rash  enough  to  carry  war  into  that  place  again. 
After  this  I  sent  four  of  them  to  the  village  of  the  Illinois  to  tell  them  to 
send  a  deputation  of  some  [men  of]  importance,  to  learn  from  them  the 
reasons  they  had  had  for  declaring  war  aginst  the  tribes  of  Detroit ;  that 
matter  was  settled  and  peace  maintained,  in  consequence.  The  Illinois 
said  that  EloiiaoUss(5,  one  of  the  chiefs  of  the  Utavois  of  Missilimakinak, 
had  been  amongst  them  to  arrange  a  war  against  his  own  tribe  which  is 
at  Detroit,  and  that  he  had  gained  over  fifteen  young  men  to  begin  it, 
who  set  out  unknown  to  the  older  men,  who  were  not  implicated  in  that 


Father  Gravier,  a  Jesuit,  is  the  missionary  to  the  Illinois,  and  M. 
Deliete  a  relative  of  M.  de  Tonty  also  resides  there.  The  aims  they  had 
in  having  the  tribes  of  Detroit  killed  by  the  Illinois  and  the  Miamis 
tended  to  induce  all  the  savages  to  retire  to  Missilimakinak  so  as  to  avoid 
war,  for  the  former,  who  are  not  boatmen,  could  not  go  to  Missilimakinak 
because  of  the  strait  which  it  was  necessary  to  pass  through  as  it  forms 
the  separation  of  Lake  Huron  from  the  Lake  of  the  Illinois.    Now  Eloii- 

Digitized  by 



aoussez,  of  whom  I  have  spoken,  set  out  from  Missilimakinak  for  the  Illi- 
nois some  time  after  the  arrival  of  Father  Maret,  and  of  M.  de  Mauthet 
at  Missilimakinak. 

The  10th  fact  is  that  the  Hurons  who  had  remained  at  Missilimakinak 
have  quitted  that  place  and  have  joined  those  at  Detroit,  so  that  the  whole 
of  that  tribe  is  now  settled  there.  1  had  the  honor  to  assure  you,  in  mj 
letter  last  year,  that  that  would  happen  also,  in  spite  of  the  statements 
to  the  contrary  made  by  this  wonderful  Father  de  Carheil  who  was  the 
missionary  to  them.  I  stated  to  you  also,  that  I  would  undertake  to 
reduce  this  rector  to  not  having  the  credit  of  keeping  even  one  of  his 
parishioners  to  bury  him.  The  Utavois,  also,  of  Missilimakinak  have 
withdrawn  to  Detroit  except  sixty  or  eighty.  This  migration  has  sur- 
prised the  whole  body  of  the  Jesuits  in  this  country  who  were  not  expect- 
ing it  any  more  than  the  Governor-General  and  the  Intendant  who  had 
trusted  to  MM.  de  Mauthet,  de  la  Decouverte,  and  above  all  to  Fathers 
Maret  and  de  Carheil. 


I  had  the  honor  to  send  you  last  year  copies  of  the  letters  of  the  Jesuit 
fathers,  especially  those  of  Missilimakinak,  in  which  they  wrote  to  me 
that  they  would  follow  the  savages  if  they  came  to  Detroit.  They  have 
come;  but  the  rectors  have  still  remained  fast  in  their  parish  without 
moving  from  it.    I  do  not  know  what  you  will  think  of  the  following  fact. 

The  11th  fact  is  that  the  sixty  Utavois  who  remained  at  Missilimakinak 
cariie  and  took  away  about  forty  Iroquois  under  the  curtains  of  Fort 
Frontenac,  having  killed  one  of  them,  on  whom  they  placed  a  Huron  tom- 
ahawk. This  scheme  is  diabolical ;  it  is  to  administer  an  emetic  to  Fort 
Pontchartrain,  that  is  to  say,  to  play  double  or  quits. 


These  60  Utavois  attacked  the  Iroquois  who  were  at  Fort  Frontenac. 
They  could  not  go  into  their  villages  and  into  the  places  where  they  are 
settled  without  passing  through  Detroit ;  that  is  a  thing  which  we  should 
not  have  permitted  to  the  tribes  who  are  there  if  they  were  enemies  to  one 
another.  It  was  a  very  cunning  trick  to  put  a  Huron  tomahawk  on  the 
body  of  that  Iroquois  who  was  killed,  so  as  to  intimate  that  it  is  the 
Huron  who  kills  them  (that  did  not  come  out  of  their  bag) ;  but  it  was 
not  he  who  thought  of  it.  Those  who  induced  the  Utavois  to  make  this 
attack  had  for  their  object  to  absolutely  compel  the  tribes  of  Detroit  to 
return  so  as  to  establish  Missilimakinak,  for  they  clearly  foresaw  that 
they  could  not  maintain  their  [position]  there  without  a  settlement  or 
a  strong  French  garrison,  for  the  number  of  the  Iroquois  is  greater  even 
than  those  settled  at  Detroit.    It  is  not  likely  that  sixty  men  would  have 

Digitized  by 


236  ANNUAL   MEETING.    1903. 

the  audacity,  of  themselves,  to  declare  war  against  the  five  tribes  of  the 
Iroquois,  unless  they  had  been  set  in  motion  by  giving  them  hopes,  almost 
certain,  of  the  re-establishment  of  Missilimakinak.  They  have  even  taken 
these  steps  during  the  time  I  have  been  detained  at  Quebec  a  prisoner; 
and  lastly,  after  this  attack  was  made  M.  de  Mauthet  arrived  at  Mon- 
treal, and  M!  de  la  Decouverte  came  a  fortnight  after  him,  both  having 
brought  several  boats  loaded  with  beaver  and  [other  skins]  as  a  reward 
for  so  noble  a  mission. 

The  12th  fact  is  that  M.  de  Vincennes  is  now  at  Detroit  with  four  hun- 
dred jars  of  brandy,  where  he  keeps  a  tavern,  having  been  forerunner  of 
M.  de  Louvigny,  major  of  Quebec,  brother-in-law  of  Delino  the  director,  of 
Nolan  the  dishonest  clerk,  relative  of  Chaleleraut  another  clerk  at  De- 
troit, M.  de  Louvigny  having  himself  been  convicted  of  having  contra- 
vened the  King's  orders  by  a  decree  of  the  Council.  The  said  M.  de  Vin- 
cennes has  also  been  the  forerunner  of  M.  Vincelot,  subdelegated  by  the 
Intendant,  who  has  given  information  against  no  one  but  me  alone. 
Brandy  has  not  been  spared  to  bribe  the  savages ;  but  they  have  not  done 
what  they  wished  nevertheless.  This  pretended  subdelegate  is  first  cousin 
to  M.  Pinaud,  who  is  my  adversary,  being  one  of  the  directors  and  of 
a  stock  of  which  I  have  already  spoken, 


AideLouvig-  The  directors  have  paid  to  M.  de  Louvigny  the  sum  of  two  thousand 
four  pSstoies^a  Hvres  of  France  for  making  this  journey  on  which  he  was  only  fifty-five 
vtnoek)t  two  days ;  a  thing  which  has  never  been  seen,  for  until  now  an  officer  has  never 
^      ^^  been  paid  for  escorting  or  conducting  a  convoy,  which  shows  that  the 

directors  and  the  Governor-General  have  warmly  recommended  me  to  the 
attention  of  M.  Louvigny. 

M.  Vincelot  also  had  the  sum  of  one  thousand  livres  for  this  journey 
when  he  returned  with  M.  de  T^ouvigny.  You  see  the  bounties  the  board 
of  directors  are  dispensing  at  a  time  when  the  Company  is  engulfed,  and 
the  Colony  is  in  distress  and  without  resources.  The  interpreter  whom 
the  late  M.  de  Calliere  and  M.  de  Champigny  had  appointed  at  Detroit 
has  been  recalled  because  he  is  an  upright  and  skilful  man ;  and  they  have 
put  in  his  place  one  Rivart,  called  the  orange-man,  who  does  not  under- 
stand the  Outavois  of  which  he  is  the  interpreter.  He  is  the  brother-in- 
law  of  M.  de  Vaudreuirs  secj-etary,  son-in-law  of  Chatelerau  the  clerk  at 
Detroit,  a  relative  of  Nolan  the  dishonest  clerk,  of  Louvigny  the  major, 
of  Delino  the  director;  and  he  [was  declared]  a  perjurer  by  decree  of  the 
supreme  Council  dated  the  2nd  of  July  1703,  for  a  false  oath  which  he 
took  in  the  provostship  of  Quebec,  for  which  sentence  was  passed  on  the 
3rd  of  Novr.  1702.  It  is  easy  with  such  fellows  to  get  up  an  action  against 
an  honest  man. 
The  13th  fact  is  that  Denoyer,  the  principal  clerk  of  the  Company  and 

Digitized  by 



a  SO  called  subdelegate,  [who]  was  formerly  a  servant  of  M.  de  Denon- 
ville  who,  with  Father  Lamberville  a  Jesuit,  so  strongly  opposed  the  es- 
tablishment of  Detroit  to  the  Court,  sent  the  sister  of  an  Outavois,  called 
by  the  French  Jean  le  Blanc,  to  Missilimakinak  and  wrote  to  M.  de  Mau- 
thet  (who  was  there  for  reasons  of  which  I  have  spoken)  to  take  the 
evidence  of  that  woman;  and  she  stated  that  I  had  given  [collars]  con- 
jointly with  M.  Radisson,  who  was  at  that  time  principal  clerk,  in  order 
to  have  Denoyer  dismissed,  the  women  kept  at  Detroit,  and  [also]  the 
skins  until  merchandise  had  been  brought  there. 


Jean  le  Blanc,  brother  of  this  woman  whose  evidence  M.  de  Mauthet 
took,  said  at  Detroit  in  open  council j  like  the  other  Utavois  that  he  knew 
nothing  except  from  the  mouth  of  Quarante  8ous,  chief  of  the  Hurons, 
who  appears  to  have  played  me  a  trick  in  order  the  better  to  obtain  his  own 
ends.  Therefore  the  evidence  of  Jean  le  Blanc  at  Detroit  and  that  of  his 
sister  at  Missilimakinak  contradicted  one  another.  Now  M.  de  Mauthet 
is  an  officer,  who  served  under  my  command  at  Missilimakinak  where, 
having  desired  to  raise  a  rebellion  with  MM.  de  Courtemanche  and  De- 
lisle,  they  were  put  under  arrest  at  Montreal  and  afterwards  sent  to 
prison  at  Quebec  where  they  remained  a  month;  and  this  is  known  to 
everyone,  and  I  have  the  proofs  of  it  in  my  possession.  That  is  the  way 
the  Governor-General  has  corrupted  his  people  in  order  to  ruin  me,  not 
foreseeing  that  their  evidence  would  be  liable  to  be  challenged;  and  it 
manifestly  appears  that  that  was  a  matter  arranged  between  M.  de  Mau- 
thet and  Denoyer,  the  whole  being  managed  by  the  agency  of  the  Jesuits 
as  transpired  by  a  letter  of  Father  de  Carheil  which  he  wrote  at  the  latter 
place,  dated,  [no  date  given] 

The  14th  fact  is  that  the  Utavois  accused  Quarante  Sous,  the  chief  of 
the  Hurons,  of  having  told  them  that  it  was  I  who  caused  the  dismissal  of 
Denoyer,  the  retention  of  the  women  &c  to  be  demanded. 


Quarante  Sous  denied  the  act,  and  maintained  in  the  presence  of  M. 
Louvigny,  Yincelot  and  all  the  Frenchmen  that  it  was  false  and  that  I  had 
never  spoken  to  him  of  it;  and  he  said  "I  do  not  understand  M.  de  La- 
mothe's  language,  he  does  not  understand  mine;  where  then  is  the  inter- 
preter?'' The  Utavois  hung  their  heads  and  said  they  knew  nothing 
about  it.  If  therefore  Quarante  Sous  has  done  wrong  or  spoken  evil,  and 
has  made  use  of  my  name,  am  I  to  answer  for  it?  J^t  them  hang  him  if 
they  like,  what  do  1  care?  But  I  do  not  think  there  will  be  any  disposi: 
tion  to  do  that. 

The  15th  fact  is  that  it  has  been  said  that  the  wife  of  the  man  named 

Digitized  by 


238  ANNUAL   MEETING,    1903.. 

Techenet  acted  as  my  interpreter  for  speaking  to  Quarante^Sous,  and 
lastly  they  will  have  it  that  it  was  in  a  barn  where  that  piece  of  morforio 
[?  double  dealing]  was  transacted. 


The  wife  of  Techenet  is  the  daughter  of  a  Frenchman  and  a  savage 
woman.  After  she  had  been  married  with  the  rites  of  the  Church,  at  the 
end  of  a  year  she  left  her  husband  and  betook  herself  to  the  English 
where  she  got  married  again  to  a  savage  of  the  Loup  tribe,  with  whom 
she  remained  twelve  years,  having  had  several  children  by  him.  During 
the  last  war  this  woman  was  capt\ired  among  the  English  by  our  Iroquois 
from  the  Waterfall.  She  was  ransomed  by  one  of  her  brothers-in-law,  a 
Frenchman  named  Maurice  Menard,  who  took  her  to  the  Utavois  where 
her  first  husband  was,  to  whom  she  would  not  go  back.  At  Missilimaki- 
nak  she  led  a  dissolute  life  and,  her  brother-in-law  wishing  to  correct  her, 
she  accused  him  of  haying  tried  to  seduce  her  with  illicit  intercourse  with 
her  and  to  take  her  back  to  the  English.  She  brought  her  complaint 
thereon  before  me  and,  when  proceedings  were  instituted,  the  imposture 
of  that  wicked  woman  was  recognized.  She  afterwards  enticed  away  two 
Canadians,  to  take  them  to  the  English,  and  when  she  set  out  with  them 
I  had  her  pursued.  She  was  caught  with  these  two  young  men,  who  con- 
fessed the  fact,  [and]  I  sent  her  under  guard  to  the  Chevalier  de  Calliere 
who  sent  her  down  to  Quebec  to  send  her  to  France.  As  no  precautions 
were  taken,  the  man  Jean  le  Blanc,  of  whom  we  have  spoken  above,  took 
her  otr,  brought  her  back  to  Missilimakinak  and  married  her.  She  left 
him  to  take  another,  and  has  been  kept  by  more  than  a  hundred  men. 
That  is  the  woman  whom  they  pretended  I  made  use  of  as  an  interpreter; 
and  they  quoted  her  in  the  hope  that  they  would  bribe  her  very  easily. 
Yet  she  maintained  strongly  that  she  had  no  knowledge  of  this  fact,  and 
declared  after  she  was  questioned  that  they  had  threatened  her  on  behalf 
of  M.  de  Vaudreuil,  and  that  they  promised  to  reward  her  if  she  would 
accuse  me.  Thus  they  desired  and  in  fact  made  use,  in  these  proceedings 
of  an  interi)reter  related  to  my  adversaries,  and  a  perjurer  [as  declared] 
by  decree;  of  a  drunken  savage;  of  a  dissolute  woman;  of  a  sub-delegate 
whose  kindred  is  full  to  overflowing  with  vileness,  and  a  relative  of  di 
rector  Pinaud ;  of  an  officer  related  to  my  adversaries,  namely  M.  de  Lou- 
vigny,  himself  declared  by  decree  to  be  guilty  of  contravening  the  King's 
orders ;  of  Tonty,  whom  I  denounced  two  years  ago  for  transacting  trade 
and  complicity  with  the  clerks;  of  Mauthet,  whom  I  had  put  under  arrest 
and  in  prison  at  Quebec  for  a  month.  Further  my  adversaries  are  Lof- 
binieres,  Delino  and  Pinaud,  directors,  all  relatives  of  the  clerks  whom  I 
convicted  of  malversation.  For  Arnaud,  a  clerk  at  Detroit,  married  a 
daughter  of  a  man  called  Xaintes  who  was  a  cutler;  the  wife  of  Xaintes 
took  for  her  second  husband  M.  de  Beaulieu  who  was  a  bastard,  and  was 

Digitized  by 



the  brother  of  Vincelot's  mother;  and  the  said  [widow]  of  Xaintes  mar- 
ried, the  third  time,  M.  de  Lofbinieres  and  the  latter  is  the  maternal  uncle 
of  M.  de  Vaudreuil.  For  M.  Jobert  de  Marson  married  the  sister  of  Lof- 
binieres who  was  of  low  birth;  M.  Monseignat  who  is  [their]  son,  and  the 
brother  of  a  master  tailor  of  Paris,  now  a  Councillor,  also  married  one 
of  the  daughters  of  the  said  [widow]  of  Xaintes,  wife  of  M.  de  Lofbiniere, 
and  consequently  stands  in  the  same  degree  of  relationship  as  M.  Ar- 
naud.  Delino,  Louvigny  and  Nolan,  a  clerk  I  have  also  convicted  of  mal- 
versation, are  three  brothers-in-law;  for  Louvigny  and  Delino  married 
the  two  daughters  of  Nolan  senior,  who  was  a  tavern  keeper  in  Quebec, 
jind  in  spite  of  all  this,  this  relationshp,  alliance,  protection  and  expendi- 
ture, nothing  has  been  proved  against  me;  and  if  there  is  anything  in  the 
information  against  me  it  will  surprise  me,  for  all  who  have  come  from 
Detroit  have  said  openly  at  Quebec  that  everything  possible  has  been  done 
to  intimidate  them  but  they  have  given  no  evidence  except  to  clear  me. 

