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OP    MANY    OF    ITS 





"1/    I.,.' 

L.     H.    E  V  E  R  T  S     &     C  O. 

188  2. 

PRESS    OF    J.    B.    LIPPINCOTT   &    CO..    PHILADELPHIA. 

Copyright,  1882,  by  BoTD  CRTTiTRiNE. 


An  apologetic  preface  is  not  intended  by  what  is  liere  written,  for  it  is  believed  that  in  this 
History  i>f  Wasliington  County  there  are  perhaps  as  few  errors  and  imperfections  as  any  reason- 
able critic  ought  to  expect  in  so  comprehensive  a  work.  "Whatever  defects  may  appear  (and 
what  work  of  man  is  free  from  defects  ?),  they  are  certainly  not  chargeable  to  a  want  of  effort  and 
care  to  avoid  them  ;  and  those  who  have  been  engaged  in  the  preparation  of  this  work  only  ask  the 
favor  that  before  it  be  subjected  to  unfavorable  comment  it  be  carefully  examined,  not  in  isolated 
portions,  but  in  its  whole  scope  and  character.  Far  from  being  unwilling  to  submit  to  honest  and 
intelligent  criticism,  they  will  be  glad  to  have  any  substantial  inaccuracies  pointed  out.  By  such 
criticism  alone  can  this  work  be  affected ;  captious  fault-finding,  often  arising  out  of  unworthy 
jealousies,  cannot  prevail  with  intelligent  men. 

But  it  is  rather  desired  here  to  make  a  remark  or  two  as  to  the  history  of  the  book  now  de- 
livered to  those  for  whom  it  was  written.  And  in  this  connection  it  may  be  premised  that  if 
any  one  individual,  on  his  own  account,  could  have  devoted  the  necessary  time  and  industry 
to  the  preparation  of  a  full  and  accurate  history  of  the  county,  covering  the  ground  the  writers 
of  this  history  have  endeavored  to  cover,  it  is  confidently  believed  that,  there  being  but  a 
local  demand  for  such  a  work,  it  would  have  been  vain  to  hope  that  it  could  have  been  pub- 
lished and  sold  so  a.s  to  repay  the  author  for  the  time,  labor,  and  expenditure  involvetl.  To 
those  who  wished  to  see  something  like  an  approach  to  a  complete  history  of  Washington 
County,  the  proposals  of  the  enterprising  publishers  to  publish  the  work  after  a  plan  and  method 
of  their  own  seemed  to  offer  the  only  opportunity  within  reach,  and  hence  it  wa-s  that  the  writer 
of  these  lines,  after  the  approval  of  good  friends,  on  whose  judgment  he  could  rely,  was  led  to 
aid  the  enterprise,  not  only  by  a  contribution  to  its  pages,  but,  by  way  of  general  oversight  and 
direction  of  the  whole.  It  was  soon  found,  however,  that,  beyond  the  chapters  contributed,  there 
was  but  little  need  of  his  assistance,  for  Major  Franklin  Ellis,  of  !N"ew  York  City,  the  gentleman 
by  whom  much  the  larger  part  of  the  work  was  prepared,  brought  with  him  long  experience  and 
great  skill  in  historical  investigation,  an  enviable  facility  of  composition,  together  with  laborious 
industry  and  carefulness.  And  he  was  aided  by  gentlemen — one  of  whom,  Austin  X.  Hunger- 
ford,  Esq.,  of  Ithaca,  N.  Y.,  deserves  special  mention — who  also  were  possessed  of  special  fitness 
for  the  gathering  from  all  sorts  of  sources  of  the  innumerable  and  disjointed  details  which  have 
gone  to  make  uj)  the  history  of  localities;  and,  not  only  that,  they  have  all  along  received  con- 
stant 'encouragement  and  valuable  suggestions  from  leading  men  in  the  county,  too  manv  in 
number  to  acknowledge  by  name  here.  It  may  be  unusual,  but,  as  his  associates  came  here  as 
strangers,  the  writer  desires  in  this  place  to  bear  witness  to  all  who  may  be  interested  in  this 


work  that  in  the  labor  performed  by  the  gentlemen  named  they  have  evinced  at  all  times  while 
it  progressed  the  most  absolute  good  faith  and  painstaking  desire  for  accuracy  and  completeness. 

In  explanation  of  the  method  adopted,  more  especially  in  the  preparation  of  the  chapters 
upon  the  civil  and  legal  history,  the  writer  would  state  that  the  idea  of  presenting  original  docu- 
ments, in  full  or  by  quotation,  as  they  lay  before  him,  rather  than  to  paraphrase  their  contents 
in  his  own  language,  was  followed  from  deliberate  choice  as  the  best  method  of  presenting  local 
history.  Thus  the  actors  speak  for  themselves,  and  the  reader  is  not  asked  to  take  upon  faith 
the  statements  of  another  as  to  what  is  really  contained  in  their  communications.  True,  a  sen- 
tence often  might  have  represented  the  substantial  contents  of  a  letter  or  paper  of  some  length, 
but  the  reader  is  supposed  to  desire  rather  to  see  and  read  the  letter  or  paper  for  himself.  This 
will,  no  doubt,  be  appreciated  by  the  thoughtful. 

One  word  as  to  the  matter  of  the  portraits,  other  illustrations,  and  biographical  sketches  not 
immediately  connected  with  the  historical  character  of  the  work,  a  feature,  however,  with  which 
those  entjaged  as  investigators  and  writers  have  had  nothing  whatever  to  do,  as  being  outside  of 
their  employment.  This  feature  sometimes  is  made  the  subject  of  thoughtless  criticism.  Let  it  here 
be  said  the  work  is  intended,  to  some  extent,  to  indicate  the  present  development  of  the  county, 
side  by  side  with  the  history  of  its  past.  For  obvious  reasons,  then,  wait  for  twenty,  thirty, 
forty  years  of  our  future  to  elapse,  when  the  present  and  its  people  shall  have  become  more  in- 
teresting. Then,  it  is  submitted,  this  very  feature  of  the  work  in  which  there  are  present(  d  the 
portraits  and  biographical  sketches  of  a  few  of  the  representative  men  of  each  condition  oij  life, 
as  well  as  illustrations  of  their  homes  and  their  surroundings,  showing  the  county  of  tovday, 
will  of  itself  have  become  of  very  great  interest  and  importance.  Time,  indeed,  will  place  this 
feature  of  the  work  in  its  proper  light. 

This  history,  thus  the  work  of  many  hands,  is  now  with  the  reader,  a  record  of  our  past, 
for  present  and  future  instruction  and  entertainment.  The  longer  it  is  possessed  perhajjs  tlie 
more  it  may  be  prized.  Not  a  i)age  has  been  stereotyped,  and  only  copies  enough  have  been 
printed  to  supply  the  subscribei'S  and  those  who  labored  upon  it;  hence  it  cannot  hereafter  be 
found  in  the  market,  and  year  by  year  it  will  become  a  possession  more  and  more  valuable  to  the 



WA.SHINUTON,  Sept.  20,  1882. 


PAGE    I    CHAP 

I. — Washington  County  in  History — Looatiov, 
Boundaries,  and  Topookai'iiy — The  In- 
dian Occupation 

II. — The  French  and  English  Claims  to  the 
Trans  -  Alleguenv  Region  —  George 
AVashingtox's  Visit  to  the  French  Forts 

IN  1753        

III. — French  Occupation   at  the  Head  op  the 

Ohio — Washington's  Campaign  of  1754    . 

IV. — Braddock's  Expedition  in  1755    . 

V. — Incursions     and     Ravages     during     the 

French   Occupation — Capture   ok    Fort 

du     quesne    and     expulsion     op    the 

French— Expeditions  under  Bouquet 

VI. — Dunmore's  War    .... 

VII. — The  Retolution  .... 

VIII.— The  Revolution— ( CoiK/niierf)      . 

IX. — The  Civil  and  Legal  History  . 

X. — The     Civil    and    Legal    Histor 


XI.— The    Civil    and 


XII.— The    Civil    and 

XIII.— The    Civil    and 

XIV.— The    Civil    and 

XV.— The    Civil    and 

XVI.— The    Civil    and 
XVII.— The    Civil    and 
tinned)  . 

XVIII.— The    Civil    and 
XIX.— The    Civil    and 
XX. — The  Whiskey  Inschrec 
XXI.— War  of  181 2-15— Texan  and  Mexican  Wars 
XXII. — War  of  the  Rebellion 
XXIII. — War  of  the  Rebellion — [Cnntinned) 
XXIV. — War  of  the  Rebellion — {^Continued) 
XXV. — War  of  the  Rebellion — (Continued) 
XXVI. — War  of  the  Rebellion — (Continued) 
XXVII. — War  of  the  Rebellion — (Caniinned) 
XXVIIL— War  of  the  Rebellion— (fo»(/n.(crf) 
XXIX. — War  of  the  Rebellion — (Continued) 

Legal  History  — 

Legal  History  — 

Legal  History  — 

Legal  History  — 

Legal  History^  — 

Legal  History  — 

Legal  History  — 

Legal  History  — 

Legal  Histoiiy  — 

( Con 




XXX. — M'au  of  the  Rebellion — (6'(/i(((ii(( 
XXXr. — War  of  the  Rebellion — (6'on(i'iin 
XXXII. — Geology — Mining 
XXXIII. — Internal  Improvements 
XXXIV. — Religious  History 

XXXV. — Religious  History — (Continued)  . 
XXXVI. — Educational  History   . 
XXXVII. — County    Buildings  —  Civil    List 
Agricultural  Societies — Popul.i 











Washington  Boiiough 


Canonsburg  Borough 
California  Borough 
West  Brownsville  Boroi  gii 
Allen  Township 
Amwell  Township   . 
Buffalo  Township.. 
Canton  Township 
Carroll  Township  . 
Cecil  Township 
Chartiers  Township 
Cross  Creek  Township     . 
Donegal  Township  . 
East  Bethlehem  Township 
East  Finley  Township    . 
East  Pike  Run  Township 
Fallowfi  ELD  Township   . 
Franklin  Township 
Hanover  Township  . 
Hopewell  Township 
Independence  Township. 
Jefferson  Township 
Morris  Township     . 
Mount  Pleasant  Township 
North  Strabane  Township 
Nottingham  Township 
Peters  Township 
Robinson  Township  .      f. 
Smith  Township 
Somerset  Township 
South  Strabane  Township 
Union  Township 
West  Bethlehem  Township 
West  Finley  Township   . 
West  Pike  Run  Township 


Alexander,  J.  W facing     627 

Alexander,  William  J "        578 

Allison,  John 720 

Autographs  of  Justices  of  Old  Virginia  Courts,         facing     204 

Baker,  Enoch "         671 

Barnard,  Samuel "         978 

Barr,  John  S "944 

Bentley,  George "         968 

Blachly,  S.  L "848 

Caldwell,  A.  B.,  Residence  of    ...         .  "         504 

Court-House,  Sheriff's  Residence,  and  Jail        .  "         467 

Craig,  Walker "724 

Craighead,  James "         706 

Crumrine,  George "         976 

Davis,  William "         957 

Denniston,  Samuel "         964 

Dickson,  James  G.     .....         .  "         614 

Duoking-Stool 206 

Ewing,  John  H facing     556 

Farrar,  John "         929 

Frazier,  Thomas "         760 

Hall,  John,  Stock-Farm  of        ...         .  "         688 

Hanna,  Mrs.  S.  R "558 

Hawkins,  S.  B "         948 

Hazlett's  Bank "528 

Hazzard,  T.  R "598 

Henderson,  Joseph    .         .         ,         .         .         .         .         .     503 

Hopkins,  James  H facing     562 

Hopkins,  William "560 

Howe,  S.  B "         635 

Jefferson  College  at  C.inonsburg  in  1842    ....     445 

Lawrence,  G.  V facing     574 

Lee,  William "732 

Little,  .Tames  D.,  Residence  of  .         .         .         .  "         712 

i.  Draft  of  Surveys  Virginia  Settlement,  between     192,  193 
Map,  Outline,  Illustrating  the  Boundary  Controversy  be- 
tween Pennsylvania  and  Virginia      .         .        facing     191 
Map  showing  District  of  West  Augusta  and  Counties  of 

Ohio between  182,  183 

M'ap  showing  French  Occupation  of  the  Ohio  Valley,  facing     138 
Map  of  Washington  County  from  1781  to  1788  "         222 

Map,  Outline,  of  Washington  County        .         .   between  12,  13 

Maxwell,  George  C,  Residence  of 
Maxwell,  John  .... 
McConncll,  Alexander,  Jr. 
McConnell,  Alexander,  Sr. 
McFarland,  Samuel  . 

facing     646 

"         820 

between  718,  719 

"        718,  719 

facing     664 


McKennan,  W facing     249 

McLain,  William "762 

McMillan's  Log  Cabin  Academy        .....     440 

McNary,  James  S between  714,  715 

MeNary,  William  H "         714,  715 

Murray's  Block,  West  Alexander      .....     752 

Noble,  T.  C facing    758 

Part  of  Washington  in  1842      ....  "496 

Patterson,  James "727 

Paul,  Huston "954 

Paxton,  John  G.,  Residence  of ...         .  "         708 

Plan  of  the  town  of  Washington       .         .        between  476,  477 

Pees,  Zachariah facing     880 

Perrine,  David "840 

Prehistoric  Pipe 956 

Presbyterian  Church,  West  Alexander      .         .        facing     749 

Pringle,  J.  S "642 

Proudfit,  J.  L "930 

Public  School,  Monongahela  City      ...  "         595 

Ramsey,  George         ......  "         959 

Reed,  Parker 822 

Richard  Yates'  Survey      .......     193 

Ritchie's  Block facing     623 

Ritchie,  W.  H.  S "         624 

Shirls,  Harry,  Residence  of      .         .         .         between  542,  543 
Sloan,  Rev.  James     ......         facing     585 

Smith,  William "940 

Soldiers'  Monument 552 

Southwestern  State  Normal  School   .         .         .        facing     462 

Speers,  S.  C "649 

Sphar,  Henry    .......  "         651 

Stephens,  J.  W "936 

Stewart,  Robert "838 

Stocks  and  Pillory 222 

Sw.igler,  Jacob facing     950 

Swart,  Andrew  J 672 

Townsend,  Elijah facing     899 

Trinity  Hall,  from  Playground.         ...  "         459 

Trinity  Hall  Boarding-School    ....  "458 

Trinity  Hall,  east  view "         459 

Vance,  Samuel "952 

Warne,  James "         600 

Walker,  D.  S facing     740 

Walker,  John  N "736 

Washington  College  in  1842 446 

Wasson,  L.  J facing     886 

Work,  George  T "816 



B    a 


V     E 

R          CO 






^Hiiirw^  CO. 


c      o 









Washington  County  embraces  in  its  annals  much 
tliat  is  of  great  historic  interest,  and  in  this  respect 
it  is  surpassed  by  but  few  counties  in  Pennsylvania, 
though  no  great  national  events  have  ever  occurred 
within  its  boundaries,  and  it  contains  no  spot  of 
world-wide  fame  like  Valley  Forge,  Wyoming,  or 
Gettysburg.  In  the  fierce  conflict  waged  a  century 
and  a  quarter  ago  by  the  two  great  European  rivals, 
England  and  France,  for  dominion  over  the  vast 
region  watered  by  the  head-streams  of  the  Ohio,  the 
contending  armies  never  fought  or  marched  within 
the  present  limits  of  this  county,  but  the  routes  and 
the  battle-grounds  of  Washington  and  Braddock  were 
so  near  these  borders  that  the  crunch  and  rumble  of 
their  artillery-wheels  among  the  crags  of  the  Laurel 
Hill  and  the  rattle  of  the  fusilades  at  Fort  Necessity 
and  on  the  storied  field  of  the  Monongahela  might 
almost  have  been  heard  from  the  valleys  and  hills 
that  are  now  whitened  and  dotted  by  the  harvests  and 
herds  of  Washington  County  farmers.  Twenty  years 
afterwards,  when  a  controversy  scarcely  less  fierce 
sprang  up  between  the  States  of  Pennsylvania  and 
Virginia,  in  which  the  Old  Dominion  insisted  on  ex- 
tending her  limits  eastward  to  the  mountains,  while 
Pennsylvania  jieremptorily  refused  to  yield  to  the 
claim,  and  demanded  the  boundaries  granted  to  Penn 
by  the  royal  charter,  the  country  west  of  the  Monon- 
gahela, that  was  soon  after  embraced  in  the  county  of 
AVashingtou,  became  the  principal  arena  of  a  conflict 
of  jurisdiction  that  almost  reached  tlie  extremity  of 
open  war. 

In  the  Revolutionary  struggle  this  region  saw  noth- 

J  DO  O 

ing  of  the  movements  of  the  Continental  and  royal  I 
armies  ;  but  when  the  news  of  actual  hostilities  flew 
south  and  west  from  Lexington  Common,  kindling  in 
all  the  colonies  the  flame  of  patriotism,  it  blazed 
forth  as  promptly  and  burned  as  brightly  on  these 
highlands  and  along  these  streams  as  it  did  on  the 
plain  of  Bennington  or  the  banks  of  the  Brandywine.  1 

And  while  the  smoke  of  battle  still  enveloped  the 
steep  sides  of  Bunker  Hill,  armed  men  from  the 
valley  of  the  Monongahela  were  already  on  tlieir 
way  across  the  mountains  to  join  the  provincial  forces 
encircling  Boston.  Later  in  the  struggle,  when  Brit- 
ain had  secured  the  alliance  of  the  Indian  tribes  of 
the  Northwest,  and  incited  them  to  frequent  and 
bloody  incursions  into  the  settlements  along  the  Ohio 
border,  the  brave  frontiersmen  of  this  region  were 
mustered  in  arms  again  and  again  to  repel  invasion 
and  to  march  against  the  savages  in  the  wilderne-ss, 
as  a  means  of  protection  to  their  own  families  and 
homes.  And  through  all  the  years  of  the  great 
struggle,  devout  ministers  of  the  gospel  in  Washing- 
ton County,  some  of  them  as  eminent  in  their  calling 
as  any  in  the  land,  prayed  for  the  success  of  the  pa- 
triot cause;  and  when  the  fighting  men  went  forth, 
exhorted  them  to  take  as  much  care  to  fear  and  serve 
God,  as  to  pick  their  flints  and  kec])  tlieir  jiowder  dry. 

The  border  hostilities,  the  Revolution,  and  the  later 
wars  in  which  the  people  of  Washington  County  1 
prominent  part  will  be  mentioned  in 
ceeding  pages,  with  accounts  of  the 
troversy,  the  Whiskey  InsurreatittJfi7  internal 
provements,  including  the  conatruction  of  the  old 
National  road,  the  railroads,  tile  navigation  of  the 
Monongahela  River,  and  numberless  other  historical 
matters  relating  to  this  county,  among  which  none 
are  of  greater  interest  than  those  pertaining  to  that 
religious  and  educational  development  and  progre.<s 
which  has  placed  Washington  among  the  very  fore- 
most of  the  counties  of  Pennsylvania. 

Location,  Boundaries,  and  Topography.— With 
regard  to  its  location  and  boundaries,  Washington 
may  properly  be  described  as  one  of  the  western- 
most range  of  counties  of  Pennsylvania;  and  the 
second  one,  reckoning  northward,  from  the  south- 
west corner  of  the  State.  It  is  joined  on  the  north 
by  Beaver  County;  on  the  northeast  by  Allegheny 
County;  on  the  east  by  Allegheny,  Westmoreland, 
and  Fayette ;  on  the  south  by  Greene  County,  and  on 
the  west  by  the  State  of  West  Virginia. 

The  principal  stream  of  the  county  is  the  Monon- 
gahela River,  which  takes  its  rise  in  West  Virginia, 




crosses  the  State  line  into  Pennsylvania  at  the  ex- 
treme southeast  corner  of  Greene  County,  and  flow- 
ing thence  in  a  meandering  but  generally  northward 
course,  marks  the  entire  eastern  boundary  of  Greene 
and  Washington  Counties  against  the  counties  of  Fay- 
ette, Westmoreland,  and  Allegheny.  From  the  north- 
eastern limit  of  Washington  County  the  river  flows 
first  in  a  northeasterly,  and  afterwards  in  a  north- 
westerly course  through  Allegheny  County  to  its 
confluence  with  the  Allegheny  River  at  Pittsburgh. 

Besides  the  Monongahela,  Washington  County  hasa 
great  number  of  smaller  streams,  but  among  these  there 
are  few  thatare  of  sufficient  size  and  importance  to  de- 
serve special  mention.  The  North  Fork  of  Ten-Mile 
Creek  takes  its  rise  in  the  southern  part  of  this  county, 
and  flows  in  a  general  course  a  little  south  of  east  to  its 
junction  with  the  South  Fork,  which  rises  in  Greene 
County.  The  North  Fork  marks  the  boundary  line 
between  Washington  and  Greene  for  a  short  distance 
above  the  confluence ;  and  the  main  stream  of  Ten- 
Mile  also  marks  the  line  between  the  two  counties 
from  the  confluence  to  its  mouth,  where  its  waters 
join  those  of  the  Monongahela.  North  of  Ten-Mile 
Creek,  Pike  Run,  Pigeon  Creek,  Mingo  Creek,  and 
Peters  Creek  flow  into  the  Monongahela  from  the 
eastern  part  of  the  county. 

The  head-streams  or  forks  of  Chartiers  Creek  take 
their  rise  in  the  central  and  southern  parts  of  the 
county,  and  joining  their  waters  form  the  main  stream, 
which  flows  in  a  northeasterly  course  through  the 
north  partof  Washington  into  and  through  Allegheny 
County  to  its  junction  with  the  Ohio  a  short  distance 
below  Pittsburgh.  Raccoon  Creek,  King's  Creek,  and 
Harmon's  Creek  rise  in  the  northwest  part  of  the 
county  and  flow  into  the  Ohio,  the  first  named  in  a 
northerly,  and  the  others  in  a  general  westerly  course. 
/"Several  forks  of  Wheeling  Creek  (which  flows  into 
I  the  Oliio)  rise  in  the  southwest  corner  of  Washington 
^  County,  Hunter's  Fork  (of  Wheeling)  marking  the 
boundary  for  several  miles  between  Washington  and 
Greene.  Buffalo  Creek  and  Cross  Creek,  which  have 
their  sources  in  the  western  part  of  Washington 
County,  flow  westward  across Jhe  State  line  into  West 
Virginia,  and  through  the  "Pan  Handle"  of  that 
State  into  the  Ohio  River. 

Bordering  the  Monongahela  River  are  narrow  bot- 
tom lands,  seldom,  if  ever,  over  one-fourth  of  a  mile 
in  width,  and  generally  much  less,  through  this 
county.  From  these  bottoms  the  "  river  hills"  rise 
abruptly  to  a  height  of  from  two  hundred  to  three 
hundred  feet,  and  from  their  summits  the  country 
stretches  away  westward  in  fine  rolling  uplands, 
which  in  many  parts  may  be  called  a  succession  of 
hills.  The  creeks— Chartiers,  Ten-Mile,  Pike,  Pigeon, 
Mingo,  Peters,  Raccoon,  King's,  Harmon's,  Cross, 
and  Buff'alo— all  have  nearly  the  same  kind  of  country 
bordering  their  margins,  viz.,  bottom  lands  (gener- 
ally very  narrow,  those  of  Chartiers'  being  wider 
than  any  other),  from  which  the  country  rises  to  the 

rolling  uplands  or  hills.  In  the  southwest  part  of 
the  county  there  is  very  little  bottom  laud  along  the 
creeks  ;  the  hills  rise  more  abruptly,  and  the  high 
lands  are  much  more  steep  and  rugged  than  elsewhere. 
In  general  through  the  county  the  hills  are  tillable 
to  their  tops.  On  them,  as  in  the  valleys,  and  river 
and  creek  bottoms,  the  soil  is  excellent  for  the  pro- 
duction of  grain  and  fruits.  The  county  in  general 
is  excellent  for  grazing,  and  well  adapted  for  all  the 
requirements  of  agriculture. 

A  fine  description  of  the  natural  features  of  Wash- 
ington County  is  given  below,  being  quoted  from  the 
"  Memoirs  of  Alexander  Campbell,"  by  Robert  Rich- 
ardson. His  observations  commence  at  the  county- 
seat,  the  site  of  which  he  describes  as  "  near  the 
sources  of  several  streams,  which  run  in  different  di- 
rections, as  the  Chartiers  Creek,  which  flows  towards 
the  north ;  Ten-Mile  Creek,  which  pursues  an  east- 
ward course  and  falls  into  the  Monongahela  ten  miles 
above  Brownsville,  whence  its  name;  Buffalo,  which 
directs  a  swift  and  clear  current  to  the  west-northwest 
and  empties  into  the  Ohio  at  Wellsburg,  about  twenty- 
eight  miles  distant.  The  town  being  thus  near  the 
summit-level  of  the  streams,  the  hills  around  it  are 
comparatively  low,  and  the  country  gently  undulat- 
ing. As  we  follow  the  descending  waters  the  hilla 
and  upland  region,  which  in  reality  preserve  pretty 
much  the  same  level,  seem  gradually  to  become  higher, 
so  that  by  the  time  we  approach  the  Ohio  and  Monon- 
gahela Rivers  their  sides,  growing  more  and  more 
precipitous,  rise  to  a  height  of  four  or  five  hundred 
feet.  These  steep  declivities  inclose  the  fertile  val- 
leys, through  which  the  larger  streams  wind  in  grace- 
ful curves.  Into  these  wide  valleys  small  rivulets 
pour  their  limpid  waters,  issuing  at  short  intervals 
upon  each  side  from  deep  ravines  formed  by  steep  hill- 
sides, which  closely  approach  each  other,  and  down 
which  the  waters  of  the  springs,  with  which  the  up- 
land is  abundantly  supplied,  fall  from  rock  to  rock  in 
miniature  cascades.  Upon  the  upland  not  immedi- 
ately bordering  upon  the  streams,  the  country  is 
rolling,  having  the  same  general  elevation,  above 
which,  however,  the  summit  of  a  hill  occasionally 
lifts  itself,  as  though  to  afford  to  lovers  of  beautiful 
landscapes  most  delightful  views  of  a  country  covered 
for  many  miles  with  rich  pasturages,  with  grazing 
herds  or  flocks,  fruitful  grain-fields  or  orchards,  gar- 
dens, and  farm-houses,  while  upon  the  steeper  sides 
of  the  valleys  still  remain  some  of  the  ancient  forest 
growths  of  oak  and  ash,  walnut,  hickory,  and  maple. 
Frequently  as  the  traveler  p.isses  along  the  roads 
upon  the  upland  he  .sees  suddenly  from  some  divid- 
ing ridge  charming  valleys  stretching  away  for  miles 
with  their  green  meadows,  rich  fields  of  corn,  and 
sparkling  streamlets.  At  other  times,  as  he  advances, 
he  admires  with  delight  in  the  distance  the  ever- 
varying  line  of  the  horizon,  which  on  all  sides  is 
formed  by  the  summits  of  remote  ridges  and  eleva- 
tions, sometimes  conical  in  form,  but  mostly  defined 



by  various  arcs  of  circles,  as  regularly  drawn  as  if  a 
pair  of  compasses  had  traced  the  lines  upon  the  sky. 
Everywhere  around  him  he  sees  lands  abounding  in 
limestone  and  all  the  necessary  elements  of  fertility, 
and  producing  upon  even  the  highest  summits  abund- 
ant crops  of  all  the  cereal  grains.  To  enhance  the 
natural  resources  of  this  picturesque  country  its  hills 
conceal  immense  deposits  of  bituminous  coal,  which 
the  descending  streams  here  and  there  expose,  and 
which,  along  the  sides  of  the  valleys  within  five  miles 
of  Washington  and  thence  to  the  Ohio  Eiver,  are 
conveniently  reached  by  level  adits.  Such,  for  nearly 
two  hundred  miles  west  of  the  Alleghenies,  is  the 
general  character  of  this  region,  especially  of  that 
portion  of  it  lying  along  the  Monongahela  and  Ohio, 
a  region  whose  healthfulness  is  not  surpassed  by  that 
of  any  country  in  the  world." 

The  Indian  Occupation. — When  the  wilderness 
region  west  of  the  Alleghenies  in  Pennsylvania  was 
first  penetrated  by  English-speaking  white  men,  they 
found  it  partially  occupied  by  roving  bands  of  In- 
dians, whdse  principal  permanent  settlements  were  in 
the  vicinity  of  the  confluence  of  the  Monongahela 
and  Allegheny  Rivers,  and  above  and  below  that 
point  on  the  latter  stream  and  the  Ohio,  but  who 
had,  besides  these,  a  few  transient  villages,  or  more 
properly  camps,  located  at  different  points  in  the  in- 
terior of  the  great  hunting-ground.  These  Indian 
occupants  were  principally  of  the  Delaware  and 
Shawanese  tribes  or  nations,  but  there  were  among 
them  several  colonized  bands  of  Iroquois,  or  "  Miu- 
goes,"  as  they  were  called.  These  represented  the 
powerful  Six  Nations  of  New  York,  who  were  the 
de  facto  owners  of  this  trans- Allegheny  country,  and 
who  sent  these  bands  with  their  chiefs  to  live  among 
their  vassals,  the  Delawares,  in  the  same  manner  and 
for  the  same  reason  that  the  Romans  of  old  planted 
colonies  and  posts  at  remote  points  in  their  tributary 

The  Delawares  claimed  that  theirs  was  the  most 
ancient  of  all  the  aboriginal  nations,  the  "Lenni 
Lenape,"  or  Original  People.  One  of  their  traditions 
ran,  that,  ages  before,  their  ancestors  had  lived  in  a 
far-off'  country  to  the  west,  beyond  the  mighty  rivers 
and  mountains,  at  a  place  where  the  salt  waters  con- 
stantly moved  to  and  fro,  and  that  in  the  belief  that 
there  existed  away  towards  the  rising  sun  a  red 
man's  paradise  —  a  land  of  deer  and  salmon  and 
beaver — they  had  left  their  far-away  home  and  trav- 
eled on  towards  the  east  and  south  to  find  it,  but 
that  on  their  way  they  were  harassed  and  attacked  by 
enemies  and  scourged  and  divided  by  famine,  so  that 
it  was  not  until  after  long  and  weary  journeyings 
during  hundreds  of  moons  that  they  came  at  length 
to  a  broad  and  beautiful  river  (the  Delaware),  which 
forever  ebbed  and  flowed,  like  the  waters  from  whose 
shores  they  had  come ;  and  there,  amidst  a  profusion 
of  game  and  fish,  they  rested,  and  found  that  Indian 
elysium  of  which  they  had  dreamed  before  they  left 

their  old  homes  in  the  land  of  the  setting  sun.  At 
the  present  day  there  are  enthusiaxtic  searchere 
through  the  realms  of  aboriginal  lore  who,  accepting 
the  vague  narrative  as  authentic,  imagine  that  the 
red  man  came  from  Asia  across  the  Behring  Strait, 
through  which  they  saw  the  tide  constantly  ebb  and 
flow  as'nieutioned  in  the  tradition. 

Certain  it  is  that  at  the  coming  of  the  first 
Europeans  to  America,  the  Indians  of  the  Lenni 
Lenape  were  found  living  in  Eastern  Pennsylvania 
and  New  Jersey,  in  the  country  drained  by  the  river 
which  the  white  men  called  Delaware,  a  name  which 
they  also  gave  to  the  nation  of  red  men  who  inhabited 
its  valley.  Many  years  before  that  time  the  Dela- 
wares had  been  powerful  and  the  terror  of  other  In- 
dian tribes,  but  they  were  afterwards  subdued  and 
humbled  by  the  all-conquering  Iroquois  or  Five 
Nations,'  who  reduced  them  to  a  state  of  semi-vaa- 
salage,  and  compelled  them  to  acknowledge  them- 
selves women  and  not  warriors.  The  Delawares, 
while  not  daring  to  deny  this  fact,  endeavored  to  re- 
lieve themselves  of  the  disgrace  in  the  eyes  of  white 
men  by  an  ingenious  yet  flimsy  account  to  the  eft'ect 
that  as  the  Indian  nations  were  almost  continually  at 
war  with  each  other  it  had  become  necessary  to  have 
some  one  of  the  tribes  stand  constantly  in  the  atti- 
tude of  peace-makers  between  them ;  that  as  it  was 
proper  that  the  bravest  and  most  powerful  nation 
should  perform  this  office,  it  naturally  fell  to  the 
Delawares,  who  were  exceedingly  unwilling  to  take 
it,  but  finally  consented  to  do  so  for  the  general  good. 
It  was  disgraceful  for  warriors  to  ask  for  peace ;  this 
had  always  been  done  by  the  women  of  the  tribes, 
hence  peace-makers  were  women,  and  the  Delawares 
in  accepting  the  position  as  such  became,  metaphori- 
cally, women  and  wearers  of  the  petticoat.-  The 
Delawares  said  that  the  Iroquois  brought  about  tl 
result  by  cuuuing  speeches  and  artifice,  because  they 
dreaded  their  power  and  were  anxious  to  render  them 
powerless  for  harm,  the  Delawares  only  discover- 
ing the  trick  when  it  was  too  late  for  them  to  recede. 
Heckewelder  and  other  Moravian  writers  gravely  re- 
peated this  silly  story  for  truth  ;  but  it  is  unquestion- 
able that  the  Iroquois  treated  the  Delawares  with 
great  contein|>t,  as  a  subjugated  people  and  vassals. 
At  a  treaty  couq^U  held  in  Philadelphia^  in  July, 
1742,  a  Six  Nation  chief  named  Cannassatego  gave  a 

1  The  Iroquois  confederation,  at  fii-st  embracing  the  Mohawks,  Oneidas, 
Onondugas,  Cayugas,  and  Senecaa,  was  then  called  tlie  Five  Nations,  but 
afterwards  became  the  Six  Nations  by  the  addition  of  the  Tnscaroras, 
who  emigrated  to  the  North  upon  being  expeUed  from  their  earlier  faunt- 
ing-gronuds  in  the  Carolinas. 

2  At  a  time  when  a  strong  French  force  was  reported  to  be  on  the  upper 
Allegheny  on  its  way  to  the  Ohio,  the  Delawares  living  at  the  head  of 
the  latter  river  sent  runners  to  the  Six  Nation  council  at  Onondaga, 
with  belts  and  a  message,  in  which  they  said,  "Uncles,  the  United  Na- 
tions,— We  expect  to  be  killed  by  the  French  your  father.  We  desire 
therefore  that  you  will  take  off  our  Petticoat  that  we  in.iy  light  for  our- 
selves, our  wives  and  children.  In  the  condition  we  are  in,  you  know 
we  can  do  nothing." — Colon'ml  Recorth,  vi.  37. 

3  Col.  Rec,  iv.  680. 



most  withering  reproof  to  some  Delawares  who  were 
present,  in  reference  to  the  conduct  of  their  nation  in 
some  of  their  transactions  with  the  whites.  He  told 
them  they  were  not  warriors  but  women,  and  that 
they  deserved  to  have  their  ears  cut  off  for  their  be- 
havior, and  after  a  long  and  extremely  abusive  and 
contemptuous  speech  to  them  in  the  same  strain,  in 
which  he  told  them  their  people  must  remove  forth- 
■■%vith  from  the  Delaware,  that  they  could  have  no 
time  to  consider  about  it,  but  must  go  at  once  to  the 
Susquehanna,  but  that  considering  their  behavior  he 
doubted  whether  they  would  be  allowed  to  remain 
there,  he  handed  them  a  string  of  wampum  and  con- 
tinued, "  You  are  to  preserve  this  string  in  memory 
of  what  your  uncles  have  this  day  given  you  in 
charge.  We  have  now  some  other  business  to  trans- 
act with  our  brethren  [the  English],  therefore  depart 
this  council,  and  consider  what  has  been  said  to  you." 

The  humiliated  Delaware  chiefs  dared  not  disobey 
this  peremptory  command.  They  left  the  council  at 
once,  and  the  last  of  their  people  removed  immedi- 
ately afterwards  to  Wyoming,  where  they  remained 
only  a  short  time,  and  then  went  to  the  West  Branch 
of  the  Susquehanna,  and  from  there  a  large  part  of 
them  emigrated  to  the  Ohio,  whither  a  considerable 
number  of  their  tribe  had  removed  many  years  before, 
as  early  as  1725.' 

The  Shawanese,  who  were  originally  inhabitants  of 
the  country  now  embraced  in  Southern  Georgia  and 
Florida,  were  driven  from  that  country  by  a  hostile 
tribe,^  and  came  to  Pennsylvania  about  the  year  1697, 
and  removed  from  the  Susquehanna  to  the  head  of 
the  Ohio  about  1728.     An  account  of  their  coming 

1  Conrad  Weiser,  the  Indian  trader,  Indian  agent,  and  interpreter,  in 
a  speecli  to  tlie  cliiefs  of  the  Six  Nations  at  Albany  in  Jnly,  1754,  said, 

Eoad  to  Oliio  is  no  new  Road.  It  is  an  old  and  frequented  Road ; 
the  Shawltinifl|yL]>d  Delawares  removed  thither  above  thirty  years  ago  from 
mia,  e«r  since  which  that  Koad  has  been  traveled  by  our 
tradere  at  their  iOTfttSbai,  and  always  with  safety  until  within  these 
few  years  that  the  Freooh  with  their  usual  faithlessness  sent  armies 
there."  % 

2  Zeislierger,  the  Moravian,  says,  "The  Shawanos,  a  warlike  people, 
lived  in  Florida,  but  having  been  a^tdued  in  war  by  the  Moshkos,  they 
left  their  land  and  moved  to  Susquehanna,  and  from  one  place  to  another. 
Meeting  a  strong  party  of  Delawares,  and' relating  to  them  their  fojlorn 
condition,  they  took  them  into  their  protection  as  grajidchildrm  ;  the 
Shawanos  called  the  Delaware  nation  their  grandfather.  They  lived 
thereui)nn  in  the  Forks  of  the  Delaware,  and  sattled  for  a  time  in  Wy- 
oming. When  tbey  bad  increased  again  they  remWed  by  degrees  to  the 
Allegheny."  Wlien  they  came  from  the  Ea»t  to  the  Ohio,  they  located 
at  and  near  Montour's  Island,  below  the  confluence  of  the  Allegheny 
and  Monongabela.  The  Delawares  came  with  them  to  the  West,  both 
tribes  having  been  ordered  away  from  tlie  valleys  of  the  Delaware  and 
Susquehanna  by  the  Iroquois,  whom  they  were  compelled  by  conquest 
to  recognize  as  their  mastere. 