The  16th  fact  is  that  M.  Vincelot  has  made  the  Utavois  take  oaths,  and 
has  made  them  swear  by  the  share  they  claim  in  Paradise  to  speak  the 


There  has  never  been  any  precedent  for  this  among  the  Outavois  tribes 
and  I  will  stake  my  life  on  it  they  cannot  produce  one.  They  would  have 
raised  their  feet  [as  readily]  as  their  hands,  and  they  would  have  them- 
selves baptised  a  hundred  times  for  a  hundred  drinks  of  brandy ;  you  can 
infer  from  that  what  their  oath  is.  It  is  a  fact  which  no  one  can  dispute 
that  there  is  not  a  hut  but  has  its  own  private  divinity,  as  the  serpent,  the 
bear,  the  eagle,  and  so  of  the  other  animals,  to  which  they  sacrifice  in  their 
need,  and  especially  on  occasions  of  war  or  sickness.  Hence  the  only  re- 
sult or  the  only  good  the  missionaries  do  consists  in  the  baptism  of 
infants  who  die  after  receiving  it,  or  by  chance  that  of  some  old  man  at 
the  point  of  death.  Where  would  you  find  an  officer  willing  to  command 
in  that  country  if  the  evidence  of  the  savages  were  received  in  courts  of 
justice?  It  would  have  been  more  prudent  in  M.  de  Vaudreuil  to  recall 
me  arbitrarily,  since  he  wished  to  destroy  that  post  and  protect  his  rel- 
atives in  their  acts  of  injustice,  than  to  allow  such  a  proceeding  as  that. 
For  the  savages  hereafter  will  threaten  commanding  officers,  and  will  no 
longer  have  either  respect  or  fear  for  them,  which  are  two  things  essential 
for  governing  them  well.  M.  de  Vaudreuil  has  not  taken  care  or  fore- 
seen the  grievous  consequences  of  that  matter  and  the  rude  shocks  such 
conduct  gives  to  the  King's  authority.  The  late  MM.  de  Frontenac  and 
De  Caliiere  would  not  have  taken  so  false  a  step. 

The  17th  fact  is  that  M.  de  Lacorne,  a  lieutenant  of  the  troops,  whom 
the  Governor-General  sent  to  command  at  Fort  Frontenac,  has  given  a 
war-feast  to  the  Iroquois  and  has  set  the  hatchet  in  their  hands  to  go  and 
kill  and  get  slaves  at  Detroit. 

Digitized  by 


240  ANNUAL   MEETING,    1903. 


M.  de  Lacorne,  who  is  a  good  oflftcer  and  understands  the  service,  has 
not  caused  war  to  be  declared  on  the  savages  of  Detroit  without  having 
an  order  to  do  so  from  the  Governor-General  either  verbally  or  in  writing. 
This  latest  attempt  against  Detroit  is  a  gross  one,  and  proves  only  too 
evidently  that  the  war  which  the  Illinois  and  the  Aoyatanouns  began 
against  the  savages  of  Detroit  proceeds  from  the  same  source;  the  blow 
struck  by  the  sixty  Utavois  of  Missilimakinak,  in  declaring  war  on  the 
Iroquois  who  were  at  Fort  Frontenac,  comes  and  also  proceeds  only  from 
the  same  quarter.  It  was  only  spcAen  of  [before]  on  the  evidence  of  the 
savages;  but  what  M.  de  Lacorne  has  done  on  this  last  occasion  completes 
the  revelation  and  the  disclosure  of  the  mystery.  This  is  surprising  and 
you  can  easily  observe,  my  lord,  the  tractableness  of  the  tribes  of  Detroit 
and  their  good  behavior.  They  knew  as  well  as  M.  de  Lamothe,  that  there 
was  a  grudge  against  them  and  that  an  attempt  was  being  made  to  drive 
them  from  that  post;  for  two  tribes  made  war  against  them.  They  made 
pea<?e  at  a  time  when  they  were  victorious;  their  relatives  of  Missilimak- 
inak had  made  prisoners,  and  it  was  they  who  made  them  let  them  go. 
Now  as  a  reward  for  having  behaved  so  well,  someone  has  caused  war  to 
be  declared  against  them. 

The  18th  fact  is  that  M.  de  Vaudreuil  has  sent  to  the  Utavois,  with  two 
boats,  the  man  named  Sansouci,  formerly  a  soldier  in  his  company,  who 
was  born  on  the  land  of  Vaudreuil,  under  the  pretext  of  dismissing  a  man 
called  Ouendigo  who  is  a  savage  of  Missilimakinak  where  he  took  mer- 
chandise and  brandy  to  the  value  of  seven  or  eight  hundred  livres. 


If  pretexts  like  these  are  good  [enough]  to  send  to  the  Utavois,  it  is 
useless  to  suppress  the  25  cong<5s.*  Can  it  be  doubted  that  the  said  San- 
souci has  an  interest  in  this  trade  together  with  the  Governor-General. 

The  19th  fact  is  that  M.  St.  Germain  has  rented  the  concession  belong- 
ing to  M.  de  Vaudreuil,  which  is  the  furthest  advanced,  and  he  gives  him 
three  thousand  livres  a  year  for  it  and  has  had  a  house  built  on  it  which 
must  remain  for  M.  de  Vaudreuil. 


There  is  not  a  quarter  of  an  arpent  of  land  cleared  on  M.  de  VaudreuiTs 
concession;  hence  his  tenant  transacts  commerce  and  trade  there  with  the 
savages  under  great  penalties.  M.  de  Vaudreuil'S  tenant  has  taken  his 
beaver  skins  to  the  English;  this  is  a  matter  of  public  notoriety. 

♦This    probably    means  men    holding  permits  (congas)   to    sell    brandy    to    the 
Indians — "licensed  brandy  sellers."  E.  R.  (Translator). 

Digitized  by 



The  20th  fact  is  M.  de'  la  Decouverte  who  went  up  to  the  Iltavois  came 
down  again  with  ten  thousand  franc's  [worth]  of  beaver  skins,  as  may  be 
seen  at  the  office  for  receiving  the  said  beaver  skins,  [and]  of  this  M.  de 
Vaudreuil  has  had  a  thousand  crowns;  this  point  requires  no  further 
observation  than  what  follows.  If  M.  de  Vaudreuil  did  not  hold  all  au- 
thority [here],  the  proofs  of  it  should  be  sent;  but  how  can  one  go  about 
that — durum  est  contra  stimulum  calcitrare  ["it  is  hard  to  kick  against 
the  pricks"].  I  see  clearly  that  I  am  sacrificing  myself  on  behalf  of  the 
public;  but  no  matter,  I  must  hope  that  God,  the  King  and  your  High- 
ness will  see  to  it. 

I  b^  you,  my  lord,  to  be  good  enough  to  grant  me  leave  to  go  to  France 
next  year,  in  case  you  should  not  grant  Detroit  to  me.  But  if  you  wish 
me  to  form  a  settlement  there  send  me  if  you  please  a  permit  to  go  there 
when  I  think  fit.  I  will  haaiard  nothing,  I  will  do  everything  for  the  best 
having  no  other  wish  but  that  of  pleasing  you,  and  of  being  with  very 
deep  respect 

My  Lord, 
Your  very  humble  and  very  obedient  servant, 

Lamothe  Cadillac. 

At  Quebec,  this  14th  Nov.  1704. 

The  trade  of  Detroit  was  given  to  the  Company  of  the  Colony  of  Canada  Oct.  31, 
1701.    See  Western  Literary  Cabinet,  -vol.  X,  p.  122. 

When  Leyis  Cass  was  Minister  to  France  he  obtained  copies  of  various  papers 
relating  to  the  history  of  Detroit,  from  the  French  archives.  Mrs.  Electa  M. 
Sheldon  was  then  conducting  a  magazine,  the  Western  Literary  Cabinet,  at  De- 
troit and  she  made  use  of  these  documents  in  several  articles  on  the  Early  History 
of  Michigan.  These  articles  were  subsequently  rearranged  and  enlarged  and  pub- 
lished in  1856  in  Sheldon's  Early  History  of  Michigan.  In  editing  and  publishing 
the  above  dialogue  between  Count  Pontchartrain  and  Cadillac,  Mrs.  Sheldon  con- 
cluded, from  its  form,  that  the  dialogue  actually  took  place  in  the  City  of  Quebec. 
Judge  Campbell,  in  his  History  of  Michigan,  curiously  fell  into  the  same  error. 
Attempts  have  been  made  by  some  writers  to  throw  discredit  upon  all  the  writ- 
ings of  Cadillac  by  asserting  that  this  dialogue  was  untruthful  and  never  took 
place.  (Mr.  R.  R.  Elliott  in  an  article  in  the  United  States  Catholic  Historical 
Mag.  (Vol.  IV.  No.  2,  p.  117.)  There  can  be  no  contention,  on  the  part  of  any 
student,  that  this  is  anything  more  than  an  imaginary  dialogue,  a  form  of  narra- 
tion not,  at  that  time,  uncommon,  but  it  served  to  show  Cadillac's  side  of  the  then 
pending  controversy  between  himself  and  the  Jesuits.  Mr.  John  G-ilmary  Shea 
in  a  letter  in  the  above  article  of  Mr.  Elliott,  states  that  "His  (Pontchartrain's) 
correspondence  with  the  (Governor  and  Intendant  shows  that  he  never  came  to 
Canada.  This  (dialogism)  style  of  imaginary  conversation  is  not  uncommon,"  but 
It  cannot  be  believed  that  because  Cadillac  used  this  form  of  reporting  his  troubles 
that  he  is  unworthy  of  confidence.  His  quarrels  with  the  Company  and  with  the 
Jesuits  were  experienced  by  nearly  every  person  of  importance  outside  of  their  own 
ranks.  The  dialogue,  upon  its  face,  purports  to  be  no  more  than  a  report  to  the 
Minister,  and  is  signed  in  the  usual  manner  of  signing  reports. — C.  M.  B. 


Digitized  by 


242  ANNUAL    MEETING,    1903 



Endorsed — Colonies.    M.  de  Vaudreuil,  5th  May,  1705. 

My  Lord, 

The  Sieur  de  Beauharnois  and  I  have  had  the  honor  to  write  you  a  joint 
letter  by  this  opportunity;  this  one  is  only  to  thank  you  for  the  honor 
you  have  done  me  in  granting  me  your  protection,  and  to  ask  you  to  con- 
tinue it,  assuring  you.  My  Lord,  that  I  will  apply  myself  so  diligently  to 
the  discharge  of  my  duties  for  the  King's  service,  and  to  carrying  out 
your  orders,  that  you  will  never  have  occasion  to  repent  having  granted 
it  me. 

I  have  just  learnt,  My  Lord,  from  a  savage — an  Iroquois — who  escaped 
from  Michilimakina,  where  he  had  been  taken  as  a  prisoner,  and  passed 
by  Detroit,  that  the  Hurons  savages  settled  at  that  post  are  intending  to 
withdraw  and  join  the  Iroquois,  and  that  to  this  end  they  have  sent  a  belt 
to  the  Sounoutonans  in  order  that  two  or  three  hundred  of  them  should 
come  over  and  fetch  them,  as  they  dare  not  go  away  without  this  help,  on 
account  of  the  other  tribes. 

As*  this  news.  My  Lord,  only  comes  from  a  savage  it  needs  confirma- 
tion; but  it  is  not  however  unlikely,  more  especially  as  we  have  been  in- 
formed for  a  long  time  of  the  just  causes  of  complaint  which  the  Hurons 
have  against  the  Outavois  savages  of  Michilimakina,  and  we  know  they 
are  only  waiting  for  an  opportunity  to  fly  at  each  other's  throats.  I  am 
about  to  send  at  once  to  Detroit  to  ward  off  this  blow;  and  I  have  no 
doubt  that  the  Sr.  de  Tonty  who  is  in  command  there  will  take  every 
means  to  prevent  this  junction,  if  he  has  knowledge  of  it.  I  have  every 
reason,  My  Lord,  to  be  pleased  with  the  manner  in  which  he  manages  all 
these  tribes. 

I  will  not  recite  to  you  in  detail^  My  Lord,  what  is  going  on  in  the 
country,  leaving  it  to  the  joint  letter  which  the  Sr.  de  Beauharnois  and 
I  have  the  honor  to  write  to  you.  I  will  only  inform  you  here  of  the 
death  of  the  Sr.  de  Plagnol,  Lieutenant  of  the  Company  of  Maricourt. 

You  will  permit  me.  My  Lord,  ever  to  continue  to  beg  for  the  honor  of 
your  protection  for  myself  and  for  my  eight  sons  and  one  daughter,  assur- 
ing you  of  the  complete  devotion  of  my  family,  and  of  the  deepest  respect 
with  which  I  am 

My  Lord, 
Your  most  humble  and  most  obedient  servant. 


Quebec,  this  5th  of  May,  1705. 

Vol.  5,  p.  950. 

Digitized  by 




Extract  from  the  letter  of  M.  de  Pontchartrain  of  the  17th  of  June, 
1705,  at  paragraph  8. 


When  the  settlement  of  Detroit  is  formed  His  Majesty  will  approve  of 
your  coming  to  France  to  give  him  an  account  of  it ;  but  this  must  not  be, 
as  long  as  the  war  lasts.    Therefore  even  when  the  settlement  is  com-  ^^^^^  letter b. 
pleted,  do  not  come  without  orders  unless  peace  has  been  concluded. 


The  number  of  posts  established  there  in  which  there  are  Commandants 
and  garrisons  is  the  chief  cause  of  the  bad  condition  of  the  companies. 
The  best  soldiers  are  sent  to  these  posts,  and  they  first  become  traders 
and  then  desert,  because  it  is  so  easy  for  them  to  go  first  to  the  Illinois 
and  thence  to  Louisiana. 

The  necessity  for  sending  to  the  Commandants,  the  Missionaries,  and 
the  soldiers  forming  the  said  garrisons,  the  articles  they  need,  serves  as  a 
pretext  for  multiplying  licenses  or  permissions  [to  trade]. 

Their  trade  is  developed  by  settlers  from  the  Colony  who  get  so  accus- 
tomed to  the  business  of  Voyageurs  that  they  become  incapable  of  devot- 
ing themselves  to  cultivating  tlie  land ;  and  many  of  them  do  not  return 
to  their  concessions,  and  become  "coureurs  de  bois." 

In  order  to  succeed  in  carrying  out  His  Majesty's  orders  forbidding 
the  grant  of  licenses,  it  would  be  advisable  to  limit  the  number  of  such 
posts  to  those  at  Detroit  and  Michilimakinac,  which  it  is  indispensably 
necessary  to  keep  up. 

As  regards  the  others,  there  appears  no  need  to  retain  them;  for  the 
savages  that  are  attracted  to  them  could  equally  well  go  to  trade  at 
Michilimakinac  or  Detroit,  and  the  Commandants  could  control  the  sav- 
ages who  are  above  the  two  posts. 

It  is  also  necessary  that  the  number  of  boats  for  Detroit  and  Michili- 
makinac should  be  decided  on  by  the  Council,  as  they  formerly  were  for 
the  posts  where  there  were  commanding  officers. 

*Not  dated.  The  text  indicates  that  it  was  after  the  date  of  the  trading  grant 
given  to  Cadillac,  1704,  and  about  the  time  of  his  first  transfers  of  village  lots,  1707. 
— C.  M.  B. 

Vol.  2,  p.  892. 
Vol.  8.  p.  1672. 

Digitized  by 


244  ANNUAL    MEETING,    1903. 

That  the  persons  to  whom  they  are  granted  should  be  bound  to  have 
them  registered  at  the  Registry  of  Montreal  before  they  leave.  That,  on 
their  return,  they  should  hand  them  in  to  the  Registry  of  the  same  juris- 
diction ;  that,  when  they  hand  them  in,  they  shall  be  bound  to  declare  to 
the  Registry  the  day  of  their  return,  and  to  obtain  a  paper  from  the  Reg- 
istrar to  serve  them  as  a  quittance;  that  mention  should  be  made  of  this 
document  on  the  Register,  which  they  shall  be  bound  to  sign,  if  they 
know  how  to  do  so;  if  not,  it  should  be  stated  that  they  have  declared 
that  they  cannot  sign. 

If  the  number  of  permits  for  Detroit  were  not  limited,  the  Command- 
ant of  this  post,  who  holds  the  monopoly  of  the  trade,  could  extend  it  into 
all  the  upper  countries  and  it  would  be  impossible  to  prevent  it. 

He  alone  would  have  power  to  trade  for  furs;  and  the  suppression  of 
licenses  to  trade  would  mean  an  increase  of  trade  to  him,  as  extensive  as 
he  might  think  fit.  It  appears,  from  the  annexed  list,  that  56  permits 
have  been  registered  this  year  for  all  the  posts  together. 

The  same  rule  should  be  observed  as  to  the  passports  or  permits  which 
are  granted  for  Orange  and  other  places  in  New  England.  If  this  were 
done,  it  would  not  be  necessary  for  me  to  examine  the  licenses,  permits, 
or  passports,  for  it  would  only  be  a  question  of  examining  into  the  times 
of  departure  and  return,  and  whether  the  conditions  laid  down  in  the 
said  permits  had  been  carried  out. 

As.  in  accordance  with  His  Majesty's  memorandum  of  the  15th  of  June 
last,  the  monopoly  of  the  trade  at  Detroit  is  granted  to  the  Commandant 
of  this  post,  on  the  condition  that  he  shall  be  responsible  for  all  expenses^ 
and  the  French  people  who  may  settle  there  are  forbidden  to  trade  at  all, 
except  for  their  provisions,  there  is  no  likelihood  of  any  other  settlers 
going  there  except  those  whom  it  may  be  to  the  Commandant's  interest  to 
have  there,  to  employ  them  in  transacting  his  trade. 

Those  who  are  there  now  have  acquired  sites  within  the  fort  on  which 
they  have  built  houses,  all  living  within  the  fort.  They  were  only  at- 
tracted there  by  the  right  of  trading  which  M.  de  la  Mothe  Cadillac  had 
granted  them  for  ten  livres  rent  a  year.  Most  of  them  contented  them- 
selves with  these  sites,  for  which  they  paid  rent  to  M.  de  la  Mothe,  and 
took  no  grants  of  land  w  ith  wood  standing. 

As  the  inducement  of  the  trade  which  these  settlers  could  do  there  no 
longer  exists  those  who  have  sites  within  the  fort  will  l)e  obliged  to  give 
them  up,  and  the  Commandant  may  contribute  to  this,  since  it  is  to  his 
interest  that  only  those  should  remain  whom  it  will  suit  him  to  employ. 

Those  who  hold  these  sites  have  no  privilege  beyond  that  of  all  the  in- 
habitants of  this  Colony,  who  obtain  permits  to  go  up  to  Detroit  for  which 
they  pay  to  the  Commandant  from  three  to  four  hundred  livres  for  each 
boat,  according  to  the  agreements  they  make  betw^een  them  by  common 
consent,  a  privilege  which,  under  M.  de  la  Moth's  contracts  of  concession, 
used  to  coat  them  onlv  10  livres  a  year. 

Digitized  by 



They  buy  this  permission  in  order  to  obtain  the  right  of  traiing  there, 
without  which  they  would  not  undertake  a  journey  of  [50(1  leagues;  for 
if  they  went  up  there  without  this  permission  they  would  incur  great 
expense  without  any  chance  of  profit. 

The  drawback  that  there  will  be  no  settlers  at  Detroit,  does  not  appear 
great;  for,  if  large  settlements  were  made  there,  they  would  be  destroyed 
in  the  first  war  against  the  savages,  and  for  this  reason  it  would  be  ad- 
visable to  have  no  settled  inhabitants  either  at  Detroit  or  at  Michilimaki- 
nac,  and  that  only  Voyageurs  should  go  there. 

The  King  might  keep  Commandants  in  these  two  posts  without  allow- 
ing them  to  do  any  trade,  and  without  any  expense  to  His  Majesty  beyond 
the  oflBcers  salaries  and  the  pay  of  the  garrison. 

The  necessary  funds  for  that  expense  might  be  found  by  selling,  for 
His  Majesty^s  profit,  the  limited  number  of  licenses  for  the  upper  coun- 
tries which  it  might  be  decided  to  grant.  The  proceeds  of  the  sale  of 
these  licenses  would  suflBce  both  for  the  additional  pay  which  the  Council 
might  grant  to  the  Commandants  and  for  all  the  extraordinary  expenses 
which  would  be  incurred  at  these  posts,  if  a  condition  were  inserted  in 
the  licenses  that  each  of  the  i>ersons  who  make  use  of  them  should  be 
bound  to  convey  a  certain  quantity  of  the  necessaries  required  by  the 
garrisons,  which  is  usual  with  regard  to  licenses  in  which  these  conditions 
are  inserted. 


THE    COLONY    OF    CANADA^    AND    M.    DE    LAMOTHE    IN    CONCERT    WITH    TUB 



Canada.    Posts  of  the  Upper  Countries. 

Before  the  Royal  Notary  in  the  provostship  of  Quebec,  undersigned, 
there  resident,  and  witnesses  named  below,  there  were  present  M.  Ken(5 
Louis  Chartier,  Esquire  seignior  of  Lotbiniere,  Chief  Councillor  to  the 
Supreme  Council  of  this  Country,  and  Master  George  Renard  Duplessis, 
seignior  of  L^Vuzon,  Treasurer  of  the  Navy,  the  general  and  special  agents 
cff  the  Company  of  the  Colony  of  this  Country,  dwelling  in  this  town  of 
Quebec,  of  the  one  part,  and  Antoine  de  la  Mothe  Esquire,  lord  of  Cadil- 
lac, Captain  of  a  Company  of  the  detachment  of  Marines  kept  up  by  His 
Majesty  in  this  country  and  commandant  for  the  King  at  Fort  Pontchar- 
train  of  Detroit,  at  present  in  this  town,  of  the  other  part ;  which  parties 
to  wit  MM.  de  LObiniere  [and]  Duplessis  in  virtue  of  the  orders  of  My 
Lord  the  Comte  de  Pontchartrain,  Minister  and  Secretary  of  State,  dated 
the  fourteenth  of  June  of  last  year,  addressed  to  the  board  of  directors, 
which  were  only  received  this  year;  and  in  the  presence  and  with  the 

Vol.  2.  p.  851. 

Digitized  by 


246  ANNUAL    MEETING,    1903. 

consent  of  the  high  and  puissant  seignior  Messire  Philipes  de  Rigault, 
Marquis  de  Vaudreuil,  Knight  of  the  Military  Order  of  St.  Louis,  Gov- 
ernor and  Lieutenant  General  for  His  Majesty  in  this  country  of  New 
France,  Messire  Jacques  Raudot.  Councillor  of  the  King  in  his  Councils, 
Intendant  of  Justice,  Police  and  Finance  in  this  country,  Messire  Fran- 
cois de  Beauharnois.  knight,  seignior  of  La  Chaussoye  Beaunioni  and 
other  places,  Councillor  of  the  King  in  his  Councils,  Intendant -General  of 
the  Navy  and  formerly  Intendant  of  New  France,  have  agreed  on  what 


That  the  merchandise  which  is  at  Fort  Pontchartrain  of  Detroit  shall 
be  handed  over  to  M.  de  la  Mothe,  or  to  whomsoever  commands  there 
under  his  orders,  as  soon  as  he  arrives  at  the  place,  on  the  first  applica- 
tion he  shall  make  for  them  to  the  clerks  of  the  Company. 


That  a  general  inventory  shall  be  made  by  M.  de  Bourgmont,  an  officer, 
and  M.  de  Grandmesnil,  the  agent  of  the  said  M.  de  la  Mothe,  and  by  the 
clerks  of  the  Company  at  the  said  place,  in  the  presence  of  M.  de  Tonty 
and  of  Father  Constantin  de  Halle,  Missionary,  of  all  the  merchandise  and 
movable  property,  houses,  warehouse,  and  cleared  lands  and  generally  of 
everything  there  may  be  at  Detroit.  In  the  inventories  shall  be  noted 
what  goods  are  neither  spoilt  nor  damaged. 


That  M.  de  la  Mothe  shall  pay  for  the  goods  which  are  saleable,  and 
which  are  neither  spoilt  nor  damaged  according  to  the  invoice  which  shall 
at  once  be  presented  to  him,  it  being  understood  that  in  the  parcels  which 
are  damaged  or  spoilt  he  shall  pay  for  what  is  found  good  in  them  as 
good  merchandise. 


Over  and  above  the  price  of  the  said  goods,  M.  de  la  Mothe  offers  the 
Company  to  grant  it  a  premium  of  thirty  per  cent.  Both  parties  have 
deferred,  on  this  point,  to  what  it  may  please  My  Lord  the  Comte  de 
Pontchartrain  to  order. 


That  as  soon  as  the  general  inventory  is  here  two  merchants  shall  be 
nominated,  one  by  M.  de  la  Mothe  and  the  other  by  the  Company,  to  note 

Etienne  Venyard,  Sieur  de  Bourgmont  was  temporarily  in  charge  of  Detroit  dur- 
ing CadiUac's  absence.  His  reputation  suffered  from  his  actions  at  this  time. 
Some  years  later  he  obtained  permission  to  make  an  excursion  among  the  Indians 
of  New  Mexico.     His  report  is  to  be  found  in  Mary  Vol.  6. 

Nicholas  Bemardin  Constantin  de  L'Halle,  recollet,  first  priest  in  charge  of  the 
church  of  Ste.  Anne,  of  Detroit,  came  with  Cadillac  in  1701.  He  was  killed  by  the 
Indians  June  6,  1706.  His  remains  were  exhumed  and  buried  in  the  church  May 
13.  1723.    See  Rep.  Gen.  78 — Cadillac's  Village  25  and  A  Traverse  les  Registres  118. 

Digitized  by 



the  said  goods  which  are  not  saleable  amongst  the  savages  nor  amongst 
the  French  people  there;  and  also  the  waste  goods  there  are.  He  shall 
not  be  bound  to  take  over  the  said  goods  except  according  to  the  valuation 
which  shall  be  made  of  them  by  the  said  two  merchants  to  whom  both 
agree  to  refer. 


In  case  there  should  be  any  diflBculty  as  to  the  price  of  the  goods  under 
the  invoices,  they  shall  refer  the  matter  to  two  merchants  whom  they 
shall  agree  on  together,  and  shall  submit  to  their  opinion. 


That  in  regard  to  the  houses,  buildings,  warehouses,  cleared  lands,  and 
other  useful  and  necessary  expenditure  which  the  Company  claims  to 
have  incurred  at  the  said  place  of  Detroit,  which  the  Company  asks  to 
be  re-imbursed  by  the  said  M.  de  la  Mothe,  who  claims  that  he  owes  it 
nothing  for  all  these  things,  they  have  left  this  point  open  and  beg  My 
Lord  the  Comte  de  Pontchartrain  to  decide  upon  it. 


That  the  said  M.  de  la  Mothe  will  pay  the  price  of  the  said  goods,  and 
the  premium  according  as  it  may  be  settled  by  My  Lord,  in  money  or 
bills  of  exchange  to  the  Company,  it  being  understood  that  compensation 
will  be  given  for  what  may  be  found  owing  by  it  to  the  said  M.  de  la 
Mothe  with  regard  to  the  bills  of  exchange  or  the  money ;  and,  as  to  the 
term  of  the  payment,  they  have  both  left  the  matter  to  what  My  Lord  may 
be  good  enough  to  lay  down  on  this  point. 


That  M.  de  la  Mothe  may  not  supply  to  the  Company  more  than  fifteen 
or  twenty  thousand  livres'  worth  of  beaver-skins  a  year  at  most,  which 
shall  be  accepted  and  paid  for  by  the  Company  according  as  they  are 
accepted  and  paid  for  at  the  Quebec  office  and  at  the  same  price. 


That  neither  M.  de  la  Mothe,  nor  the  people  who  may  be  with  him  at 
Detroit,  shall  be  permitted  to  trade  except  in  Detroit,  nor  to  send  boats 
on  the  lakes. 


That  the  Company  shall  be  at  liberty  to  send  an  inspector,  whom  it 
shall  pay  at  its  own  expense,  to  Fort  Pontchartrain  of  Detroit,  to  give 
information  if  the  above  article  is  not  being  infringed,  and  in  case  of  in- 
fringement he  will  warn  the  Commandant  of  the  said  fort  of  it;  reserving 
the  said  Company  [the  right]  of  suing  before  the  King  and  My  Lord  the 
Comte  de  Pontchartrain,  concerning  the  losses  and  damages  it  sustained 

Digitized  by 


248  ANNUAL   MEETING,    1903. 

during  the  time  it  had  the  working  of  the  said  post.  For,  thus  it  has  beeu 
agreed  between  the  parties  &e,  under  the  obligations  &c,  Renouncing  &c. 
Drawn  up  and  executed  at  the  Chateau  St.  Louis  at  Quebec  the  twenty- 
eighth  day  of  September,  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  five,  in  the 
presence  of  MM.  Pierre  Huguet  and  Estienne  Miranbeau,  merchants,  wit- 
nesses dwelling  in  the  said  Quebec,  who  have  with  my  said  lords  the 
Governor-General  and  Intendant,  my  said  MM.  de  Lotbiniere,  Duplessis, 
De  la  Mothe,  and  the  notary,  signed  thus.  Signed  to  the  draft  as  it 

R.  L.  Chartier  de  Lotbiniere. 
Reynard  du  Plessis. 
I  declare  that  my  present  signature  will  in  no  way  affect  what  concerns 
the  twelfth  and  last  paragraph  Signed,  La  Mothe  Cadillac,  Vaudreuil, 
Raudot,  Beauhal^nois,  Huguet,  Merambeau,  and  by  us  the  Notary  Royal 
undersigned;  one  word  erased,  is  not  worth  signing;  Signed  thus,  Cham- 

True  Copy. 

La  Mothe  Cadillac. 
I  have  the  original  here  in  my  possession. 


Endorsed— Colonies.    M.  Raudot,  19th  Oct.  1705. 

My  Lord, 

*  *  «  * 

On  my  arrival  here  I  found  the  subjects  of  dispute  between  the  Sr.  De 
la  Mothe  and  the  Board  of  Directors  adjusted  by  a  decree  given  by  M. 
de  Beauharnois  and,  in  accordance  with  your  orders,  I  caused  the  furs 
which  had  been  seized  from  him  by  the  Directors  to  be  returned  to  him. 

I  am  not  in  a  position  to  conduct  the  trial  of  the  agents  of  the  Board 
of  Directors  as  there  is  no  suitor,  nor  any  information  laid  against  them. 

You  will  see.  My  Lord,  from  the  joint  letter  that  the  Sr.  De  la  Motte 
,  has  been  put  in  possession  of  Detroit.  I  have  at  the  same  time  offered 
him  all  the  assistance  in  my  power  to  complete  and  perfect  this  post. 

I  have.  My  Lord,  assured  the  Sr.  D'Auteuil,'  as  you  ordered  me  to  do, 
of  the  protection  you  deign  to  extend  to  him  in  the  performance  of  his 
duty,  since  the  spirit  of  justice  with  which  you  are  animated  does  not 
permit  you  to  condemn  anyone  without  a  hearing.  His  opposition  in 
regard  to  the  Jesuit  Fathers  seems  to  me  reasonable  so  far  as  the  higher 
jurisdiction  is  concerned.  I  am  convinced,  as  you  will  see  from  the  joint 
letter,  that  His  Majesty  should  deal  with  their  case  in  the  same  manner 

'Francois   Magdelelne  Rtiette,   sieur   D'Auteuil.   Procureur-G§n6ral.--C.   M.   B. 

Vol.  6,  p.  963. 

Digitized  by  VjOOQIC 


as  he  acted  towards  the  clergy  of  St.  Sulpice  regarding  the  Island  of 


•  •  •  • 

I  have  made  inquiry,  My  Lord,  as  to  what  might  have  laid  the  Jesuit 
Fathers  open  to  the  suspicion  of  trading  in  beaver-skins,  as  they  are 
accused  of  doing.  What  has  given  rise  to  that  is  that  they  are  obliged  to 
make  use  of  servants  or  hired  men  to  take  up  the  boats  conveying  to  them 
their  provisions  and  the  other  things  they  have  need  of  at  their  mission. 
Notwithstanding  all  the  precautions  taken,  these  servants  or  hired  men 
cannot  be  prevented  from  taking  goods  on  their  own  account,  which  they 
trade  in  for  their  own  profit ;  and  as  they  take  them  in  the  boats  belong- 
ing to  these  Fathers,  people  will  have  it  that  it  is  they  who  carry  on  this 


•  •  •  ' 

My  Lord. 

Your  most  humble,  most  obedt.  and  most  obliged  Servant 

*  Quebec  this  IDth  Oct.  1705. 


Endorsed — Memorandum  by  the  Sr.  de  la  Mothe  Cadillac. 

To  the  Marquis  de  Vaudreuir  Knight  of  the  military  order  of  St. 
Louis  and  Governor-General  throughout  New  France. 

As  you  have  told  me  that  you  will  not  decide  on  my  requests  concern- 
ing the  settlement  of  Detroit  unless  they  are  made  to  you  in  writing,  I 
continue  to  comply  with  that. 

I  begged  you  by  the  requests  which  I  had  the  honor  to  make  to  you  on 
the  27th  of  January  last,  to  which  you  replied  on  the  29th  of  the  same 
month,  to  grant  me  two  hundred  men,  including  the  sergeants  and  upper 
grades,  for  the  safety  of  Fort  Pontchartrain. 

I  also  very  humbly  begged  you  to  permit  me  to  choose  them  and  to  take 
'  those  who  are  most  inclined  to  go. 

This  is  what  you  decided  regarding  these  three  requests — "The  Sr.  de 
la  Mothe  may  count  on  a  hundred  and  fifty  men." 

^Jacques  Raudot,  Intendant,  1705  to  1711. — C.  M.  B. 

"Philippe  de  Rigault,  Seigneur  de  Vaudreuil,  Governor-General,  bom  1643,  son 
of  Jean  Louis  Rigault  and  of  Marie,  his  wife.  He  married  Louise  Elizabeth  de 
Joybert  at  Quebec,  Nov.  21,  1690,  and  had  ten  children.  He  was  buried  in  the 
church  of  the  Recollets,  in  Quebec,  Oct.  13,  1725.— C.  M.  B. 

Vol.  4.,  p.  827. 

Digitized  by 


250  ANNUAL    MEETING,    1903. 

In  my  opinion  this  order  or  decision  states  and  clearly  sets  forth  the 
number  of  men — that  you  will  order  to  be  detailed  to  accompany  me  to 
Fort  Pontchartrain ;  and  for  that  reason  I  could  not  doubt,  and  ought 
not  to  have  doubted  before  I  set  out  for  Montreal,  that  you  had  given 
your  orders  to  the  Governors  of  the  various  places  in  order  that  this  de- 
tachment might  be  formed  and  a  muster-roll  of  it  drawn  up  in  due  form, 
and  advances  taken. 

What  you  decided  before  is  also  stated  in  the  following  words : — "And 
he  shall  have  permission  to  choose  from  the  Companies,  well  disposed 
men  who  wish  to  go  with  him." 

.  This  order  states  and  also  clearly  means  that  I  might  choose  from  the 
companies  those  who  were  well  affected  without  any  restriction,  excep- 
tion, or  reserve,  up  to  the  number  of  a  hundred  and  fifty.  Yet  this  order 
is  annulled  by  what  you  laid  down  a  little  while  ago  in  a  counter-order 
which  you  sent  to  Governors  de  Ramezay  and  de  Crizafix,'  by  which  they 
are  enjoined  to  choose  four  of  the  best  soldiers  out  of  each  company 
before  letting  me  see  the  troops,  and  you  made  me  the  bearer  of  <his 
order  without  saying  anything  to  me  about  it. 

This  phrase  again,  to  choose  from  the  companies  well  disposed  men  to 
go  to  Detroit,  in  my  opinion  does  not  mean  as  they  claim  at  Montreal, 
that  I  am  obliged  to  take  all  those  who  offer  themselves,  of  whatever  sort 
they  may  be.  If  that  were  so  it  would  exclude  me  from  the  permission  you 
gave  me  to  choose.  I  had  understood  that,  amongst  those  who  were 
favorably  disposed,  I  could  take  the  good  ones  and  leave  the  rest ;  other- 
wise it  would  not  be  a  choice. 