Some  writers  have  said  that  the  Shawanese  came  from  the  countr}' 
west  of  the  Ohio  to  Pennsylvania,  but  this  is  shown  to  be  a  mistake  by 
the  language  of  Hetaqnantagetchy,a  Six  Nation  a  council  held 
at  Philadelphiii  Sept.  10, 1735.  He  gave  an  account  of  the  murder  of 
one  of  the  Iroquois  Indians  by  a  small  band  or  tribe  of  the  Shawanese 
who  were  then  located  on  the  Allegheny,  and  added,  "  That  the  tribe  of 
Shawanese  complained  of  is  called  Shaweygira,  and  consists  of  about 
thirty  young  men,  ten  old  men,  and  several  women  and  children  ;  that 
it  is  supposed  they  are  now  returned  to  the  place  from  whence  they  first 
came,  wJiich  is  below  Carolitiay 

and  subsequent  movements  is  found  in  the  minutes 
of  a  treaty  council  held  at  Philadelphia  with  the 
chiefs  of  the  Six  Nations,  Aug.  26,  1732.  The 
Shawanese  were  then  settled  on  the  Ohio,  and  it  was 
desired  to  induce  them  to  remove  back  to  the  Susque- 
hanna, to  remove  them  from  the  influence  of  the 
French,  who,  as  it  was  reported,  had  made  their  ap- 
pearance on  the  Allegheny.  The  Governor  of  Penn- 
sylvania proposed  to  the  Six  Nations  to  use  their  in- 
fluence with  the  Shawanese  to  that  effect,  and  on  the 
occasion  of  the  council  referred  to  recited  to  the  as- 
sembled chiefs  as  follows : 

"  They  were  told  that  the  Shawanese,  who  were  set- 
tled to  the  Southward,  being  made  uneasy  by  their 
Neighbours,  about  Sixty  Families  of  them  came  up 
to  Conestogoe,  about  thirty-five  years  since,  and  de- 
sired leave  of  the  Sasquehannah  Indians  who  were 
planted  there  to  settle  on  that  River ;  that  those  Sas- 
quehannah Indians  applied  to  this  Government  that 
they  might  accordingly  Settle,  and  they  would  be- 
come answerable  for  their  good  Behaviour.  That  our 
late  Proprietor  arriving  soon  after,  the  Cliiefs  of  the 
Shawanese  &  of  the  Sasquehannahs  came  to  Phila- 
delphia &  renewed  their  Application  ;  that  the  Pro- 
prietor agreed  to  their  Settlement,  and  the  Shawanese 
thereupon  came  under  the  Protection  of  this  Govern- 
ment; that  from  that  time  greater  Numbers  of  the 
same  Indians  followed  them  and  Settled  on  the  Sas- 
quehannah and  Delaware;  that  as  they  had  joyned 
themselves  to  the  Sasquehannah  Indians,  who  were 
dependent  on  the  five  Nations,  they  thereby  also  fell 
under  their  Protection.  That  we  had  held  several 
treaties  with  those  Shawanese,  and  from  their  first 
coming  were  accounted  and  treated  as  our  own  Indi- 
ans ;  but  that  some  of  their  young  men  having,  be- 
tween four  and  five  years  since,  committed  some  Dis- 
orders, tho'  we  had  fully  made  it  up  with  them,  yet, 
being  afraid  of  the  Six  Nations,  they  Inid  removed 
backwards  to  Ohio,  and  there  had  lately  putt  them- 
selves under  the  Protection  of  the  French,  who  had 
received  them  as  their  children.  That  we  had  sent  a 
message  to  them  to  return,  &  to  encourage  them  had 
laid  out  a  large  Tract  of  Land  on  the  West  of  the 
Sasquehannah  round  the  principal  Town  where  they 
had  last  been  settled,  and  we  desired  by  all  means 
that  they  would  return  thither." 

But  the  Shawanese  could  not  be  induced  to  return 
to  the  lands  which  had  been  laid  out  for  them  "near 
Pextan,  which  should  always  be  kept  for  them  and 
their  children  for  all  time  to  come."  In  response  to 
a  message  to  that  eflfect,  four  of  their  chiefs, — Ope- 
kethwa,  Opakeita,  Quassenungh,  and  Kataweykeita — 
went  from  the  Ohio  to  Philadelphia,  where  they  ar- 
rived on  the  28th  of  September,  1732,^  and  after  a 
council  of  three  days'  duration  with  the  Governor, 
duringwhich  heused  all  his  powers  of  persuasion  to  in- 
duce them  to  consent  to  the  removal,  "  They  answered 

3  Col.  Rec,  iii.  459. 



that  the  place  where  they  are  now  settled  Suits  tlicm 
much  better  than  to  live  nearer;  that  they  thought 
they  did  a  Service  to  this  Province  in  getting  Skins 
for  it  in  a  place  so  far  remote;  that  they  can  live 
much  better  tliere  than  they  possibly  can  anywhere 
on  Sasquehannah  ;  that  they  are  pleased,  however, 
with  the  Land  laid  out  for  them,  and  desire  that  it 
may  be  secured  to  them."  On  the  following  day  at  a 
council  held  with  the  chiefs,  "They  were  told  there 
were  Coats  making  for  them,  and  other  Cloaths,'  with 
a  Present,  was  providing  ;  the  Proprietor  presented 
their  Chief  with  a  very  fine  gilt  Gun,  as  a  mark  of 
respect  for  their  Nation,  and  told  them  he  would 
send  a  Surveyor  to  run  Lines  about  the  Land  in- 
tended for  them,  and  that  none  but  themselves  and 
Peter  Chartiere  should  be  allowed  to  live  on  it."  The 
attempt  to  remove  them  eastward  from  the  Ohio  was 
relinquished,  and  they,  with  the  Delawares,  were 
found  tliere  when  the  first  white  men  (other  than  a 
few  traders)  came  to  this  region. 

In  1748  the  strength  of  the  Delawares  at  the  head 
of  the  Ohio  was  one  hundred  and  sixty-five  warriors; 
that  of  the  Shawanese  one  hundred  and  sixty-two;'^ 
these  figures  being  given  by  Conrad  Weiser.  Their 
chief  settlement  or  village  was  Logstowu'  (called  by 
/  the  French  Chinigue,  or  Chinique),  which  was  then' 
located  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Ohio,  several  miles 
below  the  mouth  of  the  Allegheny,  and  where  also 
was  the  residence  of  the  Iroquois  sachem,  Tanachari- 
son,  called  the  Half-King,  whose  authority  over- 
shadowed that  of  the  Delaware  and  Shawanese  chiefs, 
because  he  represented  the  power  of  the  dreaded  Six 
Nations.  The  seat  of  the  Delaware  "  king,"  however, 
was  not  at  Logstown,  but  higher  up,  near  the  head  of 
the  Ohio,  on  its  left  bank.  In  the  journal  of  Maj. 
George  Washington's  trip  to  the  French  forts  on  the 

1  The  four  chiefs  received  "  each  of  them  a  blue  Cloth  Coat  lined  witli 
Salloon,  a  Shirt,  a  Hatt,  a  pair  of  Stocliings,  Shoes  and  buclcles.  .  .  . 
And  for  a  present  to  their  Nation  was  ordered  and  delivered  a  piece  of 
blue  Strouds  for  blankets,  one  hundred  weight  of  Powder,  four  hundred 

18  Rum,  and  two  dozen  Knives.  And  to  John 
)  came  down  with  them,  five  pounds."  Two  of 
taken  sick  with  smallpox  and  died  in  Phila- 
"  buried  in  a  handsome  manner"  by  the  orders 

weight  Bullets,  ten  gj 
Wray,  the  interpreter 
the  chiefs,  however,  w 
delphia,  where  they  w 
of  the  Governor. 

2  Eleven  years  later  (in  1759)  George  Croghan,  deputy  Indian  agent 
under  Sir  William  Johnson,  in  a  report  made  to  Gen.  Stanwix  of  the 
numbers  of  the  several  Indian  tribes  in  the  West,  gave  the  numbei*s  of 
the  Delawares  and  Shawanese  (who  prior  to  that  time  had  removed  west- 
ward from  their  first  location  on  the  Ohio)  as  follows: 

"The  Delawares  residing  on  the  Ohio,  Beaver  Creek,  and  other 
branches  of  the  Ohio,  and  on  the  Susquehanna,  tlieir  fifilitiug  men  are 
600."  [A  considerable  number  of  the  Delawares  being  still  residing  on 
the  Susquehanna,  and  these  not  being  included  in  Weiser's  return  of 
their  strength  in  1748.] 

"  The  Shawanese  on  Scioto,  a  branch  of  Ohio,  400  miles  below  Pitts- 
burgh, 3U0  warriors." 

a  When  the  Indians  notified  the  French  to  quit  the  country  in  1753 
they  said,  "  We  have  a  fire  at  Logstown,  where  are  the  Delawares  and 
Shawanese." — Colonial  Recoyds^  v.  667. 

*  .\  later  village  also  called  Logstown  was 

Logstown  was  '*  the  first  of  the  Indian  tov 
caster  to  Allegheny."— Cb(.  Bee,  viii.  289. 

I  the  opposite  side  of  the 

Allegheny  in  the  fall  of  ITiOJi  he  says,  "About  two 
miles  from  this  [the  confluence  of  the  Allegheny  and 
Monongahela],  on  the  southea-st  side  of  the  river,  at 
the  place  where  the  Ohio  Company  intended  to  erect 
a  fort  [at  or  very  near  the  mouth  of  Chartiers  Creek], 
lives  Shingiss,  king  of  the  Delawares.  We  called 
upon  him  to  invite  him  to  a  council  at  Ijogstown." 
This  same  Shingiss,  who  was  generally  styled  "  king," 
was  in  some  of  the  official  coinmunicationa  of  that 
day  mentioned  as  the  chief  sachem  of  the  Delawares; 
his  brother,  Pisquitomen,  being  also  a  high  chief  in 
the  nation.  The  "  king"  of  the  Shawanese  in  1753 
was  Nochecona.''  In  1756,  King  Shingiss  had  re- 
moved his  residence  from  the  mouth  of  Chartiers 
Creek  to  "Old  Kittaning"  on  the  Allegheny,  which 
was  alsp  a  town  of  the  Delawares.  Maj.  Edward 
Ward  (who  when  an  ensign,  in  command  of  a  small 
force  engaged  in  the  spring  of  1754  in  building  a  fort 
at  the  confluence  of  the  Allegheny  and  Monongahela, 
was  compelled  to  surrender  the' work  to  the  French, 
who  then  named  it  Fort  Du  Quesne)  said,"  "That  in 
the  year  1752,  and  before  his  surrender  to  the  French, 
there  was  a  small  Village  Inhabited  by  the  Delawares 
on  the  South  East  side  of  the  Allegheny  River,  in  the 
neighborhood  of  that  place  [the  mouth  of  the  Alle- 
gheny], and  that  Old  Kittaning,  on  the  same  side  of  the 
said  River,  was  then  Inhabited  by  the  Delawares ;  that 
about  one-third  of  the  Shawanese  Inhabited  Loggs 
Town  on  the  West  Side  of  the  ()liio,  and  tended  corn 
on  the  East  Side  of  the  River,  and  the  other  part 
of  the  nation  lived  on  the  Scioto  River." 

From  his  stronghold  at  Kittaning,  Shingiss  led 
his  Delaware  warriors  against  the  settlements  east  of 
the  mountains  in  the  fall  of  1755,  after  the  defeat 
of  Braddock,  and  at  that  time  and  through  all  the  * 

year  1756  he  carried  desolation  and  massacre  through 
all  that  country  from  the  Potomac  to  the  Dgjj^i^WrtC    1 
He  was  one  of  the  most  implacable  andjrerocious  of     I 
all  the  savage  leaders.     "  Were  hii^War  exploits  all       ^ 
on  record,"  says  Heckewelder,  "  tjsey  would  form  an  "^^ 

interesting  document,  though  a  sHocking  one.    Cono-  J 

cocheago,  Big  Cove,  Shearman's  Valley,  and  other 
settlements  along  the  frontier  felt  his  strong  arm  suf- 
ficiently to  know  that  he  was  a  bloody  warrior,  cruel 
in  his  treatment,  relentless  in  his  fury.  His  person 
was  small,  but  in  point  of  courage,  activity,  and  sav- 
age prowess  he  was  said  to  have  never  been  exceeded 
by  any  one."  It  appears  that  he  was  succeeded  by 
Tomaqui,  or  "King  Beaver,"  as  the  latter  name  is  ' 

found  mentioned  as  that  of  the  head  of  the  Delaware 
nation  in  and  after  1758.     And  in  a  list  of  Indians 

s  See  Colonial  Records,  v.  685. 

«  In  a  "  Deposition  taken  March  10, 1777,  at  the  house  of  Mr.  John 
Ormsby  in  Pittsburgh,  etc.,  Agreeable  to  Notice  given  to  Col.  Geoi^ 
Morgan,  Agent  for  the  Indiana  Company,  before  James  Wood  and 
Cliarles  Simms,  pureuant  to  a  resolution  of  the  Hon''>",  the  Convention 
of  Virginiii,  appointing  them  Commissionere  for  collecting  Evidence  on 
behalf  of  the  Commonwealth  of  Virginiaagaiust  the  several  Persons  pre- 
tending to  claim  Lands  within  the  Territory  and  Limits  tliereof  under 
Deeds  of  Purchases  from  Indians." 


IX.    I  VA    ^x^; 




present  at  a  treaty  council  held  at  Fort  Pitt  on  the 
5th  of  July,  1759,  Shingiss,  George,  and  Kickeusking 
were  named  as  "chiefs  and  captains,"  the  first  named 
having  been  deposed  from  his  higher  dignity,  doubt- 
less on  account  of  his  bloody  record  as  an  inveterate 
enemy  of  the  English,  who  were  then  masters  of  the 

In  or  about  1753  the  Delawares  and  Shawanese 
who  had  previously  lived  at  Logstown  removed  to 
Sacunk,  or  Salt  Lick  Town,  which  was  located  at  the 
mouth  of  Beaver  Creek ;  but  in  1759  the  Delawares 
had  migrated  from  that  place  to  Kuskusky,  or  Kus- 
kuskees,  which  was  some  miles  above  Sacunk,  on  the 
Beaver.  At  a  council  held  on  the  25th  of  February 
in  that  year  at  Fort  Pitt  (which,  as  Fort  Du  Quesne, 
had  been  taken  from  the  French  by  Gen.  .Forbes 
three  months  before),  King  Beaver,  of  the  Delawares, 
said,  "The  Six  nations  and  you  [Col.  Hugh  Mercer, 
afterwards  Gen.  Mercer,  who  was  killed  at  Princeton, 
Jan.  3, 1777]  desired  that  I  would  sit  down  and  smoke 
my  pipe  at  Kuskusky.  I  tell  you  this  that  you  may 
think  no  ill  of  my  removing  from  Sacunk  to  Kus-,  for  it  is  at  the  great  desire  of  my  brothers,  the 
English,  and  my  uncles,  the  Six  Nations ;  and  there 
I  shall  always  hear  your  words."  From  Kuskusky, 
Sacunk,  and  Kittaning  the  Delawares  and  Shaw- 
anese not  long  afterwards  migrated  to  the  Muskingum 
and  Scioto. 

The  white  traders  were  persons  of  no  little  conse- 
quence among  the  Indians.  The  French  traders  were 
here  somewhat  in  advance  of  those  of  the  English- 
speaking  race,  though  the  latter  made  their  appear- 
ance among  the  Delawares  and  Shawanese  soon  after 
their  settlement  on  the  Allegheny  and  Ohio,  certainly 
as  early  as  1730.  The  first  French  trader  known  to 
have  been  among  the  Indians  on  the  Allegheny  was 
James  Le  Tort,  who  probably  came  as  early  as  1720. 
One  of  the  speakers  of  the  Shawanese  at  a  treaty 
council  held  in  1732  said  that  when  they  (the  Shawa- 
nese) came  over  the  mountains  from  "  Patowmack" 
(about  1728),  they  met  a  French  trader,  who  told 
them  that  the  French  Governor  was  exceedingly 
anxious  to  see  them  at  Montreal,  and  that  upon  his 
advice  they  went  there.  This  was  doubtless  the 
"French  gentleman"  whom  the  Indians  called  Ca- 
hictodo,  and  who  was  frequently  mentioned  in  the 
proceedings  of  the  Pennsylvania  Council  in  1731-32. 

Peter  Chartier,  whose  name  was  afterwards  given  to 
one  of  the  principal  streams  flowing  through  the  pres- 
ent county  of  Washington,  went  out  from  Philadelphia 
to  the  Allegheny  at  or  very  soon  after  the  time  when 
the  Shawanese  migrated  there.'  He  was  the  son  of 
a  French  glover  who  had  been  established  in  that 
business  in  Philadelphia,^  and  was  himself  French 

1  Chartier  had  before  that  time  become  possessed  of  a  tract  of  six  hun- 
dred acres  of  land,  near  the  place  from  which  the  Shawanese  removed, 
and  mentioned  as  *'  near  Pextan." 

2  On  the  24th  of  February,  1707,  a  message  "  from  the  Queen  of  the  Con- 
estogoe  Indians**"  was  received  by  the  Provincial  Council  of  Pennsylva- 

in  all  his  sympathies  and  inclinations,  though  he 
went  to  the  wilderness  ostensibly  as  an  English 
trader.  It  is  told  that  he  at  one  time  had  a  trading- 
post  on  the  Ohio  at  the  mouth  of  the  creek  which 
still  bears  his  name  (where  King  Shingiss  was  also 
located,  as  before  mentioned)  ;  but  he  also  estab- 
lished himself  at  a  Shawanese  village  situated  on  the 
Allegheny,  about  twenty  miles  above  the  site  of  Pitts- 
burgh. This  place  became  known  as  "  Chartier's  Old 
Town."  In  1744  he  had  decided  to  boldly  take  the  side 
of  the  French,  who  were  using  great  efforts  to  secure 
the  Indian  trade;  and  on  the  18th  of  April  in  that 
year  he,  with  a  large  body  of  Shawanese  whom  he 
had  induced  to  join  him  for  the  purpose,  surprised 
and  took  prisoners  two  other  traders  on  the  Alle- 
gheny, robbing  them  of  their  entire  stock  of  goods, 
amounting  to  sixteen  hundred  pounds.  The  names 
of  these  two  traders  were  James  Dinnew  and  Peter 
Tostee.  For  this  and  numerous  other  villanies  Char- 
tier was  severely  reprimanded  and  warned  by  Gov- 
ernor Thomas,  of  Pennsylvania,  and  this  was  his 
pretended  excuse  for  joining  the  French  interest, 
which  he  did  at  once,  and  on  the  25th  of  April, 
1745,  the  Governor  announced  the  fact  to  the  Pro- 
vincial Council  of  Pennsylvania.  During  the  same 
year  Chartier  persuaded  the  Shawanese  at  the  Old 
Town  to  abandon  their  settlement  at  that  place  and 
remove  to  the  Scioto.  He  was  rewarded  by  a  com- 
mission in  the  French  service,  but  his  subsequent 
career  is  not  known. 

In  1735,  Abraham  Wendall,  a  German  trader,  was 
living  among  the  Indians  on  the  Allegheny,  this  fact 
being  mentioned  by  one  of  the  Six  Nation  chiefs  at  a 
council  held  in  Philadelphia  on  the  10th  of  Septem- 
ber in  that  year.  The  chief  also  presented  a  letter 
from  this  Wendall,  "written  in  low  Dutch,  giving  in- 
formation of  some  violence  which  had  been  committed 
by  one  of  the  tribes  of  the  Shawanese."  A  very  early 
English  trader  who  lived  with  the  Indians  on  the 
Allegheny  was  John  Eraser,  who  was  referred  to  in  a 
letter  dated  Sept.  9,  1753,'  written  by  Edward  Ship- 
pen,  as  follows :  "  Weningo  [Venango]  is  the  name  of 
an  Indian  town  on  Ohio  [as  the  Allegheny  was  then 
often  called],  where  Mr.  Eraser  has  had  a  gunsmith- 
shop  for  many  years ;  it  is  situate  eighty  miles  up 
said  river  beyond  Logs  Town."  In  the  summer  of 
1753,  when  the  French  came  down  the  Allegheny  in 
force  to  build  the  forts  at  Le  Boeuf  and  Venango, 
Eraser  was  driven  away  from  the  latter  place  and 
came  down  the  river.  Soon  afterwards  he  located 
on  the  Monongahela,  where  he  had  a  trading-post. 

George  Croghan  (afterwards  deputy  Indian  agent) 

nia,  informing  "  that  divers  Europeans,  namely,  Mitchel  (a  Swiss),  Peter 
Bazalion,  James  Le  Tort,  Martin  Chartiere,  the  ffrench  Glover  of  Phil- 
adelphia, ffrank,  a  young  man  of  Canada  who  was  lately  taken  up  here, 
being  ail  fff^climen,  and  one  from  Virginia,  who  also  spoke  ffrench, 
had  seated  themselves,  and  built  Houses  upon  the  branches  of  the  Pa- 
towmack within  this  Gov'mt,  and  pretended  that  they  were  in  search  of 
some  Mineral  or  ore.*' 
3  Col.  Kec  ,  V.  660. 

-^^  "^^kJV 



came  among  the  Ohio  River  Indians  as  a  trader  as 
early  as  1748.  Andrew  Montour  and  Conrad  Weiser 
(both  afterwards  trusted  agents  of  the  provincial  gov- 
ernment) came  at  about  the  same  time.  Hugh  Craw- 
ford, John  Gray,  John  Findley,  David  Hendricks, 
Aaron  Price,  Alexander  McGinty,  Jabez  Evans, 
Jacob  Evans,  David  Hendricks,  William  Powell,  and 
Thomas  Hyde  were  trading  on  the  Allegheny,  Mo- 
nongahela,  and  Ohio  in  1762,  and  the  six  last  named 
were  in  1753  taken  prisoners  on  the  Allegheny  by 
the  French  and  Indians  and  sent  to  Montreal.  Be- 
sides the  traders  above  named,  there  were  several 
others  (whose  names  are  not  known)  in  the  region 
contiguous  to  the  head  of  the  Ohio  between  1748 
and  1754,  when  they  were  all  driven  out  by  the 
French.  Their  trading-places  were  principally  on 
the  Ohio  and  Allegheny  Rivers,  with  Eraser's  and  a 
few  others  on  the  Monongahela  below  the  mouth  of 
the  Youghiogheny,  but  none,  as  far  as  ascertained,  ou 
the  smaller  streams  or  in  the  interior. 

There  is  nothing  found  either  in  written  history  or 
in  tradition,  to  show  that  the  section  of  country  which 
now  forms  the  county  of  Washington  was  ever  the 
permanent  home  of  any  considerable  number  of 
Indians.  These  lands,  like  all  those  on  the  upper 
Ohio,  the  Allegheny,  and  the  Monongahela,  and  east- 
ward to  the  mountains,  though  claimed  and  partially 
occupied  by  the  Delawares  and  Shawanese,  were 
owned  by  their  masters,  the  redoubtable  Six  Nations,' 

I  The  fact  that  the  Six  Nations  were  the  acknowledged  owners  of  this 
region  of  country,  and  that  the  Shawanese  and  Delawares  were  here 
only  on  sufferance,  seems  clear.  At  the  treaty  council  held  at  Pliiladel- 
phia,  July  12, 1742  (Col.  Rec,  iv.  p.  580),  and  which  has  been  already 
mentioned,  the  Six  Nation  chief,  Canassatego,  after  a  severe  reprimand 
to  the  Delawares  for  having  presumed  to  claim  and  sell  lands  to  the 
whites,  in  which  he  said,  "  Why  did  you  take  it  upon  you  to  sell  lands  at 
all  ?  You  are  women  !  you  know  you  are  women,  and  can  no  more  sell 
lands  than  women,"  continued,  "After  our  just  reproof  and  absolute  order 
to  depart  from  the  land,  you  are  to  take  notice  of  what  we  have  further  to 
iay  to  you.  This  string  of  Wampum  serves  to  forbid  you,  yourchildren 
and  grandchildren  to  the  latest  posteritj',  from  ever  meddling  in  land 
affairs ;  neither  you  nor  any  who  shall  descend  from  you  are  ever  here- 
after to  presume  to  sell  any  land," 

At  the  treaty  held  with  the  Indians  at  Fort  Pitt,  in  May,  1768,  a 
Shawanese  chief  complained  bitterly  to  the  English  of  their  encroach- 
ments, and  said,  "We  desired  you  to  destroy  your  forts,  .  .  .  Wealsode- 
sired  you  not  to  go  down  the  river,"  In  the  next  day's  council,  Guya- 
Butha,  a  chief  of  the  Six  Nations,  rose  with  a  copy  of  the  treaty  of  1764, 
and  said,  "  By  this  treaty  you  had  a  right  to  build  forts  and  trading, 
houses  where  you  pleased,  and  to  travel  the  road  of  peace  from  the  sun 
rising  to  the  sun  setting.  At  that  treaty  the  Delawares  and  Shawanese 
were  with  nie  and  they  know  all  this  well,  and  they  should  never  have 
spoken  to  you  as  they  did  yesterday,"  Soon  after  the  Shawanese  chief, 
Eissiiiaughta,  rose  and  said,  apologetically,  to  the  English,  "  You  desired 
US  to  speak  from  our  hearts  and  tell  you  what  gave  ns  uneasiness  of 
mind,  and  we  did  so.  We  are  very  sorry  we  should  have  said  anything 
to  give  oflTense,  and  we  acknowledge  we  were  in  the  wrong." 

In  the  same  year  (1768)  when  the  Pennsylvania  commissioners, 
Allen  and  Shippen,  proposed  to  the  Indians  to  send  a  deputation  of 
chiefs  with  the  white  messengers,  Frazer  and  Thompson,  to  warn  off  the 
white  settlers  who  had  located  without  authority  on  the  Monongahela 
Kiver  and  Redstone  Creek,  the  "  White  Mingo"  (whose  "  Castle"  was  on 
the  west  side  of  the  Allegheny,  a  few  miles  above  its  mouth)  and  three 
other  chiefs  of  the  Six  Nations  were  selected  to  go  on  that  mission,  but 
no  notice  was  taken  of  the  Delaware  or  Shawanese  chiefs  in  the  matter, 
which  shows  clearly  enough  that  these  two  tribes  were  not  regarded  as 
having  any  ownership  in  the  lands. 

and  by  them  regarded  as  merely  a  hunting-ground. 
At  a  meeting  of  the  Council  of  Pennsylvania  in 
August,  1753,  "The  Governor  informed  the  Council 
.  .  .  that  he  had  seen  Andrew  Montour  after  hi.s  Re- 
turn from  Onondago,  who  told  him  that  the  Six 
Nations  (as  well  as  he,  Mr.  Montour,  could  learn 
from  the  Indians,  though  there  were  but  few  at  home 
whilst  he  was  at  Onondago)  were  against  both  Eng- 
lish and  French  building  Forts  and  settling  lands  at 
Ohio,  and  desired  they  might  both  quit  that  country, 
and  only  send  a  few  Traders  with  Goods  sufficient  to 
supply  the  wants  of  their  Hunters;  that  they  did 
not  like  the  Virginians  and  Pennsylvanians  making 
Treaties  with  these  Indians,  whom  they  called  Hunt- 
ers, and  young  and  giddy  Men  and  Children  ;  that  they 
were  their  Fathers,  and  if  the  English  wanted  any- 
thing from  these  childish  People  they  must  first  apeak 
to  their  Fathers." ' 

On  another  occasion  (July  31,  1753)  the  Governor 
of  Pennsylvania  received  by  hand  of  Andrew  Mon- 
tour a  message  from  the  Six  Nation  chiefs,  in  which 
they  said,  "We  thank  you  for  the  notice  you  are 
pleased  to  take  of  those  Young  Men  [the  Indians  on 
the  waters  of  the  Ohio]  and  for  your  kind  intentions 
towards  them.  They  stand  in  need  of  your  Advice, 
for  they  are  a  great  way  from  us.  We,  on  behalf  of 
all  the  Indians,  our  Men,  Women,  Children,  entreat 
you  to  give  them  good  Advice.  It  is  a  hunting  country 
they  live  in,  and  we  would  have  it  reserved  for  this  use 
only,  and  desire  that  no  Settlements  may  be  made  there, 
though  you  may  trade  there  and  so  may  the  French. 
.  .  .  We  therefore  heartily  thank  you  for  your  Regards 
to  us  and  our  Hunters  at  Ohio,  which  we  testify  by  A 
String  of  Wampum." 

The  Iroquois  owners  of  the  territory  extending  from 
the  head  of  the  Ohio  to  the  AUeghenies  merely  per- 
mitted the  Delawares  and  Shawanese  to  use  it  as  a 
hunting-ground,  yet  they  always  boldly  claimed  these 
lands  as  their  own,  except  when  they  were  confronted 

his  account  of  a  treaty  council 
i  1751,  that  "  A  Dunkard  from 
fe  to  settle  on  the  Yo-yo-gaine 

And  it  is  related  by  George  Croghan,  i 
held  with  the  Six  Nations  at  Logstown 
Virginia  came  to  town  and  requested  le 
[Yonghioghenyl  River,  a  branch  of  the  Ohio,  He  was  told  that  he  must 
apply  to  the  Onondiiga  Council,  and  be  recommended  by  the  Governor 
of  Pennsylvania,"  The  Onondaga  Council  was  held  on  a  hill  near  the 
present  site  of  Syracuse,  N.Y.,  and  the  central  headquarters  of  the  Six 

Another  fact  that  shows  the  Six  Nations  to  have  been  the  recognized 
owners  of  this  region  of  country  is  that  when  the  surveyors  were  about 
to  extend  the  Mason  and  Dixon  line  westward,  in  1767,  the  proprietaries 
asked  not  of  the  Delawares  and  Shawanese  but  of  the  Iroquois  (Six  Na- 
tions) permission  to  do  so.  This  permission  was  given  by  their  chiefs, 
who  also  sent  several  of  their  warriors  to  accompany  the  surveying 
party.  Their  presence  afforded  to  the  white  men  the  desired  protection, 
and  the  Shawanese  and  Delawares  dared  not  offer  any  molestation. 
But  after  the  Iroquois  escort  Ieft(a8  they  did  at  a  point  on  the  Maryland 
line),  the  other  Indians  became,  in  the  absence  of  their  mastei-s,  so  de- 
fiant and  threatening  th.-vt  the  surveyors  were  compelled  to  abandon  the 
running  of  the  line  west  of  Dunkard  Creek. 

Finally,  it  was  not  from  the  Delawares  and  Shawanese  but  from  the 
Six  Nations  that  the  Penns  purchased  this  territory  by  the  treaty  of 
Fort  Slanwix  in  1768. 

2  Col.  Kec,  vol.  V.  pp.  636-37. 




and  rebuked  by  the  chiefs  of  the  Six  Nations.  At  a 
conference  held  with  the  Indians  at  Fort  Pitt  in  1768, 
"  the  Beaver,"  a  chief,  speaking  in  behalf  of  the  Dela- 
wares  and  Mohicans,  said,  "Brethren,  the  country 
lying  between  the  river  and  the  Allegheny  Mountain 
has  always  been  our  hunting-ground,  and  the  white 
people  who  have  scattered  themselves  over  it  have 
by  their  hunting  deprived  us  of  the  game  which  we 
look  upon  ourselves  to  have  the  only  right  to.  .  .  ." 
Washington,  in  his  journal  of  a  trip  which  he  made 
down  the  Ohio  from  the  mouth  of  the  Allegheny  in 
1770,  says,  "The  Indians  who  reside  upon  the  Ohio, 
the  upper  part  of  it  at  least,  are  composed  of  Sha- 
wanese,  Delawares,  and  some  of  the  Mingoes.  .  .  ." 
And  it  is  certain  that,  though  the  Iroquois  were  the 
owners  of  these  hunting-grounds,  they  were  occupied 
almost  exclusively  by  the  Delawares  and  Shawanese. 
From  their  towns  and  settlements  in  the  vicinity  of 
the  head  of  the  Ohio,  went  forth  from  time  to  time  the 
hunting  parties  of  these  tribes,  which  formed  the  prin- 
cipal part  of  the  Indian  population  of  the  territory  of 
the  present  county  of  Washington,  as  their  temporary 
camps  were  almost  the  only  Indian  settlements  in  all 
the  region  lying  between  the  Monongahela  and  the 

On  the  Monongahela,  at  the  mouth  of  Dunlap's 
Creek,  where  the  town  of  Brownsville  now  stands,  was 
the  residence  of  old  Nemacolin,  who,  as  it  appears, 
was  a  chief,  but  with  very  few,  if  any,  warriors  under 
him,  though  it  is  not  unlikely  that  he  had  had  a  re- 
spectable following  in  the  earlier  years,  before  the 
whites  found  him  here.  It  was  this  Indian  who  guided 
Col.  Thomas  Cresap  across  the  Alleghenies  in  the  first 
journey  which  he  made  to  the  West  from  Old  Town, 
Md.,  for  the  Ohio  Company  in  1749.  The  route 
which  they  then  pursued  was  known  for  many  years 
fas  "Nemacolin's  path."  Later  in  his  life  this  Indian 
j  removed  from  the  jMonongahela  and  located  on  the 
/  Ohio  River.  It  is  believed  that  the  place  to  which 
he  removed  was  the  island  now  known  as  Blennerhas- 
sett's  Island,  in  the  Ohio,  below  Parkersburg,  W.  Va. ; 
the  reason  for  this  belief  being  that  there  is  found,  in 
Gen.  Richard  Butler's  jouraal  of  a  trip  down  that 
river  in  1785,  with  Col.  James,.Monroe  (afterwards 
President  of  the  United  States),  to  treat  with  the 
Miami  Indians,  mention  of  their  passing,  in  the  river 
between  the  mouths  of  the  Little  Kanawlia  and  Hock- 
ing, an  island  called  "  Nemacolin's  Island."  This 
was,  without  nuich  doubt,  the  later  residence  of  the 
old  chief  of  that  name. 

An  old  Indian  named  Bald  Eagle,  who  had  been 
a  somew^hat  noted  warrior  (but  not  a  chief)  of  the 
Delawaretribe,  had  his  home  somewhere  on  the  Up- 
per Monongahela,  but  at  what  point  is  not  precisely 
known.  He  was  a  very  harmless  and  peaceable  man 
and  friendly  to  the  settlers,  yet  he  was  killed  without 
cause  about  1770,  and  the  cold-blooded  murder  was 
charged  by  the  Indians  upon  white  men.  Of  the 
Bald  Eagle  and  the  circumstances  of  his  death  Veech 

says,  "  He  was  on  intimate  terms  with  the  early  set- 
tlers, with  whom  he  hunted,  fished,  and  visited.  He 
was  well  known  along  our  Monongahela  border,  up 
and  down  which  he  frequently  passed  in  his  canoe. 
Somewhere  up  the  river,  probably  about  the  mouth 
of  Cheat,  he  was  killed,  by  whom  or  on  what  pretense 
is  unknown."  His  dead  body,  placed  upright  in  his 
canoe,  with  a  peace  of  corn-bread  in  his  clinched 
teeth,  was  set  adrift  in  the  river."  The  canoe  drifted 
ashore  on  the  east  side  of  the  Monongahela,  a  short 
distance  above  the  mouth  of  Ten-Mile  Creek,  where 
the  wife  of  a  settler  recognized  the  old  Indian  and 
wondered  that  he  did  not  leave  his  canoe.  She  ex- 
amined more  closely  and  found  he  was  dead.  This 
murder  was  regarded  as  a  cold-blooded  and  unpro- 
voked outrage  by  both  Indians  and  whites. 

It  is  said  that  the  early  settlers  who  came  into  what 
is  now  Washington  County  found  here  several  In- 
dian villages  or  camps ;  one  of  these  being  on  Ten- 
Mile  Creek,  a  short  distance  from  the  Monongahela, 
one  on  the  Dutch  Fork  of  Buffalo  Creek,  one  on  Rac- 
coon Creek,  in  what  is  now  Hanover  township,  and 
another  on  Mingo  Creek.  But  this  is  only  vague 
tradition,  and  it  is  by  no  means  certain  that  any  such 
ever  existed  at  the  places  mentioned;  and  if  they 
were  there,  it  is  not  probable  that  they  were  anything 
more  than  tempoi'ary  camps.  The  only  Indian  set- 
tlement of  which  there  is  any  authentic  account  as 
having  existed  in  Washington  County  was  the  one 
known  all  over  Western  Pennsylvania  as  Catfish 
Camp,  located  on  ground  that  is  within  the  limits  of 
the  present  borough  of  Washington,  on  the  small 
stream  called  by  the  Indians  Wissameking,  one  of  the  ( 
branches  of  Chartiers  Creek.  This  settlement,  how- ' 
ever,  was  not  an  Indian  village,  but  merely  for  a  time 
the  residence  or  camp  of  the  old  Delaware,  Tingooqua, 
or  Catfish,  who  had  been  in  his  younger  days  a  war- 
rior (but  not  a  chief)  of  that  nation.^     Mention  of 

1  Withere.  in  his  "  Chronicles  of  Border  Warfare,"  states  the  case  dif- 
ferently, and  gives  the  names  of  the  murderers.  He  says,  •'  The  Bald 
Eagle  was  an  Indian  of  notoriety,  not  only  among  his  own  nation,  hut 
also  with  the  inhabitants  of  the  Northwestern  frontier,  with  whom  he 
was  in  the  habit  of  associating  and  hunting.  In  one  of  his  visits  among 
them  he  was  discovered  alone  by  Jacob  Scott,  William  Hacljer,  and  Eli- 
jah Runner,  who,  reckless  of  the  consequences,  murdered  him,  solely  to 
gratify  a  most  wanton  thirst  for  Indian  blood.  After  the  commission  of 
this  moat  outrageous  enormity,  they  seated  him  in  the  stern  of  a  canoe, 
with  a  piece  of  journey-cake  thrust  into  his  mouth,  and  set  him  afloat  in 
the  Monongahela." 

2  In  some  accounts  of  this  Indian  he  is  mentiooed  as  "  a  celebrated 
Indian  Chief,  whose  Indian  name  was  Tingoocqua,  or  Cattish,  who  be- 
longed to  the  KuBkuskee  tribe  of  Indians,  and  occupied  the  huuting- 
grounds  between  the  Allegheny  Mountains  and  the  Ohio  River."  But 
from  his  own  words  at  the  treaty  council,  as  quoted  in  the  text,  it  appears 
clear  that  he  was  not  a  chief,  for  he  says,  "  I  am  only  a  messenger,"  that 
is,  the  bearer  of  a  message  from  the  chiefs  of  his  people.  As  to  his  hav- 
ing been  a  member  of  '*  the  Kuskuskee  tribe  of  Indians,"  it  is  proper  to 
mention  that  Kuskuskes  was  a  place  or  settlement,  to  which  the  Dela- 
wares had  then  recently  removed  from  their  older  town  of  Sacunk  at 
the  mouth  of  Beaver.  Of  this  new  settlement  of  the  Delawares  Ch. 
Frederick  Post  said  in  July,  1758,"  Kuskuskee  is  divided  into  four  towns, 
each  at  a  distance  from  the  otliei-s,and  the  wholecunsistsof  about  ninety 
houses  and  two  hundred  able  warriors."  That  Kuskuskes  was  the  name 
of  the  place  where  Catfish  then  came  from,  instead  of  being  the  name 

^  ^tt- 




this  Indian  is  found  in  the  proceedings  of  a  treaty 
council  held  in  the  State-House  at  Philadelphia,  Dec.  ! 
4,  1759,  on  which  there  were  present  among  others 
Tingooqua  and  Joshua,  "messengers  from  the  Ohio."  j 

"  Tingooqua,  alias  Catfish,'  arose,  and  taking  four  ; 
strings  of  Wampum,  held  two  of  them  in  his  Fingers  ' 
separate,  and  spoke:   'Brother, — I  have  not  much  to  ' 
say;  I  am  only  a  messenger;  I  came  from  Kuskus- 
kes ;  The  Nation  I  belong  to,  as  well  as  many  others 
to  the  West  of  us,  as  far  as  the  setting  of  the  sun,  have 
lieard  that  you  and  Teedyuscung  sat  often  together  in 
council,  and  at  length  agreed  upon  a  Peace  ;  and  We 
are  glad  to  hear  that  the  Friendship  and  Harmony 
whfch  of  old  always  subsisted  between  our  and  your 
ancestors  was  raised  up  again  and  established  once 
more.     This  was  very  agreeable  to  us,  and  We  came 
here  to  see  if  what  was  related  was  true ;  and  we  find 
it  is  true,  which  gives  us  great  Satisfaction.' 

"  Then  taking  hold  of  the  other  two  Strings  he  pro- 
ceeded :  '  Brother, — Now  that  Teedyuscung  and  you 
have,  thro'  the  goodness  of  Providence,  brought  about 
a  peace,  we  entreat  you  to  be  strong ;  don't  let  it  slip; 
don't  omit  anything  to  render  it  quite  secure  and  last- 
ing ;  hold  it  fast;  consider  our  aged  Men  and  our  young 
Children,  and  for  their  sakes  be  strong,  and  never 
rest  till  it  be  thoroughly  confirmed.  All  the  Indians 
at  Allegheny  desire  you  to  do  so,  and  they  will  do  all 
they  can  likewise.'     Gave  a  String  of  Wampum. 