I  was  equally  bound  to  believe  that  the  soldiers  would  be  with  their 
companies  when  these  were  shown  me.  But  when  1  was  at  Three  Rivers, 
I  found  there  were  only  seventeen  men  in  the  company  of  Sr.  St.  Martin ; 
eight  in  that  of  the  Sr.  de  Tonty ;  and  seven  in  that  of  the  Sr.  de  Courte- 
manche;  the  soldiers  having  dispersed  in  the  direction  of  Montreal  and 
Quebec.  It  may  be  that  those  who  were  well-disposed  towards  Detroit 
had  been  sent  away  designedly.  The  Marquis  de  Crisafix  tells  me,  with 
reason,  that  there  were  twenty-nine  men  in  the  company  of  the  Sr.  de 
Tonty,  but  that  they  had  never  come  to  Three  Rivers,  and  that  he  had 
not  seen  more  than  fourteen  of  them,  since  it  had  been  there,  including 
the  two  sergeants. 

From  that  time  I  knew  that  I  had  undertaken  my  journey  in  vain,  and 
that  I  should  probably  meet  with  just  as  many  obstacles  at  Montreal  as 
at  Three  Rivers.  That  did  not  prevent  me  from  proceeding  there.  There 
I  found  that  you  had  given  a  similar  order  to  that  issued  to  the  Marquis 
de  Crisafix,  viz.  to  choose  the  four  best  men  out  of  each  company.  Before 
letting  me  see  the  troops,  M.  de  Ramezay  told  me  that  he  could  not  call 
up  to  the  town  the  outlying  companies  throughout  his  command. 

>Le  Marquis  de  Crisafy,  of  the  Military  order  of  St  Louis,  governor  of  Trols 
Rivieres,  died  at  that  place  May  6,  1709.— C.  M.  B. 

Digitized  by 



This  caused  me  to  make  up  my  mind 'finally  to  go  no  further,  consider- 
ing that  this  would  be  laboring  in  vain,  for  it  was  impossible  on  such 
conditions  to  carry  out  what  1  presumed  you  had  decided.  Hence  my 
journey  cost  me  five  hundred  livres,  and  yet  I  effected  uQthing  towards 
the  settlement  of  Fort  Pontchartrain. 

I  made  my  remonstrances  to  you,  Sir,  in  writing  on  the  27th  of  January 
last,  together  *  with  my  requests,  supported  and  enforced  by  substantial 
recisons.  I  had  the  honor  to  represent  to  you  that  two  hundred  men  were 
absolutely  necessary  for  the  security  of  Fort  Pontchartrain.  You  had 
promised  me  them  before  the  sailing  of  the  vessels,  and  in  accordance 
with  that  I  wrote  to  the  Comte  de  l^ontchartrain.  I  had  the  honor  of 
telling  you  so,  when  you  reduced  this  number  to  one  hundred  and  fifty, 
and  you  replied  that  you  would  take  the  responsibility  of  it. 

I  pointed  out  to  you  that  the  best  soldiers  were  not  good  enough,  be- 
cause of  the  difiiculties  of  that  journey ;  and  the  risks  there  would  be  to 
that  settlement  if  you  gave  me  unskilful  men.  You  yourself  know  that  if 
it  were  a  detachment  of  sickly  or  slovenly  men,  it  would  give  the  savage 
tribes  occasion  to  despise  the  French  nation.  It  is  of  infinite  importance 
to  prevent  them  from  forming  bad  impressions  of  it ;  for  it  is  necessary,  in 
order  to  keep  them  in  awe,  to  impress  their  imaginations  by  the  sight  of 
troojis  that  would  be  capable  of  inspiring  them  with  fear.  That  is  a 
point  which  has  always  been  most  regularly  observed  in  all  the  detach- 
ments for  those  posts. 

Since  you  have  had  the  four  best  soldiers  in  each  company  chosen  for 
certain  consignments  you  are  to  send  to  Fort  Frontenac,  a  journey  that  is 
made  on  barges  and  in  wooden  boats,  how  would  unskilful  men  manage  to 
make  the  journey  to  Detroit  in  bark  canoes,  the  journey  to  which  is 
more  difficult  since  it  is  three  times  as  long,  and  consequently  more 
laborious?  I  feel  obliged  to  tell  you  that  I  have  done  my  best  to  realize, 
with  all  my  strength,  the  intention  of  the  Court  regarding  the  settlement 
of  Fort  Pontchartrain  of  Detroit,  by  buying  such  goods  as  are  most  neces- 
sary for  the  subsistence  of  the  savages,  the  boats  and  other  conveyances 
for  taking  the  troops  there,  the  provisions  for  the  journey  and  the  stores 
for  taking  them  there,  by  making  agreements  with  a  certain  number  of 
families;  which  cannot  be  done  without  great  expense.  This  should  re- 
move the  bad  impression  people  have  tried  to  give  concerning  me,  and 
put  a  stop  to  the  false  reports  of  my  conduct — which  have  not  only  been 
spread  in  this  country  but  have  also  been  made  to  re-echo  in  the  midst  of 
the  Court,  wishing  to  insinuate  that  I  had  originated  the  scheme  for  this 
settlement  only  with  a  view  to  making  my  own  private  fortune  there, 
while  ruining  the  interests  of  the  public  as  regards  the  trade  of  this  upper 
colony  of  which  I  intended  to  make  myself  master,  and  the  sole  proprie- 
tor. As  a  matter  of  fact,  it  might  well  be  that  anyone  but  myself  would 
have  profited  better  by  the  great  advantages  which  it  has  pleased  the 

Digitized  by 


252  ANNUAL   MEETING,    1903. 

Comte  de  Pontchar.train  to  induce  His  Majesty  to  grant  me  by  giving  me 
the  trade  of  Detroit,  which  this  great  Minister,  has,  no  doubt,  done  only 
with  the  intention  of  enabling  me  (by  means  of  the  profits  I  could  make 
thereby)  to  keep  up  this  post  in  the  manner  desired  by  the  King.  But 
my  true  disinterestedness,  my  zeal,  and  my  constant  devotion  to  his 
service  will,  in  the  eyes  of  the  wise,  confound  the  malice  of  those  who 
have  sought  to  create  the  same  prejudice  in  others ;  for  it  is  certain  that, 
far  from  keeping  this  right  to  myself,  that  is  from  appropriating  the 
whole  trade  of  this  post  for  myself  alone,  pursuant  to  the  authority 
which  I  hold  from  His  Majesty  to  do  so,  (and  this  at  a  time  when  I  could 
make  large  profits  because  of  the  scarcity  of  goods  through  the  country) 
I  am,  on  the  contrary,  leaving  and  giving  up  all  the  trade  of  Detroit  not 
only  to  the  inhabitants,  but  also  to  the  troops  who  may  wish  to  transact 
it,  with  the  object  of  inducing  them  both  by  this  valuable  privilege,  to 
make  a  dwelling-place  for  themselves  there  which  will  give  them  the 
means  of  living  in  comfort.  That  will  not  prevent  me  from  seeking  else- 
where, and  in  other  ways  the  means  of  procuring  for  that  upper  colony, 
and  also  in  this  one,  trade  which  has  never  yet  been  thought  of;  but  I 
consider  it  necessary  to  wait  until  the  aspect  of  afl'airs  changes,  for 
private  reasons. 

When  I  had  the  honor  to  beg  you  to  promise  me  the  choice  of  the 
soldiers,  it  was  with  the  object  of  succeeding  in  carrying  out  this  enter- 
prise, and  at  the  same  time  for  the  security  and  preservation  of  this  post 
which  is  far  away  from  all  assistance.  And  when  1  requested  you  to 
grant  me  those  who  were  well-disposed,  that  was  with  regard  to  the 
means  of  forming  this  post  by  these  soldiers  settling  there.  Therefore  I 
beg  you  very  humbly  to  decide  in  what  manner  you  wish  the  detachment 
for  Detroit  to  be  made  up,  and  to  give  me  your  orders  so  definitely  that 
they  will  not  be  liable  to  interpretations  which  might  delay  their  execu- 
tion, as  has  been  done  hitherto,  seeing  that  it  is  a  matter  of  the  King's 
service,  and  is  pressing. 

You,  Sir,  have  the  orders  from  the  Court ;  you  are  the  ruler  throughout 
New  France.  It  is  for  you  to  consider  what  you  wish  to  do  to  carry  them 
out;  and  to  pay  special  attention  to  the  heavy  disbursement  I  have 
already  made  for  the  success  of  this  settlement,  relying  on  the  orders  of 
the  Court,  which  you  have  before  you  even  better  than  I ;  and  not  to  make 
it  impossible  for  me  to  succeed,  whether  by  delay  or  by  decisions  open  to 
divers  interpretations. 

It  is  necessary  for  me  to  know  whether  you  will  give  me, — as  I  have 
asked  yt)u,  and  as  I  ask  you  again — the  choice  of  the  soldiers  of  the  troops, 
whether  favorably  inclined  or  otherwise ;  as  also  what  numbers  of  them  I 
am  to  take;  and  to  give  me  your  express  orders  for  that  purpose,  ad- 
dressed to  the  governors  of  the  places,  in  order  that  on  my  presenting 
them  to  them,  they  may  have  them  carried  out  without  delay.    And  as 

Digitized  by 



you  have  decided  to  choose  six  officers  who  are  willing  to  come  with  me 
by  common  consent  I  beg  you  to  decide  also  that  I  may  choose  six  ser- 
geants from  the  troops,  favorably  disposed  or  otherwise,  as  well  as  six 
corporals  in  the  same  manner,  as  this  number  is  absolutely  necessary 
to  me  for  the  good  of  the  service  and  for  the  success  of  that  enterprise. 

After  all  the  representations  which  I  have  had  the  honor  of  making  to 
you  heretofore  and  in  this  present  memorandum,  permit  me  to  inform 
you  that  if,  for  want  of  the  assistance  you  can  give  me,  which  I  very 
humbly  ask  of  you,  I  am  unable  to  carry  out  the  orders  of  the  Court,  I 
decline  all  responsibility  for  the  evil  consequences  which  may  follow  in 
this  matter,  and  also  on  my  journey  and  in  all  that  concerns  the  settle- 
ment of  Detroit. 

Presented  on  the  eighteenth  of  March  170G. 

Signed,  La  Mothe  Cadillac. 

THE  31sT  OF  MARCH,  1706. 

To  the  Marquis  de  Vaudreuil  Knight  of  the  military  order  of  St.  Louis 
and  Governor  General  of  all  New  France. 

The  order  of  the  Court  is  that  I  am  to  defray  only  the  cost  of  convey- 
ance to  Fort  Pontchartrain  at  Detroit  of  the  soldiers  I  ask  for ;  these  are 
the 'word : — 

**Besides  that.  His  Majesty  orders  MM.  de  Vaudreuil  and  de  Beauhar- 
nois  to  give  you  all  the  assistance  in  their  power. 

"He  charges  Monsieur  [de  Vaudreuil]  to  give  you  as  many  soldiers  as 
you  ask  for,  and  Monsieur  de  Beauharnois  to  pay  them  their  pay  as  usual, 
on  condition  that  you  defray  the  cost  of  their  conveyance." 

I  therefore  very  humbly  beg  you,  in  conjunction  with  the  Intendant, 
to  cause  me  to  be  supplied  with  the  articles  most  necessary  for  the  use 
of  the  garrison  of  the  said  Fort  Pontchartrain  of  Detroit  viz.  forty  stoves 
weighing  nine  livres  apiece,  as  it  is  absolutely  necessary  to  put  the 
soldiers  in  separate  messes  on  account  of  the  extreme  heat  of  summer  in 
that  place. 

2.  1.  2,  8.  4.  6.  6,  7 

The  Sleur  de 

And  forty  dishes  of  wood  or  tin  large  enough  to  hold  four  men's  food  Lppiy  to^the 

^«  ^u  Intendant  for 

each.  ,  ^hese  first 

seven  things. 

Vol.  4,  p.  843. 

Digitized  by 


254  ANNUAL   MEETING,    1903. 


And  a  hundred  and  thirty-five  ells  of  linen  for  thirty  pairs  of  sheets  for 
the  said  soldiers,  so  that  we  may  be  able  to  provide  for  them  properly  in 
ease  of  sickness,  as  there  is  no  hospital  at  that  place. 


And  a  hundred  and  twenty-one  ells  of  clochetterie  or  mattress  cloth 
for  the  beds  of  the  soldiers. 

And  two  candlesticks,  two  lantems'and  a  lamp  for  the  guard-house. 


And  fifty  good  axes  weighing  at  least  four  full  livres  each,  well  fast- 
ened with  good  steel,  for  getting  fire  wood  for  the  said  guard-house. 

I  also  beg  you  to  decide  what  payment  you  will  have  made  for  the 
cartage  of  each  cord  of  wood  burnt  at  the  said  guard-house. 

The  (Governor 
will  give  or- 
ders for  faulty 
arms  to  be  ex- 
changed for  Q 
the  150soldiers                                                                                        "• 
who  form  the 

for  Fort  Pont-  ^  ^^^^  ^^^^  humbly  beg  you  to  be  good  enough  to  give  orders  for  faulty 
pSwder^horS!  ^^ms  to  be  exchanged  and  good  ones  to  be  given  to  the  soldiers  who  form 
Sayone^s^^aii  *^^^  detachment  also  powder  flasks  or  powder  horns,  and  to  give  some 
those^who^a^re  l>ayoiie^s  gratuitously;  the  whole  because  this  post  is  far  from  all  succor, 
which^sbaif^e  ^^^  at  t^^  further  end  of  the  country. 

retained  by 
them  on  de- 
duction from 
their  pay  ac- 
cording to 
custom.  • 


9. 10:  I  likewise  beg  you  to  have  a  medicine  chest  supplied,  to  be  used  for  the 

wutietue^*"^  oflBcers  and  soldiers  who  may  need  it  in  their  illness,  according  to  the 
poTnu!'^*^       memorial  which  will  be  presented  to  you. 


As  Divine  service  is  held  at  the  said  Fort  Pontchartrain  in  a  church 
containing  no  ornaments  and  this  is  unseemly  aiid  inconsistent  with 
Christian  piety  and  forms  a  bad  example  for  the  savages,  I  also  beg  you 

Digitized  by 



to  be  good  enough  to  make  some  outlay  on  the  King's  account  on  behalf 
of  this  church.  Monsieur  de  Beauharnois  had  purchased  a  piece  of  tap- 
estry, but  when  he  learnt  that  the  church  had  been  burnt  down  he  did 
not  give  it. 

I  beg  you  to  instruct  the  Intendant  to  pay  a  Recollet  for  serving  as  ^^  "i^: 

^  The  Intendant 

almoner  to  the  troops  at  the  said  Fort  Pontchartrain,  since  the  officers  ^i"  reply  on 

tnese  two 

and  soldiers  cannot  rem'ain  without  spiritual  aid.  heads  nana  12 

^  concerning 

the  mlsaiona- 

^  ries  asked  for 

12.  by  the  Sieur 

de  la  Mothe. 

Also  another  Recollet  to  come  with  me  in  the  convoy  which  will  start 
this  spring,  who  will  serve  as  missionary  at  the  said  place  Detroit,  for 
this  is  necessary  for  that  Settlement.  That  is  in  accordance  with  the 
letter  from  Monseigneur  in  these  terms : — "His  Majesty  also  orders  MM. 
de  Vaudreuil  and  de  Beauharnois  to  see  that  the  missionaries  necessary 
for  that  settlement  are  given  to  you,  together  with  all  the  aid"  &c.  Ajid 
in  another  place  it  is  said — "Things  being  thus  ordered,  you  will  have  no 
more  quarrels  with  the  Jesuits.  If  these  Fathers  (who  are,  however,  able 
assistants)  do  not  suit  you,  other  priests  shall  be  given  you"  &c.  Two 
Recollets  are  therefore  necessary  at  the  said  post,  until  their  Superior  can 
grant  more. 

As  some 
French  fami- 
lies are  to  go 

up  to  settle  at 
1 Q  Fort  Pont- 

■•■*>•  chartrain  the 


Apol  TD*]!]  tifiAn 

I  also  beg  vou  very  humbly  to  permit  the  soldiers  who  are  to  go  to  permit  the 

soldiers  to  get 

Detroit,  whose  names  I  will  give  you,  to  be  married  here  before  their  married  in  ac- 

C7  V        7  cordancewwfth 

departure,  so  they  may  be  able  to  take  their  wives  there  and  start  this  his  Majesty's 

^  '  J  J  Intention.    If 

settlement,  seeing  that  there  are  none  at  Detroit.    This  is  in  accordance  howeverthere 

should  be  some 

with  Monseigneur's  letter  in  these  words : — "His  Majesty  permits  you"  soldiers  who 
&c  "and  that  vou  may  ffive  permission  to  the  soldiers  and  Canadians,  who  out,  wish  to  be 

,.,  .  .  ,  ««.  J  married  and 

Wish  to  marry,  to  do  so  provided  the  priests  who  officiate  as  rectors  see  take  their 

.  ,.  r^,  wives  with 

no  legitimate  impediment."  them,  the  gov- 

^  ernor-General 

will  give  per- 
missions to  the 
Interests  of 
that  settle- 

Digitized  by 


256  ANNUAL    MEETING,    1903. 

There  should 
be  Bt  Fort 
at  Detroit  six 

hundred  livres  14. 

of  the  King's 
powder,  and 

SS?Son!°¥he  ^^  there  ought  always  to  be  one  thousand  livres  of  powder  and  one 
^^®^?S^e°'  thousand  livres  of  bullets  at  Detroit  for  the  preservation  of  Fort  Pont- 
whoi"tob?®  chartrain,  which  warlike  stores  ought  not  to  be  touched  except  in  case 
the  s1eu7deia  ^^  attack  or  on  other  occasions  of  importance,  I  very  humbly  beg  you  to 
SSt'touse°**  S^^^  ™^  y^^^  authority  to  take  the  quantity  stated;  and,  in  case  the  said 
fn  case^Tan  stores  are  consumed,  that  you  will  have  the  aforesaid  quantity  of  them 
tlld^wntSke^  supplied  to  me  on  the  spot. 

stores  are  only 
for  the  preser- 
vation of  Fort 


15  and  16:  It  is  absolutely  necessary  to  have  two  interpreters  at  Detroit,  one  for 
wiUrepi^y*to°'  the  Hurous  and  Iroquois  and  the  other  for  the  Outaouais  tongue.  I  be- 
agraphs^^6**^  lieve  I  shall  find  two  for  the  pay  of  three  hundred  livres  a^year  each, 
*°**  ^^  instead  of  500#  which  has  hitherto  been  paid  to  them. 


As  the  garrison  will  also  be  unable  to  do  without  a  surgeon  I  beg  that 
you  will  consent  to  have  pay  to  the  amount  of  three  hundred  livres  issued 
to  one  whom  I  will  propose  to  you,  capable  and  suitable  for  that  place. 


17:  Lastly  I  beg  that  you  will  have  some  belts  given  me  for  pacifying  any 

^lube^li^  troubles  which  may  arise,  not  only  amongst  the  savages  at  Detroit  but 
^leur^Seii  also  between  the  other  tribes— you  know  how  important  this  is — and 
Sle^Sf  at  dI^*  that  you  will  be  good  enough  to  decide  whether  in  this  ease  you  will  see 
K?n^?sl?viSl  that  I  am  reimbursed  for  the  expense  I  incur  if  well  &  duly  certified. 


Given  at  Quebec,  and  presented  on  the  thirty-first  of  March,  1706. 

Signed  Lamothe  Cadillac. 
Given  at  Quebec  this  7th  of  April,  1706. 

Signed  Vaudreuil. 

Digitized  by 



9th  op  JUNE  1706  AT  PARAGRAPH  6. 

I  am  also  writing  to  him  that  he  should  not  prevent  you  from  coming  index  letter  o. 
to  Quebec,  nor  from  sending  any  of  your  officers  there  when  the  interests 
of  your  post  require  it. 

Extract  from  the  same  letter  at  paragraph  12. 

You  notify  me  that  you  toill  be  obliged  to  establish  your  settlement  in 
a  different  place  from  that  at  which  you  lived  at  first.  It  appears  to  me 
that  your  only  grievance  relates  to  the  interior  works  which  M.  de  Tonty 
constructed  at  your  fort;  if  it  were  nothing  more  than  that,  it  seems  to 
me  that  you  could  remedy  it  by  having  them  demolished,  you  could  do 
so  with  less  difficulty  than  [there  would  be]  in  constructing  another  else- 
where. That  would  be  all  the  more  unfortunate  because  in  that  way  you 
would  cause  the  Company  to  lose  the  cost  of  the  first. 

Extract  from  the  same  letter  at  paragraph  17. 

His  Majesty  approves  of  your  taking  with  you  two  priests  from  the 
seminary  of  Quebec,  to  have  charge  of  spiritual  matters  there;  and  if 
anything  should  prevent  them  from  being  able  to  go  there,  he  would  ap- 
prove of  your  taking  a  recollet  as  you  propose.  But  it  appears  to  His 
Majesty  that  it  is  for  you  to  supply  these  ecclesiastics  unth  food  as  M. 
de  Lassalle  form^ly  did  in  the  settlement  he  was  permitted  to  turn  to 
account  for  his  oum  profit. 

Extract  from  the  same  letter.  Paragraph  18. 

Tou  must  not  fear  that  His  Majesty  may  change  his  opinion  regarding 
Detroit,  and  you  may  be  satisfied  that  it  will  stand,  His  Majesty  con- 
senting to  take  it  under  his  protection,  and  that  I  for  my  part,  shall  ever 
do  aU  that  may  depend  on  me  to  support  it. 

Vol  S.  p.  8«8. 

Digitized  by 



ANNUAL   MEETING.    1903. 


Endorsed — 

Replies  of  the  Marquis  de  Vaudreuil 
to  the  words  of  the  Outavois  of  Michili- 
maklna,  brought  by  the  Sr.  Boudor, 
and  read  in  the  presence  of  Companiss^ 
and  Le  Brochet  on  the  first  of  August, 
1706.  in  order  to  learn  whether  those 
were  the  sentiments  of  their  people. 

I  have  seen,  0  Companiss6  and  Le 
Brochet.  what  Onaskin  has  sent  to  tell 
me  in  writing,  which  the  Sr.  Boudor 
has  brought  to  me  on  his  behalf;  and 
I  have  had  it  read  in  your  presence 
that  I  might  learn  whether  it  was  in- 
deed your  sentiments;  and  as  you  have 
both  assured  me  that  it  was  the  words 
of  my  children  of  Michllimakina,  I  am 
going  to  reply  to  them.  Listen  and 
hear  me.  0  Champaniss^.  and  thou,  Le 
Brochet.  I  should  have  been  very  glad 
to  see  all  of  you  here,  to  bring  back 
the  slaves  you  promised  to  hand  over 
to  me  to  give  to  your  brothers  the  Iro- 
quois; and  I  had  tried,  by  treating  you 
well,  to  let  you  all  know  the  difference 
I  make  between  a  disobedient  child  and 
one  who  listens  to  my  words.  But  since 
Onaskin  has  not  come  nor  the  other 
elders.  I  am  still  very  glad  to  see  thee 
0  Companiss6  and  thee  also  Le 
Brochet.  I  was  acquainted  with  the 
news  concerning  what  took  place  at  De- 
troit, and  Maurier.  whom  I  sent  up 
there  with  Father  Marest.  to  accompany 
him  and  to  remind  you  at  the  same 
time  of  your  word,  must  have  told  you 
that  I  did  not  include  you  in  what  took 
place  at  Detroit  and  that  I  was  all 
along  convinced  that  you  had  no  share 
in  it. 

I  have  seen  the  steps  you  have  taken, 
— ^you  say — in  order  to  prevent  the 
French  people  I  have  at  Mlchilimaklna. 
from  being  exposed  to  insults  from 
your   young   men,   who   are   sorrowing 

Words  addressed  to  the  Marquis  de 
Vaudreuil  by  Onaskin,  Chief  of  the  Out- 

As  our  father  directed  us  to  bring 
him  eight  slaves  to  fulfill  the  promise 
which  we  had  made  to  him  last  sum- 
mer, we  had  determined  to  bring  down 
ten  boats  for  that  purpose;  but  the 
grievous  news  that  has  come  from  De- 
troit decides  us  not  to  bring  down  so 
many.  We  will  only  go  In  order  to  try 
and  set  right  these  unfortunate  affairs, 
and  so  show  our  obedience. 

Having  held  a  council,  we  resolved  to 
go  to  our  brothers  the  French,  to  with- 
draw them  in  a  friendly  manner  from 
their  houses  since  we  did  not  think 
them  safe  there,  either  from  our  own 
young  men,  who  were  sorrowing  for  the 
loss  they  had  sustained,  or  from  the 
fear  of  attack  by  our  enemies.  Hence 
we  have  called  them  to  our  homes  to 
dwell  there  until  we  return. 

The  evil  news  we  have  received  from 
Detroit  does  not  prevent  us  from  re- 
membering today  the  promise  we  gave 
last  summer  to  our  father.  To  that  end, 
we  bring  down  two  boats  and  have 
asked  our  brothers  the  French  for  a 
third  to  keep  us  company  as  far  as 
Montreal,  to  take  five  slaves  there,  al- 

Vol.  5,  p.  1001. 

Digitized  by 




for  the  loss  they  have  sustained  at  De- 
troit, or  to  an  attack  from  your 
enemies.  I  am  convinced,  and  am  wil- 
ling to  believe  that,  as  you  had  no  hand 
in  what  took  place  at  Detroit,  you  had 
no  other  object  in  what  you  have  done 
except  to  prevent  your  brothers  the 
French  from  being  insulted.  But  as  I 
look  upon  all  that  has  taken  place  with 
other  eyes  than  y^u  do,  I  cannot  and 
will  not  permit  my  young  men  to  be 
molested  in  any  way;  and  if  you  had 
really  felt  the  sentiments  you  ought  to 
have  felt  for  your  brothers,  the  French 
who  are  up  there,  and  for  me,  who  am 
the  Father  of  you  all,  you  would  have 
come  down  with  them  as  you  ought  to 
have  done;  you  would  even  had  aided 
them  with  the  means  of  bringing  their 
furs.  That  is  how  you  would  have  given 
me  proofs  of  youi*  affection,  and  not 
by  keeping  them  among  you  like  pris- 
oners or  like  hostages  while  you  await 
my  reply.  I  love  my  children  the 
French;  I  am  their  Father,  and  I  will 
spare  nothing  to  avenge  them.  Listen 
and  hear  me,  O  Companiss^;  and  thou 
also;  O  Le  Brochet. 

I  am  very  glad  to  see  that  my  chil- 
dren of  Michilimakina,  in  spite  of  the 
bad  news  from  Detroit,  still  retain  the 
sentiments  they  ought  to  feel,  and  that 
they  remember  the  promise  they  gave 
me  last  year.  I  receive  with  pleasure 
the  four  slaves  whom  they  send  me  to 
return  to  their  brothers,  the  Iroquois, 
and  I  am  satisfied  that  they  will  send 
me  the  other  four  next  year,  and  I  ever 
regard  them  as  my  true  children;  but 
I  also  wish  them  to  give  me  proofs  of 
their  confidence  by  aiding  all  the 
French  people  I  have  up  there  with  the 
means  of  coming  down,  and  also  by 
their  young  men  helping  them  to  bring 
their  furs  down  here.  That^  is  the  only 
way  in  which  they  can  testify  to  me 
of  their  obedience;  and  it  is  also  the 
only  means  left  to  me  to  forget  what 
they  have  dose,  for  Indeed  I  cannot 
think  that  my  children,  the  French  peo- 
ple are,  as  it  were,  prisoners  up  there, 
without  any  heart  throbbing  within 
me;  and,  as  long  as  I  know  that  they 

though  we  were  only  bound  to  give' 
four.  But  we  are  glad  to  make  known 
to  our  father,  by  this  number,  that  we 
are  obedient  children. 

We  will  not  fall,  next  year,  to  com- 
plete the  number  of  slaves  we  are 
bound  to  give.  We  beg  our  father  to 
look  upon  us  as  his  children,  to  treat  ua 
as  a  father,  and  to  have  pity  on  us  in. 
the  handling  of  this  present  affair  in 
which  we  have  no  part,  and  to  have  re- 
gard to  the  small  number  we  muster 

Digitized  by 



ANNUAL  MBETING,    1903. 

are  not  quite  free  I  cannot  listen  to 

I  sent  you  last  year  a  message  by  M. 
de  Louvigny.  I  am  rejoiced  that  it 
served  you  as  a  strong  help  in  reject- 
ing all  the  evil  suggestions  which  have 
been  made  to  you.  You  must  have 
known  that  all  he  told  you  from  me 
was  true.  I  am  a  good  father;  do  not 
oblige  me  to  be  severe. 

The  message  which  Monsieur  de 
Louvigny  brought  us  last  spring  from 
cur  father  has  been  a  powerful  aid  to 
us  in  rejecting  everything  evil  which 
could  come  to  us»  for  we  know  that  all 
he  said  to  us  on  behalf  of  our  fathers 
was  true,  and  also  his  kindness  in  not 
taking  rods  to  chastise  his  children  who 
had  disobeyed  him  but»  on  the  contrary, 
overwhelming  them  with  benefits. 

I  told  you  last  year  that  you  were 
my  children,  and  so  were  the  Iroquois, 
but  that  I  held  you  always  on  the  left 
Bide,  as  the  nearest  to  my  heart.  Do 
not  make  yourself  unworthy  of  a  pla«e 
which  ought  to  be  so  dear  to  you,  but 
Imitate  your  brothers  the  Iroquois  who, 
though  they  have  just  grounds  of  com- 
plaint, always  remain  obedient,  and  do 
not  take  any  steps  without  consulting 

I  sympathize  with  you  strongly  in  all 
the  difficulties  you  may  have;  but  I 
have  already  told  you  that,  until  I  see 
my  French  people  who  are  up  there 
back  again,  and  until  you  place  your- 
selves entirely  in  my  hands  as  true 
children  ought  to  do,  I  cannot  give  you 
any  answer,  and  I  will  never  allow  it  to 
be  said  that  a  child  is  to  lay  down  the 
law  for  his  father. 

I  have  seen  what  you  tell  me  regard- 
ing your  brothers  of  the  Sault.  I  do  not 
wish  my  children  to  have  any  difficul- 
ties with  one  another.  I  will  arrange 
this  matter  before  you  depart;  but,  as 
my  children  of  the  Sault  obey  me,  see 
that  you  do  the  same. 

Tou  asked  me  last  year  for  a  man 
having  wisdom  to  guide  you  and  to 
direct  your  minds  in  troublesome  mat- 
ters. I  then  promised  you  a  mission- 
ary, and  I  have  sent  Father  Marest  to 
you.  I  am  convinced  that  if  you  follow 
in  his  course,  you  will  always  do  well; 
and  you  are  to  look  upon  him,  in  all 
he  says  to  you,  as  if  I  were  speaking 
to  you  myself,  for  he  knows  my  mind. 

We  remember  well  that  our  fathers 
told  us  that  we  were  in  his  bosom,  and 
the  Iroquois  also,  our  brothers,  but  with 
this  difference,  that  the  latter  were  in 
the  right  side  and  we  in  the  left;  we. 
^e  so  safely  lodged  in  his  heart  that 
no  troubles,  however  bad  they  may  be, 
will  give  him  catise  to  drive  us  out. 

We  beg  our  father  to  take  pity  on  our 
families,  especially  those  who  are 

We  learnt  last  year  that  the  people  of 
the  Sault  cherished  bitterness  in  their 
hearts  because  they  had  lost  the  son 
of  one  of  their  chief  men.  We  beg  our 
father  to  induce  them  to  look  favorably 
upon  us  and  to  show  us  hospitality,  and 
to  smoke  with  us  when  we  go  to  them, 
as  they  were  wont  to  do  formerly  to 
give  us  marks  of  their  good  will. 

Last  year  we  asked  our  father  for  a 
man  of  wisdom  to  guide  us.  We  beg 
him  now  to  remember  that  he  told  us 
then  that  he  had  not  yet  selected  any- 
one. We  do  not  doubt  that  he  will  take 
pity  on  us  by  granting  us  the  request 
which  we  made  to  him,  especially  at  the 
present  juncture  which  is  a  warning  to 
us;  for  we  think  the  commandant  of  De- 
troit has  not  done  well  in  receiving  the 

Digitized  by 




Miamis,  our  enemies  into  the  fort  and 
excluding  us. 

As  regards  what  you  say  to  me  about 
my  commander  at  Detroit,  and  the 
action  he  has  taken  in  what  has  hap- 
pened there,  I  am  surprised  that  my 
children  of  Michllimakina  can  speak  to 
me  as  you  do. 

The  people  of  Detroit,  for  I  ought  not 
to  call  them  my  children  any  more,  at- 
tacked the  Miamis  without  cause,  since 
the  Sieur  de  Tonty  who  was  then  in 
command,  had  settled  the  difficulty  they 
had  had  with  the  Missisaguez.  and  I 
had  even  shown  my  pleasure  thereat  to 
the  offender  when  he  came  down  here. 
Tet  in  spite  of  that,  the  Outavois  at  De- 
troit attacked  the  Miamis,  who  are  my 
children  even  as  they  are.  But  where 
did  they  attack  them?  At  my  door,  in 
my  very  arms;  for  it  was  I  who  made 
them  come  within  the  bastions  of  my 
fort.  And  you  complain  that  my  com- 
mandant there  received  them  in  his 
fort,  and  gave  them  aid.  Tou  say  that 
he  killed  some  men;  could  he  have  done 
otherwise?  And  if  the  OutaoUas  had 
been  attacked  by  the  Miamis,  would 'you 
not  have  wished  him  to  get  you  out  of 
it  in  Just  the  same  way?  His  fort  is 
fired  upon;  has  he  not  grounds  for 
thinking  that  they  have  designs  on  him 
AS  well  as  on  the  Miamis?  And  if  he 
ordered  the  Outaouas  to  be  fired  at,  was 
it  he  who  sought  the  Outaouas  to  kill 
him,  or  the  Outaouas  ^ho  came  to  attack 
him.  I  think  you  are  too  wise,  my  chil- 
dren of  Michllimakina,  to  take  part  in 
such  a  discreditable  business.  I  am 
even  willing  to  believe,  as  Maurice  will 
have  told  you,  that  the  Outaouas  of  De- 
troit had  no  direct  intention  of  attack- 
ing me;  but  as  they  have  slain  the 
Miamis,  who  are  my  allies,  and  besides 
that  have  killed  one  of  my  Missionaries, 
and  a  soldier  who  was  valued  among  us, 
unless  the  Outaouas  of  Detroit  make 
reparation  proportionate  to  the  offence 
they  have  committed  against  me,  I  will 
spare  nothing  to  avenge  myself. 

But  as  for  you,  remain  in  peace  on 
your  mats;  listen  quietly  to  my  words; 

We  beg  our  father  to  watch  over  our 
interests,  so  that  we  may  return  to  our 
families  in  safety;  and  to  be  well  as- 
sured that  nothing  will  ever  happen  on 
our  part  which  is  not  in  c<mformity 
with  his  will. 

We  hope  that  all  the  tribes  will 
know  the  good  heart  of  their  father, 
giving  him  their  full  confidence  in 
negotiating  this  present  trouble.  We 
beg  our  father  to  have  pity  on  us,  being 
now  compelled  to  fight  our  enemies, 
by  giving  us  a  little  powder  and  some 
bullets,  that  we  may  remain  on  the  de- 

See  note  on  page  270. 