"  '  Brother, — We  make  eleven  Nations  on  the  West 
of  Allegheny  who  have  heard  what  you  and  Teedyus- 
cung have  concluded  at  the  Treaty  of  Easton,  and  as 
we  all  heartily  agree  to  it,  and  are  determined  to  join 
in  it,  we  have  opened  a  Road  to  where  Teedyuscung 
Lives,  and  we,  the  Messengers,  have  traveled  much 
to  our  satisfaction  on  the  Koad  wliich  he  has  made 
from  his  habitation  to  this  Town.  We  have  found  it 
a  very  good  Road,  and  all  our  Nations  will  use  this 
Road  for  the  time  to  come.  We  say  nothing  of  the 
Six  Nations ;  We  do  not  reckon  them  among  the 
Eleven  Nations.  We  leave  you  to  treat  with  them 
yourselves.  We  make  no  Road  for  them  ;  This  is 
your  own  affair.  We  only  tell  you  we  do  not  in- 
clude them  in  anything  We  say.  I  have  done.'  Gave 
four  Strings  of  Wampum." 

Neither  the  time  when  old  Catfish  withdrew  from 
the  main  body  of  his  tribe  and  took  up  his  residence 
on  the  banks  of  Wissameking  nor  the  duration  of  his 
stay  at  that  place  is  known.  He  was  found  living 
there  as  early  as  1770,  and  remained  several  years 
(making  in  that  time  two  or  three  slight  changes  in 
the  location  of  his  camp  or  cabin),  and  afterwards  mi- 

of  bis  tribe  or  nation,  is  proved  by  his  own  words,  given  in  the  minutes 
of  the  treaty  council  referred  to,  viz.:  "The  messenger  observing  one 
Sarah  Gladdin  amongst  tlie  people  that  were  present,  atUhessed  the  Gov- 
ernor, and  told  him  '  That  he  had  in  his  house  a  son  of  this  woman's,  a 
prisoner,  tU  A'nstu«ite«,and  that  he  would  take  care  he  should'be  delivered 
in  the  spring.'  "  Kuskuskes,  then  the  principal  settlement  of  the  Del- 
awares,  was  at  that  time  the  home  of  Catflsb,  who  was  himself  a  Dehi- 

grated  to  the  Scioto  country,  where  he  died.  For 
many  years  after  his  removal  the  place  where  he  had 
lived  in  this  county  continued  to  be  occasionally 
mentioned  as  "  Catfish's  Camp,"  and  the  name  is 
still  well  known  at  the  present  day. 

Beyond  the  story  of  old  Catfish,  and  the  doubtful 
traditions  already  mentioned  of  the  existence  of  a  few 
Indian  settlements  within  the  present  limits  of  Wash- 
ington County,  there  is,  with  reference  to  tiiat  terri- 
tory, no  Indian  history  to  be  given  for  the  years  prior 
to  the  opening  of  "  Dunmore's  war,"  in  1774.  From 
that  time  on  through  the  border  warfare  that  raged 
until  after  the  close  of  the  Revolution  the  annals 
of  this  region  are  full  of  stirring  events, — Indian 
incursions,  ma.ssacres,  and  alarms, — which  are  to  be 
narrated  in  succeeding  chapters  covering  the  period 
from  1774  to  1783. 


1  Col.  Records,  vol. 

.  p.  417. 

VISIT  TO  THE    FRENCH    FORTS    IN    1753. 

The  earliest  written  annals  having  reference  to  the 
region  of  country  bordering  the  head-streams  of  the 
Ohio  River  date  back  to  the  year  1669,  in  which  year 
the  great  French  explorer,  Robert  Cavelier  La  Salle 
(having  first  obtained  permission  from  the  Governor- 
General  of  Canada),  fitted  out  at  his  own  expense  an 
expedition  having  for  its  ultimate  object  the  discovery 
and  exploration  of  a  great  river  (the  Mississippi), 
which  Indians  reported  to  exist  five  hundred  leagues 
westward  from  Montreal,  and  which  was  then  sup- 
posed to  flow  into  the  Vermillion  Sea,  or  Gulf  of 
California.  Setting  out  from  La  Chine,  onytfee'Siri 
Lawrence,  in  July  of  the  year  named,  h^goon  reached 
the  western  end  of  Lake  Ontario,  wfttre  he  was  taken 
ill  with  a  fever,  and  during  his  sickness  a  part  of  his 
men  deserted,  which  made  it  impracticable  for  him 
to  continue  by  the  route  which  he  had  originally  de- 
cided on,  which  was  through  Lakes  Erie,  St.  Clair, 
Huron,  and  Michigan  to  a  point  near  the  site  of  the 
present  city  of  Chicago,  and  thence  overland. 

This  plan  of  La  Salle  being  thus  frustrated  by  the 
loss  of  his  men,  he  nevertheless  determined  not  to 
give  up  the  enterprise,  and  as  soon  as  he  had  fully  re- 
covered he  again  started  on  his  way  with  the  remainder 
of  his  followers,  crossed  the  Niagara  River  between 
the  falls  and  Lake  Erie,  passed  through  the  country 
of  the  Five  Nations,  found  the  Allegheny  River, 
built  canoes,  embarked,  and  paddled  down  that  stream 
to  its  confluence  with  the  Jlonongahela,  and  thence 
down  the  Ohio  to  where  they  found  its  current  broken 
by  rapids,  these  being  the  same  now  known  as  the 
Falls  of  the  Ohio,  at  Louisville,  Ky.  There  his  men 
positively  refused  to  proceed  farther  down  the  river, 
and  he  was  compelled  to  return,  little  thinking,  prob- 




ably,  how  near  he  had  approached  to  the  great  river 
which  it  was  the  object  of  his  journey  to  discover. 
Thirteen  years  later  he  reached  it  by  a  more  northern 
route,  passed  down  its  swift  current  to  the  mouth, 
where,  on  the  9th  of  April,  1682,  in  full  sight  of  the 
blue  expanse  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  he  reared  a 
cross,  and  a  column  inscribed  with  the  name  and 
arms  of  the  French  sovereign,  and  took  possession 
for  hira  of  the  valley  of  the  Mississippi  and  a  con- 
tiguous country  of  indefinite  extent,  which  he  named 
Louisiana,  embracing,  according  to  the  French  theory 
of  possession,  all  the  valley  of  the  mighty  stream  and 
all  the  regions  watered  by  its  tributaries  discovered 
and  to  be  discovered  in  the  future. 

There  is  no  doubt  that  La  Salle  and  the  party  who 
came  with  him  down  the  Allegheny  in  1669  were  the 
first  Europeans  who  ever  saw  that  stream,  the  Monon- 
gahela,  or  the  Ohio.  Very  little  is  known  of  any 
white  visitors  who  came  after  them  to  this  region 
during  the  eighty  years  next  succeeding,  for  there  is 
no  definite  account  of  the  presence  in  this  section  of 
country  of  any  other  people  than  the  native  Indians 
and  occasionally  a  white  trader  until  near  the  middle 
of  the  eighteenth  century,  at  which  time  both  France 
and  England  were  asserting  their  respective  claims  to 
the  dominion  of  this  wilderness  region  west  of  the 
mountains.  It  was  in  the  conflict  which  resulted 
from  the  attempts  of  each  of  these  rivals  to  expel 
the  other,  and  to  enforce  their  own  alleged  rights  by 
the  fact  of  actual  possession,  that  the  events  occurred 
that  are  here  to  be  narrated,  and  which  mark  the  be- 
ginning of  the  history  of  the  southwestern  counties 
of  Pennsylvania. 

The  English  claimed  the  country  by  virtue  of  a 
treaty  made  with  the  Six  Nations  at  Lancaster  in 
June,  1744,  when  the  Indians  ceded  to  the  British 
/  king  an  immense  scope  of  territory  west  of  the  royal 
!  grant  to  Penn,'  co-extensive  with  the  limits  of  Vir- 
ginia, which  at  that  time  were  of  indefinite  extent. 

A^^     At  a  subsequent  treaty  held  (in  1752)  at  Logstown, 

on  the  Ohio,  below  Pittsburgh,  one  of  the  Iroquois 

chiefs,  who  had  also  taken   part   in   the   Lancaster 

treaty,  declared  that  it  had  not  been  the  intention  of 

,  his  people  to  convey  to  the  English  any  lands  west 

y       ,    of  the  Alleghenies,  but  that,  nevertheless,  they  would 

T        I     not  oppose  the  white  man's  definition  of  the  bound- 

l      /      aries. 

/  The  Six  Nations  in  council  had  also  decided  that, 

notwithstanding  their  friendship  for  the  English, 
they  would  remain  neutral  in  the  contest  which  they 
saw  was  imminent  between  that  nation  and  the 
French,  boch  of  which  were  now  using  every  effort 
to  strengthen  themselves  in  the  occupation  of  the 
territory  bordering  the  head-waters  of  the  Ohio. 

The  claim  which  France  made  to  the  ownership  of 
the  territory  at  the  head  of  the  Ohio  was  based  on 

1  It  was  supposed  at  that  time  that  Penn's  western  boundary  would 
not  fall  to  the  westward  of  the  Laurel  Hill. 

La  Salle's  discovery  of  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi 
nearly  seventy  years  before,  and  on  the  possession 
then  taken  for  the  French  king  of  all  the  regions 
watered  by  that  river  and  all  its  affluents.  To  fortify 
and  confirm  this  claim  they  took  measures  to  occupy 
the  country  bordering  on  the  head-streams  of  the 
Ohio,  and  in  this  they  were  somewhat  earlier,  as  well 
as  more  active  and  energetic,  than  the  English. 

The  first  mention  found  in  any  public  document  of 
the  actual  or  probable  presence  of  French  people  on 
any  part  of  the  territory  of  the  province  of  Pennsyl- 
vania with  intent  to  occupy  the  same  under  authority 
of  their  government  is  that  which  occurs  in  the 
records  of  a  session  of  the  Provincial  Council^  helcl  at 
Philadelphia,  Aug.  4,  1731.  The  message  of  the 
Governor  which  was  on  that  occasion  laid  before  the 
Council,  and  "  being  approved  was  ordered  to  be  sent 
down  to  the  House,"  concluded  with  these  words : 

"  I  have  also  another  Affair  of  very  great  Import- 
ance to  the  Security  of  this  Colony  &  all  its  Inhabit- 
ants to  lay  before  you,  which  shall  speedily  be  com- 
municated to  you,"  and 

"  The  Governor  then  proceeded  to  inform  the  Board 
that  the  Matter  mentioned  in  the  close  of  the  preced- 
ing Message  related  to  Indian  Affairs,  &  would  be 
found  to  be  likewise  of  very  great  Consequence  to 
the  whole  Province,  the  Detail  whereof  His  Honor 
said  he  would  leave  to  Mr.  Logan,  to  whom  the  Infor- 
mation had  been  first  given,  and  who,  from  his  long 
experience  and  knowledge  in  those  affairs,  could  give 
the  best  Account  of  it. 

"  That  Gentleman  then  producing  the  Map  of 
Louisiana,  as  inserted  in  a  book  called  a  New  Gen- 
eral Atlas,  published  at  London  in  the  year  1721,  first 
observed  from  thence  how  exorbitant  the  French 
Claims  were  on  the  Continent  of  America ;  that  by 
the  Description  in  the  said  Map  they  claimed  a  great 
part  of  Carolina  and  Virginia,  &  had  laid  down  Sas- 
quehannah  as  a  Boundary  of  Pensilvania.  Then  he 
proceeded  to  observe  that  by  Virtue  of  some  Treaty, 
as  they  alledge,  the  French  pretend  a  Eight  to  all 
Lands  lying  on  Rivers,  of  the  Mouths  of  which  they 
are  possessed.  That  the  River  Ohio  (a  branch  of 
Mississippi)  comes  close  to  those  mountains  which 
lye  about  120  or  130  Miles  back  of  Sasquehannah, 
within  the  boundaries  of  this  Province,  as  granted  by 
the  King's  Letters  Patent;  that  adjoining  thereto  is  a 
fine  Tract  of  Land  called  Allegheny,  on  which  sev- 
eral Shawanese  Indians  had  seated  themselves;  And 
that  by  the  Advices  lately  brought  to  him  by  several 
Traders  in  those  parts  it  appears  that  the  French 
have  been  using  Endeavours  to  gain  over  those 
Indians  to  their  interest,  &  for  this  End  a  French 
Gentleman  had  come  amongst  them  some  years  since, 
sent,  as  it  was  believed,  from  the  Governor  of  Mon- 
treal, and  at  his  Departure  last  year  carried  with  him 
some  of  the  Shawanese  Chiefs  to   that  Governour, 

'  Colonial  Becords,  vol.  iii.  pp.  401, 402. 


with  whom  they,  at  their  Return,  appeared  to  be 
highly  pleased  ;  That  the  same  French  Gentleman, 
with  five  or  six  others  in  Company  with  him,  had 
this  last  Spring  again  come  amongst  the  said  Indians, 
and  brought  with  him  a  Shavvanese  Interpreter,  was 
well  received  by  them,  had  again  carried  some  of 
their  Chiefs  to  the  said  Gov'r,  &  the  better  to  gain 
the  Affections  of  the  said  Indians  brought  with  him 
a  Gunsmith  to  work  for  tliem  gratis.  Mr.  Logan 
then  went  on  to  represent  how  destructive  this  At- 
tempt of  the  French,  if  attended  with  Success,  may 
prove  to  the  English  Interest  on  this  Continent,  and 
how  deeply  in  its  consequences  it  may  affect  this 
Province,  &  after  having  spoken  fully  on  these  two 
heads.  Moved  that  to  prevent  or  putt  a  stop  to  these 
designs,  if  possible,  a  treaty  should  be  sett  on  foot 
with  the  five  Nations,  who  have  an  absolute  author- 
ity as  well  over  the  Shavvanese  as  all  our  Indians, 
that  by  their  means  the  Shawanese  may  not  only  be 
kept  firm  to  the  English  Interest,  but  likewise  be  in- 
duced to  remove  from  Allegheny  nearer  to  the  Eng- 
lish Settlements,  and  that  such  a  treaty  becomes  now 
the  more  necessary  because  'tis  several  years  since  any 
of  those  Nations  have  visited  us,  and  no  opportunity 
ought  to  be  lost  of  cultivating  &  improving  the 
Friendship  which  has  always  subsisted  between  this 
Government  &  them.  .  .  ." 

In  the  following  year,  on  the  2oth  of  August,  at  a 
council  held  at  Philadelphia  with  several  chiefs  of 
the  Six  Nations,'  further  iuformation  was  gained  con- 
cerning the  movements  of  a  certain  Frenchman 
among  the  Shawanese  on  the  Allegheny  River.  At 
this  convention  with  the  Six  Nation  chiefs,  Hetaquan- 
tagetchty,  the  principal  speaker,  said,  "  That  last 
Fall  the  French  Interpreter,  Cahictodo,  came  to  Ohio 
River  (or  Alleganey)  to  build  houses  there,  and  to 
supply  the  Indians  with  goods,  which  they  no  sooner 
understood  than  they  went  out  to  forbid  him,  telling 
him  that  the  lands  on  the  Ohio  belonged  to  the  Six 
Nations,  that  the  French  had  nothitig  to  do  with 
them,  and  advised  him  to  go  home;  but  he  not  re- 
garding their  advice  proceeded,  upon  which  they 
sent  to  the  French  Governour  to  complain,  but  their 
Messengers  were  not  returned  when  they  came  from 
home.  That  they  know  nothing  certainly  of  what 
passed  between  Cahictodo  and  the  Shawanese  at 

The  speaker  was  then  asked,  "  Were  not  the  French 
angry  with  those  People  for  passing  them  and  bring- 
ing their  Peltry  to  trade  with  the  English,  and  did 
they  not  endeavour  to  hinder  them  ?"  To  which  he 
replied,  "  The  French  are  angry,  and  not  only  en- 
deavour to  stop  them,  but  threaten  them,  and  some  of 
those  nations  expect  the  French  will  fall  on  them ; 
but  they  regard  it  not ;  they  find  better  usage  from 
the  English,  and  will  have  no  more  dealings  with  the 

1  Colonial  Records,  vol.  lii.  pp.  439-40. 

The  Frenchman  whom  the  Iroquois  speaker  called 
Cahichtodo  was  doubtless  the  same  one  who  was  men- 
tioned in  the  proceedings  of  the  Provincial  Council  in 
August  of  the  previous  year  as  above  quoted  ;  but  it 
does  not  appear  from  the  account  that  he  came  to  the 
Allegheny  in  any  other  capacity  than  that  of  a  trader 
desirous  of  furnishing  the  Shawanese  with  goods  in 
exchange  for  their  peltry. 

The  first  attempt  on  the  part  of  either  government 
to  enforce  their  claims  by  taking  actual  possession 
of  the  region  west  of  the  Alleghenies  in  what  is  now 
the  State  of  Pennsylvania  was  made  by  the  French 
in  1749,  in  which  year  the  commandant-general  of 
Canada  sent  out  an  expedition  under  command  of 
Louis  Bienville  de  Celeron,  with  orders  to  proceed  to 
the  head  of  the  Ohio,''  and  thence  down  that  stream, 
taking  formal  possession  of  its  valley  and  the  con- 
tiguous country;  not,  however,  according  to  the  En- 
glish method,  by  establishing  military  posts  and 
buildings  and  garrisoning  forts,  but  by  planting 
crosses  and  posts  bearing  devices  representing  the 
royal  arms  and  insignia  of  France,  and  burying  me- 
tallic plates  duly  inscribed  with  a  record  of  the  event, 
as  evidences  of  actual  occupation.  The  commander  of 
the  expedition  performed  the  duty  assigned  to  him, 
and  in  the  manner  indicated,  erecting  monuments 
and  burying  plates  of  lead  at  various  points  along 
the  Allegheny  and  Ohio.  Some  of  the  Indians  in 
the  Seneca  country  (which  embraced  all  the  val- 
ley of  the  Upper  Allegheny)  obtained  possession 
of  one  of  these  plates  by  some  artifice  (probably  by 
digging  it  up  after  it  had  been  buried  by  Celeron), 
and  it  was  taken  by  a  Cayuga  sachem  and  delivered  to 
Col.  (afterwards  Sir  William)  Johnson,  as  will  be 
more  fully  mentioned  hereafter.  The  plate  was  of 
lead,  three-eighths  of  an  inch  in  thickness,  and  ab'ourt 
eleven  by  seven  and  one-half  inches  on  the  face,  upon  | 
which  was  stamped  and  cut^  in  rude  capitals  the  fol-  ^ 
lowing  inscription  in  old  French,  viz.  : 

h'A'S  1740,  DV  EEGNE  DE  LOVIS  XV.  ROY  DE 

2  Meaniug  the  haodoftbe  river  since  known  as  the  .\Uegheny,  which 
having  been  discovered  by  tlie  French  explorers  many  years  before  any- 
thing was  known  of  the  Monongahela,  was  in  those  early  times  regarded 
as  the  main  stream.  The  Iroquois  name  of  the  Allegheny  was  0-hee-go, 
and  the  French  adventurers  who  passed  down  its  current  to  the  present 
city  of  Pittsburgh  rendered  the  name  Ohio  (or  sometimes  Ojjo),  in  con- 
formity with  the  orthography  of  their  language.  In  the  English  the 
protnuiciatioii  only  is  changed.  It  was  not  the  French  alone  who  re- 
garded the  Allegheny  as  the  main  Ohio,  for  we  find  that  Washington  in 
his  journal  and  dispatche.s  mentioned  Venango  as  being  situated  "on 
the  Ohio."  Another  name  which  the  French  gave  to  the  Ohio,  and  ap- 
plied to  the  stream  even  to  the  head  of  the  .\Ilegheny,  was  "  La  Belle 
Riviere,"— The  Beautiful  River. 

3  The  whole  inscription  was  stamped  except  the  date  and  place  of  inter- 
ment. These  were  cut  with  a  knife  or  other  sharp  instrument  in  spaces 
which  had  been  left  blank  for  the  purpose.  The  name  "  Paul  de  Brosse" 
was  stamped  on  the  back  of  the  plate. 




The  expedition,  sent  out  by  command  of  the  Mar- 
quis de  la  Galissoniere,  as  indicated  by  the  inscrip- 
tions on  tlie  plates,  was  composed  of  the  commandant, 
De  Celeron  (who  was  a  captain  in  the  French  service 
and  a  chevalier  of  the  Order  of  St.  Louis),  the  Rev. 
Father   Bonnecamps,   a   Jesuit,   who   was   chaplain, 
"  mathematicien,"  navigator,  and  astronomer  for  the 
party.  Messieurs  Contrecoeur,  de  Saussaye,  Le  Borgne, 
Philip  and  Chabert  Joncaire,^  and  Coulon  de  Villiers 
(the  last   mentioned  of  whom,  as  also  Contrecoeur, 
afterwards  took  jjrominent  parts  in  the  campaigns 
against  Washington  and  Braddock),  two  other  officers 
and  six  cadets  of  the  French  service,  twenty  four 
French  soldiers,  including  petty  officers  and  a  gun- 
smith, fifty  Indians  of  the  Canadian  tribes  friendly 
to  the  French,  and  nearly  two  hundred  voyageurs, 
who  were  to  perform  the  severe  labor  of  the  expe- 
dition.^the  paddling  of  the  canoes,  the  transporta- 
tion at  the  portages,  and  other  kinds  of  heavy  work. 
The  detachment  was  abundantly  supplied  with  arms, 
military  equipments,  and  ammunition.    The  embarras 
,'of  the  cainpaign   consisted  of  the   necessary  camp 
equipage,  tool^and  implements,  leaden  slabs  to  be 
/  buried  at  promiii^nt  points,  provisions,  and  a  large 
^'    amount  of  merchandise  intended  for  presents  to  the 
Indians  of  the  Ohio  Valley.     A  journal  of  the  expe- 
!       dition  was  kept  by  Cel'erou.      Father  Bonnecamps 
/        also  kept  a  journal,  and  made  a  map  of  the  route,  or 
I        what  purported  to  be  one,  but  which  was  very  incor- 
f         rect  with  regard  to  the  rivers  and  smaller  streams. 

The  officers  and  men  of  the  expedition,  having  em- 
barked in  canoes,  with  their  equipment  and  material, 
at  La  Chine,  on  the  St.  Lawrence,  a  few  miles  above 

1  Translation :  In  the  year  1749,  of  the  reign  of  Louis  XV.,  king  of 
France,  we,  Celeron,  commandant  of  a  iletaclimentsentby  Monsieur  the 
Marquis  de  la  Galissoniere,  commandant-general  of  New  France,  tore- 
store  tranquillity  in  certain  Indian  villages  of  these  districts,  have  buried 
this  plate  at  the  confluence  of  the  Oliio  and  Tchadakoin  [Chautaucjua], 
this  20th  of  July,  near  the  River  Oliio,  otherwise  Beautiful  River,  as  a 
monument  of  renewal  of  possession  tliat  we  have  taken  of  the  said  river 
Ohio  and  of  all  those  which  fall  into  it,  and  of  all  tlie  lands  on  both 
sides  as  far  as  to  the  sources  of  said  rivers,  which  the  preceding  kings 
of  France  have  rightfully  enjoyed  and  njairitaiiied  by  arms  and  by  trea- 
ties, especially  by  those  of  Ryswick,  Utrecht,  and  Aix-la-CliapHlle. 

-  Sons  of  Chabert  Joncaire,  who  lived  among  the  Iroquois  for  many 
years,  and  died  at  Niagara  in  1740. 

Montreal,  left  the  former  place  on  the  15th  of  June, 
1749,  and  proceeded  up  the  great  river  to  Lake  On- 
tario, thence  along  the  southern  shore  of  that  lake 
to  Fort  Niagara,  where  they  arrived  on  the  6th  of 
July.  They  made  no  halt  here,  but  moved  at  once 
to  the  portage,  and  commenced  the  work  of  trans- 
porting their  material  and  stores  by  land  around  the 
cataract.  This  labor  occupied  a  week,  and  on  the 
13th  they  were  again  afloat  on  the  waters  of  Niagara 
River  above  the  rapids.  From  the  river  they  entered 
Lake  Erie,  and  pulled  along  its  southeastern  shore 
towards  the  landing-place  of  the  portage  over  which 
they  were  to  pass  to  reach  the  lake  now  called  Chau- 
tauqua. Twice  they  were  compelled  by  strong  head 
winds  to  disembark  and  encamp  on  the  shore,  waiting 
for  a  favorable  change  of  weather,  but  finally  in  the 
afternoon  of  the  16th  they  reached  the  landing-place, 
where  the  company  disembarked,  and  the  commander 
sent  out  two  of  his  officers  with  a  party  of  men  to 
mark  and  clear  the  first  part  of  the  portage  route. 

They  had  heavy  work  before  them, — to  carry  the 
canoes,  laden  with  all  their  impedimenta,  tons  in 
weight,  to  be  relaunched  on  the  waters  of  an  inland 
lake  more  than  seven  hundred  feet  higher  than  those 
of  Erie,'  and  with  an  intervening  ridge  of  fully  two 
hundred  feet  additional  altitude  to  be  crossed  in  the 
portage  of  nearly  ten  miles  in  length.  But  it  appears 
that  Celeron  took  little  account  of  the  obstacles  con- 
fronting him,  and  here,  as  at  other  stages  of  his  long 
and  difficult  journey,  he  pushed  on  without  hesitation 
and  with  remarkable  energy.  At  dawn  in  the  morn-- 
ing  of  the  17th  he  put  his  men  in  motion,  and  although 
the  way  was  rugged,  steep,  and  in  many  places  appar- 
ently impassable,  and  a  serious  delay  was  caused  by  a 
heavy  rain-storm,  they  traversed  the  portage,  heavily 
laden  as  they  were,  in  less  than  six  full  days,  arriving 
on  the  shore  of  the  highland  lake  on  the  22d.  It  is 
not  improbable  that  the  small  stream  since  known  as 
Chautauqua  Creek  afforded  them  some  little  facility 
for  water  carriage,  but  if  so  it  could  only  have  been 
for  a  very  small  proportion  of  the  distance  between 
the  two  lakes. 

At  the  end  of  the  portage  they  halted  a  while  to 
repair  the  canoes  and  give  the  wearied  voyageurs  an 
opportunity  for  a  little  rest  after  their  fatiguing  march 
from  the  shore  of  Lake  Erie,  but  early  in  the  day  on 
the  23d  the  flotilla  moved  briskly  on  through  the 
bright  waters  of  Chautauqua,  and  in  the  same  even- 
ing the  men  bivouacked  on  its  shore  within  a  league 
of  the  outlet  through  which  the  surplus  waters  of  the 
lake  flow  to  Conewango  Creek,  and  with  the  current 
of  the  latter  stream  to  the  Allegheny.  At  this  camp- 
ground some  of  the  Iroquois  warriors  of  Celeron's 
party  came  on  and  reported  that  w-hile  fishing  during 
the    afternoon    they   had   seen   Indians,   apparently 

3  Chautauqua  Lake  is  seven  hundred  and  twenty-four  and  a  half  feet 
above  the  level  of  Lake  Erie.  The  distance,  as  now  traveled,  between 
the  two  lakes  is  about  eiglit  and  a  half  miles,  but  there  is  do  reason  to 
suppose  Celeron  made  it  in  less  than  ten. 


scouts,  watching  the  movements  of  the  canoe  fleet, 
and  that  these  had  immediately  disappeared  when 
they  found  they  were  discovered.  This  circumstance 
gave  Celeron  no  little  concern,  and  at  the  end  of  the 
next  day's  journey  he  convened  a  council,  hy  which 
it  was  decided  to  send  out  an  officer  with  a  party  of 
the  Canadian  Iroquois  who  accompanied  the  expedi- 
tion, taking  belts  of  wampum  and  some  presents,  to 
find  the  scouts  who  had  caused  the  alarm,  accompany 
them  to  their  villages,  and  there  use  all  means  to  con- 
ciliate the  people  and  allay  their  fears  with  regard  to 
the  objects  of  the  advancing  French  column.  In  ac- 
cordance with  this  decision,  a  party  of  the  Canadian 
Indians  was  sent  out  under  command  of  one  of  the 
Joncaires,  who,  failing  to  find  the  scouts  on  the  path, 
proceeded  to  the  Indian  village  of  Broken  Straw 
(called  by  the  French  Faille  Couple),  where,  as  it 
appears,  he  was  known,  as  had  also  been  his  father 
(Chabert  Joncaire)  before  him.  There  he  made  some 
friendly  and  conciliatory  speeches,  to  which  the  In- 
dians in  turn  replied  in  equally  friendly  terms,  yet 
still  remained  distrustful  of  the  French  and  of  the 
objects  of  the  expedition. 

The  progress  made  by  Celeron's  force  on  the  24th 
of  July  was  small.  Embarking  in  the  morning  of 
that  day,  they  soon  reached  and  entered  the  outlet- 
stream,  but  the  water  was  so  low  that  it  was  found 
necessary  to  lighten  the  canoes,  and  carry  a  part  of 
their  loads  overland  to  the  deeper  water  below,  so  that 
at  night  the  canoes  had  not  advanced  more  than  two 
miles  down  the  stream.  During  the  five  days  next 
succeeding  their  progress  was  but  little  more  rapid, 
on  account  of  low  water,  shoals,  and  tortuous  chan- 
nel, so  that  it  was  not  until  midday  of  the  29th  that 
they  debouched  into  the  broad  current  of  the  Alle- 
gheny, which  they  called  La  Belle  Riviere. 

At  the  place  where  Celeron  entered  the  Allegheny 
from  the  Conewango,  "  at  the  foot  of  a  red-oak  on  the 
south  bank  of  the  Ohio  River,  and  opposite  a  little 
island  at  the  confluence  of  the  two  rivers,  Ohio  and 
Kanaugon"  '  (Conewango),  he  buried  one  of  his  leaden 
plates  in  token  of  French  occupation  and  dominion. 
The  arms  of  the  king  of  France  were  affixed  to  a  tree 
near  by  the  place,  and  the  other  ceremonies  usual 
among  the  French  when  taking  pretended  possession 
of  new  countries  in  the  name  of  their  sovereign  were 
observed  on  this  occasion. 

Every  movement  of  the  French  was  seen  and  noted 
by  the  Indian  scouts  who  were  constantly  lurking 
along  their  flanks,  and  who,  of  course,  knew  the  spot 
where  Celeron  buried  the  metallic  tablet.  It  is  there- 
fore probable  that  the  plate  which  was  buried  oppo- 
site the  mouth  of  the  Conewango  on  the  29th  of  July 
was  afterwards  disinterred  by  the  Indians,  and  that  it 
was  the  same  which  was  carried  by  the  Cayuga  sa- 
chem to  Col.  Johnson.  The  principal  reasons  for 
supposing  this  to  have  been  the  case  are,  first,  that 

the  date  on  the  tablet  was  the  same  as  that  on  which 
Celeron  buried  the  plate  opposite  the  mouth  of  the 
Conewango,  and,  second,  that  the  inscription  is  to  the 
effect  that  it  was  buried  on  the  bank  of  the  (Jliio 
(Allegheny)  at  its  confluence  with  another  stream, 
the  only  discrepancy  being  that  the  name  of  that 
other  stream  as  cut  upon  the  plate  differs  from  tliat 
which  Celeron  in  his  journal  gives  to  the  Conewango. 
But  this  fact  is  by  no  means  fatal  to  the  supposition 
that  the  plate  brought  to  Col.  Johnson  was  the  .same 
which  Celeron  buried  at  that  place,  for  at  that  time 
among  the  Indians  a  stream  was  frequently  known 
by  as  many  as  four  or  five  diflferent  names.  The  name 
of  the  stream  in  question  (the  Conewango)  was  spelled 
by  Celeron  in  his  journal  in  one  place  Kanaaiagon. 
and  in  another  place  Chanougon,  while  his  "mathe- 
maticien,"  Bonnecamps.  spelled  it  Kananouangon. 
It  seems  very  reasonable  to  suppose  that  the  stream 
down  which  the  French  came  from  the  lake,  Tchada- 
koin  (Chautauqua),  should  have  been  called  by  them 
by  the  same  name,  and  that  they  should  have  that 
name  on  the  slab,  with  the  date,  at  the  time  they 
buried  it.  There  was  an  Indian  village  on  the  Cone- 
wango near  its  mouth  called  Kanaouagon,  which 
the  French  visited  after  the  ceremony  of  burying  the 
plate.  The  Indian  residents  of  this  place  called  the 
stream  and  their  village  by  the  same  name,  which,  as 
it  appears,  was  then  adopted  by  Celeron  in  place  of 
the  other  name,  Tchadakoin.  But  these  are  mere 
speculations,  the  facts  can  never  be  certainly  known. 
On  the  last  day  of  July  the  expedition  left  the 
Indian  settlement  at  the  mouth  of  the  Conewango 
and  proceeded  down  the  Allegheny,  passing  several 
Indian  villages.  At  night  the  canoes  were  made  fast  to 
the  shore,  and  the  company  encamped  on  the  bank 
of  the  river,  with  sentinels  regularly  posted  in  accord-_ 
ance  with  military  usage.  This  precautftMj,KwJt9-<?E-  1 
served  by  Celeron  during  all  the  jojtfney,  partly,  I 
however,  for  the  purpose  of  enforoJng  and  preserving 
discipline  among  the  reckless  ifanadian  voi/af/eiirs. 
In  the  forenoon  of  the  3d  of  i^ugust  they  came  to 
the  mouth  of  the  Riviere  aux  Bojufs,  now  known  as 
French  Creek,  which  enters  the  Allegheny  from  the 
northwest.  Here  tkg^  found  a  small  Indian  village, 
at  which  they  ma(fe  but  a  brief  stop,  and  passed  on 
down  the  river  to  a  point  about  nine  miles  below, 
where  the  expeditionary  forces  landed,  and  a  second 
plate  was  buried  "  on  the  south  bank  of  the  Ohio 
[Allegheny]  River,  four  leagues  below  the  river  Aux 
Bfeufs,  opposite  a  bald  mountain,  and  near  a  large 
stone  on  which  are  many  figures  rudely  cut."  The 
stone  referred  to  was  an  immense  bowlder,  upon 
which,  on  the  side  facing  the  river,  were  some  Indian 
hieroglyphics,  which  caused  the  savages  to  regard  the 
rock  with  superstitious  awe.- 

1  Description  given  in  Celeron's  Journal  of  the  Expedition. 

-  This  rock  i 
on  its  face,  giVi 
vol.  vi. 

described,  and  a 
n  in  Schoolcraft's 

■  of  it,  including  the  hieroglyphic! 
idian  Tribes  in  the  United  States," 



On  the  4th  of  August  the  fleet  of  Celeron  left  the 
rock  and  moved  on  down  the  river.  Two  days  later 
they  passed  a  deserted  Shawanese  village  called 
"  Chartier's  Old  Town,"  where  Peter  Chartier  had 
resided  with  the  Indians  some  five  years  previously. 
Paddling  on  down  the  stream,  they  passed  the  site  of 
the  present  city  of  Pittsburgh,  but  nothing  is  found 
to  show  that  any  plate  was  buried,  or  even  a  halt 
made  there.  On  the  6th  the  expedition  reached  the 
old  Indian  village  of  Chiningue,  or  Logstown,  some 
twelve  miles  below  the  mouth  of  the  Monongahela. 
Here  they  found  a  great  number  of  Indians  of  several 
different  nations,  and  among  them  several  English- 
speaking  traders.  This  last-named  fact  roused  the 
ire  of  Celeron,  who  promptly  expelled  the  traders, 
warning  them  that  if  they  dared  to  return  they  would 
do  so  at  their  peril ;  and  by  one  of  them  he  sent  the 
following  letter  to  Governor  Hamilton  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, viz. : 

"  From  our  camp  on  La  Belle  Kivieie,  at  an  ancient  villageof  Cliaoua- 
none,  Aug.  6, 1749. 

"SiH^_Havlng  been  sent  with  a.  detachment  into  these  quarters  by 
Monsieur  the  Marquis  de  la  Galissoniere,  commandant-general  of  New 
France,  to  reconcile  among  themselves  curtain  savage  nations  who  are 
over  at  variance  on  account  of  the  war  just  terminated,  I  have  been 
much  surprised  to  find  some  traders  of  your  government  in  a  country  to 
which  England  never  had  any  pretensions.  It  even  appears  that  the 
same  opinion  is  entertained  in  New  England,  since*  in  many  of  the  vil- 
lages I  have  passed  through  the  English  who  were  trading  there  have 
mostly  taken  flight.  Those  whom  I  fli-st  fell  in  with,  and  by  whom  I 
write  you,  I  have  treated  with  all  mildness  possible,  although  I  would 
have  been  justified  in  treating  them  as  interlopers  and  men  without  de- 
sign, their  enterprise  being  contrary  to  the  preliminaries  of  peace  signed 
five  months  ago.  I  hope,  sir,  for  the  future  you  will  carefully  prohibit 
this  tri^de,  which  is  contrary  to  treaties,  and  give  notice  to  your  traders 
that  they  will  expose  themselves  to  great  risks  in  returning  to  these 
countries,  and  that  they  must  impute  only  to  themselves  the  misfortunes 
they  may  meet  with.  I  know  that  our  commandant-general  would  be 
very  sorry  to  have  recourse  to  violence,  but  he  has  orders  not  to  permit 
foreign  traders  in  his  government. 

'  I  have  the  honor  to  be  with  great  respect, 

'  Sir,  your  humble  and  obedient  servant, 

"  Celeron." 

Celeron  found"the  Indians  at  Logstown  wholly  dis- 
0>^  inclined  to  form  an  alliance  with  the  French  or  to  yield 
the  possession  of  the  country  to  them,  and  they  were 
too  well  disposed  towiuds  tlie  English  traders  to  relish 
their  summary  expulsion.  The  French  commandant 
made  a  speech  to  them  which  they  thought  insulting, 
telling  them  that  all  the  valley  of  the  Beautiful  Eiver 
was  owned  by  his  master,  the  king  of  France ;  that 
Frenchmen  would  supply  them  with  goods,  and  that 
none  others  would  be  permitted  to  do  so ;  that  he  was 
then  on  his  way  down  the  river  to  reprimand  the 
Wyandots  and  other  Western  Indians,  and  to  whip 
them  to  their  homes  for  having  traded  with  the  Eng- 
lish. All  this  had  the  effect  to  incense  the  savages 
against  (he  French.  There  were  at  Logstown  a  con- 
siderable number  of  Iroquois  and  Abenakis,  and  the 
dissatisfaction  felt  by  these  being  communicated  to 
their  Canadian  kinsmen  who  were  with  Celeron, 
caused  them  to  refuse  to  go  fjirther  with  the  expedi- 
tion. They  returned  to  their  homes  in  the  north, 
passing  up  the  Allegheny  River,  over  the  route  by 

which  the  expedition  came,  and  tearing  off  the  cop- 
per plates  blazoned  with  the  royal  arms  of  France 
from  the  trees  to  which  they  had  been  afiixed  by  Cel- 
eron's orders.  Whether  they  also  dug  up  the  leaden 
slabs  which  had  been  buried  on  the  shores  of  the 
Allegheny  is  not  known,  but  it  is  not  unlikely  that 
they  did  so. 