Digitized  by 


262  ANNUAL   MEETING,    1903. 

follow  the  advice  of  Father  Marest 
whom  I  have  sent  you  as  a  Missionary; 
help  my  French  people  In  the  means  of 
coming  down  with  their  furs;  help  them 
yourselves;  come  here  with  them,  and 
trade.  You  will  find  everything  you 
want  here,  for  we  have  Just  received 
goods  In  ahundanoe,  and  you  will  always 
find  me  with  a  father's  heart,  and  arms 
open  to  receive  you.  But,  on  the  other 
hand,  if  you  offer  the  slightest  insult 
to  my  people,  I  will  not  only  deny  you 
all  the  help  you  have  a  right  to  expect 
from  me,  hut  I  will  also  declare  war 
against  you  which  will  end  only  with 
the  complete  destruction  of  your  tribe. 
Remember  well  O  Companiss^,  and  thou 
also  Le  Brochet,  all  that  I  have  said  to 
you,  so  that  you  may  be  able  to  repeat 
it  to  your  people  when  you  return;  and 
you  may  assure  them  that  it  rests  with 
them  alone  whether  they  will  be  my  true 
children  or  will  become  my  enemies. 
And  in  order  that  you  may  forget  noth- 
ing that  I  have  Just  said  to  you,  I  am 
sending  a  copy  of  it  to  Father  Marest, 
that  he  may  put  you  in  remembrance 
of  it. 



Endorsed. — Letter  from  Father  Marest  to  the  Marq.  de  Vaudreuil  an- 
nexed to  the  letter  of  the  30th  of  Oct.  1706.  This  letter  is  marked  E.  in 
the  long  private  letter  of  the  Marquis  de  Vaudreuil  of  the  Ist  of  Sept. 

J.  M.  J.» 

Mishilimakina,  this  14th  Augt.  1706. 

I  had  the  honor  of  writing  to  you  somewhat  at  length  from  Topikanich 
of  all  the  bad  news  we  heard  there,  which  would  doubtless  have  made 
many  men  give  way  if  they  had  found  themselves  in  such  a  position, 
which  had  indeed  already  shaken  some  of  our  men,  and  seemed  to- those 
who  told  us  it  of  such  great  importance  that  they  offered  readily  to  go 

♦The  initials  of  the  names  "Jesus,  Mary,  Joseph,"  often  used  by  Jesuit  writers, 
as  here,  at  the  beginning  of  a  letter.— Ed.  Wis.  His.  Coll.  Vol.  16,  p.  232. 

Vol.  5,  p.  1017. 

Digitized  by 



and  take  the  news  themselves,  thus  showing  us  clearly  how  true  they 
believed  it.  I  must  not  weary  you  by  a  useless  repetition  of  what  I  then 
wrote  to  you  but  I  must  give  you  an  account  of  what  has  taken  place 

For  my  part,  if  I  had  r^arded  my  personal  and  private  interests,  and 
even  that  of  my  mission,  I  should  have  taken  advantage  of  the  oppor- 
tunity to  give  way  as  so  many  people  advised  us,  and  nothing  could  have 
been  said  against  me;  but  I  sacrificed  both  to  the  desire  to  satisfy  you 
and  fulfil  the  promise  I  had  given  you,  together  with  my  Superior.  I 
believed  and  had  reason  to  believe  that  I  should  please  you  by  pushing 
on  further  and  by  making  the  others  do  so,  but  without  violence,  and  by 
taking  all  the  precautions  necessary  for  our  safety.  I  had  no  difficulty 
in  making  those  who  had  hesitated  a  little,  reflect  that,  after  all,  savages 
whoever  they  may  be,  always  mix  as  it  were  ihe  false  with  the  true  in 
their  reports;  and,  if  the  tidings  they  had  given  us  turned  out  to  be 
false  we  should  repent  of  having  founded  a  resolve  of  such  a  kind  on  so 
unstable  a  basis,  and  of  turning  back  as  it  were  from  the  gates  of  Michili- 
makina  without  obtaining  any  certain  knowledge  of  the  condition  of  the 
French  people  there.  The  Sr.  Shartier,  whatever  reason  he  had  to  fear 
Mishilimakina  on  account  of  the  slaves  you  know  of,  was  one  of  the  first 
to  say  that  it  would  be  disgraceful  if,  on  account  of  the  talk  of  the 
savages,  however  probable  it  appeared,  we  failed  to  go  all  together,  as 
we  had  promised  you,  either  up  to  the  village  of  Mishilimakina  or  to  a 
spot  whence  we  could  obtain  certain  news  of  it,  and  afterwards  endeavor 
to  save  the  French  people  if  they  were  still  alive,  as  it  appeared  they 

God  himself  gave  us  an  opportunity,  which  we  had  not  looked  for,  of 
avoiding  all  risk.  Meravila  the  Sinago  Outaouak  of  whom  I  have  already 
spoken  to  you  in  my  letter  from  Toupikanich,  instead  of  returning  to 
Detroit  with  4:he  men  of  Toupikanich  who  wished  to  take  them  back  with 
them  on  the  war  path  to  avenge  the  death  of  his  brother  who  had  just 
been  slain  the  next  day  after  he  had  been  made  a  chief  and  had  raised  up 
the  name  of  Ouichkouch  Meravila  requested  us,  on  the  contrary,  to  speak 
•to  the  said  savages  of  Toupikanich  that  they  might  consent  to  permit  him 
to  come  with  us  to  Mishilimakina,  which  we  did ;  and  this  also  shocked 
them,  [seeming]  as  if  he  had  no  friendship  towards  his  brother. 

The  Sieur  Menard  told  him  that  everyone  advised  us  to  give  way,  and 
he  replied  that  he  desired  to  speak  to  the  Sr.  Menard  and  me  on  that  sub- 
ject. The  parley  took  place  the  next  morning,  St.  Ignatius'  day,  after 
the  mass  of  this  Saint  had  been  said.  The  other  Frenchmen  who  wished 
to  be  present  were  also  invited.  It  is  impossible  to  speak  more  sensibly 
or  in  a  more  attractive  or  less  suspicious  manner.  He  said  that  in  fact 
there  was  ground  for  fear  on  our  account  and  that  of  the  French  at 
Mishilimakina,  but  that  he  hoped  to  act  so  as  to  get  us  out  of  the  diffl- 

Digitized  by 


2«4  ANNUAL  MBBTINO,   1908. 

culty  and  thoee  at  MishilimakiDa  also,  if  they  were  still  alive.  Then  he 
held  ont  a  beautiful  belt,  and  said  that  he  wished  to  give  it  to  the  men 
of  Mishilimakina  as  a  present  to  get  the  French  out  of  their  difficulty  if 
they  were  there;  that  if  anyone  wanted  to  attack  them,  he  would  bare 
his  bosom  and  tell  him  to  strike  him  first ;  that  if  matters  were  favorable, 
he  would  return  to  us  to  bring  us  back  news  of  it  together  with  the  reply 
to  a  letter  which  we  were  to  give  him  for  the  French;  that  as  to  the 
French  at  Mishilimakina,  if  he  found  them  dead,  he  would  not  say  he  had 
seen  us  but  would  come  at  once  and  tell  us  everything,  so  that  we  might 
retire  as  soon  as  pjossible;  and  if  he  were  in  danger  from  his  own  people 
on  our  account,  he  would  join  us  and  would  go  down  to  the  lower  Colony; 
that  he  would  ask  us  for  a  flag,  and  a  letter  to  take  to  the  French,  which 
would  serve  him  as  evidence  that  he  had  refused  to  imbue  his  hands  in 
their  blood.  You  can  well  imagine  how  his  proposal  was  received  (though 
there  is  always  a  risk  in  placing  one's  life  in  the  hands  of  a  savage), 
but  we  promised  him  so  much,  both  on  your  account  and  our  own,  that 
it  was  a  strong  inducement  to  him  to  keep  his  word.  He  was  told  that,  on 
his  return,  he  should  be  abundantly  rewarded,  whether  matters  were 
favorable  or  unfavorable;  that  we  would  inform  you  of  the  essential 
service  he  was  rendering  us,  and  you  would  never  forget  it ;  and  indeed 
I  do  not  see  'that  any  savage  deserves  better  to  be  rewarded  and  esteemed 
by  the  French  than  this  one.  You  will  oblige  us  all  greatly,  and  me  in 
particular,  if  you  reward  him  well  for  the  way  in  which  he  has  behaved 
on  this  occasion,  and  make  him  feel  what  it  is  to  do  a  service  to  French- 
men who  carry  your  orders,  and  to  a  missionary,  without  taking  into 
consideration  that  we  have,  each  of  us,  already  given  him  the  value  of 
four  beayer-skins  which  it  is  right  that  the  King  should  repay  us,  since 
we  are  only  exposed  to  so  many  risks  on  behalf  of  his  service.  This  man, 
as  a  greater  proof  of  his  fidelity,  left  all  his  family  with  us  as  hostages, 
and  himself  set  out  on  the  3d  in  a  boat  to  go  to  Mishilimakina.  He  carried 
out  his  mission  with  all  possible  secrecy :  he  said  nothing  either  to  the 
savages  or  to  the  French  (except  the  one  to  whom  he  gave  the  letter) 
until  after  he  had  learnt  the  state  of  affairs.  All  the  French  people  at 
Mishilimakina  admire  his  conduct  and  his  secrecy  as  much  as  we  do. 
He  brought  with  him  three  Frenchmen  who  told  us  that  it  was  not  with- 
out reason  that  we  had  been  informed  that  we  were  running  a  great  risk 
in  coming  to  Mishilimakina :  that  they  had  had,  as  it  were,  an  axe  sus- 
pended over  them  for  a  week;  that  the  two  women  who  had  the  most 
influence  in  the  village,  who  had  up  to  that  time  appeared  the  most 
well-affected  towards  the  French,  had  gone  to  mourn  in  every  hut,  de- 
manding the  death  of  the  French  who  had  slain  their  brother;  that, 
three  or  four  times,  they  had  had  to  make  them  presents  which  they 
themselves  had  exacted  as  a  sort  of  tribute,  or  polite  pillage;  that  they 
had  been  compelled  to  let  them  have  goods  at  any  price  they  liked;  but 

Digitized  by 



that,  since  thp  last  news  from  Detroit,  in  which  it  was  said  that  the 
French  had  not  taken  part  in  the  second  attack  on  the  Outaouak,  matters 
were  more  tolerable;  that  moreover,  the  day  before  they  left  Mishili- 
makina  to  come  to  us,  all  the  Outaouaks  who  were  in  the  village  set  out 
for  Detroit,  to  the  number  of  160  (including  those  from  Detroit  who  had 
come  to  invite  them) ;  and  that  if  the  French  attacked  them  again,  there 
would  be  more  reason  to  fear  than  ever  for  all  the  French  who  might  be 
at  Mishilimakina. 

Notwithstanding  this  news,  we  did  not  give  up  going  together  to  Mich- 
ilimakina;  for  I  did  not  see  that  there  would  be  any  more  risk  for  me, 
either  of  remaining  with  the  savages,  as  a  hostage,  or  of  falling  a  victim 
to  their  resentment,  than  what  had  been  foreseen  and  must  have  been 
foreseen  before  I  set  out  from  Montreal ;  and  I  knew  moreover  that  my 
presence  would  be  of  use  to  the  French  and  would  for  a  time  restore  the 
temper  of  the  savages  if  they  thought  a  little.  In  fact,  on  our  arrival  on 
the  9th  of  August,  everyone  seemed  rejoiced,  and  the  savages  assured 
me  that  they  saw  clearly  from  that  that  their  father  would  not  abandon 
them;  and  that,  whatever  might  happen  at  Detroit,  the  French  would 
always  be  in  safety  here;  that  they  perceived  that  their  father  had  no 
part  in  the  affair  at  Detroit  and  did  not  believe  that  they  had  taken  part 
in  it  since,  despite  his  knowledge  of  it,  he  had  sent  his  message,  and  their 
missionary  had  returned,  notwithstanding  so  many  risks  and  the  evil 
reports  he  had  heard  on  the  way. 

That  has  not  prevented  the  French  from  setting  to  work  to  construct  a 
fort,  apparently  as  a  dwelling-place  for  me,  (for  it  was  very  necessfiry 
to  adopt  this  pretence  so  that  the  savages  should  not  oppose  it)  but  in 
reality  to  place  the  French  in  safety  there  with  their  property,  for  the 
word  of  the  savages  cannot  be  relied  on ;  the  chiefs  are  not  masters,  and 
in  spite  of  the  good  will  which  the  chiefs  showed,  and  in  spite  of  all  the 
efforts  they  have  made,  the  French  people  have  thought  themselves  in 
danger  for  such  a  long  time,  and  it  was  this  which  compelled  them  to 
make  so  many  presents. 

Mons.  Arnault  made  some  [expenditures]  on  this  occasion  for  the  gen-  Thispara- 
eral  good  for  which  he  certainly  deserves  to  be  repaid;  he  will  himself  ^^^ 
hand  his  bill  to  you  and  to  the  Intendant. 

You  are  not  unaware  how  zealous  Mons.  Arnault  is  for  the  public  good 
on  all  occasions,  and  especially  when  he  knows  that  what  he  is  doing  must 
be  pleasing  to  you.  His  zeal  and  generosity  should  not  go  without  a 
reward.  The  Sr.  Menard  and  those  who  went  up  with  me  will  also  pre- 
sent their  bills  to  you  for  what  they  have  supplied  for  the  King's  service; 
for  it  may  be  said  that  the  journey  which  we  have  all  made  together  was 
made  solely  because  you  considered  it  necessary  for  the  good  of  the 

Digitized  by 




This  para- 
graph shows 
that  M.  de 
order  as  to 
powder  has 
been  carried 

country;  they  b^  that  you  will  be  good  enough  to  have  ii  paid  fop*  by 
the  Intendant,  and  I  made  you  the  same  request  out  of  affection  for  them; 
they  have  already  been  deprived  of  the  greatest  profit  they  might  have 
made  when,  by  the  ingenuity  of  Mons  de  la  Mothe,  they  were  compelled 
to  send  back  their  lead  and  powder. 

It  is  not  right  that  th^  should  also  pay  expenses  which  they  have  in- 
curred solely  for  the  King's  service,  who  at  such  troublous  times  had 
given  no  presents  for  setting  troublesome  matters  straight.  The  Sieur 
Caillierie  is  one  of  those  who  supplied  most  liberally,  as  the  King's  boat 
did  not  contain  sufficient.  As  for  me,  I  have  supplied  the  value  of  about 
twenty  beaver-skins,  including  my  attendants.  Tou  will  also  allow  me  to 
say  that,  having  come  up  as  I  did,  solely  by  your  orders,  with  the  desire  of 
doing  a  service  for  you  and  the  King,  amidst  so  many  dangers,  I  might 
have  been  given  some  gratuity  for  my  journey,  and  I  hope  that  you  will 
hereafter  be  good  enough  to  pay  some  regard  to  that.  Whether  that  takes 
place  or  not,  I  am  still  very  glad  to  be  here  and  to  have  shown  you  by 
my  steadfastness  that  my  inclination  was  not  against  coming  here,  and 
that  nothing  can  stop  me  when  it  is  a  question  of  doing  what  you  wish. 
I  fiatter  myself  also  that  my  presence  will  not  be  useless;  I  believe  that 
if  we  had  arrived  at  Mishilimakina  before  the  warriors  set  out  for  Detroit, 
we  could  have  stopped  them — ^the  Sr.  Menard  and  I — by  telling  them  cer- 
tain things  we  had  heard  ori  our  way.  But  God  did  not  permit  us  to  arrive 
soon  enough,  by  reason  of  the  precautions  it  was  necessary  for  us  to  take. 
Perchance  He  foresaw  that  we  could  not  have  succeeded  in  stopping 
them ;  and  in  that  case  it  is  better  for  us  that  we  were  not  at  Mishili- 
makina, so  that  M.  de  la  Mothe  could  not  impute  it  to  us  as  a  crime  that 
we  had  permitted  them  to  depart  although  [it  would  have  been]  in  spite 
of  us.  We  reproached  them  severely  for  this  action  in  the  council ;  they 
told  us  that  they  were  unable  to  hold  their  young  men  back  after  they 
Sgu)  the  con-  had  heard  of  the  treachery  of  the  Hurons,  and  that,  moreover,  they  went 
thi8?cttcr?      to  seek  their  relatives  and  supply  them  with  provisions. 

We  hear  from  Toupikanich  that  a  party  of  a  hundred  men  was  to  come 
there  on  its  way  to  Detroit,  but  they  did  not  appear  while  we  were  there. 
This  para-  Hcuce  M.  de  la  Mothe  should  not  take  it  ill  that  we  did  not  stop  them 
Sat M. de'ia  there;  and  in  what  way  should  we  have  done  so?  Have  we  any  means  of 
Father^Marest  doing  it?  The  savages  are  now  in  such  a  state  that  they  will  not  be 
wronglSy  of  stopped  for  anything;  moreover  those  men  only  said  that  they  were  going 
them  powder,  to  sce  the  boues  of  their  allies.  It  would  [only]  have  been  by  chance  if 
not^seeSem.  We  had  met  them;  and  since  several  of  them  are  settlers  of  M.  de  la 
Mothe — at  least  the  chiefs — it  is  for  him  to  arrest  them. 

Which  also 
they  have 
done,  and  no 

I'This  is  apparently  the  sense  of  the  passage.  It  is  difficult  to  assign  any 
ordinary  meaning  to  "accomplir"  that  would  fit  in  with  the  context  The  word 
may  be  "accompter"  written  instead  of  "compter"  or  formed  from  the  substan- 
tive "acompte." — Trans. 

Digitized  by 



These  people  of  Toupikanich  begged  me  to  bear  witness  to  M.  de  la 
Mothe  that  they  had  not  insulted  us  in  any  way.  I  did  so  although  re- 
luctantly, and  requested  him  at  the  same  time  to  look  to  the  safety  of 
our  priests  with  the  Miamis,  if  he  perceived  that  they  were  in  danger, 
and  that  in  so  doing  he  would  be  pleasing  you.  I  believe  that  you  will 
not  disapprove  of  me  [for  doing  so]  for  I  consider  that  these  priests  are 
in  great  danger. 

A  party  of  warriors  was  to  have  set  out  from  here  which  would  have 
induced  the  Poux  Sakis  to  fall  upon  the  Miamis  of  the  St.  Joseph  river. 
M.  Arnault  stopped  it,  first  of  all  until  our  arrival ;  we  then  thought  it 
advisable  to  stop  it  entirely.  For  that  purpose  we  gave  the  belt  which 
ydu  had  intended  for  speaking  about  Detroit,  when  the  opportunity  oc- 
curred, which  we  had  not  given  because  it  did  not  seem  to  us  reasonable 
to  praise  the  men  here  for  not  having  taken  part  in  the  affair  at  Detroit, 
while  they  were  going  on  the  war  path  with  those  from  Detroit.  This 
belt  with  some  tobacco,  had  the  effect  of  stopping  Ounaskie  and  Kouta- 
ouililouo,  and  with  them  out  of  the  village  everything  could  easily  be 
frustrated  there;  and  although  a  few  boats  have  gone  since,  [and]  some 
young  men  have  spoken  of  sending  after  them  again,  at  least  they  will 
not  be  able  to  make  an  important  attack.  I  asked  the  savages  whether 
I  could  safely  send  a  boat  of  Frenchmen  to  St.  Joseph  River;  they  replied 
that  I  could  do  so,  and  have  even  escorted  me  there,  seeming  to  take 
an  interest  in  the  priests  there;  for,  while  they  are  there,  they  do  not 
think  they  are  at  liberty  to  make  war  on  the  Miamis  as  they  would  like 
to  do.  For  this  reason  they  would  be  pleased  to  see  the  priests  all  out  of 
this  post ;  but  I  do  not  think  that  you  should  desire  it,  for  it  is  the  most 
important  after  Mishilimakina.  If  they  were  free  to  go  there,  they  say 
that  they  would  take  so  many  men  with  them  against  the  Miamis  that, 
in  a  short  time,  they  would  drive  them  out  of  this  beautiful  country.  I 
do  not,  however,  think  that  they  will  undertake  it  without  learning  your 
wishes  on  the  matter.  I  had  spoken  to  some  Frenchmen  about  taking 
news  to  the  St.  Joseph  River,  and  helping  our  priests,  and  getting  them 
out  of  their  difficulties  if  they  are  there  and  enabling  them  to  leave,  but 
there  are  other  French  people  who  intimidated  one  of  those  I  spoke  to ; 
it  is  not  done  to  the  savages. 

I  feel  obliged  to  testify  to  you  the  pleasure  I  have  had  in  those  who 
have  taken  up  our  boats.  It  is  the  sole  gratification  I  have  had  on  the 
journey,  to  be  in  the  company  of  minds  so  well  formed.  I  have  also 
every  possible  reason  to  be  well  satisfied  with  those  who  took  up  the 
King's  boat.    They  have  done  us  all  sorts  of  services  on  the  journey. 

I  thought,  as  well  as  the  French  people,  that  it  was  not  advisable  for 
the  Sr.  Menard  to  leave  here  until  we  were  settled  in  the  fort.  I  believe 
you  will  not  disapprove,  because  it  was  a  question  of  our  safety,  for  the 
savages  dare  not  act  badly  until  they  have  left  to  go  down.    It  would  also 

Digitized  by 


288  ANNUAL   MEETING.    1903. 

be  desirable  that  he  should  not  leave  until  we  have  had  news  from 
Detroit;  but  at  least  he  will  tell  you  we  are  safe  for  a  time,  even  if  bad 
news  should  come  from  Detroit.  You  have  certainly  every  reason  to  be 
pleased  with  the  Sr.  Menard  who  is  beloved  by  the  savages,  who  knows 
their  ways;  who  has  no  difficulty  in  answering  them,  and  that  with  a 
free  and  easy  manner,  ever  cheerful.  He  discovers  things  which  are  done 
secretly ;  and,  certainly,  whether  he  comes  here  as  commanding  officer  or 
not,  he  would  render  good  service  here.  It  costs  him  no  small  sum,  as 
an  interpreter,  to  get  the  savages  to  smoke,  as  the  savages  have  now  the 
upper  hand  over  us.  It  appears  that  nothing  can  be  done  with  them  now 
except  by  keeping  them  on  the  terms  we  have  put  them  on,  acting  by 
presents,  which  however  settles  nothing  reliably.  As  for  me,  if  it  be 
desired  that  I  should  make  any  presents  on  behalf  of  the  King,  some 
must  be  sent  to  me,  for  I  am  destitute  of  everything.  I  do  not  know 
whether  I  shall  have  enough  to  live  on  this  year. 

All  the  old  men  of  this  village,  including  Koutaouilibono,  have  behaved 
go  well  towards  the  French  in  all  the  troubles  that  have  arisen  from 
Detroit,  that  they  deserve  to  be  rewarded  for  their  zeal ;  it  is  not  a  thing 
of  to-day,  Koutaouilibono's  declaring  for  the  French,  he  has  sufficient 
intelligence  and  influence,  and  is  well-affected  enough  towards  us,  to 
deserve  to  be  conciliated.  He  has  b^ged  me  in  private  to  tell  you  that 
he  cannot,  all  by  himself,  arrange  so  many  difficult  affairs ;  he  would  like 
you  to  send  him  in  the  autumn,  the  French  chief  whom  you  intend  to 
give  them,  also  that  beaver  may  be  restored  to  its  value  again ;  that  they 
can  no  longer  find  either  martens  or  beavers;  that  they  do  not  want  to 
have  any  more  disturbances  in  this  village. 

Ounaskie  has  requested  me  to  write  and  tell  you*  that  what  made  him 
give  way  was  the  fear  that  disturbances  might  happen  in  his  absence 
and  that  no  one  would  settle  them ;  that  while  he  was  at  the  Huron  island. 
La  Picotte  laid  waste  this  village;  that  he  had  invited  the  Kiskakous 
from  Detroit  to  return  here;  that  they  did  not  obey  him  and  have  been 
slain  by  the  Hurons;  that  it  was  he  who  took  the  French  people  under 
his  protection  when  the  hearts  of  those  who  had  come  from  Detroit  were 
embittered  against  them ;  that  I  had  seen  that  they  were  all  right ;  that 
for  his  part  he  was  very  glad  at  seeing  me,  and  advised  me  never  to  leave 
them  again ;  that  he  was  very  glad  that  a  fort  had  been  built  for  me  and 
for  the  French;  that  that  would  make  their  enemies  afraid,  and  would 
make  the  men  from  Detroit  jealous ;  that,  if  Le  Pesant  left  Detroit,  he 
did  not  think  he  would  come  here,  because  he  was  ashamed,  but  that  he 
might  go  to  Maintoualm ;  that  he  had  striven  hard  to  prevent  the  young 
men  from  going  to  Detroit ;  that  since  I  was  here,  there  was  nothing  to 
fear  on  the  return  from  Detroit,  and  that  he  would  not  allow  any  dis- 

♦"Demander,"  here  appears  to  have  been  written  by  a  clerical  error  for  "mander.' 
— ^Translator. 

Digitized  by 



tnrbances  here;  that  it  was  enough  that  there  should  be  any  at  Detroit. 
He  urges  you  always  to  r^ard  his  village  with  affection  and  to  prevent 
the  word  of  Le  Pesant  proving  true,  who  had  given  the  Iroquois  six 
parcels  [?of  furs]  to  come  with  him  to  devour  the  village  of  Michili- 
makina;  that  you  should  continue  to  stop  the  Iroquois,  since  he  keeps 
his  word  so  faithfully,  and  that  you  should  urge  the  Iroquois  not  to 
receive  the  Hurons  if  they  want  to  withdraw  to  them.  You  will  do  what 
you  think  fit  about  it.   • 

I  have  at  last  found  another  Frenchman  to  go  to  the  St.  Joseph  River, 
and  I  hope  four  of  them  will  set  out  to  procure  the  safety  of  the  fathers, 
about  which  there  is  reason  for  much  concern,  on  account  of  so  many 
parties  of  warriors,  who  are  going  in  that  direction.  At  the  least,  they 
will  bring  us  news  of  them,  unless  they  find  too  much  danger  on  the  way. 

There  are  several  French  people  here  whom  one  could  wish  not  here. 
The  Sr.  Menard  knows  them  and  will  be  able  to  name  them  to  you. 

We  are  expecting  Mons.  Boudor  very  soon  with  news  from  Detroit.  I 
am  sending  off  a  boat  to  the  St.  Joseph  River  at  the  same  time  as  the 
King's  boat  leaves  to  go  down.  There  are,  however,  some  French  people 
who  oppose  it ;  but  I  look  upon  that  as  a  matter  in  which  the  public  inter- 
est is  concerned.  I  have  however  granted  them  three  or  four  days'  delay 
to  obtain  news ;  it  is  necessary  to  humw  them.  I  am  in  deep  respect,  Sir, 
Your  most  humble  &  most  obedient  servant, 

Joseph  J.  Marest  of  the  Company  of  Jesus. 

J.  M.  J. 

Mishilimakina  this  27th  Augt.  1706. 

I  did  not  think  I  should  have  the  honor  of  writing  you  this  second 
letter  by  the  Sr.  Menard :  but  after  our  fort  was  finished,  the  time  for 
the  return  of  the  savages,  who  had  gone  from  here  to  Detroit,  being  so 
near,  the  French  people  again  requested  me  to  stop  him  so  that  he  might 
take  you  news  of  it,  which  beyond  doubt,  was  the  only  important  news, 
and  might  give  you  the  information  necessary  for  settling  matters  up  here. 
God  has  since  then  permitted  the  wind  to  be  contrary  for  his  setting  out 
and  favorable  for  the  return  of  our  savages,  who  had  gone  to  Detroit ;  and 
this  gives  me  the  means  of  writing  to  you  again  today. 

I  shall  tell  you  then — 1st.  that  the  chiefs  have  always  said  that  their 
men  were  not  going  to  fight  but  to  withdraw  their  brothers  from  Detroit ; 
2nd  that  they  found  them  on  the  way,  and  that  they  had  already  left 
Detroit  five  or  six  days  since,  whfen  they  found  them  all  gaunt  with 
the  hunger  they  had  endured ;  3rd  those  from  this  place  having  taken  the 
lead  in  return,  arrived  at  Mishilimakina  on  Monday  the  23rd  of  August. 
Only  a  few  boats  arrived  with  men  from  Detroit.  LeNPesant  and  Jean 
le  Blanc  are  now  at  the  crossway  stopped  by  the  wind,  with  several 

Digitized  by 


270  ANNUAL   MEETING,    1903. 

others;  ten  boats  and  Simon  with  them,  have  gone  to  look  for  food  at 
Saguinan  on  the  way ;  4th  Those  who  have  arrived  say  that  there  was  a 
final  fight  at  Detroit,  and  that  the  French  went  out  with  the  Miamis  and 
Hurons  to  attack  the  Outaouaks  in  their  fort;  that  two  Frenchmen  were 
killed  there  in  this  fight  by  a  Miamis.  5th  Some  are  afraid  they  have 
killed  some  Iroquois  from  the  Sault,  if  it  is  true  that  there  were  some  with 
the  Hurons  in  their  fort.  6th  All  say  that  the  Miamis  were  the  masters 
at  the  French  fort;  that  they  plundered  their  wheat,  their  ammunition, 
&c. ;  that  they  had  burned  an  Outaouaks  there.  7th.  That  the  Hurons  had 
burnt  an  Outaouaks  woman  in  their  fort ;  that  they  had  sent  four  slaves 
to  the  Miamis  of  St.  Joseph,  and  that  two  had  escaped  and  had  told  their 
people  that  the  Miamis  had  not  ill-treated  them  and  threw  the  whole 
[  ?blame]  on  Quarente  Sols.  8th  That  the  same  Hurons  were  keeping  two 
other  Outaouaks  prisoners,  whom  they  wished  to  give  either  to  the  Miamis, 
who  were  very  soon  to  come  back  from  Detroit,  or  to  M.  de  la  Mothe. 
9th  That  most  of  the  fields  at  Detroit  had  been  laid  waste.  10th  That 
there  was  no  one  remaining  at  Detroit  but  the  few  Miamis  who  were 
settled  there  before  the  attack.  11th  That  the  Loup  Indians  had  also 
Tetired,    12th  That  they  had  no  news  yet  of  Monsieur  de  la  Mothe. 

The  Sr,  Menard*  will  tell  you  everything  and  will  explain  it  to  you  at 
inore  length;  you  may  rely  on  his  report.  He  has  certainly  done  his  duty, 
and  has  shown  in  everything,  that  he  is  in  truth  the  King's  servant  and 
yours.  If  any  one  should  make  complaints  to  you  about  him  I  can  assure 
you  he  would  be  very  wrong,  whether  it  be  those  who  have  gone  up  with 
him,  or  others.  He  will  tell  you  how  the  people  here  have  set  their  hearts 
on  continuing  the  war  against  the  Hurons  and  the  Miamis,  but  you  know 
how  important  it  is  to  preserve  the  post  with  the  Miamis.  If  M.  de  la 
Mothe  should  draw  the  Miamis  away  from  it  in  order  to  attract  them  to 
Detroit,  he  would  do  a  vital  injury  to  the  country  and  would  draw  down 
upon  him  war  with  all  the  tribes  of  the  Lakes. 

We  are  impatient  for  the  return  of  M.  Boudor  with  the  Outaouaks 
chiefs.  I  have  not  yet  sent  to  the  St.  Joseph  River.  I  hope  to  do  so  very 
soon.  I  am  being  urged  to  finish,  assuring  you  that  I  am  respectfully, 
Sir,  Your  most  humble  and  most  obedt.  servt.  Joseph  J.  Marest,  Mission- 
ary of  the  Company  of  Jesus. 

*Maurice  Menard,  dit  Lafontaine,  also  referred  to  in  this  letter  as  Maurice,  was 
the  son  of  Jacques  Menard,  dit  Lafontaine,  and  Catherine  Fortier,  his  wife.  He 
was  horn  at  Three  Rivers,  June  7,  1664,  married  Madeleine  Couc,  also  called 
Lefebore.  He  was  an  interpreter  at  Michillimakinac.  Tanguay  says  (vol.  5,  p.  591) 
that  Menard's  son  Antoine  was  bom  at  Michillimakinac  April  28,  1695.  This 
would  disprove  the  allegation  that  Madame  Cadillac  and  Tonty  were  the  first  white 
women  of  the  west  Some  of  the  descendants  of  Menard  moved  to  Detroit  in  the 
latter  part  of  the  eighteenth  century  and  many  of  the  descendants  live  in  and 
about  Detroit  now.— C.  M.  B. 

Digitized  by 




The  Ontaonaks,  seeing  the  price  they  have  had  to  pay  for  being  divided, 
OQght  to  endeavor  effectually  to  unite  permanently.  To  maintain  this 
union  and  strengthen  it,  I  will  assist  as  far  as  I  can.  Koutfiu>uiIeon^  is 
a  man  to  utilize  for  that  purpose,  and  deserves  that  you  should  make  him 
some  good  presents. 

There  is  nowhere  any  Ust  of  the  people  who  came  to  Detroit  in  1706,  after  the 
exclusive  control  of  the  post  was  given  to  Cadillac.  It  was  in  that  year  that  the 
greatest  influx  of  new  comers  came — second  only,  in  number,  to  those  who  came 
in  1749.  From  the  records  in  the  notarial  offices  of  Montreal,  the  archives  of  Quebec 
and  the  church  records  of  Detroit,  the  following  list  has  been  compiled,  which,  if 
not  complete,  is  much  fuller  than  anything  heretofore  compiled  in  this  line. — 
C.  M.  B.* 


Deny  Baron 

Jean  Barthe  (dit  Belleville) 
Frangois  Beauceron 
Ben6  Besnard 

Pierre  Botquin  dit  St.  Andr6 

Pierre  Bourdon 

Jean  Bonrg  dit  La  Pierre 

Gillis  Ghauvin 

Jean  Batiste  Ghanvin 

Lonis  Ghauvin 

Robert  Chevalier 

Michel  Colin  dit  La  Libert^ 

Pierre  Collet 

Joseph  Cusson 

Nicolas  Cusson 
.  John  Baptist  Dutremble 

Joseph  Dutremble 

Michel  Filie,  sieur  de  Therigo 
'l^'rancois  Chalut  de  Chanteloup 

Martha,  wife  of  last  above.    They  were  married  in  Montreal  June  10, 

Louis  Gatineau,  sieur  Duplessis 

Pierre  Hemart 

Jacques  Hubert,  dit  La  croix 

Marguerite  I^  Forest  married  Antoine  Leveoir  June  10,  1706 

Jacques  Le  Moine 

Ren6  Alexander  Le  Moyne 

Marie  Le  Page  (wife  of  Francois  Beauceron) 

Lescuyer,  Jean 

Digitized  by 



ANNUAL   MEBTINO,    1903. 

Lescuyer,  Paul — brotheips — They  brought  10  head  of  cattle  aod  3  horses 
to  Detroit  in  1706.    These  were  the  first  domestic  animals  in  the  west 

Lanrent  Leveille — Panis  Indian 

Antoine  Levroir  dit  Laferte 

Jean  Baptiste  Magdeleyne  dit  Ladouceur 

Frangois  Marquet  and  his  wife  Louise  Galerneau,  who  were  married 
April  26, 1706  at  Quebec 

Claude  Martin 
.    Jacques  Maurisseau 

Jacques  Maurivan 

Louis  Maurivan 

Marie  Melain,  wife  of  Blaise  Fondurose 

Blaise  Fondurose 

Jacques  Minville,  came  with  Paul  and  Jean  Lescuyer 

Louis  Morisseau 

Louis  Normand,  dit  Labriere 

Joseph  Parent 

Yves  Pinet 

Nicolas  Babillard 

Louis  Benaud  dit  Duval 
•  Francois  Bobert 


The  beginning  of  this  letter  from 
Mons.  de  la  Mothe  shows  that  the  Out- 
aouas  have  always  been  attached  to  the 
French;  &  although  he  maliciously  says 
that  they  have  never  declared  them- 
selves openly  as  making  war  on  us,  it 
is  a  fact  that  they  have  never  done  so, 
and  that  it  is  by  misfortune  that  they 
have  begun  this  year. 

The  councils  held  by  the  Sr.  Bourg- 
m6nt  on  the  8th  of  March  and  follow- 
ing days  are  proofs  that  the  affair  of 
the  Missisaguez  was    not   settled;    and 

Copy  of  the  letter  written  to  the  Mar- 
quis De  Vaudreuil  by  the  Sieur  de  la 
Mothe  Cadillac  from  Detroit  Pontchar- 
train  of  27th  of  August  1706. 