On  the  voyage  down  the  Ohio  from  Logstown  (or 
Chiningue)  Celeron  caused  plates  to  be  buried  at  four 
different  points,  viz. :  at  Kanououara  or  Wheeling 
Creek,  on  the  13th  of  August;  at  the  mouth  of  the 
river  Muskingum,'  on  the  15th  of  the  same  month ; 
at  the  mouth  of  Chinondaista  (now  known  as  the 
Great  Kanawha),  on  the  18th  ;  and  at  the  mouth  of 
the  Big  Miami,  on  the  31st  of  August.  This  was  the 
end  of  Celeron's  voyage  down  the  Ohio.  From  this 
point  the  expedition  passed  up  the  Miami  to  the  head 
of  canoe  navigation,  then  marched  through  the  wil- 
derness to  the  Miami  of  the  Lake  (now  the  Maumee), 
and  floated  down  that  stream  to  Lake  Erie.  Thence, 
by  way  of  that  lake,  the  Niagara  River  (portaging 
round  the  falls  as  before).  Lake  Ontario,  and  the  St. 
Lawrence  River,  Celeron  and  his  party  returned  to 
Montreal,  where  they  arrived  Nov.  10,  1749.  In 
theory  they  had  taken  actual  and  permanent  possession 
of  the  Upper  Ohio  Valley,  and  those  of  its  tributaries 
(the  lower  river  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  being  already 
in  French  occupation),  but  in  fact  they  had  accom- 
plished nothing,  for  instead  of  securing  the  friend- 
ship and  alliance  of  the  Indians  living  on  the  Alle- 
gheny and  Ohio  Rivers,  they  had  intensified  the 
distrust  and  enmity  of  those  savages.  The  Pennsyl- 
vania and  Virginia  traders,  too,  who  had  been  driven 
away  by  Celeron  returned  to  Logstown  immediately 
after  his  departure,^  and  were  made  welcome  by 
the  Indians,  who  made  haste  to  renew  their  assur- 
ances of  undiminished  friendship  for  their  brethren, 
the  English. 

In  reference  to  the  expedition  of  Celeron  and  his 
planting  of  the  leaden  plates,  intended  as  a  memorial 
and  proof  of  the  French  occupation  of  the  valley  of 
the  Ohio  River,  some  extracts  are  here  given  from  the 
minutes  of  the  Provincial  Council  of  Pennsylvania,* 
viz. : 

1  The  plates  buried  at  the  Muskingum  and  Kanawha  were  afterwards 
discovered,  the  former  in  the  year  1798  by  some  boys  who  were  bathing 
in  the  stream.  Seeing  a  part  of  it  protruding  from  the  bank  they  dug 
it  out,  and  knowing  nothing  of  its  historical  value,  cut  off  a  part  of  it 
and  melted  the  lead  for  bullets.  The  other  part,  however,  was  obtained 
from  the  boys  by  a  gentleman,  who  sent  it  to  Governor  DeWitt  Clinton,  of 
New  York,  and  it  is  still  in  existence  in  Boston,  Mass.  The  plate  which 
was  buried  at  the  mouth  of  tlie  Kanawha  was  found  in  March,  184G,  by  a 
boy  (a  son  of  J.  W.  Beale,  of  Point  Pleasant,  Va.),  who  in  playing  along 
the  river-bank  saw  the  edge  of  the  plate  a  few  feet  below  the  surface. 
It  was  dug  out  and  preserved,  witli  the  inscription,  entire. 

-  George  Croghan,  who  was  sent  out  by  the  Governor  of  Pennsylvania 
in  August,  1749,  with  presents  and  belts  to  the  Ohio  Indians,  reached 
Logstown  Boou  after  the  French  left,  and  in  his  report  to  the  Governor 
he  mentioned  that  "Monsieur  Calderon  with  two  hundred  French 
soldiers"  had  left  the  village  and  gone  down  the  river  a  short  time  pre- 
vious to  his  arrival  there. 

3  See  Colonial  Records,  vol.  v.  p.  507,  et  aeq. 


"  2d  February,  1750. 

"  The  Governor  having  received  by  the  last  Post  a 
Letter  from  Governor  Clinton  [of  New  York]  with 
some  Papers  relating  to  Indian  Affairs,  the  same  were 
read  and  sent  to  the  Assembly,  and  are  as  follows : 

"  A  Letter  from  Governor  Clinton  to  Governor 

"Sir, — Your  Favour  of  the  22d  instant  I  have  re- 
ceived, and  am  glad  that  you  are  of  the  same  opinion 
with  me  in  relation  to  Indian  Affairs.  I  send  you  a 
copy  of  an  Inscription  on  a  leaden  Plate  stolen  from 
Jean  Coeur  [Joncaire]  some  months  since  in  the  Sen- 
ecas'  Country  as  he  was  going  to  the  River  Ohio,  which 
plainly  demonstrates  the  French  Scheme  by  the  ex- 
orbitant claims  therein  mentioned  ;  also  a  copy  of  a 
Cajuga  Sachim's  Speech  to  Colo.  Johnson,  with  his 
Reply,  on  the  subject  matter  of  the  plate,  which  I 
hope  will  come  time  enough  to  communicate  to  your 

This  letter  of  Governor  Clinton  was  dated  "  Fort 
George,  29th  January,  17.50."  The  speech  of  the  Ca- 
yuga sachem,  who,  with  a  number  of  other  Indians 
of  the  Five  Nations,  was  at  the  house  of  Col.  John- 
son, is  given  in  the  minutes,  as  follows  : 

"  Brother  Corlear  and  Warraghiyagee  [Gray  Eyes]. 
I  am  sent  here  by  the  Five  Nations  (with  a  Piece  of 
writing  which  the  Senecas,  our  Brethren,  got  by  some 
Artifice  from  Jean  Caur)  to  you  Earnestly  beseeching 
you  will  let  us  know  what  it  means,  and,  as  we  put 
all  our  confidence  in  you  our  Brother,  hope  you  will 
explain  it  ingeniously  to  us.  [The  speaker  here  de- 
livered the  square  leaden  plate  and  a  wampum  belt, 
and  proceeded.]  I  am  ordered  further  to  acquaint 
you  that  Jean  Coeur,  the  French  Interpreter,  when 
on  his  Journey  (this  last  summer)  to  Ohio  River, 
Spoke  thus  to  the  Five  Nations  &  Others  in  our 
Alliance  : 

"  '  Children, — Your  Father  [meaning  the  French 
Governor]  having,  out  of  a  tender  regard  for  you, 
considered  the  great  difficulties  you  labour  under  by 
carrying  your  Goods,  Canoes,  &c.,  over  the  great  Car- 
rying Place  of  Niagara,  has  desired  me  to  acquaint 
you  that,  in  order  to  ease  you  all  of  so  much  trouble 
for  the  future,  he  is  resolved  to  build  a  House  at  the 
other  end  of  said  carrying  Place,  which  he  will  fur- 
nish with  all  necessaries  requisite  for  your  use.  .  .  .' 
Jean  Cceur  also  told  us  that  he  was  now  on  his  way 
to  Ohio  River,  where  he  intended  to  stay  three 
years,  and  desired  some  of  Us  to  accompany  him 
thither,  which  we  refused ;  whereupon  he  answered 
he  was  much  surprised  at  our  not  consenting  to  go 
with  him,  inasmuch  as  it  was  for  our  interest  and 
ease  he  was  sent  thither  to  build  a  House  there ;  also 
at  the  carrying  place  between  said  River  Ohio  and 
Lake  Erie,'  where  all  the  Western  Indians  should  be 
supplied  with  whatever  Goods  they  may  have  occa- 

1  The  land  carriage  between  Late  Erie  and  Cbatitauqiia  Lake,  N.  Y., 
and  that  between  the  lower  end  of  that  lalie  and  tlie  Conewaiigo  Creek, 
which  flows  into  tlie  Allegheny. 

sion  for,  and  not  be  at  the  trouble  and  loss  of  time  of 
going  so  far  to  Market  as  usual  [meaning  OswegoJ. 
After  this  he  desired  to  know  our  opinion  of  the 
Affair  and  begged  our  consent  to  build  in  said  Places. 
He  gave  us  a  large  Belt  of  Wampum  thereon  de- 
siring our  answer,  which  we  told  him  we  would  take 
some  time  to  consider  of" 

To  this  speech  Col.  William  Johnson  replied,  as- 
suring the  Cayuga  sachem  and  his  associates  that  he 
was  always  glad  to  see  the  Indians  at  his  house,  but 
particularly  so  on  that  occasion,  as  it  gave  him  an 
opportunity  of  convincing  them  that  their  friends, 
the  English,  were  worthy  of  their  fullest  confidence, 
while  the  French  were  and  had  always  been  their 
worst  enemies.  "  But  their  scheme,"  added  he, 
"  now  laid  against  you  and  yours  (at  a  time  when 
they  are  feeding  you  up  with  fine  Promises  of  serving 
you  in  several  Shapes)  is  worse  than  all  the  rest,  as 
will  appear  by  their  own  writing  on  this  Plate.* 
This  is  an  aflfair  of  the  greatest  Importance  to  you, 
as  nothing  less  than  all  your  Lands  and  best  Hunt- 
ing places  are  aimed  at,  with  a  view  of  secluding  you 
entirely  from  us  and  the  rest  of  your  brethren,  viz., 
the  Philadelphians,  Virginians,  etc.,  who  can  always 
supply  you  with  the  necessaries  of  life  at  a  much 
lower  rate  than  the  French  ever  did  or  could,  and 
under  whose  protection  you  are  and  ever  will  be  safer 
and  better  served  in  every  respect  than  under  the 
French.  These  and  a  hundred  other  substantial 
reasons  I  could  give  you  to  convince  you  that  the 
French  are  your  implacable  enemies,  but,  as  I  told 
you  before,  the  very  Instrument  you  now  brought  me 
of  their  own  writing  is  sufficient  of  itself  to  convince 
the  world  of  their  villanous  designs ;  therefore  I 
need  not  be  at  the  trouble,  so  shall  only  desire  that 
you  and  all  other  Nations  in  Alliance  with  you 
seriously  consider  your  own  Interest,  and  by  no  la^aflS^ 
submit  to  the  impending  danger  which  now  threatens  I 
you,  the  only  way  to  prevent  whigh  is  to  turn  Jean  ' 
Coeur  away  immediately  from  Ohio,  and  tell  him 
that  the  French  shall  neither  biiild  there  or  at  the 
carrying  Place  of  Niagara,  nor  have  a  foot  of  land 
more  from  you.  Brethren,  what  I  now  say  I  expect 
and  insist  upon  it  being  taken  notice  of  and  sent  to 
the  Indians  of  the  Ohio,  that  they  may  immediately 
know  the  vile  designs  of  the  French." 

A  belt  of  wampum  was  then  presented,  and  the 
Indian  speaker  replied, — 

"  Brother  Corlaer  and  Warraghiyagee,  I  have  with 
great  attention  and  Surprise  heard  you  repeat  the 
substance  of  that  Devilish  writing  which  I  brought 
you,  and  also  with  pleasure  noticed  your  just  Re- 
marks thereon,  which  really  agree  with  my  own  sen- 

2  At  this  point  in  his  speech  to  the  Indians  Col.  Johnson  translated 
to  them  the  words  upon  the  leaden  plate.  "  I  repeat  here,"  he  says,  ia 
hia  report  of  the  conference,  "  the  Substance  of  saiii  writing,  icUh  sume 
necessnry  addUions,  Giving  a  large  Belt  of  Wampum  to  confirm  what 
I  said,  which  Belt,  with  the  rest,  are  to  be  sent  to  all  the  nations  as 
far  as  the  Ohio  River." 




timents  on  it.  I  return  you  my  most  hearty  thanks 
in  the  name  of  all  the  nations  for  your  brotherly  Love 
and  cordial  advice,  which  I  promise  you  sincerely 
(by  this  belt  of  wampum)  shall  be  communicated 
immediately  and  verbatim  to  the  Five  N.ations  by 
myself,  and,  moreover,  shall  see  it  forwarded  from 
the  Senecas'  Castle  with  belts  from  each  of  our  own 
Nations  to  the  Indians  at  Ohio,  to  strengthen  your 
desire,  as  I  am  thoroughly  satisfied  you  have  our  in- 
terest at  heart." 

Information  of  the  French  exjjedition  down  the 
Allegheny  and  Ohio  Elvers  under  Celeron  having 
been  promptly  forwarded  to  England,  considerable 
anxiety  was  felt  there  a,s  to  the  effect  it  might  have 
upon  the  Indian  tribes;  and  the  proprietaries  of 
Pennsylvania  wrote  at  once  from  London  to  Governor 
Hamilton  a  letter,  which  was  received  in  January, 
17.50  (during  a  session  of  the  Assembly),  and  from 
which  an  extract,  having  reference  to  the  subject  in 
question,  is  here  given,  viz. : 

"  The  Account  you  give  of  a  Party  of  French  hav- 
ing come  to  Allegheny  and  laid  claim  to  that  Country, 
and  tlie  Tribes  of  Indians  with  whom  we  have  lately 
entered  into  Treaty,  a  good  deal  alarms  me  ;  and  I 
hear  that  Party  is  returned  to  Canada,  threatening  to 
return  with  a  greater  Force  next  year.  I  have  com- 
municated the  French  Commandant's  Letter  and 
Paper,  with  an  account  of  the  Affair,  to  the  Duke  of 
Bedford  and  Lord  Halifax,  and  I  think  something 
should  be  done  immediately,  if  it  can  by  consent  of 
the  Indians,  to  take  possession.  This,  I  think,  you 
should  advise  with  the  Council  and  Assembly  about, 
as  it  is  of  great  Import  to  the  Trade  of  the  Province 
to  have  a  Settlement  there,  and  an  House  a  little  more 
■secure  than  an  Indian  Cabbin.  I  make  no  doubt  the 
Indians  would  readily  consent  to  such  a  Settlement; 
ftHiiM  there  is  Stone  and  Lime  in  the  neighborhood, 
1  I  think'"%KHouse  with  thick  walls  of  Stone,  with 
I  small  BastirfBBivJBJght  be  built  at  no  very  great  Ex- 
^  pence,  as  it  is  litiie  matter  how  rough  it  is  within- 
side;  or  a  wall  of  tiiat  sort  perhaps  fifty  feet  square, 
with  a  small  Log  Housp  in  the  middle  of  it,  might 
perhaps  do  better.  The  oonimand  of  this  might  be 
given  to  the  principal  Indian  Trader,  and  he  be  obliged 
to  keep  Four  or  Six  Men  at  it,  who  might  serve  him 
in  it,  and  the  House  be  a  magazine  for  Goods.  If 
something  of  this  sort  can  be  done,  we  shall  be  will- 
ing to  be  at  the  expence  of  four  hundred  Pounds 
Currency  for  the  building  of  it,  and  of  one  liundred 
Pounds  a  Year  for  keeping  some  rnen  with  aVew  Arms 
and  some  Powder;  this,  with  what  the  Assembly 
might  be  induced  to  give,  will  in  some  measure  pro- 
tect the  Trade,  and  be  a  mark  of  Possession.  How- 
ever few  the  Men  are,  they  should  wear  an  uniform 
Dress,  that  though  very  small  it  may  look  Fort  like." 
But  the  Assembly  did  not  favor  the  project.  "Dur- 
ing the  course  of  this   Session,'   the   Governor  had 

1  Col.  Rec,  vol.  V.  p.  616. 

several  private  Conferences  with  the  Speaker  and 
some  of  the  principal  Members  of  the  House  on  the 
state  of  Indian  Affairs,  and  was  in  hopes  that  the 
Proposal  of  the  Proprietaries  would  have  induced 
them  to  encourage  him  to  order  the  Persons  intrusted 
with  the  Delivery  of  the  Present  at  Ohio  [George 
Croghan  and  Andrew  MontourJ  to  make  the  Indians 
some  overtures  of  this  sort ;  but  the  Members  ap- 
peared extremely  averse  to  it,  which  obliged  the  Gov- 
ernor to  desire  Mr.  Croghan  to  do  no  more  than  sound 
the  Indians  in  a  private  manner,  that  he  might  know 
their  Sentiments  before  he  should  do  anything  further 
in  the  matter,  well  knowing  that  unless  the  Assembly 
would  go  heartily  into  the  Affair  and  make  some  Pro- 
vision along  with  the  Proprietaries  for  the  mainte- 
nance of  the  Fort  or  Block  House,  and  the  People  to  be 
appointed  for  this  service,  it  would  be  to  no  purpose 
to  stir  in  it."  He  therefore  did  no  more  than  lay 
before  the  Assembly  the  preceding  extract  from  the 
proprietaries'  letter,  on  which  no  action  was  taken. 

During  the  year  following  that  of  Celeron's  expe- 
dition the  Frenchman  Jonc.aire  was  again  among  the 
Indians  on  the  Allegheny  endeavoring  to  remove  the 
ill  feeling  which  Celeron's  overbearing  conduct  had 
occasioned,  and  to  secure  for  his  countrymen  the 
friendship  and  confidence  of  the  savages.  George 
Croghan  (who,  with  the  half-breed,  Andrew  Montour, 
had  been  sent  to  the  Ohio  by  Governor  Hamilton,  of 
Pennsylvania,  with  presents  to  the  Indians  in  that 
vicinity),  in  a  letter  dated  "  Logstowu,  on  the  Ohio, 
Dec.  16, 17.50,"  said  to  the  Governor, — 

'■  Sir, — Yesterday  Mr.  Montour  and  I  got  to  this 
town  where  we  found  thirty  warriors  of  the  Six 
Nations  going  to  war  against  the  Catawba  Indians. 
They  told  us  that  they  saw  John  Cceur  [  Joncaire] 
about  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles  up  the  river  at  an 
Indian  town,  where  he  intends  to  build  a  fort  if  he 
can  get  liberty  from  the  Ohio  Indians.  He  has  five 
canoes  loaded  with  goods,  and  is  very  generous  in 
making  presents  to  all  the  chiefs  of  the  Indians 
he  meets  with.  He  has  sent  two  messengers  to  this 
town,  desiring  the  Indians  here  to  go  and  meet  him, 
and  clear  the  road  for  him  to  come  down  the  river, 
but  they  have  so  little  respect  for  his  message  that 
they  have  not  thought  it  worth  while  to  send  him  an 
answer  as  yet." 

Croghan  was  again  among  the  Indians  on  the  Ohio 
in  the  spring  of  1751,  and  kept  a  journal  of  events 
which  occurred  during  his  stay.  From  that  journal 
the  following  extracts  are  given  as  showing  some- 
thing of  the  movements  of  the  French  at  that  time, 
viz. : 

"  May  20. — Forty  warriors  of  the  Six  Nations 
came  to  town  [the  Indian  town  of  Chinique,  other- 
wise called  Logstown,  located  on  the  Ohio  some 
miles  below  Pittsburgh]  from  the  head  of  the  Ohio 
with  Mr.  Joncceur  and  one  Frenchman  more  in  com- 

"  May  21. — Mr.  Joucauir,  the  French  interpreter, 


called  a  council  with  all  the  Indians  then  present  in 
town,  and  made  the  following  speech.  |  Here  follows 
Joncaire's  speech  to  the  Indians,  in  which  he  told 
them  he  had  come  for  an  answer  to  the  speech  made 
to  them  by  Celeron  two  years  before,  viz. :  that 
Onontio,  the  Governor  of  Canada,  desired  them  to 
turn  away  the  English  traders  and  deal  wholly  with 
the  French.  To  this  one  of  the  Six  Nation  cliiefs 
replied,  saying  that  they  would  not  turn  the  English 
away,  but  would  continue  to  trade  with  them  as  long 
as  they  lived,  and  that  if  he,  Joncaire,  had  anything 
to  say,  and  was  the  man  he  pretended  to  be,  he  should 
'say  it  to  that  man,'  pointing  to  Croghan]." 

"  May  25. — I  had  a  conference  with  Monsieur  Jon- 
canir  ;  he  desired  I  would  excuse  him,  and  not  think 
hard  of  him  for  the  speeches  he  made  to  the  Indians 
requesting  them  to  turn  the  English  traders  away 
and  not  to  suft'er  them  to  trade,  for  it  was  the  Gov- 
ernors of  Canada  who  ordered  him,  and  he  was 
obliged  to  obey  them,  though  he  was  very  sensible 
which  way  the  Indians  would  receive  them,  for  he 
was  sure  the  French  would  not  accomplish  their  de- 
sign with  the  Six  Nations  without  it  could  be  done 
by  force,  which  he  said  he  believed  they  would  find 
to  be  as  difficult  as  the  method  they  had  just  tried, 
and  would  meet  with  the  like  success." 

There  was  probably  at  that  time  no  other  French- 
man who  was  so  popular  among  the  Indians  as 
was  this  same  Joncaire,  yet  he  found  it  impossible 
to  accomplish  the  object  for  which  he  came, — to  draw 
the  savages  into  alliance  with  the  French,  and  procure 
the  expulsion  of  the  English-speaking  traders, — and 
he  was  compelled  to  relinquish  the  design  and  retire 
up  the  Allegheny,  after  having  recorded  his  pro- 
test, and  re-notified  Governor  Hamilton,  of  Penn- 
sylvania, of  the  French  claims  to  the  country  in  a 
letter  of  which  the  following  is  a  translation : 

"  De  Chiniqof.  (Logstown),  June  6, 1751. 
"  Sir, — Monsieur  the  Marquis  de  la  Galissoniero,  Guvernor  of  the  wliule 
of  New  Fi-ance,  having  honored  me  with  his  orders  to  watch  that  tiie 
English  slioukl  make  no  treaty  in  the  country  of  tlie  Ohio,  I  have  di- 
rected tlie  traders  of  your  government  to  withdraw.  You  cannot  be 
ignorant,  sir,  that  all  the  lands  of  this  region  have  always  belonged  to 
the  King  of  France,  and  that  the  Knglish  have  no  right  to  come  here  to 
trade.  Sly  superior  has  commanded  me  to  apprise  you  of  what  I  have  done, 
in  order  that  you  may  not  afiect  ignorance  of  the  reasons  of  it;  and  he 
has  given  me  this  order  with  so  much  the  greater  reason  because  it  Is 
now  two  years  since  Monsieur  Celeron,  by  order  of  the  Marquis  of  Ga- 
Hssoniere,  then  Commandant-General,  warned  many  English  who  were 
trading  with  the  Indians  along  the  Ohio  against  so  doing,  and  they 
promised  him  not  to  return  to  trade  on  the  lands,  as  Monsieur  Celeron 
wrote  you. 

(Signed)  "Joncaire, 

"  LieiUeitayit  of  a  Detachvieut  of  the  Navyy 

In  the  year  1750  the  "  Ohio  Company"  (acting 
under  an  English  charter  and  royal  grant,  obtained 
in  1749,  sent  its  agent,  Christopher  Gist,  to  the  Ohio 
River,  to  explore  the  country  along  that  stream,  with 
a  view  to  its  occupation  and  settlement.  Under  these 
instructions  he  viewed  the  country  along  the  west 
bank  of  the  river,  from  the  mouth  of  the  Allegheny 

southwestwardly  to  the  FalU  of  the  Ohio  (opposite 
the  present  city  of  Louisville,  Ky.),  and  in  the  fol- 
lowing year  (1751)  he  explored  the  other  side  of  the 
stream  down  to  the  mouth  of  the  Great  Kanawha. 
In  1752  he  was  present,  a.s  agent  of  the  "Ohio  Com- 
pany," at  the  Log.stown  treaty,  already  mentioned, 
and  took  part,  with  Col.  Joshua  Fry  and  the  two 
other  commissioners  of  Virginia,  in  the  proceedings 
with  the  chiefs  of  the  Six  Nations. 

These  and  other  movements  on  the  part  of  those 
acting  under  authority  of  the  British  king  caused 
the  French  to  bestir  themselves  and  move  more  en- 
ergetically towards  the  occupation  of  the  country 
west  of  the  AUcghenies.  Early  in  17.'>3  they  began 
to  move  southward  from  Lake  Ontario  through  the 
wilderness  towards  the  Allegheny  River,  and  on  the 
21st  of  May  in  that  year  intelligence  wa.s  received  that 
a  party  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  French  and  Indians 
"  had  arrived  at  a  carrying-place  leading  from  the 
Niagara  to  the  head  of  the  Ohio."  On  the  same 
day,  in  the  Provincial  Council  of  Pennsylvania, 
"  The  Governor  laid  before  the  board  several  let- 
ters from  Governor  Clinton,  inclosing  accounts  from 
Col.  Johnson,  and  from  the  commanding  officer  at 
Oswego,'  that  a  large  Armament  of  French  and  In- 
dians had  passed  by  that  Fort,  destinated,  as  was  su.s- 
pected,  for  Ohio,  in  order  to  take  Possession  of  that 
Country,  and  to  build  Forts  on  that  River;  where- 
upon he  had  dispatched  Messengers  to  the  Governors 
of  Maryland  and  Virginia,  and  likewise  Mr.  West 
was  sent  to  Sasquehannah,  there  to  procure  and 
send  away  two  Messengers,  one  by  Patowmack,  and 
the  other  by  Juniata  to  Ohio,  to  give  the  Indians  no- 
tice of  this,  and  to  put  them  on  their  guard."  • 

Information  was  also  received  by  Andrew  Montour, 
who  had  then  just  come  in  from  the  country  of  the 
Six  Nations,  to  the  effect  "  that  he  found  the  India 
not  a  little  intimidated  at  the  large  armament  of 
French  and  Indians  which  had  gope  by  Oswego,  on 
their  way  to  Ohio,  especially  after,' hearing  what  was 
said  by  seven  Indians  who  came;  into  Council  while 
he  was  present  and  declared,they  were  sent  by  the 
Governor  of  Canada  to  intbrm  their  Council  that  the 


The  comnmiidiug  officffV«ferred  to  (Lieut.  Holland)   wrote  as  fol- 


"Oswego,  May  15, 1753. 

"  Yesterdny  piissed  by  here  thirtj'  odd  Frencli  canoes,  part  of  an  Army 
going  to  Bell  Kiviere  to  make  good  their  claim  there  ;  auil  by  a  French- 
nmn  who  passed  this  also  yesterday,  on  his  way  to  Cajoclm,  gave  me  the 
following  account,  which  he  said  he  learned  from  common  Report  iu 
Canada,  viz.  ■  That  the  Army  consisted  of  Six  Thousand  French,  com- 
manded by  Monsieur  Martin,  who  is  ordered  to  Ohio  to  settle  the  Limits 
between  US  and  them;  that  they  lay  claim  on  all  the  Landsonany  of  the 
Rivers  or  Creeks  descendingor  terminating  iu  the  great  Lake;  that  if  be 
meet  with  any  opposition,  he  is  to  make  good  hie  claim  by  Force  of  Arms, 
and  to  build  Fort*  in  such  Places  as  he  shall  think  most  cunveuient  to 
secure  their  Right ;  that  one  Fort  is  to  be  built  at  Kasauosaij'ogo  (a  car- 
rying Place),  and  another  at  Dioutan.>go;  they  are  also  to  oblige  all  the 
English  they  meet  with,  whether  Traders  or  othere,  to  evacuate  the 
Place,  as  they  look  upon  all  we  possess  now  as  their  undoubted  Right, 
which  they  mean  to  support  by  Foi-ceuf  Arms.  ..." 

2  Col.  Kec,  voL  v.  pp.  607-S. 



'        rli 

Kiag  of  France,  tbeir  Master,  had  raised  a  number  of 
soldiers  to  cliastise  the  Twightwees  and  drive  away 
all  the  English  traders  from  Ohio,  and  take  those 
lands  under  their  own  care,  because  the  Indians  acted 
a  foolish  part,  and  had  not  Sense  enough  to  take  care 
of  their  own  Lauds.  It  is  true,  Mr.  Montour  said, 
they  ordered  those  seven  Indians  to  tell  the  Governor 
of  Canada  they  would  not  suffer  him  to  build  Forts 
there,  nor  take  possession  of  those  Lands,  nor  drive 
away  the  English  ;  that  those  Lands  belonged  to  the 
Indians,  and  that  neither  French  nor  English  should 
have  anything  to  do  with  them  ;  that  the  Indians 
were  owners  of  the  soil,  and  independent  of  both,  and 
would  keep  the  Lands  in  their  own  hands;  but  not- 
withstanding this  answer,  Mr.  Montour  said  he  saw 
plainly  the  Indians  were  frighted,  and  that  there  was 
a  strong  party  for  the  French  among  the  Indians, 
and  the  Senecas  particularly  were  in  their  interest 
and  countenanced  the  proceeding." 

On  the  2oth  of  May  further  intelligence  of  the  ad- 
vance of  the  French  towards  the  Allegheny  was 
brought  to  Philadelphia  by  Michael  Taafe  and  Robert 
Callender,  Indian  traders,  who  had  just  returned  from 
the  head  of  the  Ohio.  Callender  reported  that  on  the 
7th  of  that  month,  when  he  was  at  Pine  Creek,  about 
twenty  miles  from  the  Indian  village  of  Logstown,  on 
the  Ohio,  in  company  with  Capt.  William  Trent,  of 
Virginia,  George  Croghan,  and  several  other  traders, 
they  received  a  letter  addressed  to  all  the  traders  by 
John  Eraser,  also  a  trader,  living  at  Weuingo  (Ve- 
nango), about  one  hundred  miles  up  the  Allegheny, 
which  letter  informed  them  that  he  (Fraser)  had  re- 
ceived intelligence  from  the  Mingo  Indians  "that 
there  were  then,  and  had  been  since  March  last,  one 
hundred  and  fifty  French  and  Indians  at  a  carrying- 
place'  which  leads  from  Niagara  to  the  heads  of  the 
io,  building  canoes  and  making  other  preparations 
for  the  reeeption  of  a  large  body  of  French  and  In- 
dians who  were.-expected  there  every  day  with  eight 
pieces  of  brass  cannon  and  a  large  quantity  of  ammu- 
nition and  provisions ;  that  on  the  8th  of  May  they 
received  full  confirmation  of  the  above  account  by 
two  Indians  who  were  seat  by  the  Council  at  Onon- 
daga to  give  the  Ohio  Indians  notice  of  the  prepara- 
tions the  French  were  making  to  attack  them."  When 
this  intelligence  came  to  the  villages  on  the  Ohio 
there  was  great  excitement  among  the  Indians,  and 
one  of  the  Miiigoe.s  at  Logstown  went  to  a  French- 
man^ who  had  been  there  for  some  time^.told  him  of 

1  At  Cliautauqua  Lake,  New  York. 

~  The  person  referred  to,  who  was  known  among  the  Indians  as  "  the 
White  Frenchman,"  was  Monsienr  La  Force,  the  same  one  who  was  witli 
JumoQville  when  Col.  Washington  attacked  and  killed  the  latter  near 
Fort  Necessitj',  in  May,  1754,  and  who  in  several  accounts  is  mentioned 
as  having  been  then  in  command  of  the  French  force.  On  this  occasion 
he  had  comeamong  the  Indians  at  Logstown  to  secure  their  alliance  with 
the  French,  and  having  failed  to  accomplish  it  had  become  abusive  to 
them.  In  the  Colonial  Records,  vol.  vi.  pjtge  22,  is  given  "  A  speech 
made  by  Monsieur  La  Force,  the  French  Gentleman  tliat  was  at  Logs 
Town  when  Mr.  Montour  and  I  [George  Croghan]  left  it,  to  the  Sis  Na- 
tions there,"  viz. : 

the  news,  and  said  that  he  (the  Frenchman)  had  been 
amusing  the  Indians  during  the  past  winter  with 
stories  "  as  sweet  as  if  his  tongue  was  sweetened  with 
sugar,"  but  warned  him  that  he  should  certainly  be 
the  first  man  to  lose  his  .scalp  if  liis  countrymen 
should  make  any  attempt  to  attack  the  Indians  or 
their  friends,  the  English. 

The  French  forces  which  had  been  seen  passing 
through  Lake  Ontario  and  at  the  Chautauqua  carry- 
ing-place moved  by  the  same  route  which  had  been 
pursued  by  Celeron  four  years  before  to  the  Alle- 
gheny, and  down  that  river  to  Weningo  (Venango), 
where  they  at  once  proceeded  to  erect  a  stockade 

Another  French  force  disembarked  at  a  point  far- 
ther west  on  Lake  Erie,  moved  across  the  country  to 
French  Creek,  then  called  La  Riviere  aux  Boeufs,  and 
built  upon  that  stream  the  fort  called  by  them  Le 
Breuf.  Both  these  forts  were  finished  before  the  end 
of  September,  that  at  Venango  being  completed  as 
early  as  August,  as  is  shown  by  the  following  extract 
from  a  letter  written  by  John  Fraser  (the  trader  who 
had  formerly  been  located  at  Venango,  but  was  driven 
away  from  there  by  the  French)  to  Mr.  Young,^ 
dated  "Forks  [present  site  of  Pittsburgh],  Aug.  27, 
1753,"  viz. : 

"...  Capt.  Trent  was  here  the  night  before  last, 
and  viewed  the  ground  the  fort  is  to  be  built  upon, 
which  they  will  begin  in  less  than  a  month's  lime.* 
The  money  has  been  laid  out  for  the  building  of  it 
already,  and  the  great  guns  are  lying  at  Williamsburg, 
Va.,  ready  to  bring  up. 

"  The  French  are  daily  deserting  from  the  new 
Fort.  One  of  them  came  here  the  other  day  with 
Capt.  Trent;  he  has  him  along  with  him  to  Virginia; 
he  has  given  the  true  Account  of  the  Number  of  the 
French  and  all  their  Designs ;  there  are  exactly 
Twenty-Four  Hundred  of  them  in  all ;  here  is  in- 
clo.sed  the  Draught  of  the  Fort  the  French  built  a 
little  way  the  other  side  of  Sugar  Creek,  not  far  from 
Weningo,  where  they  have  Eight  Cannon.  .  .  .  The 
Captain  of  the  French  that  took  John  Trotter  from 

"  Children, — I  came  here  to  know  your  minds,  whether  you  intend  to 
side  with  the  English  or  not;  and  without  asking  you  I  am  convinced 
that  you  have  throwm  away  your  fathers  and  taken  to  your  brothers, 
the  English.  I  tell  you  now  that  you  have  but  a  short  time  to  see  the 
Sun,  for  in  twenty  days  you  and  your  brothers  the  English  shall  all 
die  I" 

Whereupon  the  speaker  of  the  Six  Nations  made  him  this  reply, — 

"Fathers,— You  tell  us  in  twenty  days  we  and  our  Brethren  the 
English  must  all  die.  I  believe  you  speak  true,llint  is,  yott  intend  to  kilt 
us  if  yon  can  ;  but  I  tell  you  to  be  Strong  and  bring  down  yonr  Soldiers^ 
foi'  We  are  ready  to  receive  you  in  battle,  but  not  in  Peace.  We  are  not 
afraid  of  you,  and  after  an  Engagement  you  will  know  who  are  the  best 
Men,  you  or  we." 

3  Colonial  Records,  v,  G.59. 

*  Referring  to  a  fort  which  the  Ohio  Company  were  preparing  to  build 
at  the  confluence  of  the  Monongahela  and  Allegheny. 

It  was  not,  however,  commenced  "in  less  than  a  month's  time"  from 
that  date  as  told  in  the  letter,  but  was  commenced  in  the  following  Feb- 
ruary by  the  same  Capt.  Trent,  and  surrendered  to  the  French  before 
completion,  as  will  be  noticed  hereafter.  It  then  became  the  historic 
Fort  Ou  Quesne. 



Weningo  was  the  White  French  Man  that  lived  last 
Winter  at  Logs  Town."  This  last  named  being  the 
same  one  (La  Force)  before  mentioned  as  having 
been  threatened  by  the  Indian  with  the  less  of  his 
scalp  if  his  countrymen  should  make  any  attempt  to 
attack  the  Indians  or  their  English  friends. 

Tiie  alarm  ofthe  Indians  at  the  head  of  the  Ohio  was 
very  great  when  they  heard  of  the  building  of  the 
forts  at  Le  Bwuf  and  Venango,  and  of  the  large 
French  force  which  was  gathered  at  the  two  posts. 
The  old  Half-King,  Tanacharison  (an  Iroquois  sachem 
living  at  Logstown,  and  representing  the  power  of 
the  Six  Nations  on  the  Ohio),  immediately  went  up 
the  Allegheny  to  remonstrate  with  the  French  com- 
mandant at  Le  Btt'uf  against  the  occupation  of  the 
country  belonging  to  the  Indians,  but  the  French 
officer  treated  him  very  contemptuously,  told  him  the 
country  was  owned  by  the  king,  his  master,  "  and  dis- 
charged him  home,  and  told  him  he  was  an  Old 
Woman,  and  that  all  his  nation  was  in  their  [the 
French]  Favour  only  him,  and  if  he  would  not  go 
home  he  would  put  him  in  Irons.  He  came  home 
and  told  the  English  to  go  off  the  place,  for  fear  they 
should  be  hurt,  with  Tears  in  his  Eyes."  And  when 
other  chiefs  afterwards  went  up  the  river  to  warn  the 
French  to  abandon  their  designs,  the  commandant 
treated  them  in  much  the  same  way  in  which  he  had 
treated  the  Half-King.  "  But  this  I  will  tell  you," 
said  he,  "lam  commanded  to  build  four  strong  houses, 
viz. :  at  Weningo,  Monoiigalio  Forks,  Logs  Town, 
and  Beaver  Creek,  and  this  I  will  do."' 

On  learning  of  the  great  alarm  of  the  Indians  at 
the  Forks  of  the  Ohio,  and  knowing  them  to  be  stead- 
fast in  their  friendship  for  the  English,  Governor 
Dinwiddie,  of  Virginia,  immediately  sent  them  "  One 
hundred  Small  Arms,  Powder,  Shot,  and  some  Cloath- 
ing,"  to  be  placed  in  charge  of  Capt.  William  Trent, 
Christopher  Gist,  and  Andrew  Montour,  "  who  were 
empowered  to  distribute  them  to  the  Indians  as  their 
Occasion  and  Behaviour  should  require."  The  Gov- 
ernor of  Pennsylvania  too,  on  receiving  the  intelli- 
gence conveyed  in  John  Eraser's  letter  of  August 
27th  (before  quoted),  laid  the  matter  before  the  As- 
sembly, who  thereupon  voted  £800,  to  be  placed  in 
the  Governor's  hands,  and  expended  by  him  at  his 
discretion  for  the  safety  of  the  Indians  and  traders  at 
the  Forks  of  the  Ohio,  the  confluence  of  the  Allegheny 
and  Monongahela. 

The  intelligence  of  the  aggressive  movements  of 
the  French  caused  the  English  home  government  to 
adopt  more  energetic  measures  than  had  previously 
been  employed  to  meet  and  resist  their  advance  into 
the  Ohio  River  country.  Among  the  official  commu- 
nications addressed  by  the  Earl  of  Holderness,  sec- 
retary of  state,  to  the  governors  ofthe  several  Ameri- 
can provinces  was  one  to  Governor  Dinwiddle,  of 
Virginia,  containing  directions  concerning  the  French 

encroachments.  The  letter  of  the  secretary  was  sent 
by  a  government  ship,  and  reached  Dinwiddie  in  Oc- 
tober, 17r)3.  In  pursuance  of  the  instructions  con- 
tained, the  Governor  appointed  and  commissioned^ 
George  Washinoton,  then  a  youth  of  only  twenty- 
one  years,  but  one  of  the  adjutants-general  of  the 
military  forces  of  Virginia,  as  bearer  of  dispatches  to 
the  commanding  officer  of  the  intruding  French  on 
the  Ohio  ;■'  charged,  also,  with  the  duty  of  ascertain- 
ing the  numbers  and  equipment  of  the  French  forces 
there,  what  forts,  if  any,  they  had  erected,  and  vari- 
ous other  items  of  military  intelligence,  which  are 
made  clear  in  his  letter  of  instructions,  of  which  the 
following  is  a  copy : 

'■  Wlu-rmi-1.  I  have  received  iiiformatioii  of  a  body  of  French  forces 
lieiug  aasenililoil  iti  a  hostile  niunnor  on  tim  river  Ohio,  intending  by 
force  of  anna  to  erect  certain  forts  on  the  said  river  within  titis  terri- 
tory, and  contrary  to  the  dignity  and  peace  of  our  sovereign,  the  King 
of  Groat  Britain, 

"  These  are  therefore  to  require  and  direct  you,  the  said  George  Wash- 
ington, forthwith  to  repair  to  Logstown,  on  the  said  river  Ohio,  and, 
having  there  informed  yourself  where  the  said  French  forces  have  posted 
themselves,  thereupon  to  proceed  to  such  place,  and,  being  there  arrived, 
to  present  yo\ir  credentials,  together  with  uiy  letter,  to  the  chief  com- 
mauding  offlcer,  and  in  the  name  of  his  Britauuic  Majcoty  to  demand 
an  auswer  thereto. 

"On  your  arrival  at  Logstown  you  are  to  address  yourself  to  the  Half- 
King,  to  Monacatoocha,  and  the  other  sachems  of  the  Six  Nations,  ac- 
quainting them  with  your  orders  to  visit  and  deliver  my  letter  to  the 
French  commanding  officer,  and  desiring  the  said  chiefs  to  appoint  you 
a  sufficient  number  of  their  warriors  to  be  your  safeguard  as  near  the 
French  as  you  may  desire,  and  to  wait  your  further  direction. 

"You  are  diligently  to  inquire  into  the  numbers  and  force  of  the 
French  on  the  Ohio  and  the  adjacent  country  ;  how  they  are  likely  to  be 

1  Colonial  Records,  v.  6G7. 

~  Following  is  a  copy  of  the  c 
"To  George  Washington,  Esquiee,  one  or  the  Adjutants-General 
OF  the  Tkoops  and  Forces  in  the  Colont  op  Virginia. 

"  I,  reposing  especial  trust  and  confidence  in  the  ability,  conduct,  and 
fidelity  of  you,  the  said  George  Washington,  have  appointed  you  my 
express  messenger;  and  you  are  hereby  authorized  and  empowered- 
to  proceed  hence  with  all  convenient  and  possible  dispatclut<Hi»-|ll[^^ 
or  place  on  the  river  Ohio  where  the  French  have  lat^J^'Srected  a  fort  ' 
or  forts,  or  where  the  commandant  ofthe  French  fojwte  resides,  in  order 
to  deliver  my  letter  and  message  to  him  ;  and  Al^wailing  not  exceed- 
ing one  week  for  an  auswer,  you  are  to  tak«Our  leave  and  return  im- 
mediately back.  W 

"  To  this  commission  I  have  set  my  hand  and  caused  the  great  seal  of 
this  dominion  to  be  affixed,  at  the  city  of  Williamsburg,  the  seat  of  my 
government,  this  30tb  day  of  October,  in  the  twenty-seventh  year  ofthe 
reign  of  his  Majesty  George  tl^  Second,  king  of  Great  Britain,  *c.,  ic, 
anuoque  Domini  1753.       ^^^  Robert  Dinwiddie." 

.\nd  the  following  was  Se  tenor  of  the  Govenior's  passport : 
"  To  all  to  ivhoiii  ^eapresenls  may  come  or  concern,  greeting: 

"  Whereas,  I  have  appointed  George  Washington,  Esquire,  bv  commis- 
sion under  the  great  seal,  my  express  messenger  to  the  commandant  of 
the  French  forces  ou  the  river  Ohio,  and  as  he  is  charged  with  business 
of  great  importance  to  his  Majesty  and  this  dominion, 

"  I  do  hereby  command  all  his  Mtyesty's  subjects,  and  particularly  re- 
quire all  in  alliance  and  amity  with  the  crown  of  Great  Britain,  and  all 
othera  to  whom  this  passport  may  come,  agreeably  to  the  law  of  nations, 
to  bo  aiding  and  assisting  as  a  safeguard  to  the  said  George  Washington 
and  his  attendants  in  his  present  passage  to  and  from  the  river  Ohio  as 
aforesaid.  Robert  Dimwiddie." 

3  He  had  previously  sent  Capt.  William  Trent  on  a  similar  errand.  In 
a  letter  to  the  Lords  of  Trade  he  said,  "  My  hist  to  you  was  on  the  16th 
of  June,  to  which  I  beg  you  to  be  referred.  .  .  .  The  person  sent  as  a 
commissioner  to  the  commandant  of  the  French  forces  neglected  his 
duty,  and  went  no  farther  than  Logstown  on  the  Ohio.  He  reports  the 
French  were  then  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles  farther  up  the  river,  and 
I  believe  was  ali^d  to  go  to  theiu." 




assisted  from  Canada;  and  are  the  difficulties  and  conveniences  of 
that  communication,  and  the  time  required  for  it. 

"  You  are  to  take  care  to  be  truly  informed  what  forts  the  French 
have  erected,  and  where;  how  they  are  garrisoned  and  appointed,  and 
what  is  their  distance  from  each  other,  and  from  Logstown;  and  from 
the  best  intelligence  you  can  procure,  you  are  to  learn  what  gave  occa- 
sion to  this  expedition  of  the  French  ;  how  they  are  likely  to  be  sup- 
ported, and  what  their  pretensions  are. 

""When  the  French  commandant  has  given  you  the  required  and  nec- 
essary dispatches,  you  are  to  desire  of  him  a  proper  guard  to  protect 
you  as  far  on  your  return  as  you  may  judge  for  your  safety  against  any 
straggling  Indians  or  hunters  that  may  be  ignorant  of  youi  character 
and  mole°»t  you.    Wishing  you  good  success  in  your  negotiation,  and 

safe  and  speedy  return,  I  am,  &c. 

"  Robert  Dinwiddie. 

"  WiLLlAMSBtiEa,  30  October,  1753." 

On  the  day  of  his  appointment  Washington  left 
Williamsburg,  and  on  the  31st  reached  Fredericks- 
burg, Va.,  where  he  employed  Jacob  Van  Braam  as  a 
French  interpreter.  The  two  then  went  to  Alexan- 
dria, where  some  necessary  purchases  were  made. 
Thence  they  proceeded  to  Winchester,  where  pack- 
horses  were  purchased;  after  which  they  rode  to 
Wills'  Creek  (Cumberland,  Md.),  arriving  there  on 
the  14th  of  November.  "Here,"  said  Washington 
in  his  journal  of  the  tour,  "  I  engaged  Mr.  Gist'  to 
pilot  us  out,  and  also  hired  four  others  as  servitors,— 
Barnaby  Currin  and  John  McQuire,  Indian  traders, 
Henry  Steward,  and  William  Jenkins ;  and  in  couj- 
pany  with  these  persons  left  the  inhabitants  the  next 

The  party,  now  including  seven  persons,  moved 
from  Wills'  Creek  in  a  northwesterly  direction,  and 
proceeded  by  way  of  Gist's  place  -  to  Fraser's,  on  the 
Mouongahela  at  the  mouth  of  Turtle  Creek.  They 
had  found  the  traveling  through  the  wilderness  so 
difficult  that  the  journey  to  this  point  from  Wills' 
Creek  occupied  a  week.  Referring  to  this  part  of  the 
route  the  journal  says,  "  The  excessive  rains  and  vast 
qtlantities.  of  snow  which  have  fallen  prevented  our 
reaching  ifei.  Fraser's,  an  Indian  trader,  at  the  mouth 
of  Turtle  Creek,-'on  Monongahela  Kiver,  till  Thurs- 
day, the  22d.  We  were  informed  here  that  expresses 
had  been  sent  a  few  days  before  to  the  traders  down 
the  river,  to  acquaint  them  with  the  French  general's 
death,  and  the  return  of  the  major  part  of  the  French 
army  into  winter-quarters.  The  waters  were  quite 
impassable  without  swimming  our  horses,  which 
obliged  us  to  get  the  loan  of  a  canoe  from  Fraser,  and 
to  send  Barnaby  Currin  and  Henry  Steward  down  the 
Monongahela  with  our  baggage  to  meet  usat  the  Forks 
of  the  Ohio." 

Crossing  the  Allegheny,  Washington  found  Shin- 
giss,  the  Delaware  king,  who  accompanied  the  party 
to  Logstown,  which  they  reached  in  twenty-five  days 
from  Williamsburg.     On  their  arrival  they  found  the 

1  ChristophfJr  Gist,  agent  of  the  "  Ohio  Company,"  who,  a  few  months 
previously— in  1763— had  located  and  built  a  cabin  near  the  centre  of 
the  territory  of  the  present  county  of  Fayette,  at  the  place  now  known 
as  Mount  Braddock. 

!  "  According  to  the  best  observation  I  could  make,"  said  Washington 
in  his  journal,  "  Mr.  Gist's  new  settlement  (which  we  passed  by)  bears 
about  west-northwest  seventy  miles  from  Wills'  Creek." 

Indian  Monakatoocha,  but  the  Half-King  was  absent, 
hunting.  Washington  told  the  former,  through  his 
Indian  interpreter,  John  Davidson,  that  he  had  come 
as  a  messenger  to  the  French  general,  and  was  ordered 
to  call  and  inform  the  sachems  of  the  Six  Nations  of 
the  fact.  The  Half-King'  was  sent  for  by  runners, 
and  at  about  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  of  the  ■ 
25th  he  came  in,  and  visited  Washington  in  his  tent, 
where,  through  the  interpreter,  Davidson,  he  told  him 
that  it  was  a  long  way  to  the  headquarters  of  the 
French  commandant  on  the  Allegheny.  "He  told 
me,"  says  the  journal,  "  that  the  nearest  and  levelest 
way  was  now  impassable  by  reason  of  many  large 
miry  savannahs ;  that  we  must  be  obliged  to  go  by 
Venango,  and  should  not  get  to  the  near  fort  in  less 
than  five  or  six  nights'  sleep,  good  traveling."  He 
told  Washington  that  he  must  wait  until  a  proper 
guard  of  Indians  could  be  furnished  him.  "The 
people  whom  I  have  ordered  in,"  said  he,  "  are  not 
yet  come,  and  cannot  until  the  third  night  from  this; 
until  which  time,  brother,  I  must  beg  you  to  stay.  I 
intend  to  send  the  guard  of  Mingoes,  Shannoahs, 
and  Delawares,  that  our  brothers  may  see  the  love 
and  loyalty  we  bear  them." 

Washington  was  anxious  to  reach  his  destination  at 
the  earliest  possible  time,  but,  in  deference  to  the 
wishes  of  the  friendly  Tanacharison,  he  remained 
until  the  30th  of  November,  when,  as  it  is  recorded 
in  the  journal,  "We  set  out  about  nine  o'clock  with 
the  Half-King,  Jeskakake,  White  Thunder,  and  the 
Hunter,  and  traveled  on  the  road  to  Venango,  where 
we  arrived  the  4th  of  December,  without  anything 
remarkable  happening  but  a  continued  series  of  bad 
weather.  This  is  an  old  Indian  town,  situated  at  the 
mouth  of  French  Creek,  on  Ohio,  and  lies  near  north 
about  sixty  miles  from  Logstown,  but  more  than 
seventy  the  way  we  were  obliged  to  go." 

On  the  7th  the  party  set  out  from  Venango  for  the 
French  fort,  and  reached  it  on  the  11th,  having  been 
greatly  impeded  "by  excessive  rains,  snows,  and  bad 
traveling  through  many  mires  and  swamps."  On 
the  12th,  Washington  waited  on  the  commander  (M. 
Legardeur  de  St.  Pierre,'  a  Knight  of  St.  Louis),  ac- 
quainted him  with  the  business  on  which  he  came, 
and  in  the  afternoon  exhibited  his  commission,  and 
delivered  the  letter  from  Governor  Dinwiddle.  While 
it  was  being  translated  he  employed  his  time  in  tak- 
ing the  dimensions  of  the  fort  and  making  other 
observations  with  which  he  was  charged.  In  the 
evening  of  the  14th  he  received  the  answer  of  the 
commandant  to  the  Governor;  but  although  he  was 
now  ready  to  set  out  on  his  return,  he  could  not  get 
away  until  the  second  day  after  that,  as  the  French, 

3  Tanacharison,  the  Half-King,  was  and  always  continued  to  be  a  firm 
and  steadfast  friend  of  the  English,  but  he  lived  less  than  a  year  from 
the  time  when  Washington  met  him  at  Logstown.  His  death  ficcurred 
at  Harrisburg,  Pa.  (then  Harris'  Ferry),  in  October,  1754. 

*  This  was  not  the  same  commandant  who  had  previously  abused  the 
Half-King  and  called  him  an  "Old  Woman,"  that  officer  having  died 
about  two  mouths  before. 



although  treating  him  with  the  greatest  outward  show 
of  politeness,  were  using  every  artifice  with  his  In- 
dians to  seduce  them  from  their  allegiance  and  friend- 
ship to  the  English,  and  were  constantly  plying  them 
with  brandy,  which  made  the  Indians  loth  to  leave 
the  place.  Washington  could  not  well  go  without 
them,  and  even  if  he  could  have  done  so,  he  would 
have  been  very  unwilling  to  leave  them  behind  liim, 
subject  to  the  dangerous  influence  of  the  French  offi- 
cers and  French  brandy. 

Finally,  on  the  16th,  he  induced  the  Half-King  and 
other  Indians  to  leave,  and  set  out  from  the  fort  for 
Venango,  which  was  reached  on  the  22d.  There  the 
chiefs  were  determined  to  remain  for  a  time,  and 
therefore  Washington's  party  was  compelled  to  pro- 
ceed without  them,  accompanied  only  by  the  Indian, 
Young  Hunter,  whom  the  Half-King  had  ordered  to 
go  with  them  as  a  guide.  The  journal  of  Washington 
narrates  the  events  of  this  stage  of  the  journey  as 
follows:  "  Our  horses  were  now  so  weak  and  feeble, 
and  the  baggage  so  heavy  (as  we  were  obliged  to  pro- 
vide all  the  necessaries  which  the  journey  would  re- 
quire), that  we  doubted  much  their  performing  it. 
Therefore,  myself  and  the  others,  except  the  drivers, 
who  were  obliged  to  ride,  gave  up  our  horses  for  packs 
to  assist  along  with  the  baggage.  I  put  myself  in  an 
Indian  walking-dress,  and  continued  with  them  three 
days,  until  I  found  there  was  no  probability  of  their 
getting  home  in  reasonable  time.  The  horses  became 
less  able  to  travel  every  day,  the  cold  increased  very 
fast,  and  the  roads  were  becoming  much  worse  by  a 
deep  snow,  continually  freezing;  therefore,  as  I  was 
uneasy  to  get  back  to  make  report  of  my  proceed- 
ings to  his  Honor,  the  Governor,  I  determined  to  pros- 
ecute my  journey  the  nearest  way  through  the  woods 
on  foot.  Accordingly  I  left  Mr.  Van  Braam  in  charge 
of  our  baggage,  with  money  and  directions  to  provide 
necessaries  from  place  to  place  for  themselves  and 
horses,  and  to  make  the  most  convenient  dispatch  in 
traveling.  I  took  my  necessary  papers,  pulled  off  my 
clothes,  and  tied  myself  up  in  a  watch-coat.  Then, 
with  gun  in  hand  and  pack  on  my  back,  in  which 
were  my  papers  and  provisions,  I  set  out  with  Mr. 
Gist,  fitted  in  the  same  manner,  on  Wednesday,  the 

On  the  following  day  the  two  travelers  fell  in  with 
a  party  of  French  Indians,'  one  of  whom  fired  on 

1  Gist,  Ijowever,  in  his  diary,  does  not  mention  any  party  of  Indians, 
but  only  the  one  who  fired  on  them.  He  says,  "We  rose  early  in  the 
morning  and  set  out  about  two  o'cloclc,  and  got  to  the  Murderiugtown, 
on  the  southeast  fork  of  Beaver  Creek.  Here  we  met  an  Indian  whom 
I  thought  I  had  seen  at  Joncaire's,  at  Venango,  when  on  our  journey  up 
to  the  French  fort.  This  fellow  called  me  by  my  Indiiin  name,  and  pre- 
tended to  be  glad  to  see  me.  I  thought  very  ill  of  the  fellow,  but  did 
not  care  to  let  the  Major  (Washington)  know  I  mistrusted  liim.  But  he 
soon  mistrusted  him  as  much  as  I  did.  ...  It  was  very  light  and  snow 
was  on  the  ground.  The  Indian  made  a  stop  and  turned  about.  The 
Major  saw  him  point  his  gun  at  us,  and  he  fired.  Said  the  Mfyor,  '  Are 
you  shot?'     'No,'  said  I,  upon  which  the  Indian  ran  forward  to  a  big 

them,  but  fortunately  missed.  They  t*)ok  the  fellow 
in  custody,  and  kept  iiim  witli  them  till  nine  o'clock 
at  night,  when  tiiey  let  him  go,  and  they  contin- 
ued on  their  way,  walking  all  night,  to  be  out  of 
reach  of  pursuit.  On  the  next  evening  at  dark 
they  reached  the  Allegheny  just  above  Shannapin's 
town.  In  crossing  the  river  on  an  improvised  craft, 
Washington  was  thrown  off  into  the  icy  current, 
where  the  water  was  ten  feet  deep,  but  saved  himself 
by  catching  at  the  logs  of  the  raft.  They  were  then 
obliged  to  land  on  an  island,  and  to  pa.s3  the  night 
there,  but  in  the  morning  found  the  river  sufficiently 
frozen  to  enable  them  to  cross  in  safety  on  the  ice  to 
the  left  bank  of  the  river.  They  suffered  severely 
from  cold  and  e.^posure,  and  Gist  had  his  fingers 
and  toes  frozen,  but  they  finally  succeeded  in  reach- 
ing Eraser's,  at  the  mouth  of  Turtle  Creek,  on  the 
Monongahela,  in  the  evening  of  the  30th  of  De- 

The  journal  proceeds:  "As  we  intended  to  take 
horses  here  (at  Fraser's),  and  it  required  some  time 
to  find  them,  I  went  up  about  three  miles,  to  the 
mouth  of  the  Youghiogany,  to  visit  Queen  Alli- 
quippa,  who  had  expressed  great  concern  that  we 
passed  her  in  going  to  the  fort.  I  made  her  a 
pre.sent  of  a  watch-coat  and  a  bottle  of  rum,  which 
latter  was  thought  much  the  better  present  of  the 
two.  Tuesday,  the  1st  of  January,  we  left  Mr.  Fra- 
ser's house,  and  arrived  at  Mr.  Gist's,  at  Mononga- 
hela, the  2d,  where  I  bought  a  horse  and  saddle." 
From  Gist's  Washington  proceeded  on  his  return  jour- 
ney, and,  without  experiencing  any  notable  incident 
or  adventure  (except  meeting  a  party  bound  for  the 
Forks  of  the  Ohio  for  the  purpose  of  building  a  fort 
there,  as  will  hereafter  be  noticed),  reached  Williams- 
burg on  the  16th  of  January,  1754,  and  delivered 
the  letter  of  the  French  commandant  to  G^xgra*^ 
Dinwiddie.  ,.-''^  | 

The  preceding  narrative  of  thej6urneying  of  Gov- 
ernor Dinwiddle's  young  envcty  to  and  from  the 
French  fort  "  Le  Boeuf"  is  given  in  these  pages  at 
considerable  length,  less  on  account  of  the  import- 
ance of  the  events  aud  incidents  related  than  be- 
cause it  has  reference  to  the  first  appearance  of  George 
Washington  in  the  territory  west  of  the  AUeghenies, 
which  he  afterwards  frequently  visited,  and  became 
largely  interested  in  as  a  property-owner.  Within 
this  territory  is  the  spot  which  has  become  historic 
as  his  first  battle-ground,  and  here  were  first  disclosed 
his  highest  military  abilities,  in  the  wild  and  disor- 
dered retreat  of  Braddock's  army  from  the  field  of 
disaster  on  the  Monongahela. 

standing  white-oak,  and  begnn  loading  his  gun,  hut  we  wore  soon  irith 
bim.  I  vcmld  have  kilhi  him,  hut  Uie  Major  xeotUd  not  suffer  me.  We  let 
him  charge  his  gun.  We  found  he  put  in  a  ball,  then  we  toot  care  of 





The  result  of  Washington's  expedition  was  to  show 
beyond  all  doubt  that  the  design  of  the  French  was 
to  occupy  in  force  all  the  country  bordering  the  head- 
waters of  the  Ohio  River.  Thereupon  Governor 
Dinwiddle  transmitted  Washington's  statement  to 
England,  and  meanwhile,  without  waiting  for  instruc- 
tions from  the  home  government,  commenced  prepar- 
ations for  raising  a  force  to  be  sent  to  the  "  Forks  of 
the  Ohio"  (Pittsburgh),  to  take  possession  of  thatpoint, 
and  to  construct  a  defensive  work  to  enable  them  to 
hold  the  position  against  the  French.  A  party  had 
already  gone  forward  from  Virginia  across  the  moun- 
tains for  the  same  purpose,  it  being  the  one  alluded 
to  in  Washington's  journal  of  the  trip  to  Le  Boeuf, 
where  he  says,  "  The  6th  [of  January,  on  his  return 
from  Gist's  to  Wills'  Creek]  we  met  seventeen  horses 
loaded  with  materials  and  stores  for  a  fort  at  the  fork 
of  the  Ohio,  and  the  day  after,  some  families  going 
out  to  settle." 

The  first  military  force  that  moved  westward  hav- 
ing the  Ohio  River  for  its  objective-point  was  a  com- 
pany under  Capt.  William  Trent,  which  marched 
from  Virginia  in  January,  1754.  From  Wills'  Creek 
Capt.  Trent  moved  his  force  of  about  thirty-three 
men'  over  the  same  route  which  Washington  had 
traversed  to  Gist's  settlement.  From  Gist's  he  marched 
to  the  Mouongahela,  at  the  mouth  of  Redstone  Creek, 
where  his  men  were  for  a  time  employed  in  erecting 
a  store-house  (called  the  "Hangard")  for  the  Ohio 
Company.  After  completing  it  they  continued  their 
march  to  the  site  of  the  present  city  of  Pittsburgh, 
jwliich  place  they  reached  on  the  17th  of  February, 
land  there  ajet  Christopher  Gist  and  several  others. 
'They  immediately  commenced  work  in  the  construc- 
tion of  the  fort,  preparation  for  which  had  been  begun 
in  the  previous  August,  as  has  been  shown  by  Eraser's 
letter  of  that  date.    But  at  that  time  it  was  the  Ohio 

it  at  ti 

1  That  the  strength  of  Trent's  compa^  did  not  exceed  thirty-three 
men  is  stated  in  the  deposition  (elsewhere  given  in  this  work)  of  Ensign 
(afterwards  Major)  Ward,  the  oflBcer  in  command  when  tlie  company 
and  the  fort  which  they  were  building  at  tlie  head  of  the  Ohio  were  sur- 
rendered to  the  French  about  two  months  later.  Tliere  appears  no 
reason  to  doulit  Ward's  statement,  as  he  was  certainly  in  a  position  to 
know  the  facts ;  and  it  is  ditlicult  to  reconcile  it  with  what  is  found  in  a 
letter  addressed  by  Governor  Dinwiddle,  of  Virginia,  to  Governor  Ham- 
ilton, of  Pennsylvania,  dated  Williamsburg,  March  21, 1764,  and  also  in 
a  letter  from  George  Crogban  to  Governor  Hamilton,  dated  March  23, 
1754.  In  the  letter  first  referred  to  Dinwiddle  says,  "...  In  January 
I  commissioned  William  Trent  to  raise  one  hundred  men ;  he  had  got 
seventy  and  has  begun  a  fort  at  the  forks  of  the  Monongalio."  And 
Croghan  (who  had  then  just  returned  east  from  the  Ohio)  said  in  his  letter, 
"Mr.  Trent  bad  received  a  commission  from  the  Governor  of  Virginia, 
and  had  enlisted  about  seventy  men  before  I  left  Ohio.  I  left  him  and 
his  men  at  the  mouth  of  Monongalio  buitdiag  a  fort,  which  seemed  to 
give  the  Indians  great  pleasure  and  pnt  them  in  high  spirits''  (Colonial 
Jiecords,  vi.  page  21).  I*erhaps  Croglian  included  soldiers  and  laborers, 
-while  Ward  bad  reference  only  to  tile  lormer.  There  seems  to  be  no 
other  explanation  of  the  discrepancy  in  the  statements. 

Company  who  proposed  to  do  it;  now  it  was  to  be 
done  under  direction  of  the  government  of  Virginia. 

Not  long  after  the  commencement  of  the  work, 
Capt.  Trent  returned  by  way  of  the  Hangard  and 
Gist's  to  Wills'  Creek,  and  Lieut.  Eraser  went  to 
his  home  on  the  Monongahela,  at  the  mouth  of  Turtle 
Creek,  leaving  the  other  commissioned  officer.  En- 
sign Ward,  in  charge  of  the  men  engaged  in  the  con- 
struction of  the  fort. 

The  work  progressed  slowly  (on  account  of  the 
severity  of  the  weather)  for  about  two  months,  when 
suddenly,  on  the  17th  of  April,  Ensign  Ward  found 
himself  confronted  by  a  hostile  force  of  about  seven 
hundred  French  and  Indians,  having  with  them  eigh- 
teen light  pieces  of  artillery.  This  force,  which  had 
come  down  the  Allegheny  River  in  sixty  bateaux 
and  a  great  number  of  canoes,  was  under  command 
of  Capt.  Contrecceur,  who  at  once  demanded  a  sur- 
render of  the  work  and  position.  The  responsibility 
lay  wholly  with  Ward,  as  he  was  the  only  commis- 
sioned officer  with  the  force ;  but  the  Half-King,  Tana- 
charison,  who  was  present,  and  firm  as  ever  in  his 
loyalty  to  the  English,  advised  the  ensign  to  reply  to 
Contrecceur  that  as  he  was  not  an  officer  of  rank,  and 
had  no  authority  to  answer  the  demand,  he  hoped 
that  the  French  commander  would  wait  until  the  ar- 
rival of  his  superior  officer,  whom  he  would  at  once 
send  for.  But  Contrecceur  refused  to  accede  to  this, 
and  demanded  immediate  surrender,  saying  that,  in 
case  of  non-compliance,  he  would  immediately  take 
possession  by  force  of  arms. 

It  was  of  course  impracticable  for  this  ensign's  com- 
mand of  about  thirty-three  men  to  hold  the  position 
against  a  force  of  more  than  twenty  times  their  num- 
ber, with  artillery ;  and,  therefore,  the  unfinished  fort 
was  surrendered'''  without  further  parley.    The  French 

2  The  following  from  the  "  Calendar  of  Virginia  State  Papers  and  other 
Manuscripts,  1652  to  1781,  preserved  in  the  capitol  at  Eicbmond ;  ar- 
ranged and  edited  by  William  Palmer,  M.D.,  under  authority  of  the 
Legislature  of  Virginia,  vol.  i.,  1876,"  gives  authentic  information  as  to 
Captain  Trent's  operations  at  the  head  of  the  Ohio,  and  the  surrender  of 
the  partially  constructed  fort  by  Ensign  Ward  to  the  French  comman- 
der, viz. : 

"  Deposition  taken  March  10, 1777,  at  the  house  of  Mr.  John  Ormsby, 
in  Pittsburgli,  &c.  Agreeable  to  Notice  given  to  Col.  George  Morgan, 
Agent  for  the  Indiana  Company,  before  James  Wood  and  Charles  Simms, 
pursuant  to  a  resolution  of  the  Hon""  the  Convention  of  Virginia  ap- 
pointing them  Commissioners  for  Collecting  Evidence  on  behalf  of  the 
Commonwealth  of  Virginia  against  the  several  Persons  pi-etending  to 
claim  Lands  within  the  Territory  and  Limits  thereof,  under  Deeds  of 
Purchases  from  Indians. 

"Major  Edward  Ward  Deposeth  and  saith  that  in  the  beginning  of 
the  year  1764,  William  Trent  Esquire  was  appointed  by  Governor  Din- 
widdle of  Virginia,  Captain  of  a  Company  to  be  raised,  of  which  this  Depo- 
nent was  appointed  Ensign,  by  the  said  Trent.  Who  assembled  the  Cliiefs 
and  Deputies  of  tiie  Six  Nations,  and  requested  of  them  permission  to 
Erect  a  Trading  House  at  the  Junction  of  the  Allegheny  and  Mononga- 
bale  Rivei-s,  to  carry  on  a  Free  and  open  Trade  with  the  Six  Nations, 
and  their  dependants;  whicii  was  granted  hy  the  said  deputies,  with  this 
restrictiftn,  that  he  was  to  form  no  Settlements  or  improvements  on  the 
said  Land,  but  on  the  Contrary  to  Evacuate  the  same  when  required  by 
the  Six  Nations. 

"  After  wliicli  the  said  Capt.  Trent  inlisted  a  number  of  men  not  ex- 
ceeditig  thirty-three,  and  proceeded  to  erect  a  Fort  at  the  place  before 
mentioned.     That  on  tlie  17tli  of  .-Ipril  following,  and  liefore  the  Fort 



commander  received  Ensign  Ward  with  great  polite- 
ness, invited  him  to  supper  that  evenitiir,  and  enter- 
tained him  for  tlie  night.  On  the  morning  of  the  18th, 
Ward  took  his  departure,  marched  lii.s  men  up  the 
valley  of  the  Monongahela,  and  on  the  19th  arrived 
at  the  mouth  of  Redstone  Creek.  From  that  point 
he  pushed  on  by  way  of  Gist's,  and  thence  to  the  Great 
Crossings  of  the  Youghiogheny,  and  arrived  at  Wills' 
Creek  on  the  22d  of  April.  The  fort  which  Ward 
had  been  compelled  to  surrender  to  Contrecreur  was 
completed  by  the  French  force  with  all  practicable 
dispatch,  and  named  "Fort  Du  Quesne"  in  honor  of 
the  Marquis  Du  Quesne,  the  French  Governor-Gen- 
eral of  Canada. 

Wliile  the  events  already  related  were  in  progress, 
troops,  intended  for  the  occupation  of  the  "  Forks  of 
the  Ohio,"  were  being  raised  and  organized  under  the 
authority  of  Governor  Dinwiddle,  in  Virginia,  and 
the  first  detachment  of  these  was  sent  forward  under 
command  of  Lieut.-Col.  George  Washington,  who,  on 
the  .31st  of  March,  had  received  from  the  Governor  a 
commission  (dated  March  15th)  of  that  grade,  in  the 
Virginia  regiment  of  which  Col.  Joshua  Fry  was  the 
commanding  officer,  with  orders  to  take  the  troo])s 
then  quartered  in  Alexandria,  andto  march  them  to 
the  Ohio,  "there  to  help  Capt.  Trent  to  build  forts, 
and  to  defend  the  possessions  of  his  Majesty  against 
the  attempts  and  hostilities  of  the  French." 

The  detachment  thus  ordered  forward  under  Wash- 
ington consisted  of  two  companies  of  infantry,  com- 
manded respectively  by  Capt.  Peter  Hogg  and  Lieut. 
James  Van  Braam.'  Besides  the  commanding  officer 
and  the  two  company  commandants,  the  force  con- 
sisted of  "  five  subalterns,  two  sergeants,  six  corporals, 
one  drummer,  and  one  hundred  and  twenty  soldiers. 

was  nearly  completed,  this  Deponent,  who  commanded  in  the  absence 
of  Capt.  Trent,  was  put  to  the  necessity  of  surrendering  the  possession 
to  a  Superior  number  of  Troops,  commanded  by  a  French  Officer,  who 
demanded  it  in  the  name  of  tlie  King  of  Franco ;  at  which  time  the  Half- 
King,  and  a  number  of  the  Six  Nations  in  the  English  Interests  were 
present.  This  deponent  further  saith  that  in  the  year  1752,  and  before 
his  surrender  to  the  French,  there  was  a  small  Village,  Inhabited  by  the 
Delawares,  on  the  South  East  side  of  the  Allegheny  River,  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  that  place,  and  that  old  Kittanning,  on  the  same  side  of  the 
said  River,  was  then  Inhabited  by  the  Delawares;  that  about  one-third 
of  the  Shawanese  Inhabited  Loggs  Town  on  the  West  Side  of  the  Ohio, 
and  tended  Corn  on  the  East  Side  of  the  River — and  the  other  part  of 
the  iiatiun  lived  on  the  Scioto  River.  That  the  Deputies  of  the  Six  Na- 
tions after  the  surrender  Joined  the  Virginia  Forces,  Commanded  by 
Colonel  George  "Washington,  who  was  then  on  liis  march  at  the  Little 
Meadows,  and  continued  with  him  in  the  sei-vice  of  Virginia  till  after 
the  defeat  of  Monsieur  La  Force  and  a  party  of  French  Troops  under  his 
Conimand.  And  the  deponent  further  saith  that  subsequent  to  tlie  de- 
feat of  Colo.  Washington  at  the  great  Meadows,  the  Shawanese,  Dela- 
wares, and  many  of  the  Western  Tribes  of  Indians,  and  an  inconsider- 
able number  of  Renegades  of  the  Seneca  Tribe,  one  of  the  Six  Nations, 
joined  the  French,  and  Prosecuted  a  War  against  the  Frontiers  of  the 
States  of  Virginia,  Maryland,  and  Pennsylvjinia,  till  tlie  conclusion  of 
the  Peace  with  the  Indians  in  the  year  17.59,  but  that  he  ever  under- 
stood that  the  Body  of  the  Six  Nations  continued  the  firm  Friends  of 
the  English.  .  .  ." 

1  The  same  person  who.  in  the  preceding  autumn,  had  accompanied 
Washingtou  to  Fort  Le  Bceuf  as  French  interpreter. 

one  surgeon,'  and  one  Swedish  gentleman,  who  was  a 


On  Tuesday,  the  2d  of  April,  at  noon,  the  force 
marched  out  of  Alexandria  with  two  wagon8,  and 
camped  that  night  six  miles  from  the  town.  From 
that  time  nothing  of  note  occurred  in  fifteen  days' 
marching,  exce|)t  that  the  detachment  wa.s  joined  by 
a  small  company  under  Capt.  Stephen,^  bringing  the 
total  strengtli  of  the  command  up  to  about  one  hun- 
dred and  fifty  men. 

Washington  kept  no  regular  journal  on  the  expe- 
dition, but  he  made  hasty  notes  of  many  occurrences  ; 
which  notes  were  captured  by  the  French  at  the  bat- 
tle of  the  Monongahela  in  1755,  and  were  by  them 
preserved  and  published,  though  Washington  said 
afterwards  that  they  had  distorted  parts  of  them. 
One  memorandum,  dated  April  19th,  is  to  this  effect: 
"  Met  an  express  who  had  letters  from  Capt.  Trent,  at 
the  Ohio,*  demanding  a  reinforcement  with  all  speed, 
as  he  hourly  expected  a  body  of  eight  hundred  French.' 
I  tarried  at  Job  Pearsall's  for  the  arrival  of  the  troops, 
where  they  came  the  next  day.  When  I  received  the 
above  express,  I  dispatched  a  courier  to  Col.  Fry,  to 
give  him  notice  of  it. 

"The  20th. — Came  down  to  Col.  Cresap's  [Old Town, 
Md.]  to  order  the  detachment,  and  on  my  route  had 
notice  that  the  fort  was  taken  by  the  French.  That 
news  was  confirmed  by  Mr.  Ward,  the  ensign  of  Capt. 
Trent,  who  had  been  obliged  to  surrender  to  a  body 
of  one  thousand  French  and  upwards,*  under  com- 
mand of  Capt.  Coutreco?ur,  who  was  come  down  from 
Venango  with  sixty  bateaux  and  three  hundred 
canoes,  and  who,  having  planted  eighteen  pieces  of 
cannon  against  the  fort,  afterwards  had  sent  him  a 
summons  to  depart." 

Ensign  Ward,  as  before  mentioned,  arrived  at  Wills' 
Creek  on  the  22d.     Washington,  on  receiving  \Vard'jHk 
account  of  the  surrender  of  the  fort  to  the  French,    1 
convened  a  council  of  war  at  Wills'  Greek  to  deter-     i 
mine  on  the  proper  course  to  be  pursued  in  this  exi- 
gency.    The  council  was  held  on  tie  23d,  and  decided 
"  that  it  would  be  proper  tOk,advance  as  far  as  Eed- 

2  Dr.  James  Craik,  afterwards  the  family  physician  of  Washington,  and 
his  intimate  and  life-long  friend. 

^  Afterwards  Gen.  Stephen,  of  the  Revolutionary  army,  under  Wash- 

*  Capt.  Trent  appeai-s  to  have  attempted  to  conceal  the  fact  that  he  had 
absented  himself  from  his  command  at  the  Forks  of  the  Ohio,  leaving 
Ensign  Ward  in  charge,  an  offonse  for  which  he  was  severely  censured 
by  Governor  Dinwiddle,  who,  on  discovering  it,  proposed  to  have  him 
court-martialed  for  it. 

-''  Reinforcements  had  gone  on  about  that  time  from  Canada  to  the 
Flench  on  the  Allegheny.  On  the  27th  of  March  the  coniniandiug 
ofiicer  at  Oswego  (Lieut.  Holland)  had  sent  notice  that  "an  Indian  from 
Cataraqui  had  seen  a  few  days  before  four  hundred  French  on  their  way 
to  the  Ohio,  and  understood  that  two  bundled  more  were  to  follow." 
Information  was  also  brought  to  Philadelphia  by  Courad  Weiser  from 
the  Ohio  that  the  Six  Nations  had  sent  word  of  three  columns  of  French 
passing  Lake  Ontario  on  their  way  to  the  Ohio,  the  first  column  having 
four  hunilred  men,  the  second  three  hundred,  and  the  third  four  hun- 
dred, and  that  more  were  to  come. 

•J  Ward  overestimated  the  numbers  of  Contrecceur's  force,  as  it  was 
very  natural  that  he  should  do  under  the  circumstauces. 




stone  Creek,  on  Monongahela,  about  thirty-seven 
miles  on  this  side  of  the  fort,  and  there  to  raise  a  for- 
tification, clearing  a  road  broad  enough  to  pass  with 
all  our  artillery  and  baggage,  and  there  to  wait  for 
fresh  orders."  The  reasons  for  this  decision  were, 
"First,  That  the  mouth  of  Redstone  is  the  first  con- 
venient place  on  the  river  Monongahela.  Second,  That 
stores  are  already  built  at  that  place  for  the  provisions 
of  the  company,  wherein  our  ammunition  may  be 
laid  up  ;  our  great  guns  may  be  also  sent  by  water 
whenever  we  should  think  it  convenient  to  attack  the 
fort.  Third,  We  may  easily  (having  all  these  con- 
veniences) preserve  our  people  from  the  ill  conse- 
quences of  inaction,  and  encourage  the  Indians,  our 
allies,  to  I'emain  in  our  interests."  When  the  council 
had  arrived  at  this  decision.  Ensign  Ward  was  sent 
forward  to  acquaint  Governor  Dinwiddle  with  the 
facts  as  well  as  to  make  his  own  report,  taking  with 
him  an  interpreter,  and  one  of  the  young  Indians, 
while  another  Indian  runner  was  sent  to  the  Half- 
King,  at  the  Ohio,  to  notify  him  of  the  projected  ad- 
vance of  the  Virginians.'  "  I  thought  it  proper  also," 
said  Washington,  "  to  acquaint  the  Governors  of 
Maryland  and  Pennsylvania  of  the  news." 

After  a  few  brief  preparations  Washington's  forces 
moved  out  on  the  path  leading  to  the  Great  Crossings 
of  the  Youghiogheny,  cutting  out  the  road  as  they 
proceeded ;  so  that  it  was  not  until  the  9th  of  May 
that  they  reached  the  Little  Crossings  (Castleman's 
River).  While  they  were  at  this  place  (May  11th) 
Washington  sent  out  a  reconnoitring  party  of  twenty- 
five  men,  under  command  of  Capt.  Stephen  and  En- 
sign Peyronie,  with  orders  to  scout  along  the  line  of 
advance,  as  far  as  Gist's  place,  "  to  inquire  where  La 
Force  ^  and  his  party  were  ;  and  in  case  they  were  in 
the  neighborhood,  to  cease  pursuing,  and  take  care  of 
themselves ;"  and,  also,.  "  to  examine  closely  all  the 
woods  ronnd  about,"  and  if  any  straggling  French- 
man should  be  found  away  from  the  others,  to  capture, 
and  bring  him  in  to  be  examined  for  information. 
"  We  were  exceedingly  desirous,"  said  Washington, 
"  to  know  if  there  was  any  possibility  of  sending  down 
anything  by  water,  as  also  to  find  out  some  convenient 
place  about  the  mouth  of  Redstone  Creek,  where  we 
could  build  a  fort." 