I  received  on  the  way,  the  two  let- 
ters which  you  did  me  the  honor  of 
writing  to  me  on  the  27th  of  June  and 
3rd  of  July.  Tou  tell  me  in  the  first 
that  you  are  not  surprised  at  the  wrong* 
ful  attack  which  the  Outaouas  have 
made  on  us  and  on  the  Miamis.  It  wa& 
not  so  with  me  for  I  openly  confess  that 
I  was  extremely  surprised  at  this  pro- 
ceeding on  the  part  of  a  tribe  which  haa 
never  declared  itself  as  making  war 
upon  us  openly. 

The  affair  of  the  Missisaguez,  of 
which  you  speak,  was  a  disturbance  be- 
tween this  tribe  and  the  Miamis  which 
had  nothing  to  do  with  the  Outaouas, 

Vol  4.  p.  851. 

Digitized  by 




although  it  appeared  that  the  Sr.  de 
Bourmont  had  composed  it,  that  was  an 
Indian  ruse  to  induce  the  Miamis  not 
to  mistrust  them,  and  to  come  and  fall 
into  the  snare  of  the  Outaouas,  who 
haye  already  been  connected  in  interest 
with  the  Missisaguez.  A  proof  of  that 
is  that,  in  the  continuation  of  this  let- 
ter, M<ms.  de  la  Mothe  himself  agrees 
that  these  Missisaguez,  to  the  number 
of  one  hundred,  came  to  the  aid  of  the 
Outaouas,  which  is  confirmed  by  the 
letter  of  Father  Marest  of  the  14th  of 
August  last. 

To  pursue  this  matter  it  appears  at 
first  sight  that  the  Outavois  wanted  to 
attack  the  French  as  well  as  the  Mi- 
amis,  but  on  looking  into  the  reports 
of  the  soldiers  who  came  to  bring  this 
news,  they  all  agree  that  the  Outaouas 
called  to  the  French  not  to  fire;  and 
that,  although  the  Father  and  the  other 
soldier  were  killed,  it  was  <mly  after 
there  had  been  firing  on  both  sides, 
from  the  fort  and  from  without.  How- 
ever that  may  be  it  does  not  make 
the  Outaouas  any  less  to  blame,  but  it 
does  not  prove  that  they  had  any  in- 
tention of  attacking  the  fort  when  they 
began.  And,  with  regard  to  the  Father 
having  been  stabbed,  those  who  came 
down  only  speak  of  his  having  been 
shot  twice,  which  agrees  with  what 
Miscouaky  said. 

Miscouaky,  the  brother  of  Jean  le 
Blanc,  explains  these  points  and  says 
that  it  was  the  young  men  who  came 
and  fired  while  the  elders  were  in  coun- 
cil. The  real  fact  is  that  they  did  not 
fight  against  the  Fort  any  more  after 
this  affair;  and  if  there  was  any  fight- 
ing at  Detroit  afterwards,  it  was  the 
Hurons  and  Miamis,  who  attacked  the 
Outaouas,  as  appears  from  a  council 
held  on  the  2nd  of  July  by  the  Sieur 
de  Bourgmont,  and  not  the  Outaouas 
who  came  to  attack  the  Fort;  and  this 
is  confirmed  by  Maurlsseau,  an  Iroquois 
interpreter  who  came  down  from  De- 
tn^t  a  f^w  days  ago,  as  well  as  by  what 
Biiscouaky  told  Mons.  de  Vaudreuil 
about  the  snares  prepared  by  the  Hu- 

more  especialy  as  the  commandant  of 
this  post  had  composed  and  settled  it; 
and  in  fact,  as  soon  as  the  Outaouas  had 
made  their  attack,  the  Missiaguez  with* 
drew  from  Detroit  so  that  they  could 
not  be  suspected  of  having  given  any 
help  to  the  Outaouas.  They  even  came 
here,  after  I  had  arrived,  to  mourn  over 
our  dead,  according  to  the  custom.  It 
appears  that  the  acticm  of  the  Outaouaa 
against  the  Miamis  was  premeditated. 
But,  in  continuati<m  of  M.  de  Boug- 
mont's  letter,  a  copy  of  which  he  show- 
ed me,  and  concerning  which  you  write 
to  me.  It  appears  that  they  bore  ill- 
will  also  against  the  French,  for  it 
would  have  been  very  easy  for  them  to 
have  killed  the  former  [?the  Miamis] 
without  killing  the  R.  P.  Constantin^ 
and  La  Riviere  the  soldier  who  was  out* 
side  the  Fort;  for  they  went  and  bound 
the  former  in  his  garden  where  he  was 
stabbed  with  a  knife  which  he  could  not 
ward  off,  and  afterwards  shot  three  or 
four  times  while  he  was  escaping  and 
approaching  very  slowly  to  the  door  o£ 
the  Fort 

Who  is  there  who  does  not  know  that 
savages  employ  stratagems  and  treach- 
ery. Our  old  men — say  the  Outaouas 
had  no  hand  in  this  business,  it  was  the 
young  men.  A  fine  excuse  truly.  And 
it  would  be  a  convenient  one  if  we  were 
foolish  enough  to  accept  it. 

How  comes  it,  then.  Sir  that  after 
they  had  committed  this  wicked  deed 
Jean  le  Blanc  came  to  ask  for  peace^ 
with  a  stick  of  porcelain,  from  M<ms.  de 
Bourmont  who  received  him,  granting^ 
his  request  and  referring  him  to  you  as 
to  what  should  be  done  about  it,  or  te 
me  on  my  arrival;  and  yet  Jean  le 
Blanc,  who  is  the  second  chief  and  the 
elder  of  the  village,  four  hours  after,  at- 
tacked the  fort  with  a  large  number  of 
his  men,  and  that  they  fired  and  kept 
up  a  good  fire  on  the  Fort  from  five 
o'clock  in  the  evening  until  midnight, 
and  that  in  fact  the  fighting  continued 
for  forty  or  fifty  days,  up  to  the  day  of 
their  retreat 

Digitized  by 



ANNUAL   MBBTINO.    1903. 

rons  for  the  Outaouas.  Yet  M.  de  la 
Mothe  says  briefly  that  fighting  contin- 
ued for  40  or  50  days  and  does  not  say 
iiow  the  matter  took  place,  thus  mali- 
ciously leaving  it  to  be  understood  that 
it  was  the  Outaouas  who  kept  coming 
to  attack  the  Fort,  which  is  not  so,  but 
it  was  the  Hurons  and  Miamis  who 
went  to  attack  them. 

This  paragraph  is  much  more  mali- 
cious. M.  de  la  Mothe  would  almost 
wish  to  give  us  to  understand  from 
what  Jean  le  Blanc  said,  that  the  Outa- 
vouas  acted  as  they  did  only  on  the  order 
of  Monsieur  de  Vaudreuil,  as  if  what 
Jean  Blanc  said  when  he  brought  the 
flag,  which  Monsieur  de'Vaudreuil  had 
jgiven  him  at  Montreal  some  time  ago, 
4id  not  mean  that  by  coming  to  speak 
tinder  the  auspices  of  that  flag  he  had 
Jiothing  to  fear,  and  that  Monsieur  de 
Vaudreuil  had  so  assured  him  when  he 
^;ave  it  to  him. 

What  the  Sr.  de  la  Mothe  sa3^  about 
the  two  Forts  which  the  Outaouas  and 
the  Hurons  made  would  seem  very  rea- 
43onable  if  the  Sr.  de  Tonty  and  he  had 
not  agreed  upon  them  in  order  to  keep 
the  Outaouas  from  quitting  the  poet.  It 
is  for  the  Sr.  de  Tonty  to  defend  this 
point,  as  well  as  that  of  the  accusation 
against  him  of  having  forced  French- 
men to  work  at  them.  But  as  regards 
the  powder,  which  the  Sr.  de  la  Mothe 
accuses  him  of  having  got  rid  of  on 
purpose,  Mons.  de  Vaudreuil  must  do 
him  this  Justice.  The  Sr.  de  la  Mothe 
knows,  and  so  do  all  the  French  who 
were  at  Detroit  at  that  time,  that  the 
Sr.  de  Tonty  did  not  dispose  of  the 
King's  powder  in  the  interests  of  the 
<:;ompany,  but  in  order  to  keep  the  sav- 
ages from  going  to  the  English  for  it, 
as  they  threatened  to  do,  and  so  as  not 
to  let  them  know  how  short  a  supply 
we  had  of  it  However  by  the  report 
of  the  Company's  agent  at  that  time 
there  was  still  a  barrel  remaining  and 
20^  in  the  Company's    magazine    for 

Again,  what  did  this  same  Jean  le 
Blanc  mean  when  he  returned  to  the 
Fort  with  a  flag,  and  a  walking  stick 
in  his  hand  and,  approaching  the  baa* 
tion,  said  to  Mons.  Bourgmont  "With 
what  I  hold  in  my  hand  I  fear  nothing 
because  that  comes  from  Monsieur  de 
Vaudreuil.  It  will  not  be  you  who  will 
arrange  this  afTair,  it  will  be  he;  I  heark- 
en to  his  words  and  do  what  he  has  told 
me  to  do."  After  which  he  entered  the 
fort,  having  asked  permission  of  M.  de 
Bourmont  to  do  so,  and  there  he  re- 
peated the  same  thing.  What  language 
is  that?  Who  indeed  can  understand  it 
Was  it  the  young  mep  or  the  old  who 
were  concerned  in  this  act? 

The  whole  course  pursued  by  the  eld- 
ers, or  rather  by  this  tribe,  proves  only 
too  clearly  that  this  was  not  a  resolution 
taken  at  the  moment,  nor  would  this 
scheme  even  have  been  carried  out  if 
Monsieur  de  Tonty  had  not  been  careful 
to  plan  and  to  have  drawn  out  two  large 
forts,  one  for  this  tribe  and  the  other 
for  the  Hurons,  at  which  he  made  the 
Frenchmen  work  against  their  will,  con- 
trary to  the  advice  I  had  given  him  be- 
fore I  left  Detroit  to  do  nothing  in  the 
matter  as  it  was  not  prudent  to  raise 
fortifications  on  his  right  hand  and  on 
his  left  for  people  on  whom  no  reckon- 
ing can  be  made;  on  the  contrary  it 
was  our  Fort  which  should  have  held 
them  in  subjection.  It  was  a  great  mis- 
take, but  there  was  a  means  of  remedy- 
ing 'it;  and  I  had  proposed  to  myself 
an  expedient  for  making  them  aband<m 
these  forts.  But  the  wisest  precaution 
the  Sieur  de  Tonty  took  was  to  denude 
this  fort  of  powder,  and  have  it  sold 
to  the  Outaouas  for  the  Company's  bene- 
fit   The  inventory  which  he  signed  at- 

Digitized  by 




real  necessity  when  the  Sr.  de  Bour- 
mont  arrived,  who  indeed  had  left  200^ 
of  powder  in  a  hiding  place,  and  of  this 
he  did  not  lose  a  single  livre,  for  he 
sent  to  look  for  it  in  the  early  spring. 
This  shows  that  the  Sr.  de  la  Mothe 
does  not  care  what  statements  he 
makes,  provided  what  he  says  has  an 
appearance  of  probability.  It  is  the 
same  with  the  remark  he  makes,  out  of 
malice,  that  there  were  only  fifteen  men 
in  the  fort,  without  explaining  that,  up 
to  the  20th  of  April,  there  have  always 
been  nearly  forty  jnen  and  that,  al- 
though they  were  reduced  to  this  num- 
ber, that  was  the  fault  of  the  Sr.  de 
Bourmont  for  not  having  retained  the 
Company's  servants  or  the  soldiers  he 
gave  to  the  Sr.  de  Tonty  to  go  down 
with  him  until  he  had  received  help 
from  below.  It  is  also  the  fault  of 
Mons.  de  la  Mothe  for  not  having  sent 
five  boat&  in  the  early  spring,  as  he  had 
promised  to  do,  for  they  could  have  got 
to  Detroit  more  than  a  month  before 
the  trouble  with  the  Outaouas  hap- 

The  people  who  came  down  to  bring 
the  news  of  the  occurrences  at  Detroit 
told  Monsieur  de  Vaudreuil  so;  and  as 
regards  what  Monsieur  de  Vaudreuil 
wrote  to  the  Sr.  de  la  Mothe  about  his 
finding  no  Outaouas  at  Detroit,  noth- 
ing was  so  probable,  as  Monsieur  de 
Vaudreuil  explains  in  his  letter. 

What  Mons.  de  la  Mothe  writes,  as 
to  the  departure  of  Father  Marest  is 
no  less  malicious  than  all  the  rest  of 
his  writings. 

He  knows  and  is  perfectly  aware  that 
this  missionary  was  to  set  out  with  two 

tests  that  he  had  left  only  31  pounds, 
and  this  again  was  priming-powder 
which  Mohs.  de  Bourmont  had  to  have 
sifted  to  enable'  him  to  make  use  of 
it;  and  had  it  not  been  for  the  50 
pounds  which  M.  de  Bourmont  saved 
out  of  what  he  had  buried  last  autumn 
when  he  came  to  Quebec,  all  the  rest 
being  spoiled,  would  not  the  fort  have 
been  taken.  Sir;  and  whose  fault  would 
it  have  been?  A  royal  fort,  a  poet  es- 
tablished by  the  King's  orders  to  be  de- 
nuded of  powder!  And  the  Outaouas 
were  well  informed  of  that  Lastly, 
there  was  a  garrison  of  15  men  who  had 
to  defend  themselves  with  axes!  But,, 
Sir,  however  it  may  be;  whether  the 
savages  were  fortified  or  not;  even  if 
there  were  dhly  15  men  in  the  garrison; 
whether  there  was  any  powder  or  not; 
why  did  these  savages  kill  Frenchmen, 
why  attack  our  fort,  why  kill  the 
Miamis  who  had  been  there  for  five 
hundred  years,  who  had  eaten  and 
drunk  with  them  every  day,  who  had 
been  at  war  [with  them]  for  twenty 
or  perhaps  thirty  years,  who  had  no 
quarrel  with  them.  Was  it  the  attack 
made  upon  the  Misslsaguez?  O!  it  was 
the  Misslsaguez,  who  would  not  avenge 
themselves,  who  withdrew,  who  would 
not  take  part  in  the  evil  action  of  the 
Outaouas,  and  disapprove  of  it! 

No  Sir,  the  Outaouas  did  not  offer 
themselves  as  hostages  as  you  did  me 
the  honor  to  write  and  tell  me,  to  re- 
main in  the  Fort  until  my  arrival;  they 
were  not  sufllciently  well-disposed  to  dis- 
play such  devotion.  You  believed  very 
justly,  when  you  wrote  to  me  that  I 
should  not  find  any  Outaouas  here  on 
my  arrival.  I  was  of  the  same  opinion 
as  soon  as  I  learnt,  on  my  way,  while  I 
was  still  two  days  journey  from  Mon- 
treal, of  the  attack  on  the  fort,  and  of 
the  death  of  this  poor  Father,  the  sol- 
dier, and  the  Miamis. 

Nor  did  I  fail  to  admire  the  zeal  of 
the  Rev.  Father  Marest  in  hastening 
with  so  much  eagerness  to  repair  to 
Michilimakina,  accompanied  by  only 
four  boats,  at  a  time  when  he  is  in- 
formed that  the  Outaouas  have  beseiged 

Digitized  by 



ANNUAL   MEETING,    1903. 

boats  to  go  up  to  his  mi8si<m.  Tet  he 
feigns  ignorance  of  it  and  says  that  he 
can  never  tire  of  admiring  the  zeal  of 
this  Missionary  who,  in  spite  of  the 
news  from  Detroit,  hast^is  with  the 
zeal  of  the  seraphim  to  go  to  Missili- 
makina  after  having  abandoned  it  last 
year  with  at  least  as  much  zeal,  and 
that  that  is  a  good  many  movements  in 
one  year  for  this  missionary,  meaning 
to  insinuate  that  that  covers  some  hid- 
den design.  The  letter  from  Father 
Marest  to  Monsieur  de  Vaudreuil  will 
explain  this  point. 

The  remainder  of  this  letter  is  in  the 
same  strain.  The  Sr.  de  la  Mothe 
agrees,  because  he  cannot  deny,  that  if 
he,  or  the  Sr.  de  la  Forest  had  been 
at  Detroit,  the  affair  with  the  Outaouas 
would  perhaps  never  have  happened; 
and  at  the  same  time  throws  the  blame 
on  the  fact  that  he  was  kept  at  Quebec, 
as  if  Mons.  de  Vaudreuil  could  help  ar- 
resting him  on  the  request  of  Mons.  de 
Beauhamois,  and  as  if  what  happened 
in  1706  was  a  necessary  consequence  of 
the  suit  he  held  with  the  CSompany  in 
1704.  And  by  way  of  proving  his  alle- 
gation he  says  that  Mons.  de  Vaudreuil, 
after  his  case  was  decided,  refused  to 
allow  him  to  go  up  to  his  post  But  he 
does  not  say  that  his  trial  was  not  con- 
cluded until  the  15th  of  June,  1705,  and 
he  did  not  go  up  to  Montreal  until  a 
long  time  after;  that  from  there  he 
went  down  again  to  Quebec,  on  account 
of  the  illness  of  his  wife,  and  did  not 
go  up  finally  until  the  15th  of  August. 
Then,  he  did,  indeed,  ask  permission 
from  Monsieur  de  Vaudreuil  to  return 
to  his  post;  but  as  there  were  already 
letters  giving  notice  that  the  Court 
granted  Detroit  to  him.  Monsieur  de 
Vaudreuil  told  him  he  must  await  the 
arrival  of  the  King's  ship  which,  no 
doubt,  would  not  be  long  in  coming. 
The  Sr.  de  la  Mothe  does  not  state  all 
these  circumstances   nor   does   he   say 

the  Fort  at  Detroit,  and  that  the  Recol- 
let  Father,  who  was  there,  has  been 
cruelly  massacred  and  assassinated. 
That  could  only  be  in  order  to  dispute 
with  him  the  crown