Washington's  force  left  the  Little  Crossings  May 
12th,  and  on  the  same  day  he  received,  by  courier, 

1  The  Half-King  had  Bent  hy  Bome  of  his  Indians  to  Washington,  at 
Wills'  Creek,  an  address  or  Bpeech  wilh  belts  of  wampimi.  To  that 
speech  Washington  now  sent  back  by  the  runner  a  written  reply,  as- 
suring him  of  the  friendship  and  gratitude  of  the  English,  and  that  they 
were  moving  towards  the  Ohio  in  force,  and  clearing  a  road  for  a  much 
larger  army  with  great  guns.  He  also  requested  the  Half-King  to  come 
up  and  meet  him  ou  the  way,  to  assist  him  by  his  wise  counsel.  To  this 
request  Tanacharison  responded  by  meeting  Washington  between  the 
Youghiogheny  and  Gist's,  as  will  be  seen. 

-  La  Force  was  a  Frenchman,  who  had  been  sent  out  from  Fort  Du 
Quesne  about  the  1st  of  May  witli  a  small  party  of  French  and  Indians, 
OHtensibly  for  the  l)urpos6  of  capturing  deserters ;  but  Washington,  who 
had  received  information  from  an  Indian  runner  sent  by  the  Half-King, 
believed  they  had  other  purposes  in  view,  and   therefore  ordered  the 

letters  informing  him  that  Col.  Fry  was  ai  Winchester 
with  upwards  of  one  hundred  men,  and  would  start  in 
a  few  days  to  join  the  advance  detachment;  also  that 
Col.  Innis  was  on  the  way  with  three  hundred  and 
fifty  Carolinians.  On  the  16th  the  column  met  two 
traders,  who  said  they  were  fleeing  for  fear  of  the 
French,  parties  of  whom  had  been  seen  near  Gist's. 
These  traders  told  Washington  that  they  believed  it 
to  be  impossible  to  clear  a  road  over  which  wagons  or 
artillery-pieces  could  be  taken  to  the  mouth  of  Red- 
stone Creek.  On  the  17th,  Ensign  Ward  rejoined 
Washington,  having  come  from  Williamsburg,  with 
a  letter  from  the  Governor,  notifying  him  that  Capt. 
Mackay,  with  an  independent  company  of  one  hun- 
dred men,  exclusive  of  officers,  was  on  the  way,  and 
that  he  might  expect  them  at  any  day.  Two  Indians 
came  in  from  "  the  Ohio"  the  same  evening,  and  re- 
ported that  the  French  at  Fort  Du  Quesne  were  ex- 
pecting reinforcements  sufficient  to  make  their  total 
force  sixteen  hundred  men.  Washington  reached  the 
Youghiogheny  on  the  18th,  and  remained  there  five 
days.  On  the  24th,  at  two  o'clock  in  the  afternoon, 
his  force  arrived  at  the  Great  Meadows,  in  what  is 
now  Fayette  County.  In  the  morning  of  that  day, 
when  the  column  was  a  few  miles  southeast  of  the 
Meadows,  two  Indian  runners  came  in  from  the  Ohio 
with  a  message  from  the  Half-King  saying  that  "  the 
French  army"  was  already  on  the  march  from  Fort 
Du  Quesne  to  meet  the  advancing  force  of  Washing- 
ton, and  also  notifying  him  that  Tanacharison  and 
the  other  chiefs  would  soon  be  with  him  to  hold  a 
council,  as  Washington  had  requested  in  the  dispatch 
sent  to  him  from  Wills'  Creek. 

On  the  same  afternoon  that  the  troops  arrived  at  the 
Great  Meadows,  a  trader  came  in  saying  that  he  had 
come  from  Gist's,  where  the  evening  before  he  had 
seen  two  Frenchmen  ;  he  also  knew  that  a  strong 
French  force  was  in  the  vicinity  of  Stewart's  Cross- 
ings on  the  Youghiogheny.  This  report  confirmed 
the  news  received  from  the  Half-King,  and  thereupon 
Washington  decided  to  remain  for  a  time  at  the 
Meadows,  and  avail  himself  of  the  advantage  offered 
by  the  position.  There  were  here,  as  he  said  in  his 
notes,  "  two  natural  intrenchments,"  which  he  caused 
to  be  strengthened  to  some  extent  artificially,  and 
within  these  slight  defenses  he  placed  a  part  of  the 
troops  with  the  wagons.  The  troops  worked  two  or 
three  days  in  strengthening  the  position,  and  on  the 
27th  of  May  Washington  wrote,  "  We  have  with 
nature's  assistance  made  a  good  intrenchment,  and  by 
clearing  the  bushes  out  of  the  meadows  prepared  a 
charming  field  for  an  encounter."  Probably  he  never 
afterwards  used  so  unmilitary  an  adjective  in  describ- 
ing the  construction  and  surroundings  of  a  fortification. 

On  the  25th  several  small  detachments  were  sent 
out  from  the  camp  with  orders  to  reconnoitre  the 
road^  and  the  Indian  trails,  to  examine  the  woods  and 

3  That  is,  the  path  which  had  been  slightly  cleared  by  Ca|it.  Trent 
,nd  the  Ohio  Company's  party  in  the  previous  winter. 



every  part  of  the  country  thoroughly,  "  and  endeavor 
to  get  some  news  of  the  French,  of  their  forces,  and 
of  their  motions."  But  these  parties  returned  in  the 
evening  of  the  same  day  without  having  made  any 

Early  on  the  morning  of  the  27th,  Christopher  Gist  I 
arrived  from  his  plantation,  and  reported  that  at  about 
noon  on  the  preceding  day  a  French  detachment  of 
about  fifty  men  had  visited  his  house  and  committed 
considerable  depredation  there.  He  also  said  he  had 
seen  their  tracks  within  five  miles  of  the  Virgin- 
ians' camp.  On  receipt  of  this  information,  Wash- 
ington sent  out  a  detachment  of  seventy-five  men 
under  Capt.  Hogg,  Lieut.  Mercer,  and  Ensign  Pey- 
ronie in  search  of  the  French  force.  Information 
had  already  been  received  that  a  party  of  Indians, 
under  the  friendly  Half-King,  had  come  up  the  Mo- 
nongahela,  and  was  probably  not  very  far  from  the 
Great  Meadows.  On  the  evening  of  the  27th,  an  In- 
dian messenger  from  Tanacharison  came  to  Wasii- 
ington  witli  the  information  that  the  Half-King — 
whose  camp,  he  said,  was  only  six  miles  away — had 
seen  the  tracks  of  two  Frenchmen,  which  he  followed 
stealthily,  and  had  thereby  discovered  the  French 
party  encamped  in  a  rocky  ravine,  secluded,  and  diffi- 
cult of  access,  and  situated  about  half  a  mile  from  the 

On  receiving  this  intelligence,  Washington  was 
suspicious  that  the  secret  movements  of  the  French 
were  part  of  a  stratagem  to  draw  some  of  his  forces 
away  from  the  camp  and  then  attack  it.  He  there- 
fore ordered  the  ammunition  to  be  placed  in  a  safe 
position,  under  a  guard  strong  enough  to  prevent  it 
from  capture  in  case  of  attack,  and  then  set  out  im- 
mediately, with  the  rest  of  his  men,^  for  the  camp  of 
the  Half-King.  The  night  was  rainy  and  very  dark ; 
the  path  over  which  they  traveled  was  narrow,  rough, 
and  hard  to  distinguish  ;  but  they  persevered,  and  in 
the  morning  at  a  little  before  sunrise  reached  the  Half- 
King's  camp,  where,  at  a  council  held  with  the  old 
sachem,  it  was  determined  to  proceed  at  once  to  at- 
tack the  French  camp. 

The  party  whose  movements  had  been  reported  by 

1  "  On  the  27t)i  of  May  the  Half-King  sent  Col.  Washington  Notice  that 
a  Party  from  the  French  Army  was  hankering  about  liis  Camp;  if  he 
would  march  some  of  his  People  to  join  them,  he  did  not  doubt  of  cutting 
them  off.  Col.  Washington  marched  that  Night  and  came  up  to  the  In- 
dians; one  of  the  Indian  Euuners  tracked  the  French  Men's  Feet  and 
came  up  to  their  Lodgment ;  they  discovered  our  People  about  one  hun- 
dred yards  distant,  tlew  to  their  Arms,  and  a  small  Engagement  ensued. 
We  lost  one  Man  and  another  wounded ;  the  French  had  Twelve  killed 
and  Twenty-one  taken  Prisoners,  who  are  now  in  our  Prison ;  the  In- 
dians scalped  many  of  the  dead  French,  took  up  the  Hatchet  against 
them,  sent  their  Scalps  and  a  String  of  black  Wampum  to  several  other 
Tribes  of  Indians,  with  a  desire  that  they  should  also  take  up  Uie 
Hatchet  against  the  French,  which  I  hope  they  have  done.— L<«er  0/ 
Gov.  Dinwiddie  to  Gov.  Hamilton,  of  Pennsylvania,  dated  June  21, 1854. — 
Colonial  Records,  vi.  p.  55. 

2  Most  accounts  have  it  that  the  force  which  Washington  took  with 
him  on  that  night  consisted  of  only  forty  men  ;  but  the  language  of  his 
notes,  though  not  entirely  clear,  indicate  that  the  number  left  to  guard 
the  ammunition  was  about  forty,  and  that  the  remainder  of  his  force 
accompanied  him  on  the  expedition. 

Gist  and  others  wa.t  the  "  French  army,"  of  whose 
departure  from  Fort  Du  Quesne  Wasliington  had 
been  apprised.  In  some  liistoricai  accounts  of  the 
canii)aign  it  lias  been  stated  that  it  was  under  com- 
mand of  M.  La  Force,  but  this  was  not  the  case;  it 
was  commanded  by  M.  de  Jumonville,'  a  F'rench  en- 
sign, who  was  accompanied  by  La  Force,  but  the  lat- 
ter was  simply  a  volunteer,  and  lield  no  military 
command  in  the  expedition.  Afterwards  the  French 
authorities  and  writers  claimed  that  Jumonville  liim- 
self  was  not  engaged  in  a  military  enterprise,  but  that 
he  was  merely  an  envoy  or  bearer  of  dispatches, 
charged  by  the  commandant  at  Fort  Du  Quesne  with 
the  duty  of  delivering  a  communication  to  the  com- 
manding officer  of  the  English  force,  and  that  the 
military  party  which  accompanied  him  was  acting 
simply  as  his  guard  while  performing  this  service. 
But  if  it  was  simply  a  guard  to  a  peaceful  envoy,  then 
certainly  its  leader  adopted  a  very  strange  course  in 
lurking  near  Washington's  encampment  for  two  days, 
and  hiding  his  men  in  an  obscure  and  gloomy  glen 
among  rocks  and  brushwood. 

It  having  been  determined  to  attack  Jumonville's 
party,  Washington's  men  and  Tanacharison's  Indians 
left  the  headquarters  of  the  latter,  and  inarched  "  In- 
dian file"  to  near  the  French  camp,  where  a  line  was 
formed,  with  the  English  on  the  right  and  the  Indians 
on  the  left,  and  in  this  order  the  combined  forces 
moved  to  the  attack.  It  was  not  a  complete  surprise, 
for  the  French  discovered  their  assailants  before  they 
were  within  rifle-range.  The  right,  under  Washing- 
ton, opened  fire,  and  received  that  of  the  Freuch. 
The  conflict  lasted  only  about  a  quarter  of  an  hour, 

3  Following  is  a  translation  of  the  orders  given  by  M.  de  Contrecceur 
to  Jumonville  for  this  expedition:  ^  •^'^ 

"  Be  it  known  that  the  captain  of  a  company  belonging  to  til*  defech-  I 

nient  of  marines,  commander-in-chief  at    the  Ohio   Fort  Du   Quesne,  I 

Prequ'  Isle,  and  Riviere  aux  Bceufs,  hath  given  orders  to  M.  de  Jumon-  ^    ^ 

ville,  an  ensign  of  the  troops,  to  depart  immediately,  with  one  officer,  ~~l^^ ^^^ 

three  cadets,  one  volunteer  [La  Force],  one  Hoglish  interpreter,  and  "S      "^^ 

ity-eight  men,  to  go  up  as  far  as  the  High  Lands,  and  to  make  what  / 

discovery  he 

I ;  he  shall  keep  along  the  river  Monongahela  in  Peria- 
e  Hangiird,  alter  which  he  shall  march  along  until  he 
finds  the  road  which  leads  to  that  aaid  to  have  been  cleared  by  the  Eng- 
lish. As  the  Indians  give  out  that  the  English  are  on  their  march  to 
attack  us  (which  we  cannot  believe,  since  we  are  at  peace),  should  M. 
de  Jumonville,  contrary  to  our  expectations,  hear  of  any  attempt  in- 
tended to  be  made  by  the  English  on  the  lands  belonging  to  the  French 
King,  he  shall  immediately  go  to  them  and  deliver  them  the  summons 
we  have  given  him.  We  further  charge  him  to  dispatch  a  speedy 
messenger  to  us  before  the  summons  be  read,  to  acquaint  us  of  all  the 
discoveries  he  hath  made,  of  the  day  he  intends  to  read  them  the  sum- 
mons, and  also  to  bring  us  an  answer  from  them,  with  all  possible  dili- 
gence, after  it  is  ref\d. 

"  If  M.  de  Jumonville  should  hear  that  the  English  intend  to  go  on 
the  other  side  of  the  Great  Mountain  [the  Alleghenies]  he  shall  not  pass 
the  High  Lands,  for  we  would  not  disturb  them  in  the  least,  being  de- 
sirous to  keep  up  that  union  which  exists  between  the  two  crowns. 

"  We  charge  M.  de  Jumonville  to  stand  upon  his  guard  against  every 
attempt,  either  from  the  English  or  the  Indians.  If  he  should  meet  any 
Indians,  he  shall  tell  them  he  is  traveling  about  to  see  what  is  transact- 
ing on  thfe  King's  territories,  and  to  take  notice  of  every  road,  and  shall 
show  Hiem  friendship.  Done  at  the  cump  at  Fort  Du  Quesne,  the  2Sd  of 
May,  1754,  (Signed)        CosTKKCiBnil." 




when  the  French  surrendered.  Their  loss  was  ten 
killed  and  one  wounded.  Among  the  killed  was  M. 
de  Jumonville.'  All  the  dead  men  were  scalped  by 
Tanacharison's  Indians.  Washington's  loss  was  one 
man  killed  and  two  wounded. 

The  prisoners,  twenty-one  in  number  (among  whom 
were  La  Force,  M.  Drouillard,  and  two  cadets),  were 
marched  to  the  Half-King's  camp,  and  thence  to  the 
Great  Meadows.  Two  days  later  they  were  sent  to 
Winchester,  Va.,  with  a  guard  of  twenty  men,  under 
command  of  Lieut.  West,  who  was  also  accompanied 
by  Mr.  Spindorph. 

On  the  30th,  Washington  "began  to  raise  a  fort 
with  small  palisadoes,  fearing  that  when  the  French 
should  hear  the  news  of  that  defeat  we  might  be  at- 
tacked by  considerable  forces."  The  defenses  which 
his  men  had  constructed  at  the  Great  Meadows  camp 
prior  to  this  probably  consisted  of  parapets,  formed 
of  logs  (laid  horizontally)  and  earth,  along  the  crests 
of  the  "two  natural  intrenchments,"  which  have  al- 
ready been  mentioned,  and  the  discovery  of  which 
at  the  Great  Meadows,  together  with  the  advantage 
of  a  small  stream  that  flowed  near  them,  seems  to 
have  been  a  principal  reason  for  his  selecting  that 
place  as  a  site  for  his  fortified  camp  and  temporary 
base  of  operations. 

The  little  stockade  which  Washington  built  after 
the  fight  at  Jumonville's  camp  was  evidently  a  very 
slight  and  primitive  affair,  for  on  the  2d  of  June  it  was 
completed,  and  religious  services  were  held  in  it.  In 
the  jirevious  evening  the  Half-King  had  arrived, 
bringing  with  him  some  twenty-five  or  thirty  families 
of  Indians,  who  had  fled  from  the  lower  Mononga- 
hela  and  the  neighborhood  of  Logstown  for  fear  of 
the  vengeance  of  the  French.  The  fugitive  party 
numbered  between  eighty  and  one  hundred  persons, 
including  women  and  children.  Among  them  was 
"Queen"  AUiquippa  and  her  son.  Her  heart  had 
evidently  been  touched  in  its  tenderest  chord  by 
Washington's  present  of  a  bottle  of  rum  to  her  in  the 
preceding  December,  and  now  she  came  to  place  her- 
self under  his  protection,  and  she  doubtless  had  visions 
of  future  favors  from  him.  But  the  presence  of  these 
refugees  was  very  embarrassing  to  the  young  com- 
mander on  account  of  prospective  scarcity  of  pro- 
visions, and  for  many  other  reasons,  and  the  incon- 
venience was  afterwards  increased  by  the  arrival  of 
other  parties  of  non-combatant  Indians.  One  of 
these  was  a  party  of  Shawanese,  who  came  to  the  fort 
on  the  2d  of  June,  and  others  came  in  on  the  5th  and 
6th.  Washington  wished  to  be  disencumbered  of 
these  hangers-on,  and  tried  to  have  a  rendezvous  of 
friendly  Indians  established  at  the  mouth  of  theEed- 

1  Tlio  killiag  of  Jumonville  was  stigmatized  by  the  Frencli  as  the 
assassination  of  a  peaceful  envoy,  and  their  writers  have  covered  thou- 
sands of  pages  witti  accusations  against  Washington  as  commander  of 
the  attaclfing  force.  Even  a  greater  amount  of  writing  lias  been  done 
by  American  historians  to  refute  those  false  allegations.  But  the 
character  of  Wasringto.n  needs  no  vindication,  and  certainly  none  will 
be  offered  in  these  pages. 

stone  Creek,  but  did  not  succeed  in  effecting  his  pur- 

On  the  6th  of  June,  Christopher  Gist  arrived  from 
Wills'  Creek,  with  information  that  Col.  Fry,  com- 
manding officer  of  the  Virginia  regiment,  had  died  at 
that  place  on  the  30th  of  May  while  on  his  way  to  the 
Great  Meadows  with  troops.  By  liis  death  Washing- 
ton succeeded  to  the  command  of  the  regiment.  On 
the  9th,  Maj.  Muse  arrived  from  Wills'  Creek  with 
the  remainder  of  the  regiment  and  ninf  small  swivel- 
guns,  with  ammunition  for  them.  But  although  the 
last  of  the  regiment  had  now  arrived,  the  total  force 
under  Washington  was  but  little  more  than  three 
hundred  men,  in  six  companies,  commanded  respec- 
tively by  Capts.  Stephen,  Jacob  Van  Braam,  Robert 
Strobo,  Peter  Hogg,  Andrew  Lewis,-  Poison,  and 
George  Mercer.  Among  the  subalterns  were  Lieuts. 
John  Mercer  and  Waggoner,  and  Ensigns  Peyronie 
and  Tower.  Maj.  Muse,  as  a  man  of  some  military 
experience,  was  detailed  as  quartermaster,  and  Capt. 
Stephen  was  made  acting  major. 

Maj.  Muse,  on  his  arrival,  reported  that  Capt. 
Mackay,  of_  the  South  Carolina  Royal  Independent 
Company,  had  arrived  with  his  command  at  Wills' 
Creek,  and  was  not  far  behind  him  on  the  march  to 
Great  Meadows.  He  (Mackay)  arrived  on  the  follow- 
ing day  (June  10th),  having  with  him  a  force  of  about 
one  hundred  men,  five  days'  rations  of  flour,  sixty 
cattle  on  the  hoof,  and  a  considerable  supply  of  am- 
munition. As  Capt.  Mackay  was  a  regular  officer  in 
the  royal  service,  he  displayed  from  the  first  a  disin- 
clination to  act  under  the  orders  of  a  "  buckskin 
colonel"  of  Virginia  provincial  troops.  This  feeling 
extended  to  the  private  soldiers  of  the  Carolina  com- 
pany, but  no  act  of  pronounced  •insubordination 
resulted  from  it. 

Two  days  after  the  arrival  of  Capt.  Mackay,  some 
of  Washington's  scouts  brought  in  word  that  they  had 
discovered  a  French  party,  numbering,  by  estimate, 
about  nin'ety  men,  between  Gist's  and  Stewart's  Cross- 
ings of  the  Youghiogheny.  This  intelligence  caused 
the  colonel  to  start  out  with  about  one  hundred  and 
thirty  men  and  thirty  Indians  to  find  them;  but 
before  leaving  the  Meadows  he  took  the  same  pre- 
caution that  he  observed  when  he  went  out  to  attack 
the  party  under  Jumonville, — that  is,  he  directed  all 
his  ammunition  and  stores  to  be  placed  in  the  safest 
possible  position  within  the  palisade,  and  set  a  strong 
guard  over  it,  with  orders  to  keep  the  strictest  watch 
until  his  return  ;  for  he  still  feared  that  the  reported 
movement  by  the  French  was  part  of  a  stratagem  by 
which  they  hoped  to  capture  the  work  in  the  absence 
of  a  large  part  of  its  defenders.  On  moving  out  with 
Ms  party,  however,  he  soon  met  an  Indian  party,  who 

2  Afterwards  Gen.  Lewis,  who  fought  the  battle  of  Point  Pleasant 
in  Dunmore's  war  of  1774.  He  was  a  relative  of  Washington,  and  it  is 
said  that  in  1775  the  latter  recommended  him  for  the  appointment  which 
he  himself  soon  after  received,  that  of  commander-in-chief  of  the  Ameri- 



informed  liim  that  the  alarm  was  unfounded,  for,  that 
instead  of  tlie  reported  party  of  ninety,  there  were  but 
nine  Frenchmen,  and  these  were  deserters.  There- 
upon he  returned  to  tlie  camp,  leaving  a  small  party 
to  take  the  deserters  and  bring  them  in,  which  they 
accomplished  soon  afterwards. 

Finding  that  there  was  as  yet  no  French  force  in 
his  vicinity,  Washington  now  resolved  to  advance 
towards  Redstone,  and  accordingly  on  the  16th 
moved  out  on  the  path  towards  Gist's,  taking  with 
him  his  artillery  pieces,  some  of  the  wagons,  and  all 
his  men  except  the  Carolinians  under  Mackay,  who 
were  left  behind  at  the  fort  to  guard  the  stores.  This 
was  done  to  avoid  a  possible  conflict  of  authority 
with  Mackay,  who  was  indisposed  to  have  his  com- 
pany perform  its  share  of  labor  in  clearing  the  way 
for  the  passage  of  the  train. 

This  labor  was  found  to  be  so  great,  that  the  force 
under  Washington  was  employed  thirteen  days  in 
making  the  road  passable  from  the  fort  to  Gist's, 
though  the  distance  was  only  thirteen  miles.  Before 
reaching  Gist's  (on  the  27th),  Capt.  Lewis  was  sent 
ahead,  with  Lieut.  Waggoner,  Ensign  Mercer,  and  a 
detachment  of  seventy  men,  to  attempt  the  opening 
of  a  practicable  road  beyond  Gist's  towards  Redstone. 
Another  detachment,  under  Capt.  Poison,  was  sent 
out  in  advance  to  reconnoitre. 

On  the  29th  of  June,  Washington  arrived  at  Gist's, 
and  there  received  information  that  a  strong  French 
force  was  advancing  up  the  Monongahela.  Thereupon 
he  at  once  called  a  council  of  war,  at  which  it  was  re- 
solved to  concentrate  all  the  forces  at  that  point,  and 
there  await  the  French  attack.  Intrenchments  were 
immediately  commenced  and  pushed  with  all  possible 
vigor ;  a  messenger  was  sent  to  call  in  Lewis'  and 
Poison's  detachments,  and  another  to  the  Great  Mea- 
dows with  a  request  to  Capt.  Mackay  to  march  his 
force  without  delay  to  Gist's.  He  promptly  responded, 
and  Lewis  and  Poison  also  came  in  the  next  morning. 
On  their  arrival  Washington  called  a  second  council 
of  war,  which  reversed  the  decision  of  the  first,  and 
resolved,  without  a  dissenting  voice,  to  abandon  the 
work  at  Gist's  and  retreat  to  Wills'  Creek,  over  the 
route  by  which  they  had  advanced.  This  decision  was 
at  once  acted  on. 

In  the  retreat,  the  means  of  transportation  being 
very  deficient,  it  is  said  that  "  Colonel  Washington  set 
a  noble  example  to  the  officers  by  leading  his  own 
horse  with  ammunition  and  other  public  stores,  leav- 
ing his  baggage  behind,  and  giving  the  soldiers  four 
pistoles  to  carry  it  forward.  The  other  officers  followed 
this  example.  There  were  nine  swivels,  which  were 
drawn  by  the  soldiers  of  the  Virginia  regiment  over 
a  very  broken  road,  unassisted  by  the  men  belonging 
to  the  Independent  Company  [Mackay'sJ,  who  refused 
to  perform  any  service  of  the  kind.  Neither  would 
they  act  as  pioneers,  nor  aid  in  transporting  the  public 
stores,  considering  this  a  duty  not  incumbent  on  them 
as  king's  soldiers.     This  conduct  had  a  discouraging 

effect  upon  the  soldiers  of  the  Virginia  regiment,  by 
dampening  their  ardor  and  making  them  more  dis- 
satisfied with  their  extreme  fatigue."  ' 

The  journey  between  Gist's  and  the  Great  Meadows, 
which  Washington,  on  liis  outward  march,  had  been 
unable  to  perform  in  less  than  thirteen  days,  was  now 
made  in  less  than  two  days,  notwithstanding  the 
insufficiency  of  transportation  and  the  severe  labor 
which  the  men  were  obliged  to  perform  in  hauling 
the  artillery  pieces  and  military  stores,  and  the  re- 
treating column  reached  the  fortified  camp  at  Great 
Meadows  on  the  1st  of  July. 

It  had  been  the  intention,  as  before  noticed,  to  con- 
tinue the  retreat  to  Wills'  Creek,  but  on  the  arrival 
at  the  Meadows,  Washington  found  that  it  wa.s  im- 
practicable to  go  on,  for,  says  Sparks,  "  His  men  had 
become  so  much  fatigued  from  great  labor  and  a  de- 
ficiency of  provisions,  that  they  could  draw  the  swivels 
no  farther,  nor  carry  the  baggage  on  their  backs. 
They  had  been  eight  days  without  bread,  and  at  the 
Great  Meadows  they  found  only  a  few  bags  of  flour. 
It  was  thought  advisable  to  wait  here,  therefore,  and 
fortify  themselves  in  the  best  manner  they  could  till 
they  should  receive  supplies  and  reinforcements. 
They  had  heard  of  the  arrival  at  Alexandria  of  two 
independent  companies  from  New  York  twenty  days 
before,  and  it  was  presumed  they  must  by  this  time 
have  reached  Wills'  Creek.  An  express  was  sent  to 
hasten  them  on  with  as  much  dispatch  as  possible." 

When  it  had  been  decided  to  make  a  stand  at  the 
fortified  camp  at  Great  Meadows,  Washington  gave 
orders  for  the  men  to  commence  without  delay  to 
strengthen  the  rude  defenses  which  had  already  been 
erected.  More  palisades  were  added,  the  stockade 
was  extended  and  salient  angles  formed,  and  a  broad 
but  shallow  ditch  was  made  outside  the  fort,  materi- 
ally adding  to  the  strength  of  the  work.  Outside  this 
ditch  there  was  constructed  a  line  of  defense  sfinilar 
in  character  to  the  modern  rifle-piis,  but  all  joined 
in  one  extended  trench,  further  protected  in  front 
by  a  low  parapet  of  logs,  embanked  with  the  earth 
thrown  from  the  trench.  The  work  was  done  under  the 
supervision  of  Capt.  Robert  Stobo,  whohad  had  some 
experience  in  military  engineering.  When  completed, 
Washington  named  it  "  Fort  Necessity,"  as  expressive 
of  the  necessity  he  was  under  to  stand  there  and  fight, 
because  of  his  inability  to  continue  the  retreat  to 
Wills"  Creek,  as  he  had  intended.  The  extreme  scar- 
city of  provisions,  and  other  supplies  too,  made  the 
name  appropriate. 

Washington's  selection  of  a  site  for  his  fortification 
has  been  often  and  severely  criticised  by  military 
men  as  being  badly  calculated  for  defense,  and  com- 
manded on  three  sides  by  high  ground  and  closely 
approaching  woods.  The  location  was  undoubtedly 
chosen  partly  on  account  of  the  peculiar  conforma- 
tion of  the  ground,  which  Washington  called  "  natural 

1  Sparks 




intrenchments,"  and  which  materially  lightened  the 
labor  of  construction,  and  still  more  on  account  of 
the  small  stream  which  flowed  bj'  the  spot,  and  across 
which  at  one  point  the  palisade  was  extended,  so  as 
to  bring  it  within  the  work,  and  furnish  the  defenders 
with  an  abundant  supply  of  water,  a  consideration  of 
vital  importance  if  the  fort  was  to  be  besieged. 

Sparks,  in  describing  the  fort  and  its  location,  says, 
"  The  space  of  ground  called  the  Great  Meadows  is  a 
level  bottom,  through  which  passes  a  suiall  creek, 
and  is  surrounded  by  hills  of  moderate  and  gradual 
descent.  This  bottom,  or  glade,  is  entirely  level, 
covered  with  long  grass  and  small  bushes  [Wash- 
ington mentioned  the  clearing  away  of  the  bushes 
which  covered  the  ground  when  the  work  was  com- 
menced], and  varies  in  width.  At  the  point  where 
the  fort  stood  it  is  about  two  hundred  and  fifty  yards 
wide  from  the  base  of  one  hill  to  that  of  the  opposite. 
The  position  of  the  fort  was  well  chosen,  being  about 
one  hundred  yards  from  the  upland  or  wooded  ground 
on  the  one  side,  and  one  hundred  and  fifty  on  the 
other,  and  so  situated  on  the  margin  of  the  creek  as 
to  afford  easy  access  to  the  water.  At  one  point  the 
high  ground  comes  within  sixty  yards  of  the  fort,  and 
this  was  the  nearest  distance  to  which  an  enemy 
could  approach  under  shelter  of  trees.  The  outlines 
of  the  fort  were  still  visible  when  the  spot  was  visited 
by  the  writer  in  1830,  occupying  an  irregular  square, 
the  dimensions  of  which  were  about  one  hundred 
feet  on  each  side.  One  of  the  angles  was  prolonged 
farther  than  the  others,  for  the  purpose  of  reaching 
the  water  in  the  creek.  On  the  west  side,  next  to  the 
nearest  wood,  were  three  entrances,  protected  by  stout 
breastworks  or  bastions.  The  remains  of  a  ditch, 
stretching  round  the  south  and  west  sides,  were  also 
distinctly  seen."  If  Sparks  had  been  in  the  least  ac- 
quainted with  military  matters,  he  probably  would 
not  have  spoken  of  a  fortified  position  as  being  "  well 
chosen"  when  it  was  commanded  on  three  sides  by 
higher  ground,  in  no  place  more  than  one  hundred 
and  fifty  yards  distant,  with  the  opportunity  for  an 
enemy  to  approach  on  one  side  within  sixty  yards 
under  cover  of  woods. 

Leaving  Washington  and  his  little  army  in  occu- 
pation of  their  frail  defenses  at  the  Great  Meadows, 
let  us  take  a  brief  glance  at  the  enemy  which  was 
approaching  them  from  Fort  Du  Quesne  by  way  of 
the  Monongahela  Valley. 

The  French  force  which  was  marching  in  pursuit 
of  Washington  was  commanded  by  M.  Coulou  de 
Villiers,'  from  whose  journal  of  the  campaign  a  few 
extracts  are  here  given  :  ".Tune  the  26th. — Arrived  at 
Fort  Du  Quesne  about  eight  in  the  morning,  with  the 
several  [Indian]  nations,  the  command  of  which  the 
General  had  given  me.  At  my  arrival,  was  informed 
that  M.  de  Contrecosur  had  made  a  detachment  of 

I  Both  De  Villiers  and  Contr 
tion  five  years  before.  been  witli  Cele 

five  hundred  French,  and  eleven  Indians  of  different 
nations  on  the  Ohio,  the  command  of  which  he  had 
given  to  Chevalier  le  Mercier,  who  was  to  depart  the 
next  day.  As  I  was  the  oldest  officer,  and  com- 
manded the  Indian  nations,  and  as  my  brother^  had 
been  assassinated,  M.  de  Contreca?ur  honored  me 
with  that  command,  and  M.  le  Mercier;  though  de- 
prived of  the  command,  seemed  very  well  pleased  to 
make  the  campaign  under  my  orders.  .  .  . 

"  The  28th. — M.  de  Contrecoeur  gave  me  my  orders, 
the  provisions  were  distributed,  and  we  left  the  fort 
at  about  ten  o'clock  in  the  morning.  I  began  from 
that  instant  to  send  out  some  Indians  to  range  about 
by  land  to  prevent  being  surprised.  I  posted  myself 
at  a  short  distance  above  the  first  fork  of  the  river 
Monongahela,  though  I  had  no  thought  of  taking  that 
route.  I  called  the  Indians  together  and  demanded 
their  opinion.  It  was  decided  that  it  was  suitable  to 
take  the  river  Monongahela,  though  the  route  was 

"  The  29th. — Mass  was  said  in  the  camp,  after  which 
we  marched  with  the  usual  precaution. 

"30th. — Came  to  the  Hangard,  which  was  a  sort  of 
fort  built  with  lOgs,  one  upon  another,  well  notched 
in,  about  thirty  feet  in  length  and  twenty  in  breadth; 
and  as  it  was  late,  and  would  not  do  anything  without 
consulting  the  Indians,  I  encamped  about  two  mus- 
ket-shots from  that  place.  At  night  I  called  the  sa- 
chems together,  and  we  consulted  upon  what  was  best 
to  be  done  for  the  safety  of  our  periaguas  (large  ca- 
noes), and  of  the  provisions  we  left  in  reserve,  as  also 
what  guard  should  be  left  to  keep  it. 

"  July  the  1st. — Put  our  periaguas  in  a  safe  place. 
Our  effects,  and  everything  we  could  do  without,  we 
took  into  the  Hangard,  where  I  left  one  good  sergeant, 
with  twenty  men  and  some  sick  Indians.  Ammuni- 
tion was  afterwards  distributed,  and  we  began  our 

The  force  of  De  Villiers  consisted  of  five  hundred 
Frenchmen  and  about  four  hundred  Indians.^  March- 
ing from  the  Hangard  in  the  morning  of  the  1st  of 
July  (at  which  time  Washington's  force  was  approach- 
ing the  Great  Meadows  on  its  retreat  from  Gist's  plan- 
tation), the  French  and  Indian  column  moved  towards 
Gist's,  where  De  Villiers  expected  to  find  Washing- 
ton, his  Indian  scouts  having  reported  the  English 
force  to  be  at  that  place. 

"At  about  eleven  o'clock,"  continues  the  journal, 
"  we  discovered  some  tracks,  which  made  us  suspect 
we  were  discovered.  At  three  in  the  afternoon,  hav- 
ing no  news  of  our  rangers,  I  sent  others,  who  met 
those  sent  before,  and  not  knowing  each  other,  were 
near  upon  exchanging  shots,  but  happily  found  their 

"  Meaning  M.  de  Jumonville,  who  was  VillierB'  half-brother. 

3  The  force  of  "  five  hundred  French  and  eleven  Indians"  which  De 
Villiers  mentions  in  his  journal  as  having  been  detached  under  com- 
mand of  Mercier  for  this  expedition,  had  been  augmented  by  the  large 
Indian  force  which  De  Villiers  brought  with  him  down  the  Allegheny  to 
Fort  Du  Quesne. 



mistake ;  they  returned  to  us  and  declared  to  have 
been  at  the  road  which  the  English  were  clearing; 
that  they  were  of  opinion  no  body  had  been  that  way 
for  three  days.  We  were  no  longer  in  doubt  of  our 
proceedings  being  known  to  the  English." 

At  daybreak  in  the  morning  of  the  2d  the  French 
force  left  its  bivouac  of  the  previous  night  and 
marched  towards  Gist's.  "After  having  marched 
some  time  we  stopped,  for  I  was  resolved  to  proceed 
no  farther  until  I  had  positive  news  ;  wherefore  I  sent 
scouts  upon  the  road.  In  the  meanwhile  came  some 
of  the  Indians  to  me  whom  we  had  left  at  the  Han- 
gard ;  they  had  taken  a  prisoner,  who  called  himself 
a  deserter.  I  examined  him,  and  threatened  him 
with  the  rope  if  he  offered  to  impose  on  me.  I  learned 
that  the  English  had  left  their  post  [at  Gist's]  in 
order  to  rejoin  their  fort,  and  that  they  had  taken 
back  their  cannon.  Some  of  our  people  finding  that 
the  English  had  abandoned  the  camp  we  went 
thereto,  and  I  sent  some  men  to  search  it  through- 
out. They  found  several  tools  and  other  utensils 
hidden  in  many  places,  which  I  ordered  them  to 
carry  away.  As  it  was  late  I  ordered  the  detach- 
ment to  encamp  there.  .  .  .  We  had  rain  all  night." 

When  day  broke  on  the  morning  of  the  3d  of  July 
the  weather  was  still  wet  and  gloomy,  but  De  Villiers 
moved  forward  at  once  with  the  main  body,  scouting 
parties  having  been  sent  in  advance  the  previous 
evening.  The  rain  continued,  and  increased  during 
the  long  hours  of  the  march  towards  Fort  Necessity, 
but  the  French  column  pressed  on  with  energy,  and 
with  all  possible  speed,  for,  said  De  Villiers,  "  I  fore- 
saw the  necessity  of  preventing  the  enemy  in  their 
works."  It  also  appears  that  he  took  the  pains  to 
ride  away  from  the  road  into  the  woods,  to  make  a 
flying  visit  to  the  rocky  defile  where  Junionville  had  his  life  five  weeks  before.  "  I  stopped,"  he  says, 
"at  the  place  where  my  brother  had  been  assassin- 
ated, and  saw  there  yet  some  dead  bodies,"  and  then 
proceeds  :  "  AVhen  I  came  within  three-quarters  of  a 
league  from  the  English  fort  I  ordered  my  men  to 
march  in  columns,  every  officer  to  his  division,  that 
I  might  the  better  dispose  of  them  as  necessity  would 
require."  His  column  was  now  within  striking  dis- 
tance of  the  fort,  after  a  drenching  and  dreary  march 
of  seven  hours  from  Gist's. 

Meanwhile,  at  Fort  Necessity,  Washington  had 
been  apprised  of  the  arrival  of  the  French  at  Gist's 
on  the  2d,  and  had  been  constantly  on  the  alert  during 
the  night.  Not  long  after  sunrise  on  the  3d  some  of 
the  advance  scouts  of  the  French  were  seen,  and 
one  of  Washington's  men  on  picket  was  brought  in 
wounded,  but  after  this,  three  or  four  hours  passed 
without  further  demonstrations.  In  the  middle  of 
the  forenoon  word  came  by  scouts  that  the  enemy  in 
strong  force  was  within  two  hours'  march,  and  after- 
wards reports  of  their  progress  were  brought  in  from 
time  to  time.     Washington  formed  his  forces  in  line 

of  battle  outside  the  defensen,  awaiting  the  enemy's 
appearance,  and  hoping  to  induce  him  to  attack  in  the 
open  field.  Finally,  at  a  little  before  noon,  the  I'rench 
appeared  in  the  edge  of  the  woods  toward.s  the  north- 
west and  began  firing  at  long  range,  but  did  no  execu- 
tion. After  a  time,  finding  that  the  enemy  manifested 
no  disposition  to  make  a  general  attack.  Col.  Wash- 
ington withdrew  his  men  within  the  defenses,  the 
Carolinians  occupying  the  rifie-pit  trenches  behind  the 
low  log  pararet  which  formed  the  outer  line  (though 
they  were  afterwards  driven  out,  not  by  the  enemy's 
fire,  but  the  torrents  of  rain  that  inundated  the 
trenches  in  which  tliey  were  posted).  The  French, 
finding  their  fire  ineffectual  from  their  distant  posi- 
tion in  the  woods  to  the  northwest,'  moved  to  the  left, 
where,  on  the  eastern  and  southeastern  side  of  the 
fort,  the  forest  line  was  within  fair  musket-range  of  the 
work.  From  this  new  position  they  opened  fire  with 
more  effect ;  the  battle  became  general,  and  continued 
through  the  remainder  of  the  day.  An  account  of  the 
conflict  at  Fort  Necessity  is  thus  given  by  Sparks  : 

"  At  eleven  o'clock  they  [the  French]  approached 
the  fort  and  began  to  fire,  at  the  distance  of  six  hun- 
dred yards,  but  without  effect.  Col.  Washington  had 
drawn  up  his  men  on  the  open  and  level  ground  out- 
side of  tbe  trenches,  waiting  for  the  attack,  whicli  he 
presumed  would  be  made  as  soon  as  the  enemy's 
forces  emerged  from  the  woods,  and  he  ordered  his 
men  to  reserve  their  fire  till  they  should  be  near 
enough  to  do  execution.  The  distant  firing  was  sup- 
posed to  be  a  stratagem  to  draw  Washington's  men 
into  tbe  woods,  and  thus  take  them  at  a  disadvantage. 
He  suspected  the  design,  and  maintained  his  post  till 
he  found  the  French  did  not  incline  to  leave  the 
woods  and  attack  the  fort  by  an  assault,  as  he  sup- 
posed they  would,  considering  their  superiority  of 
numbers.  Be  then  drew  his  men  back  within  the, 
trenches,  and  gave  them  orders  to  fire  according  to 
their  discretion,  as  suitable  opportunities  might  pre- 
sent themselves.  The  French  and  Indians  remained  on 
the  side  of  the  rising  ground  which  was  nearest  to  the 
fort,  and,  sheltered  by  the  trees,  kept  up  a  brisk  fire  of 
musketry,  but  never  appeared  in  the  open  plain  below. 

1  De  Villiers'  account  of  the  opening  of  the  fight  was  as  follows:  **  Ab 
we  liad  no  knowledge  of  the  place,  we  presented  our  flank  to  the  fort, 
when  they  hegan  to  tire  upon  us,  iind  almost  at  the  same  time  I  perceived 
the  English  on  the  right,  in  order  of  battle,  and  coming  towanls  u«.  The 
Indians,  as  well  as  ourselves,  set  up  a  great  cry,  and  advanced  towards 
them,  bnt  they  did  not  give  us  time  to  tire  upon  tliem  before  they  shel- 
tered themselves  in  an  intrenchment  which  was  adjoining  to  their  fort, 
after  which  we  aimed  to  invest  the  fort,  which  was  advantageously 
enough  situRted  in  a  meadow  within  a  musket-shot  from  tlie  woods.  We 
drew  as  near  to  them  as  possible  that  we  might  not  expose  his  Majesty's 
subjects  to  no  purpose.  Tiie  fire  was  very  brisk  on  l>oth  sides,  and  I 
ohose  that  place  which  seemed  to  me  the  most  proper  in  case  we  should 
be  exposed  to  a  sally.  We  iired  so  briskly  as  to  put  out  (if  I  may  use 
the  expression)  the  fire  of  their  cannon  with  our  musket-shot."  But, 
concerning  the  fir^t  part  of  the  above  account  by  l>e  Villiers,  Washington 
afterwards  wrote,  "  I  cannot  help  remarking  on  A'illiers'  account  of  the 
battle  of  and  transaction  at  the  Meadows,  as  it  is  very  extraordinary, 
and  not  less  erroneous  than  inconsistent.  He  says  the  French  received 
the  first  fire.  It  is  well  known  that  we  received  it  at  six  hundred  paces' 



"  The  rain  fell  heavily  through  the  day,  the  trenches 
were  filled  with  water,  and  many  of  the  arms  of  Col. 
Washington's  men  were  out  of  order  and  used  with 
difficulty.  In  this  way  the  hattle  continued  from 
eleven  o'clock  in  the  morning  till  eight  at  night,  when 
the  French  called  and  requested  a  parley.'  Suspect- 
ing this  to  he  a  feiut  to  procure  the  admission  of  an 
officer  into  the  fort,  that  he  might  discover  their  con- 
dition. Col.  Washington  at  first  declined  listening  to  i 
the  proposal ;  but  when  the  call  was  repeated,  with  the 
additional  request  that  an  oiBcer  might  be  sent  to 
them,  engaging  at  the  same  time  their  parole  for  his 
safety,  he  sent  out  Capt.  Van  Braam,  the  only  person 
under  his  command  that  could  speak  French  except 
the  Chevalier  de  Peyronie,  an  ensign  in  the  Virginia 
regiment,  who  was  dangerously  wounded  and  disabled 
from  rendering  any  service  on  the  occasion.  Van 
Braam  returned,  and  brought  with  him  from  M.  de 
Villiers,  the  French  commander,  proposed  articles  of 
capitulation.  These  he  read  and  pretended  to  inter- 
pret, and  some  changes  having  been  made  by  mutual 
agreement,  both  parties  signed  them  about  mid- 

It  was  a  mortifying  close  to  Washington's  first  cam- 
paign, and  the  scene  must  have  been  a  most  dismal 
one  when  he  signed  the  capitulation  at  dead  of  night 
amid  torrents  of  rain,  by  the  light  of  a  solitary  splut- 
tering candle,-  and  with  his  dead  and  wounded  men 
around  him;  but  there  was  no  alternative,  and  he 
had  the  satisfaction  at  least  of  knowing  that  he  had 
done  his  best,  and  that  all  his  officers,  with  a  single 
exception,'  had  behaved  with  the  greatest  coolness 
and  bravery. 

The  articles  of  capitulation  were  of  course  written 
in  French.     The  following  translation  of  them  shows  , 
tlie  terms  granted  to  Washington,  viz. :  I 

"Article  1. — Wo  giaut  leave  to  the  English  commander  to  retire   ! 
n,  ami  to  return  peaceably  into  his  own  country,  and 

1  The  acbotkot  given  hy  De  Villii 
and  of  the  call  for  a  parley,  is  as  fol 
of  the  enemy  increased  with  moi 
ligtit.    We  briskly  returned  their  fi 

s  of  the  closing  scenes  of  the  battle, 
)Ws :  "  Towards  six  at  night  the  fire 
vigor  than  ever,  and  lasted  until 
i.    We  took  particular  care  to  secure 

■  posts  to  keep  the  English  fast  up  in  their  fort  all  night;  and  after 
having  fixed  ourselves  in  the  best  position  we  could  we  let  the  English 
know  that  if  they  would  speak  to  us  we  would  stop  firing.  They  accepted 
the  proposal ;  there  came  a  captain  to  the  place  where  I  was.  I  sent  M. 
la  Mercier  to  receive  him,  and  I  went  to  tlie  Meadow,  where  I  told  him 
that  as  we  were  not  at  war  we  were  very  willing  to  save  them  from  the 
cruelties  to  which  they  exposed  themselves  on  account  of  the  Indians; 
but  if  they  were  stubborn  we  would  take  away  from  them  all  hopes  of 
escaping;  tliat  we  consented  to  be  favorable  to  them  at  present,  as  we 
were  come  only  to  revenge  my  brother's  assassination,  and  to  oblige  them 
to  quit  the  lands  of  the  king  my  master.  .  .  ." 

2  An  otEcer  who  was  preseut  at  the  capitulation  wrote:  "  When  Mr. 
Van  Braam  returned  with  the  French  proposals  we  were  obliged  to  take 
the  sense  of  them  from  his  mouth;  it  rained  so  hard  that  he  could  not 

give  I 

kvritten  translation  of  them,  and  we  could  scarcely  keep  tlie 

candle  lighted  to  read  them  by."  , 

3Wheu  in  the  following  August  the  Virginia  House  of  Burgesses 
passed  a  vote  of  thanks  to  Washington  and  his  officers  "  for  their  biavery 
and  gallant  defense  of  their  country"  at  Fort  Necessity,  the  names  of  all 
the  officers  were  mentioned  except  that  of  the  major  of  the  regiment, 
who  was  charged  with  cowardice  in  the  battle,  and  Oapt.  Van  Braani, 
who  was  believed  to  have  acted  a  treacherous  part  in  interpi^ling  the 
articles  of  capitulation. 

promise  to  binder  his  receiving  any  insult  from  us  French,  and  to  re- 
strain, as  much  as  shall  be  in  our  power,  the  Indians  that  are  with  us. 

"  Ahticlk  2  — It  shall  be  permitted  him  to  go  out  and  carry  with  him 
all  that  belongs  to  them  except  the  artillery,  which  we  reserve. 

"  AnTiCLE  S.^That  we  will  allow  them  the  honors  of  war,— that  they 
march  out  with  drums  beating  and  one  swivel  gun, — being  willing 
thereby  to  convince  them  that  we  treat  them  as  friends. 

"  Article  4. — That  as  soon  as  the  articles  are  signed  by  both  parties 
the  English  colors  shall  be  struck. 

"Ahtici-e  5. — That  to-morrow,  at  break  of  day,  a  detachment  of 
French  shall  go  and  make  the  garrison  file  off,  and  take  possession  of 
the  fort. 

"Article  6.— As  the  English  have  but  few  oxen  or  horses  left,  they 
are  at  liberty  to  hide  their  effects,  and  come  again  and  search  for  them 
when  they  have  a  number  of  horses  sufficient  to  carry  them  otf,  and 
that  for  this  end  they  may  have  what  guards  they  please,  on  condition 
that  they  give  their  word  of  honor  to  work  no  more  on  any  buildings  in 
this  place,  or  any  part  on  this  side  of  the  mountains. 

"  .^KTICIE  Y.— And  as  the  English  have  in  their  power  one  officer,  two 
cadets,  and  most  of  the  prisoners  made  at  (be  assassination  of  M.  de 
Jumonville,  and  promise  to  send  them  back  with  a  safe  guard  to  Fort 
Du  Quesne,  situate  on  the  Ohio,  for  surety  of  their  performing  this 
article  as  well  as  this  treaty,  M.  Jacob  Van  Braam  and  llobert  Stobo, 
both  captains,  shall  be  delivered  as  hostages  till  the  arrival  of  our 
French  and  Canadians  above  mentioned.  We  oblige  ourselves,  on  our 
side,  to  give  an  escort  to  return  these  two  ofiicei-s  in  safety,  and  expect 
to  have  our  French  in  two  months  aud  a  half  at  farthest." 

The  capitulation  was  signed  by  Washington,  Mac- 
kay,  and  Villiers.  The  latter  had  cunningly  caused 
the  articles  to  be  so  worded  that  the  English  officers 
(who  knew  nothing  of  the  French  language)  were 
made  to  sign  an  apparent  acknowledgment  that  the 
killing  of  Jumonville*  was  an  act  of  assassitmiion.  It 
was  expected  that  Van  Braam,  the  so-called  inter- 
preter, knowingly  connived  at  the  deception,  and  this 
opinion  was  firmly  held  by  Washington,  who  after- 
wards wrote  in  reference  to  it  as  follows:  "That  we 
were  wilfully  or  ignorantly  deceived  by  our  inter- 
preter in  regard  to  the  word  assassination  I  do  aver, 
and  will  to  my  dying  moment,  so  will  every  officer 
that  was  pre.sent.  The  interpreter  was  a  Dutchman, 
little  acquainted  with  the  English  tongue,  therefore 
might  not  advert  to  the  tone  and  meaning  of  the 
word  in  English  ;  but  whatever  his  motives  were  for 
so  doing,  certain  it  is  he  called  it  the  death  or  the 
loss  of  the  Sieur  Jumonville.  So  we  received  and  so 
we  understood  it,  until,  to  our  great  surprise  and 
mortification,  we  found  it  otherwise  in  a  literal  trans- 

The  numbers  of  the  English  forces  engaged  in  the 
battle  at  the  Great  Meadows  is  not  precisely  known. 
The  Virginia  regiment  went  in  three  hundred  strong, 
including  oflicers,  and  their  loss  in  the  engagement 
was  twelve  killed  and  forty-three  wounded.*  Capt. 
Mackay's  company  numbered  about  one  hundred, 
but  its  losses  in  killed  and  wounded  were  not  of- 
ficially stated.  On  the  French  side,  according  to  the 
statement  of  De  Villiers,  the  losses  were  two  French- 
men and  one  Indian  killed,  fifteen  Frenchmen  and 
two  Indians  seriously,  and  a  number  of  others  slightly 

<"We  made  the  English,"  said  Villiers,  "  consent  to  sign  that  they 
had  aseatinimited  my  brother  in  his  camp." 
^  By  Washington's  own  ofBcial  statement. 



On  the  4th  of  July,  at  break  of  day,  the  troops  of 
Washington  filed  out  of  the  fort  with  drums  beating 
and  colors  flying,  and  (without  any  transportation  for 
their  effects  other  than  was  afforded  by  the  backs  and 
shoulders  of  the  men,  and  having  no  means  of  carry- 
ing their  badly  wounded  except  on  improvised  stretch- 
ers) moved  sadly  away  to  commence  their  weary  jour- 
ney of  sixty  miles  over  hills  and  streams  to  Wills' 

Upon  the  evacuation  of  the  fort  by  Washington  the 
French  took  possession,  and  immediately  proceeded  to 
demolish  the  work,  while  "  M.  le  Mercier  ordered  the 
cannon  of  the  English  to  be  broken,  as  also  the  one 
granted  by  capitulation,  they  not  being  able  to  carry 
it  away."  The  French  commander  very  prudently 
ordered  the  destruction  of  some  barrels  of  rum  which 
were  in  the  fort,  to  guard  against  the  disorder  and 
perhaps  bloodshed  which  would  probably  have  en- 
sued if  the  liquor  had  been  allowed  to  fall  into  the 
hands  of  the  Indians. 

De  Villiers  felt  no  little  anxiety  lest  the  expected 
reinforcements  to  Washington  should  arrive,  which 
might  place  him  in  an  unpleasant  position  and  re- 
verse the  fortunes  of  the  day.  He  therefore  lost  no 
time,  and  took  his  departure  from  the  Great  Meadows 
at  as  early  an  hour  as  possible,  and  marched  about 
two  leagues  before  he  encamped  for  the  night.  On 
the  5th,  at  about  nine  o'clock  in  the  forenoon,  he 
arrived  at  Gist's,  where  he  demolished  the  stockade 
which  Washington  had  partially  erected  there,  "  and 
after  having  detached  M.  de  la  Chauvignerie  to  burn 
the  houses  round  about,"  continued  on  the  route  to- 
wards Redstone  to  a  point  about  three  leagues  north- 
west of  Gist's,  where  his  forces  made  their  night 
bivouac.  In  the  morning  of  the  6th  they  moved  at 
an  early  hour,  and  reached  the  mouth  of  Redstone  at 
ten  o'clock.  There  they  "  put  their  periaguas  in  order, 
victualed  the  detachment,  carried  away  the  reserve  of 
provisions  which  they  had  left  there,  found  several 
things  which  the  English  had  hidden,"  and  then, 
after  burning  the  "  Hangard"  store-house,  embarked 
and  went  down  the  Monongahela.  In  the  passage 
down  the  river,  says  De  Villiers,  "  we  burned  down 
all  the  settlements  we  found,"  and  about  four  o'clock 
in  the  afternoon  of  the  7th  of  July  they  arrived  at 
Fort  Du  Quesne. 

As  to  the  manner  of  the  departure  of  Washington's 
troops  from  the  surrendered  fort,  De  Villiers  said, 
"  The  number  of  their  dead  and  wounded  moved  me 
to  pity,  notwithstanding  my  resentment  for  their 
having  in  such  a  manner  taken  away  my  brother's 
life.  The  savages,  who  in  everything  had  adhered  to 
my  wishes,  claimed  the  right  of  plunder,  but  I  re- 
strained them;  however,  the  English  being  fright- 
ened fled,  and  left  their  tents  and  one  of  their  colors." 
But  Washington,  commenting  on  these  statements  of 
De  Villiers,  said,  in  a  letter  written  not  long  after- 

wards, "That  we  left  our  baggage  and  liorse*  at  the 
Meadows  is  certain  ;  that  there  was  not  ■•■cii  a  poMi- 
bility  to  bring  them  away  is  equally  d  riaiii,  nn  we 
had  every  horse  belonging  to  the  camp  kiii.-d  or  taken 
away  during  the  action,  so  that  it  was  impracticable 
to  bring  anything  off  that  our  shoulders  w.;re  not  able 
to  bear,  and  to  wait  there  was  impossible,  for  we  had 
scarce  three  days'  provisions,  and  were  seventy  mileH 
from  a  supply,yet  to  say  that  we  caini-  olf  precipi- 
tately is  absolutely  false,  notwithstanding  they  did, 
contrary  to  the  articles,  suffer  their  Indiiui^  to  pillage 
our  baggage'  and  commit  all  kinds  of  irregularity. 
We  were  with  them  until  ten  o'clock  the  next  day  ; 
we  destroyed  our  powder  and  other  stores,  nay,  even 
our  private  baggage,  to  prevent  its  falliiiLr  into  their 
hands,  as  we  could  not  bring  it  oH'.  \\'lien  we  had 
got  about  a  mile  from  the  place  of  actii>M  we  missed 
two  or  three  of  the  wounded,  and  sent  a  party  back 
to  bring  them  up  ;  this  is  the  party  he  speaks  of. 
We  brought  them  all  safe  off,  and  encamped  within 
three  miles  of  the  Meadows.  These  are  circum- 
stances, I  think,  that  make  it  evidently  clear  that  we 
were  not  very  apprehensive  of  danger.  The  colors 
he  speaks  of  as  left  were  a  large  flag  of  immense  size 
and  weight;  our  regimental  colors  were  brought  off, 
and  are  now  in  my  possession. "- 

From  his  camping-ground,  three  miles  southeast 
of  the  demolished  fort,  the  Virginia  regiment,  with 
Mackay's  South  Carolinians,  moved  forward  in  the 
morning  of  the  5th  of  Julj',  and  fording  the  Youghio- 
gheny  at  the  Great  Crossings,  retraced  their  stejis 
over  the  route  previously  traveled,  and  reached  Wills' 
Creek  after  a  slow  and  very  toilsome  journey.  From 
that  place  Washington  went  to  Alexandria,  and  the 
Virginia  troops  returned  to  their  homes.  Mackay's 
Carolina  company  remained  at  Wills'  Creek,  and  to- 
gether with  two  independent  companies  from  New 
York, — all  under  command  of  Col.  James  Innes, — 
erected  the  fortification  afterwards  called  "  Fort  Cum- 
berland." This  was  then  the  western  outpost  of  Eng- 
lish power,  and  in  all  the  country  west  of  the  moun- 
tains there  was  left  no  bar  to  French  occupation  and 

1  "  We  all  know  tlmt  the  French  are  n  people  that  never  pay  ftny  re- 
gard to  treaties  longer  than  they  find  them  consistent  wirh  their  intend., 
and  this  treaty  [the  Fort  Necessity  capitulation  articles]  they  broke  im- 
mediately hy  letting  the  Indians  demolish  and  destroy  everything  our 
people  had,  especially  the  doctor's  box,  that  onr  wounded  should  meet 
with  no  relief." — Extract  from  a  tetter  written  by  Col.  Jaines  Iiuies  to  <?o». 
Emftilton,  dated  Whiche^ter^  July  12,  1754. 

2  It  appears  that  the  Hull-King,  Tanacharison,  had  a  pitor  opinion  of 
Washington^ ability  asamilitarycommander.and  freely  expressed  that 
opinion  to  the  Indian  agent  and  interpreter,  Ci>nrad  Weiser,  who  reportM 
it  as  follows : 

"The  colonel  [Washington]  was  a  good-natured  man,  but  had  no  ex- 

'   perience.    He  took  upon  him  to  command  the  Indians  as  his  slaves,  and 

would  have  them  every  day  ui»on  the  scout,  and  to  attack  the  enemy  by 

themselves,  but  would  by  no  means  take  advice  from  the  Indians.    Ho 

lay  in  one  place  from  ooo  full  moon  to  the  other,  without  making  any 

I   fortifications  except  that  little  thing  on  the  Meailow,  whereas  had  he 

I   taken  advice  and  built  such  fortifications  as  he  [Tanacliurison]  advised 

him  he  might  easily  have  heat  off  the  French.    But  the  French  in  the 

I   engagement,*'  be  said,  *'  acted  like  cowards,  and  the  English  like  fouls.'* 





The  news  of  Washington's  defeat,  and  the  conse- 
quent domination  of  the  French  over  the  broad  terri- 
tory west  of  the  Alleghenies,  was  forwarded  without 
delay  to  England,  where  it  produced  a  general  alarm 
and  excitement,  and  roused  the  ministry  to  a  deter- 
mination to  retrieve  the  disaster  and  expel  the  French, 
at  whatever  cost,  from  the  valleys  of  the  Mononga- 
hela  and  Allegheny  Rivers.  In  pursuance  of  this  de- 
termination, it  was  decided  to  send  out  a  military 
force,  to  march  from  the  Potomac  to  the  "  Forks  of 
the  Ohio,"  there  to  wrest  from  the  French,  by  force 
of  arras,  their  most  menacing  possession, — Fort  Du 

The  expeditionary  force,  which  was  intended  to  be 
a  very  formidable  one  (for  that  early  day),  was  to  be 
composed  of  the  Forty-fourth  and  Forty-eighth  Royal 
Regiments  of  Foot,''  commanded  respectively  by  Col. 
Sir  Peter  Halket  and  Col.  Thomas  Dunbar,  with 
some  other  troops  to  be  raised  in  Virginia  and  other 
American  provinces.  The  command  of  the  expedi- 
tion was  given  to  Maj.-Gen.  Edward  Braddock,  of  the 
reo-ular  British  army,  who  was  also  made  commander- 
in  chief  of  all  his  Majesty's  forces  in  America. 

Gen.  Braddock  sailed  from  Cork,  Ireland,  on  the 
14th  of  January,  with  the  two  regular  regiments,  on 
board  the  fleet  of  Admiral  Keppel,  of  the  British 
navy.  The  fleet  arrived  in  Hampton  Roads  on  the 
20th  of  February,  and  the  general,  with  the  admiral, 
disembarked  there  and  proceeded  to  Williamsburg, 
Va.,  for  conference  with  Governor  Dinwiddle.  There, 
also,  the  general  met  his  quartermaster-general.  Sir 
John  Sinclair,  who  had  preceded  him  to  America,  and 
had  already  visited  Fort  Cumberland  to  make  the 
preliminary  arrangements  for  the  campaign.  "Vir- 
ginia levies"  had  already  been  raised  for  the  purpose 
of  being  incorporated  with  the  Forty-fourth  and 
Forty-eighth  Regiments,  and  these  levies  had  been 
ordered  to  Alexandria,  whither,  also,  the  fleet  was 
ordered  for  disembarkation  of  the  troops. 

Leaving  Williamsburg,  Gen.  Braddock,  Sir  John 
■  Sinclair,  and  the  admiral  arrived  on  the  26th  at  Alex- 
andria, which  place  was  the  headquarters  of  the  ex- 
pedition for  nearly  two  months,  during  which  time 
(on  the  14th  of  April)  a  council  was  held  there,  com- 
posed of  the  commander-in-chief,  Admiral  Keppel, 
Governor  Dinwiddle,  of  Virginia ;  Governor  Shirley, 
of  Massachusetts  ;  Governor  Delancey,  of  New  York  ; 
Governor  Morris,  of  Pennsylvania ;  and  Governor 
Sharpe,  of  Maryland  ;  at  which  conference  the  plan 

^  There 'were,  liowever,  two  other  expeditions  projected, — one  against 
Niagara  and  Frontenac,  nnder  Gen.  Sliirley,  and  anotlier  against  Crown 
Point,  under  Gen.  William  Johnson ;  but  the  principal  one  was  that  in- 
tended for  the  reduction  of  Fort  Du  Quesne. 

2  These  regiments,  however,  were  farfrom  being  full,  numbering  only 
about  five  liundred  men  each. 

of  the  campaign'  was  decided  on,  and  arrangements 
made  to  facilitate  the  forwarding  of  the  provincial 
troops  destined  for  the  expedition. 

Sir  John  Sinclair  was  dispatched  from  Alexandria 
soon  after  his  arrival  with  orders  to  proceed  to  Win- 
chester, Va.,  and  thence  to  Fort  Cumberland,  to  com- 
plete all  arrangements  for  the  army's  transportation. 
By  his  advice  Braddock  adopted  the  plan  of  moving 
his  force  from  Alexandria  in  two  divisions,  viz. :  one 
regiment  and  a  portion  of  the  stores  to  proceed  to 
Winchester,  whence  a  new  road  was  nearly  completed 
to  Fort  Cumberland,  and  the  other  regiment,  with  the 
remainder  of  the  stores  and  the  artillery,  to  move  to 
the  fort  (which  had  been  designated  as  the  general 
rendezvous)  by  way  of  Frederick,  Md.  Accordingly, 
on  the  9th  of  April,  Sir  Peter  Halket  left  Alexandria 
for  the  fort,  by  way  of  Winchester,  with  six  com- 
panies of  the  Forty -fourth  Regiment,  leaving  the 
other  four  companies  behind  under  command  of 
Lieut.-Col.  Gage*  to  escort  the  artillery.  On  the  18th 
Col.  Dunbar,  with  the  Forty-eighth,  marched  for 
Frederick,  Md.,  and  the  commander-in-chief  left 
Alexandria  for  the  same  place  on  the  20th,  leaving 
Gage  to  follow  with  the  artillery.  When  Dunbar 
arrived  at  Frederick  he  found  that  there  was  no  road 
to  Cumberland  through  Maryland,^  and  accordingly, 
on  the  1st  of  May,  he  recrossed  the  Potomac,  struck 
the  Winchester  route,  and  nine  days  later  was  in  the 
neighborhood  of  the  fort.  "  At  high  noon  on  the 
10th  of  May,  while  Halket's  command  was  already 
encamped  at  the  common  destination,  the  Forty- 
eighth  was  startled  by  the  passage  of  Braddock  and 
his  staff  through  their  ranks,  with  a  body  of  light- 
horse  galloping  on  each  side  of  his  traveling  chariot, 
in  haste  to  reach  Fort  Cumberland.  The  troops 
saluted,  the  drums  rolled  out  the  Grenadiers'  March, 
and  the  cortege  passed  by.  An  hour  later  they  heard 
the  booming  of  the  artillery  which  welcomed  the  gen- 
eral's arrival,  and  a  little  later  themselves  encamped 
on  the  hillsides  about  tliat  post."  The  artillery  es- 
corted by  Gage  arrived  at  the  fort  on  the  20th. 

Arriving  at  the  fort  on  the  10th,  the  general  re- 
mained there  about  one  month,  during  which  time 
his  expeditionary  force  was  completed  and  organized. 
Two  companies,  Rutherford's  and  Clarke's,  had  been 
stationed  at  the  fort  during  the  winter,  and  were  still 
there.     The  Forty-fourth  and  Forty-eighth  regulars 

^  The  council,  however,  had  really  nothing  to  do  with  the  adoption  of 
the  plan  of  operations,  which  was  made  entirely  according  to  the  mar- 
tinet ideas  and  opinions  of  tlie  couiniaoder-iu-cbief. 

■1  The  same  Gage  who  as  major-general  commanded  the  British  forces 
in  Boston  in  1776. 

s  Oapt.  Orme,  in  his  journal  of  the  expedition,  says,  "The  general 
ordered  a  bridge  to  be  built  over  the  Antietum,  which  being  furnished 
and  provision  laid  upon  the  road  Col.  Dunbar  marched  with  his  regiment 
from  Frederick  on  the  2sth  of  April,  and  about  this  time  the  bridge  over 
the  Opeccon  was  finished  for  the  passage  of  the  artillery,  and  floats  were 
built  on  alt  the  rivers  and  creeks."  The  "  Antietum"  here  mentioned 
is  the  same  historic  stream  whose  locust-fringed  banks  witnessed  the  ter- 
rific battle  between  the  Uuion  and  Confederate  hosts  under  McClellan 
and  Lee,  on  the  17th  of  September,  18C2. 



had  been  augmented  to  a  total  of  fourteen  hundred 
men  by  the  addition  of  Virginia  and  Maryland  levies 
at  Alexandria.  A  company  of  Virginia  light-horse, 
under  command  of  Capt.  Stewart,  acted  as  the  gen- 
eral's body-guard.  A  body  of  seventy  provincials 
was  formed  into  two  companies  of  pioneers,  each 
having  a  captain,  two  subalterns,  and  two  sergeants, 
and  with  these  was  also  a  very  small  company  of  guides. 
A  lieutenant,  Mr.  Spendelow,  and  two  midshipmen 
from  Admiral  Keppel's  fleet  were  present  with  about 
thirty  sailors  to  have  charge  of  the  cordage  and 
tackles,  necessary  for  the  building  of  bridges  and  the 
hoisting  of  artillery  pieces  and  other  heavy  material 
over  precipices.  The  other  provincial  troops  brought 
the  toal  number  up  to  about  two  thousand  one  hun- 
dred and  fifty,  including  officers,  but  exclusive  of  wag- 
oners and  the  usual  complement  of  non-combatant 
cam[)-followers,  among  whom  were  a  number  of 
women.  There  were  eight  friendly  Indians  who  ac- 
companied the  expedition.  The  forces  of  Gen.  Brad- 
dock  were  brigaded  by  his  orders  as  follows : 

First  Brigade,  commanded  by  Sir  Peter  Halket,  composed  of 

The  Forty-fourth  Eegimetit  of  Regulars. 

Cant.  John  Rutherford's)  T   a         a     *n  ^        •        *--kt       ir, 

*  >  Independent  Companies  of  New  York. 

Capt.  Horatio  Gates'l      J 

Capt.  William  Poison's  Company  of  Pioneers  and  Carpenters. 

Capt.  William  Peyronie's  Virginia  Rangers. 

Capt.  Thomas  Waggoner's  Virginia  Rangers. 

Capt.  Kli  Dagworthy's  Maryland  Rangers. 

Second  Brigade,  commanded  by  Col.  Thomas  Dunbar,  composed  of 

Tlie  Forty-eighth  Regiment  of  ReguKars. 

Capt.  Paul  Demerie's  South  Carolina  detachment. 

Capt.  Duhb's  North  Carolina  Rangers. 

Capt.  Mercer's  Company  of  Carpenters  and  Pioneers. 

Capt.  Adam  Stephen's"-  ~| 

Capt.  Peter  Hogg's  >■  Virginia  Rangers. 

Capt.  Thomas  Cocke's    J 

Capt.  Andrew  Lewis  had  been  sent  with  his  com- 
pany of  Virginians  to  the  Greenbrier  River  for  the 
protection  of  settlers  there,  but  he  afterwards  rejoined 
Braddock's  column  on  its  way  to  Fort  Du  Quesne. 

The  field-officers  under  Braddock  were  Lieutenant- 
Colonels  Burton  and  Gage;  Majors  Chapman  and 
Sparks ;  Brigade-Major  Francis  Halket ;  Major  Sir 
John  Sinclair,  deputy  quartermaster-general ;  Blat- 
thew  Leslie,  assistant  quartermaster-general.  The 
secretary  to  the  commanding  general  was  AVilliam 
Shirley,  and  his  aides-de-camp  were  Capt.  Robert 
Orme,    George    Washington,^    and     Roger    Morris. 

1  Afterwards  Major-General  Gates,  to  whom  Burgoyue  surrendered  at 

•  Afterwards  General  Stephen,  of  the  Revolutionary  army. 

3  After  his  return  from  the  Fort  Necessity  campaign.  Col.  Washing- 
ton's rank,  as  well  as  that  of  other  colonial  officers,  was  reduced  by 
royal  order,  wbicli  caused  him  to  resign  his  commission,  and  at  the  time 
of  Geu.  Braddock's  arrival  in  America  he  was  not  in  the  military  ser- 
vice. But  Braddock,  well  aware  of  the  importance  of  securing  his 
services,  urged  Washington  to  take  the  position  of  volunteer  aide-de- 
camp on  his  staff,  and  the  offer,  so  earnestly  pressed,  was  accetited. 

Sparks,  in  his  "  Life  of  Washington"  (page  58),  in  speaking  of  Wash- 
ington's acceptance  of  Braddock's  proposition  to  accompany  him  on  the 
expedition  as  a  member  of  his  military  family,  says,  "  His  views  on  the 
subject  were  explained,  with  a  becoming  frankness  and  elevation  of 
mind,  in  a  letter  to  a  friend;  *1  may  be  allowed,'  said  he,  *to  claim 

Christopher  Gist  and  Nathaniel  Gist,  his  ion,  ac- 
companied theexpedition  a.'*  |)rincipal  guides.  George 
Croghan  and  Andrew  MonUjur  tvcre  witli  the  general 
as  Indian  interpreters. 

"The  soldiers  were  ordered  to  be  furnished  with 
one  new  spare  shirt,  one  new  pair  of  stockings,  and 
one  new  pair  of  shoes  ;  and  Osnabrig  waistcoats  and 
breeches  were  provided  for  them,  as  the  excessive 
heat  would  have  made  tlie  otiiers  insupportable;  and 
the  commanding  officers  of  companies  were  desired 
to  provide  leather  or  bladders  for  the  men's  hats."* 

The  transportation  which  was  collected  at  Fort 
Cumberland  for  the  use  of  Braddock's  force  consisted 
of  one  hundred  and  ninety  wagons  and  more  than 
fifteen  hundred  horses.  Wlien  he  landed  in  Virginia 
he  expected  that  "  two  hundred  wagons  and  one  hun- 
dred and  fifty  carrying-horses"  would  be  furni,shed  by 
the  provincial  authorities,  but  when  he  arrived  at 
Frederick,  Md.,  he  found  that  not  more  than  a  tenth 
part  that  number  had  been  raised,  and  that  some  of 
these  even  were  in  an  unserviceable  condition.  Upon 
learning  this  he  burst  out  in  fierce  invective  against 
the  inefficiency,  poverty,  and  lack  of  integrity  among 
the  provincials,  and  declared  that  theexpedition  was 
at  an  end,  for  that  it  was  impracticable  to  proceed 
without  one  hundred  and  fifty  wagons,  and  a  corre- 
sponding number  of  horses  at  the  very  least.  But  Dr. 
Benjamin  Franklin,  who  was  present  at  Frederick, 
told  the  general  that  the  Pennsylvania  farmers  were 
able  to  furnish  the  necessary  transportation,  and  that 
he  (Franklin)  would  contract  for  a  specified  sum  to 
deliver  one  hundred  and  fifty  wagons  and  the  neces- 
sary horses  at  Fort  Cumberland  within  a  given  time, 
whereupon  Braddock  proceeded  on  his  march;  and 
in  about  two  weeks  Franklin  had  caused  the  specified 
number  of  wagons  and  animals  to  be  at  the  fort.  Gen. 
Braddock  was  very  grateful  for  this  service,  and  he 
warmly  complimented  Franklin  in  a  letter  which  he 
wrote  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  dated  at  Wills'.Creek, 
June  5th,  as  follows  :  »"  .-  ' 

"  Before  I  left  Williamsburg  the  quartermaster-gen- 
eral told  me  that  I  might  depend  on  twenty-five  hun- 
dred horses  and  two  hundred  wagons  from  Virginia 
and  Maryland ;  but  I  had  great  rea.son  to  doubt  it, 
having  experienced  the  false  dealings  of  all  in  this 
country  with  whom  I  had  been  concerned.  Hence, 
before  my  departure  from  Frederick,  I  agreed  with 
Mr.  Benjamin  Franklin,  postmaster  in  Pennsylvania, 
who  has  great  credit  in  that  province,  to  hire  one 

some  meiit  if  it  is  considered  that  the  sole  motive  which  invites  me  to 
the  lield  is  the  laudable  desire  of  serving  my  country,  not  the  gmlifica- 
tion  of  any  ambitioiis  or  lucrative  plans.  This,  I  flatter  myself,  will 
manifestly  appear  by  my  going  as  a  volunteer,  without  expectation  of 
reward  or  prospect  of  oblnimiig  a  coinmaiid,  as  I  am  confidently  assured 
it  is  not  i»  Geiieml  Bratldock^s potrer  to  give  me  a  commission  that  I  icould 
accept.  ...  It  is  true  I  have  been  importuned  to  make  this  campaign 
by  Gen.  Braddock  as  a  member  of  his  family,  he  conceiving,  I  suppose 
that  the  small  knowledge  I  had  an  opportunity  of  acquiring  of  the 
country  and  the  ludians  is  worthy  of  bis  notice,  and  may  be  useful  t 
him  in  the  progress  of  the  expedition.' " 
*  Capt.  Orme's  Journal, 



hundred  and  fifty  wagons  and  the  necessary  number 
of  horses.  This  he  accomplished  with  promptitude 
and  fidelity ;  and  it  is  almost  the  only  instance  of 
address  and  integrity  which  I  have  seen  in  all  these 

It  has  been  said  that,  in  procuring  the  wagons  and 
horses  from  the  Teutonic  farmers  in  the  Southern 
Pennsylvania  counties,  he  was  materially  aided  by  the 
presence  of  Braddock's  quartermaster-general.  "  Sir 
John  Sinclair  '  wore  a  Hussar's  cap,  and  Franklin 
made  use  of  the  circumstance  to  terrify  the  German 
settlers  with  the  belief  that  he  was  a  Hussar,  who 
would  administer  to  them  the  tyrannical  treatment 
they  had  exjierienced  in  their  own  country  if  they 
did  not  comply  with  his  wishes." 

At  a  council  of  war  held  at  Fort  Cumberland  the 
order  of  march  was  determined  on,  viz. :  the  advance 
was  to  be  led  by  "  a  party  of  six  hundred  men, 
workers  and  coverers,  with  a  field-oificer  and  the 
quartermaster-general ;  that  they  should  take  with 
them  two  six-pounders,  with  a  full  proportion  of  am- 
munition ;  that  they  should  also  take  with  them  eight 
days'  provisions  for  three  thousand  two  hundred  men  ; 
that  they  should  make  the  road  as  good  as  possible, 
and  march  five  days  towards  the  first  crossing  of  the 
Yoxhio  Geni,'^  which  was  about  thirty  miles  from  the 
camp,  at  which  place  they  were  to  make  a  deposit  of 
provisions,  building  proper  sheds  for  its  security,  and 
also  a  place  of  arms  for  the  security  of  the  men.  If 
they  could  not  in  five  days  advance  so  far,  they  were 
at  the  expiration  of  that  time  to  choose  an  advan- 

1  This  same  Sir  John  Sinclaii'  was  a  man  of  very  rough  speech  and 
imperious  and  domineering  character,  as  is  made  apparent  by  the  fol- 
lowing extract  from  a  letter  written  by  Messrs.  George  Croghan,  James 
Burd,  John  Armstrong,  William  Buchanan,  and  Adam  Hoopes  to  Gov- 
ernor Morris,  of  Pennsylvania,  dated  Fort  Cumberland,  April  16, 1755, 
at  which  time  some  of  the  companies,  as  well  as  Sir  John  himself,  had 
already  reached  the  rendezvous.  The  writers  of  the  letter  had  been 
appointed  to  view  and  lay  out  a  road  over  the  mountains,  and  had  re- 
turned from  their  mission  to  the  fort.  In  the  letter  they  say,  "  Last 
evening  we  came  to  the  camp,  and  were  kindly  received  by  the  oificers, 
but  particularly  Capt.  Rutherford.  We  waited  for  Sir  John  coming  to 
camp  from  the  road  towards  Winchester,  who  came  this  day  at  three 
o'clock,  but  treated  us  in  a  very  disagreeable  manner.  He  is  extremely 
warm  and  angi-y  at  our  province;  he  would  not  look  at  our  draughts, 
nor  suffer  any  representations  to  be  made  to  him  in  regard  to  the  prov- 
ince, but  stormed  like  a  lion  rampant.  He  said  our  commission  to  lay 
out  the  road  should  have  issued  in  January  laat,  upon  his  first  letter; 
that  doing  it  now  is  doing  nothing;  that  the  troops  must  march  on  the 
first  of  May  ;  that  the  want  of  tiiis  road  and  the  provisions  promised  by 
Pennsylvania  has  retarded  the  expedition,  which  may  cost  them  their 
lives,  because  of  the  fresh  number  of  the  French  that  are  suddenly  like 
to  be  povired  into  the  country;  that  instead  of  marching  to  the  Ohio  he 
would  in  nine  days  march  his  army  into  Cumberland  County,  to  cut  the 
roads,  press  wagons,  etc. ;  that  he  would  not  suffer  asoldier  to  handle  an 
axe,  but  by  fire  and  sword  oblige  the  inhabitants  to  do  it,  and  tiike  every 
man  that  refused  to  the  Ohio,  as  he  had  yesterday  some  of  the  Virginians ; 
that  he  would  kill  all  kind  of  cattle,  and  cari-y  away  the  horses,  burn 
houses,  etc. ;  and  that  if  the  French  defeated  them  by  the  delays  of  this 
province,  that  he  would  with  his  sword  drawn  pass  through  the  prov- 
ince and  treat  the  inhabitants  as  a  parcel  of  traitors  to  his  master;  that 
he  would  to-morrow  write  to  England  by  a  man-ol-war,  shake  Mr. 
Penn's  proprietaryship,  and  represent  Pennsylvania  as  disaffected.  .  .  . 
and  told  us  to  go  to  the  general,  if  we  pleased,  who  would  give  us  ten 
bad  words  for  one  he  had  given." 

-  Yougbiogheny. 

tageous  spot,  and  to  secure  the  provisions  and  men  as 
before.  When  the  wagons  were  unloaded  the  field- 
oflicer  with  three  hundred  men  was  to  return  to  camp, 
and  Sir  John  S'  Clair  with  the  first  engineer  was  to 
remain  and  carry  on  the  works  with  the  other  three 

This  advance  detachment  was  to  be  followed  by  the 
remainder  of  the  forces  in  three  divisions,  in  the  fol- 
lowing order :  First,  Sir  Peter  Halket's  command, 
with  "  about  one  hundred  wagons  of  provisions, 
stores,  and  powder ;"  second,  Lieut.-Col.  Burton, 
"  with  the  independent  companies,  Virginia,  Mary- 
land, and  Carolina  Rangers,"  taking  the  artillery,  am- 
munition, and  some  stores  and  provisions ;  third, 
Col.  Dunbar's  brigade,  "  with  the  provision-wagons 
from  Winchester,  the  returned  wagons  from  the  ad- 
vanced party,  and  all  the  carrying-horses." 

In  accordance  with  this  order,  Maj.  Chapman  with 
a  body  of  six  hundred  men,  and  accompanied  by  Sir 
John  Sinclair,  marched  at  daybreak  on  the  30th  of 
May,  but  "  it  was  night  before  the  whole  baggage  had 
got  over  a  mountain  about  two  miles  from  camp.  .  .  . 
The  general  reconnoitred  this  mountain,  and  deter- 
mined to  set  the  engineers  and  three  hundred  more 
men  at  work  on  it,  as  he  thought  it  impassable  by 
howitzers.  He  did  not  imagine  any  other  road  could 
be  made,  as  a  reconnoitring-party  had  already  been 
to  explore  the  country ;  nevertheless,  Mr.  Spendelow, 
lieutenant  of  the  seamen,  a  young  man  of  great 
discernment  and  abilities,  acquainted  the  general  that 
in  passing  that  mountain  he  had  discovered  a  valley 
which  led  quite  round  the  foot  of  it.  A  party  of  a 
hundred  men  with  an  engineer  was  ordered  to  cut  a 
road  there,  and  an  extreme  good  one  was  made  in 
two  days,  which  fell  into  the  other  road  about  a  mile 
on  the  other  side  of  the  mountain." 

"  Everything  being  now  settled.  Sir  Peter  Halket, 
with  the  Forty-fourth  Regiment,  marched  on  the  7th 
of  June;  Lieutenant-Colonel  Burton,  with  the  inde- 
pendent companies  and  Rangers,  on  the  8th,  and  Col- 
onel Dunbar,  with  the  Forty-eighth  Regiment,  on  the 
10th,  with  the  proportions  of  baggage  as  was  settled 
by  the  council  of  war.  The  same  day  the  general 
left  Fort  Cumberland,  and  joined  the  whole  at  Spen- 
delow Camp,  about  five  miles  from  the  fort."  *  The 
camp  was  named  in  honor  of  Lieut.  Spendelow,  who 
discovered  the  route  around  the  foot  of  the  mountain. 

At  Spendelow  Camp  a  reduction  of  baggage  was 
made,  and  the  surplus  sent  back  to  the  fort,  together 
with  two  six-pounders,  four  cohorns,  and  some  powder 
and  stores,  which  cleared  about  twenty  wagons  of 
their  loads,  "  and  near  a  iiundred  able  horses  were 
given  to  the  public  service.  .  .  .  All  the  king's 
wagons  were  also  sent  back  to  the  fort,  they  being 
too  heavy,  and  requiring  large  horses  for  the  shafts, 
which  could  not  be  procured,  and  country  wagons 
were  fitted  for  powder  in  their  stead." 



On  the  13th  the  cohimn  moved  to  Martin's  plan- 
tation; on  the  15th  it  "passed  the  Aligany  Moun- 
tain, which  is  a  roclcy  ascent  of  more  than  two  miles, 
in  many  places  exceedingly  steep ;  its  descent  is  very 
rugged  and  almost  perpendicular ;  in  passing  which 
we  entirely  demolished  three  wagons  and  shattered 
several."  That  night  the  First  Brigade  camped  about 
three  miles  west  of  Savage  River.  On  the  16th  the 
head  of  the  column  reached  the  Little  Meadows,  ten 
miles  from  Martin's  plantation  ;  but  the  rear  did  not 
arrive  there  until  the  18th.  At  this  place  they  found 
Sir  John  Sinclair  encamped  with  three  hundred  men, 
this  being  the  farthest  point  he  could  reach  in  the 
five  days  specified  in  the  orders. 

At  the  Little  Meadows  the  general  adopted  a  new 
plan  of  campaign, — to  move  forward  with  a  division 
composed  of  some  of  his  best  troops,  with  a  few  guns 
and  but  little  baggage,  leaving  the  remainder  of  his 
force  behind  to  bring  up  the  heavy  stores  and  artillery. 

This  decision  was  taten  largely  through  the  advice 
of  Washington,  who,  although  not  of  rank  to  sit  in  the 
councils  of  war,  possessed  no  small  shwre  of  the  gen- 
eral's confidence,  by  reason  of  the  experience  he  had 
gained  in  the  campaign  of  the  preceding  year.  He 
gave  it  as  his  opinion  that  the  movement  of  the  army 
was  too  slow,  on  account  of  the  cumbrous  wagon- 
train,  which  on  the  march  stretched  out  for  a  distance 
of  more  than  three  miles,  thus  not  only  retarding  the 
progress  of  the  forces,  but  affording  an  excellent  op- 
portunity for  lurking  parties  of  the  enemy  to  attack 
and  destroy  some  lightly-defended  part  of  it  before 
help  could  arrive  from  the  main  body.  He  had  from 
the  first  urged  the  use  of  pack-horses  instead  of  wagons 
for  the  greater  part  of  the  transportation,  and  although 
his  advice  was  ignored  by  the  general,  its  wisdom  now 
became  apparent.  Orme's  .Journal  says  that  by  the 
experience  of  the  four  days'  march  from  Spendelow 
Camp  to  the  Little  Meadows,  "  it  was  found  impos- 
sible to  proceed  with  such  a  number  of  carriages. 
The  horses  grew  every  day  fainter,  and  many  died  ; 
the  men  would  not  have  been  able  to  have  undergone 
the  constant  and  necessary  fatigue  by  remaining  so 
many  hours  under  arms,  and  by  the  great  extent  of 
the  baggage  the  line  was  extremely  weakened.  The 
general  was  therefore  determined  to  move  forward 
with  a  detachment  of  the  best  men,  and  as  little  in- 
cumbrance as  possible." 

The  selected  force  destined  to  move  in  the  advance 
consisted  of  between  twelve  and  thirteen  hundred 
men.  "  A  detachment  of  one  field-ofiicer  with  four 
hundred  men  and  the  deputy  quartermaster-general 
marched  on  the  18th  to  cut  and  make  the  road  to  the 
Little  Crossing  of  the  Yoxhio  Geni,  taking  with  them 
two  six-pounders  with  their  ammunition,  three  wagons 
of  tools,  and  thirty-five  days'  provisions,  all  on  carry- 
ing-horses, and  on  the  19th  the  general  marched  with 
a  detachment  of  one  colonel,  one  lieutenant-colonel, 
one  major,  the  two  eldest  grenadier  companies,  and 
five  hundred  rank  and  file,  the  party  of  seamen,  and 

eighteen  light-horse,  and  four  howitzers  with  fifty 
rounds  eacli,  and  four  twelve-pounders  with  eighty 
rounds  each,  and  one  hundred  round.s  of  ammunition 
for  each  man,  and  one  wagon  of  Indian  presents;  the 
whole  number  of  carriages  being  about  thirty.  The 
howitzers  had  e.ach  nine  horses,  the  twelve-pounders 
seven,  and  the  wagons  six.  There  was  also  lliirty- 
five  days'  provisions  carried  on  horses."  The  troops 
left  beliind  with  Col.  Dunbar  numbered  about  nine 
hundred,  including  four  artillery  officers.  Eighty- 
four  wagons  and  all  the  ordnance  stores  and  provis- 
ions not  immediately  needed  by  the  advance  column 
were  also  left  in  his  charge. 

The  advanced  force  under  Braddock  reached  the 
Little  Crossings  (Castleman's  River)  on  the  evening 
of  the  19th,  and  camped  on  the  west  side  of  the 
stream.  At  this  camp  Washington  was  taken  seri- 
ously ill  with  a  fever,  and  when  the  troops  marched 
the  next  morning  he  was  left  behind  with  a  guard  and 
proper  attendance'  and  comforts.  As  .soon  as  able  he 
was  to  come  on  with  the  rear  division  under  Col. 
Dunbar;  but  it  has  been  stated  that  he  ;isked  and 
received  from  Gen.  Braddock  a  promise  that  the  fort 
should  not  be  attacked  until  he  had  recovered  and 
rejoined  the  assaulting  column.  It  does  not,  however, 
seem  reasonable  to  suppose  that  he  would  have  wished 
to  jeopardize  the  success  of  the  expedition  by  asking 
such  an  indefinite  delay,  nor  that  Braddock  would, 
under  any  circumstances,  have  bound  himself  by 
such  a  promise. 

In  four  days  from  his  departure  from  the  Little 
Meadows,  Gen.  Braddock's  column  had  made  nine- 
teen miles,  and  arrived  at  the  Great  Crossings  of  the 
Youghiogheny,  which  the  troops  crossed  without 
bridging.-  On  the  24th  of  June  they  passed  an  In- 
dian camp,  recently  vacated,  which  gave  indications 
that  it  had  been  occupied  by  about  one  hundred  and 
seventy  persons.  "  They  had  stripped  and  painted 
some  trees,  upon  which  they  and  the  French  had 
written  many  threats  and  bravadoes,  with  all  kinds 

1  In  some  accounts  of  this  sickness  of  Washington,  it  has  been  stated 
that  Dr.  James  Craik  (who  was  with  the  expedition  ss  a  surgeon  in 
the  Virginia  troops,  and  who  was  also  the  life-lon»;  friend  and  physi- 
cian of  Washington)  was  left  behind  at  the  Little  Crossings  to  attend 
him,  but  such  does  not  appear  to  hare  been  the  case.  The  Hrn  -iTnmag 
Finley,  in  a  letter  written  to  the  editor  of  NUes'  Re^ister^  dated  Youngs- 
town,  Pa.,  March  27, 181S,  relates  some  conversations  which  he  had  with 
Washington  in  reference  to  Braddock's  campaign,  from  which  letter  the 
following  extracts  are  made:  "On  one  occasion,  in  a  mixed  company, 
some  question  being  .isked  of  nie,  then  sitting  next  the  President  (Wash- 
ington), about  the  Big  Sleadows  and  Dunbar's  Run,  by  Col.  Sprigg,  of 
Maryland,  which  I  could  not  answer,  the  President,  to  whom  I  referred 
the  question,  in  answering  iheni  described  Dunbar's  camp,  to  which  the 
of  Braddock's  army  retired  after  the  defeat,  .  ,  ,  Looking  round 
dy  to  me,  he  said, '  Braddock  was  both  my  general  and  my  physi- 
cian. I  was  attacketi  with  a  dangerous  fever  on  the  march,  and  he  left 
a  sergeant  [not  a  surgeon']  to  take  care  of  me,  nnd  Jam&>^  fever  potcders^ 
ivith  directions  Jioic  to  give  thetn,  and  a  wagon  to  bring  me  on  when  I 
would  be  able,  which  was  only  tlie  day  before  the  defeat,'" 

-  An  entry  in  Orme's  Journal  for  this  day  is  to  this  effect:  "  The  2-4th 
of  June  we  marched  at  five  in  the  morning,  anti  passed  the  second 
branch  of  tlie  Yoxhio  Ueui,  which  is  about  one  hundred  yards  wide, 
about  three  feet  deep,  with  a  very  strong  current." 



of  scurrilous  language."  The  French  had  received 
early  information  of  Braddock's  coming,  and  parties 
of  them  with  their  Indian  allies  had  advanced  east 
beyond  the  Laurel  Hill  to  meet  the  English  ;  not  for 
the  purpose  of  attacking  them,  but  to  hover  along 
their  front  and  flanks,  to  spy  out  their  movements, 
murder  stragglers,  and  to  keep  the  commandant  at 
Fort  Du  Quesne  informed,  from  day  to  day,  of  the 
progress  of  the  English  forces.  From  the  time  when 
the  troops  crossed  the  Youghiogheny,  hostile  Indians 
were  always  near  them  along  the  route,  and  evidences 
of  their  presence  multiplied  with  each  succeeding 
day's  march. 

In  fact,  nearly  all  the  savages  west  of  the  moun- 
tains were  now  ranged  on  the  side  of  the  French.  A 
few  only  of  the  Indian  allies  of  the  English  had  re- 
mained true  to  them  after  the  surrender  of  Fort  Ne- 
cessity, and  among  these  were  Monacatoocha,  the 
successor  of  the  friendly  Half-King,'  and  Scarooyada, 
whose  acquaintance  Washington  had  made  on  his  trip 
to  Le  Breuf  in  the  previous  year.  These  two  chiefs, 
with  nearly  a  hundred  and  fifty  Seneca  and  Delaware 
warriors,  had  joined  the  English  on  their  march,  and 
proposed  to  accompany  them  as  scouts  and  guides. 
They  could  without  doubt  have  rendered  great  ser- 
vice in  that  capacity,  and  if  the  warnings  of  their 
forest  experience  had  been  listened  to,  might  perhaps 
have  saved  Braddock's  army  from  the  disaster  which 
overtook  it.  But  the  general  despised  and  rejected 
their  services,  and  treated  them  with  so  much  of 
slight  and  contempt  that  they  finally  retired  in  dis- 
gust and  left  him  to  his^'fate. 

On  the  25th  of  June,  "at daybreak,  three  men  who 
went  without  the  sentinels  were  shot  and  scalped." 
Gen.  Braddock  was  greatly  incensed  at  these  murders, 
and  issued  an  order  directing  that  "  every  soldier  or 
Indian  shall  receive  five  pounds  for  each  Indian 
scalp."  At  their  halting-place  on  the  same  evening 
they  found  the  marks  of  another  French  and  Indian 
camp,  so  lately  vacated  that  the  fires  were  yet  burn- 
ing. "  The  Indians  who  had  occupied  it,"  said  Orme, 
"  had  marked  in  triumph  upon  trees  the  scalps  they 
had  taken  two  days  before,  and  many  of  the  French 
had  written  on  them  their  names  and  sundry  insolent 
expressions.  We  picked  up  a  commission  on  the 
march,  which  mentioned  the  party  being  under  the 
command  of  the  Sieur  Normanville.  This  Indian 
camp  was  in  a  strong  situation,  being  upon  a  high 
rock,  with  a  very  narrow  and  steep  ascent  to  the  top. 
It  had  a  spring  in  tlie  middle,  and  stood  at  the  termi- 
nation of  the  Indian  path  to  the  Monongahela,  at  the 
confluence  of  Redstone  Creek.  By  this  path  the  party 
came  which  attacked  Mr.  Washington  last  year,  and 
also  this  which  attended  us.  By  their  tracks  they 
seemed  to  have  divided  here,  the  one  party  going 
straight  forward  to  Fort  Du  Quesne,  and  the  other 

'  The  Half-King,  Tanacliarieou,  had  died  in  the  preceding  October,  at 
Harris^  Ferry  (now  Harrisburg),  on  the  Susquehanna. 

returning  by  Redstone  Creek  to  the  Monongahela. 
A  captain,  four  subalterns,  and  ninety  volunteers 
marched  from  the  camp  with  proper  guides  to  fall  in 
the  night  upon  that  party  which  we  imagined  had 
returned  by  the  Monongahela.  They  found  a  small 
quantity  of  provisions  and  a  very  large  bateau,  which 
they  destroyed,"  but  they  saw  nothing  of  the  foe  they 
were  sent  to  capture. 

On  the  27th  of  June  the  troops  reached  Gist's  plan- 
tation, where  they  found  Lieut.-Col.  Burton  and  Sir 
John  Sinclair,  with  a  detachment  of  about  four  hun- 
dred men,  who  had  been  sent  forward  to  cut  out  the 
road  in  advance  of  the  main  body.  On  the  28th  the 
forces  moved  on  from  Gist's,  crossed  the  Youghio- 
gheny on  the  30th,  and  thence  moved  northward 
along  the  route  of  the  old  Iroquois  war  trail,  leading 
to  the  Allegheny.  On  the  3d  of  July  "  we  marched," 
says  Orme  in  his  journal,  "  about  six  miles  to  the  Salt 
Lick  Creek.^  Sir  John  S'  Clair  proposed  to  the  Gen- 
eral to  halt  at  this  camp,  and  to  send  back  all  our 
horses  to  bring  up  Colonel  Dunbar's  detachment," 
which  was  then  encamped  at  Squaw's  Fort,  about 
three  miles  east  of  the  Great  Crossings  of  the  Youghio- 
gheny, in  the  present  county  of  Somerset.  Upon 
this  suggestion  of  Sir  John,  the  general  convened  a 
council  of  war,  composed  of  Col.  Sir  Peter  Halket, 
Lieut.-Cols.  Gage  and  Burton,  Maj.  Sparks,  and  Sir 
John  Sinclair,  D.Q.G.  After  due  consideration  of 
the  proposition,  "  the  council  were  unanimously  of 
the  opinion  not  to  halt  there  for  Col.  Dunbar,  but  to 
proceed  the  next  morning."  The  camp  where  this 
council  of  war  was  held  was  about  one  and  one-half 
miles  below  the  site  of  the  present  town  of  Mount 
Pleasant,  in  Westmoreland  County.  From  this  place 
the  column  marched  on  to  the  Great  Sewickley  ; 
thence  to  the  Brush  Fork  of  Turtle  Creek,  where 
Braddock  halted  in  indecision,  as  the  crossing  of  that 
stream  and  the  passage  through  the  ravines  appeared 
hazardous.  He  finally  decided  to  abandon  the  route 
originally  proposed  from  this  point  along  the  ridges 
to  Fort  Du  Quesne,  and  accordingly,  turning  sharply 
to  the  left,  he  moved  towards  the  Monongahela,  en- 
camping on  the  night  of  the  8th  of  July  about  two 
miles  east  of  the  river,  below  the  mouth  of  the 
Youghiogheny.  It  was  at  this  camp  that  Wash- 
ington (although  not  yet  fully  recovered  from  his  ill- 
ness) rejoined  the  army,  having  left  Col.  Dunbar's 
force  near  the  Great  Meadows,  and  came  on  "  in  a 
covered  wagon,"  under  protection  of  a  detachment 
sent  on  to  guard  a  pack-horse  train  laden  with  pro- 
visions for  the  advance  column. 

On  the  morning  of  the  9th  of  July  the  troops  marched 
to  the  Monongahela  and  crossed  to  the  southwest 
shore,  moving  thence  on  the  left  bank  for  about  three 
miles  ;  then  recrossed  the  river  at  Fraser's,  just  be- 
low the  mouth  of  Turtle  Creek.  The  crossing  was 
completed  at  about  one  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  and 

2  Now  linown  as  Jacobs  Creek. 

n\A^u^^.,^^\„J^^}^  "VVvd  T^-Avv44 




when  the  column  reformed  on  the  right  bank  of  the  ] 
.  Monongahela,  it  was  within  three-fourths  of  a  mile  of 
f'l  the  place  where  the  French  with  their  Indian  allies 
/  lay  hidden  along  the  slopes  of  the  forest  defile  which, 
tl  ere  the  sun  went  down  on  that  memorable  day,  was 
.  to  be  reddened  by  the  blood  of  the  bravest,  and  made 
*>-  historic  for  all  time  as  "Braddock's  Field"  of  disaster 
-y^  and  defeat. 

^^    The  bloody  battle  of  the  Monongahela  has  been  too 
.    often  described  to  require  repetition  here.    It  resulted 
'^•nn  the  utter  defeat  and  rout  of  the  English,  and  the 
^^ headlong  flight  of  the  survivors  to  the  south  side  of 
the  river  at  the  point  where  they  had  crossed.     The 
force  which  entered  the  defile  was  fourteen  hundred 
■>-,and  sixty  strong,'  including  officers  and  privates.    Of 
•,  <this  force  four  hundred  and  fifty-six  were  killed  and 
f    four  hundred   and   twenty-one  wounded,  making  a 
^  total  of  eight  hundred  and  seventy-seven  ;  while  only 
five  hundred  and  eighty-three  escaped  unhurt.     Of 
eighty-nine  commissioned  officers,  sixty-three  were 
killed  or  wounded,  including  every  officer  above  the 
^    rank  of  captain  except  Col.  Washington,  who,  how- 
iever,  was  a  colonel  only  by  courtesy.     Of  the  cap- 
tains, ten  w-ere  killed  and  five  wounded  ;  of  the  lieu- 
tenants, fifteen  killed  and  twenty-two  wounded.   Gen. 
Braddock  had  four  horses  shot  under  him,  and  while 
mounting  the  fifth  received  the  wound  which  proved 
mortal.    Washington  bad  two  horses  shot  under  him. 
Sir  Peter  Halket   (next  in  command  to  Braddock) 
was  killed  instantly.     Secretary  Shirley  was  killed. 
Col.  Burton,  Sir  John  Sinclair,  and  Lieut.-Col.  Gage 
were  among   the  wounded,  also   Brig.-Maj.  Halket, 
Dr.  Hugh  Mercer,'-  Maj.  Sparks,  and  Capt.   Orme. 
Of  the  naval  officers  present,  Lieut.  Spendelow  and 
Midshipman  Talbot  were  killed.   A  number  of  women 
and  officers'  servants  were  also  killed  and  scalped, 
though  every  wagoner  escaped.     One  hundred  beeves 
were  captured  by  the  enemy,  also  the  general's  papers 
(orders,  instructions,  and  correspondence),  and  the 
military  chest,  containing  £25,000  in  money,  as  well 
as  all  of  Washington's  papers,  including  his  notes  re- 
ferring to  the  Fort  Necessity  campaign  of  the  previous 
year.     The  journal  of  Capt.  Orme  alone  of  all  the 
military  papers  was  saved.     All  the  artillery,  ammu- 
nition, baggage,  and  stores  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
French  and  Indians,  and  the  dead  and  badly  wounded 

1  The  force  had  increafied  by  nearly  two  hundred  men  between  the 
time  when  Braddock  moved  forward  from  the  Little  Meadows  with  be- 
tween twelve  and  thirteen  hundred  men  and  the  time  when  they  reached 
the  Monongahela.  This  increase  was  made  principally  by  small  detach- 
ments which  were  detailed  from  the  rear-puard,  under  Dunbar,  as  guards 
to  the  trains  which  were  sent  forward  with  supplies  to  the  advance. 

-  Afterwards  Gen.  Mercer,  who  was  killed  at  the  battle  of  Princeton, 
Jan.  3,  1777.  The  wound  which  he  received  at  the  battle  of  the  Monon- 
gahela was  a  very  severe  one.  He  was  left  on  the  field  with  the  other 
badly  wounded,  but  managed  to  conceal  himself  behind  a  fallen  tree, 
where  he  witnessed  the  atrocities  committed  by  the  savages  on  the  other 
wounded  men  and  on  the  dead.  His  place  of  concealment  was  not  dis- 
covered by  the  Indians,  who  soon  left  the  field.  When  darkness  came 
on  he  crept  from  the  woods,  crossed  the  Monongahela,  and  after  wander- 
ing in  the  woods  for  many  days  with  his  wound  undressed,  and  nearly 
famished,  he  at  last  reached  Fort  Cumberland  in  safety. 

were  left  on  the  field  to  be  Hcalped  and  tortured  by 
the  savages,  who,  however,  Htrangely  enough,  made 

little  show  of  pursuit. 

Braddock,  when  he  received  his  fatal  wound,  ex- 
pressed a  wish  to  be  left  to  die  on  the  field,  and  this 
wish  came  near  being  gratified.  Nearly  all  his  panic- 
stricken  followers  deserted  liim,  but  his  aide-de-camp, 
Orme,  and  Capt.  Stewart,  of  the  Virginia  light- 
horse,  stood  faithfully  by  him,  and  at  the  imminent 
risk  of  their  own  lives  succeeded  in  bearing  him  from 
the  woods  and  across  the  river.  On  reaching  the 
south  side  of  the  Monongahela  the  general,  though 
suffering  intense  pain  from  his  wound,  gave  orders 
that  the  troo|)s  should  be  rallied  and  a  stand  made 
at  that  place,  but  this  was  found  impossible.  A  few 
subordinate  officers  and  less  than  one  hundred  sol- 
diers were  all  who  remained  around  him.  Of  this 
Capt.  Orme's  journal  says,  "  We  intended  to  have 
kept  possession  of  that  ground  till  we  could  have 
been  reinforced.  The  general  and  some  wounded 
officers  remained  there  about  an  hour,  till  most  of 
the  men  ran  off.  From  that  place  the  general  sent 
Mr.  Washington  to  Col.  Dunbar  with  orders  to  send 
wagoners  for  the  wounded,  some  provisions  and  hos- 
pital stores,  to  be  escorted  by  the  two  youngest  grena- 
dier companies,  to  meet  him  at  Gist's  plantation,  or 
nearer  if  possible.  It  was  found  impracticable  to  re- 
main here,  as  the  general  and  officers  were  left  almost 
alone ;  we  therefore  retreated  in  the  best  manner  we 
were  able.  After  we  had  passed  the  Mimongahela 
the  second  time,  we  were  joined  by  Lieut.-Col.  Gage, 
who  had  rallied  near  eighty  men.  We  marched  all 
night  and  the  next  day,  and  about  ten  o'clock  that 
night  we  got  to  Gist's  plantation." 

During  the  time  when  Gen.  Braddock  was  ad- 
vancing to  the  Monongahela,  Col.  Dunbar  was  toil- 
ing slowly  along  with  the  rear  division,  the  artillery, 
and  heavy  stores.  Leaving  the  Little  Crossings  soon 
after  Braddock's  departure,  he  came  on  by  the  same 
route,  passing  the  ruins  of  Fort  Necessity  on  the  2d 
of  July,  and  a  few  days  later  reached  the  place,  high 
up  on  the  Laurel  Hill,  which  is  known  to  this  day  as 
"Dunbar's  Camp,"'  and  where  he  then  encamped 
his  troops  and  parked  his  trains.  This  was  the  end 
of  Dunbar's  outward  march,  for  he  there  received 
from  the  Monongahela  battle-field  the  fearful  tidings 
which  forbade  all  thoughts  of  a  farther  advance. 

It  was  to  this  camp  that  "  Mr.  Washington"  (as  he 
was  designated  by  Orme,  he  holding  no  military  rank 
under  Braddock)  was  ordered  from  the  lower  crossing 
of  the  Monongahela  to  proceed  with  all  possible  speed, 
and  with  peremptory  orders*  to  Col.  Dunbar  to  send 

»  Col.  Burd,  who  visited  this  place  in  1769,  when  on  his  w»y  to  erect  a 
fort  on  the  present  site  of  Brownsville,  said  of  Dunbar's  camp  that  it 
was  "the  worst  chosen  piece  of  ground  for  an  encampment  I  ever 

<  It  was  known  that  there  was  ill  feeling  on  the  part  of  Dunbar  to' 
wards  the  commander-in-chief,  aud  it  was  therefore  thought  necessary 
to  send  the  most  positive  orders  in  Braddock's  name  to  insure  obedience. 



wagons  with  supplies  and  hospital  stores  without 
delay,  as  has  already  been  noticed.  He  set  out  with 
two  private  soldiers  as  an  escort,  and  traveling  with- 
out halt  through  the  long  hours  of  the  dark  and  rainy 
night  which  succeeded  the  day  of  the  battle,  came 
early  in  the  morning  of  the  10th  to  the  camp  of  Col. 
Dunbar,  who,  as  it  appears,  was  greatly  demoralized 
by  the  startling  intelligence  which  he  brought.  At 
about  the  middle  of  the  forenoon  several  of  Brad- 
dock's  Pennsylvania  Dutch  wagoners  (from  the  east- 
ern counties)  arrived  at  the  camp,  bringing  the  dread 
news  from  the  battle-fleld,  and  announcing  themselves 
as  the  only  survivors  of  the  bloody  fight  on  the  Mo- 
nongahela.  Nearly  at  the  same  time  arrived  Sir  John 
Sinclair  and  another  wounded  officer,  brought  in  by 
their  men  in  blankets. 

Dunbar's  camp  was  then  a  scene  of  the  wildest 
panic,  as  the  rattle  of  the  "  long  roll,"  beaten  by  his 
drummers,  reverberated  among  the  crags  of  the  Laurel 
Hill.  Each  one,  from  the  commander  to  the  lowest 
camp-follower,  believed  that  the  savages  and  the 
scarcely  less  dreaded  French  were  near  at  hand  and 
would  soon  surround  the  camp. 

True  to  their  cowardly  instincts,  Dunbar's  wagoners 
and  pack-horse  drivers,  like  those  who  were  with  Brad- 
dock  on  the  Monongahela,  and  like  many  others  of 
the  same  base  brood  on  a  hundred  later  battle-fields, 
were  the  first  to  seek  safety  in  flight,  mounting  the 
best  horses  and  hurrying  away  with  all  speed  towards 
Fort  Cumberland,'  leaving  their  places  on  the  wagons 

^  A  few  days  after  Uieir  cowardly  flight  from  Dunbar's  camp,  several 
of  these  panic-stricken  wagoners  appeared  at  Carlisle,  bringing  with 
them  the  first  news  of  the  disaster  to  Braddock's  army.  Thereupon 
they  were  examined  by  the  Governor  of  Penusylvania  at  that  place, 
and  their  depositions  taken  and  subscribed  before  him  are  found  in  the 
Pennsylvania  Archives.  Two  of  these  depositions  (similar  in  tenor  to 
all  the  others)  are  here  given,  viz.: 

Matthew  Laird  being  duly  sworn,  deposed  and  said, — 

"...  That  this  examinant  continued  with  Col.  Dunbar.  And  on 
the  tenth  of  this  instant  the  regiment  being  at  about  seven  miles  beyond 
a  place  called  the  Great  Meadows  at  eleven  o'clock  of  that  day,  there 
■was  a  rumor  in  the  camp  that  there  was  bad  news,  and  he  was  soon 
after  informed  by  wagoners  and  pack-horse  drivers,  who  were  then 
returned  to  Col.  Dunbar's  camp,  but  had  gone  out  with  the  advanced 
party  under  Gen.  Braddock,  that  the  general  with  the  advanced  party 
was  defeated  by  the  French  on  the  ninth  instant  about  five  miles 
from  Fort  Du  Quesne,  and  about  forty  miIes*from  where  Col.  Dunbar 
then  was,  at  which  engagement  the  wagoners  and  pack-horse  drivers 
said  they  were  present;  that  the  English  were  attacked  as  they  were 
going  up  a  hill  by  a  numerous  body  of  French  and  Indians,  who  kept 
a  continual  fire  daring  the  whole  engagement,  which  lasted  nigh 
three  hours  ;  that  most  of  the  English  were  cut  off,  and  the  whole  train 
of  artillery  taken  ;  that  General  Braddock  was  killed,  as  also  Sir  Peter 
Hacket,  Capt.  Orms,  and  most  of  the  officers.  This  examinant  further 
saith  he  saw  a  wounded  officer  brought  through  the  camp  on  a  sheet; 
that  about  noon  of  the  same  day  they  beat  to  arms  in  Col.  Dunbar's 
camp,  upon  which  the  wagoners  as  well  as  many  common  soldiers  and 
others  took  to  flight  in  spite  of  the  opposition  made  by  the  centrys,  who 
forced  some  to  return,  but  many  got  away,  amongst  whom  was  this  ex- 

Following  is  the  deposition  of  Jacob  Hnber: 

"This  examinant  saith  that  he  was  in  Col.  Dunbar's  camp  the  tenth 
of  July  instant,  and  was  informed  that  two  officers  who  had  come  from 
Fort  Cumberland,  and  had  proceeded  early  in  the  morning  with  a  party 
of  Indians  to  join  General  Bniddock,  returned  to  the  camp  in  about 
three  hours  after  they  set  out,  and  a  lumor  spread  that  there  was  bad 

and  with  the  pack-horse  trains  to  be  filled  by  brave 
soldiers  from  the  ranks.  Their  base  example  infected 
the  numerous  camp-followers,  who,  as  well  as  many  of 
those  from  whom  better  things  might  have  been  ex- 
pected, fled  towards  the  Allegheny  Mountains,  and  it 
was  with  the  greatest  difliculty  that  Dunbar  prevented 
the  desertion  and  flight  from  becoming  general. 

At  ten  o'clock  in  the  evening  of  the  same  day 
(Thursday,  July  10th),  Gen.  Braddock  reached  Gist's. 
From  the  place  where  he  fell  he  was  brought  away 
on  a  tumbril.  Afterwards  the  attempt  was  made  to 
move  him  on  horseback,  but  this  he  could  endure 
only  for  a  short  time,  after  which  he  was  dismounted 
and  carried  all  the  remaining  distance  by  a  few  of  his 
men.  The  wearyjourney  was  continued  with  scarcely 
a  halt  during  all  the  night  succeeding  the  battle  and 
all  the  following  day.  Through  all  the  sad  hours  of 
that  long  march  the  gallant  Capt.  Orrae  (himself  suf- 
fering from  a  painful  wound)  and  the  no  less  brave 
and  steadfast  Virginia  cavalry  captain,  Stewart,  were 
constantly  by  the  side  of  their  helpless  commander, 
never  leaving  him  a  moment. 

The  mortally  wounded  general  must  have  been  suf- 
fering intense  agony  of  mind  as  well  as  of  body,  but 
through  it  all,  like  the  brave  and  faithful  oflicer  that 
he  was,  he  never  forgot  that  there  were  other  maimed 
and  suffering  ones  who  sorely  needed  aid.  "  Despite 
the  intensity  of  his  agonies,"  says  Sargent,  "  Braddock 
still  persisted  in  the  exercise  of  his  authority  and  the 
fulfillment  of  his  duties."  On  reaching  Gist's  he  found 
that  no  provisions,  stores,  nor  surgical  aid  had  arrived 
there  in  obedience  to  the  command  sent  by  Washing- 
ton to  Col.  Dunbar,  and  thereupon  he  sent  still  more 
peremptory  orders  to  that  officer  to  forward  them  in- 
stantly, with  the  two  only  remaining  companies  of 
the  Forty-fourth  and  Forty-eighth  Eegiments,  to  assist 
in  bringing  ofl!'  the  wounded.  The  wagons  arrived  on 
the  morning  of  Friday,  the  11  th,  and  a  party  was  then 
immediately  sent  back  towards  the  Monongahela  to 
rescue  such  of  the  wounded  as  could  be  found,  and 
with  a  supply  of  provisions  to  be  left  along  the  road 
for  the  benefit  of  those  who  might  be  missed  and  come 

news,  and  that  the  officers  could  not  pass  to  the  genetul  by  reason  of  the 
Indians;  that  about  nine  or  ten  o'clock  the  same  day  this  examinant 
saw  and  spoke  with  several  wagoners  who  were  come  into  Col.  Dunbar's 
camp  from  Gen.  Braddock's,  and  who  informed  this  examinant  that 
Gen.  Braddock  with  his  advanced  party  of  fifteen  hundred  men  had  been 
attacked  on  the  ninth  instant  within  five  miles  of  Fort  Du  Quesne  by  a 
great  many  French  and  Indians  who  surrounded  them  ;  tliat  tlie  action 
lasted  three  hours;  that  the  most  part  of  the  English  were  killed;  that 
Gen.  Braddock  was  wounded  and  put  into  a  wagon,  and  afterwards 
killed  by  the  Indians ;  th  .t  Sir  Peter  Hacket  and  Capt.  Orme  were  also 
killed.  And  this  examinant  further  saith  that  he  saw  some  soldiers  re- 
turn into  Col.  Dunbar's  camp,  who  he  was  informed  had  been  of  General 
Braddock's  advanced  party,  some  of  whom  were  wounded,  some  not ;  also 
saw  two  officers  carried  on  slieete,  one  of  whom  was  said  to  be  Sir  John 
St.  Clair,  whom  the  examinant  was  inlbrmed  had  received  two  wounds; 
that  about  noon  of  the  same  day  dol.  Dunbar's  drums  beat  to  arras; 
and  both  before  and  after  that  many  soldiers  and  wagoners  with  other 
attendants  upon  the  camp  took  to  flight,  and  amongst  others  this  exam- 
inant.   And  further  saith  not." 



up  afterwards.     Of  the  movements  of  the  general  and  j 
his  party  on  that  day,  Capt.  Orme's  Journal  has  the 
following  entry  : 

"Gist's  plantation,  July  llth. — Some  wagons,  pro- 
visions, and  hospital  stores  arrived.  As  soon  as  the 
wounded  were  dressed,  and  the  men  had  refreshed 
themselves,  we  retreated  to  Col.  Dunbar's  camp, 
which  was  near  Rock  Fort.  The  general  sent  a  ser- 
geant's party  back  with  provisions  to  be  left  on  the 
road,  ou  the  other  side  of  the  Yoxhio  Geni,  for  the 
refreshment  of  any  men  who  might  have  lost  their 
way  in  the  woods.  Upon  our  arrival  at  Col.  Dun- 
bar's camp  we  found  it  in  the  greatest  confusion. 
Some  of  his  men  had  gone  off  upon  hearing  of  our  de- 
feat, and  the  rest  seemed  to  have  forgot  all  discipline. 
Several  of  our  detachments  had  not  stopped  till  they 
had  reached  the  camp.  It  was  found  necessary  to 
clear  some  of  the  wagons  for  the  wounded,  many  of 
whom  were  in  a  desperate  situation  ;  and  as  it  was  im- 
possible to  remove  the  stores,  the  howitzer  shells, 
some  twelve-pound  shot,  powder,  and  provisions  were 
destroyed  or  buried." 

The  terror  and  consternation  at  Dunbar's  camp 
had  been  constantly  on  the  increase  from  the  time 
when  the  first  of  the  frightened  wagoners  had  gal- 
loped in  with  the  alarming  news  on  the  morning  of 
the  10th.  Through  all  that  day  and  the  following 
night  terrified  fugitives  from  the  field,  many  of  them 
wounded,  were  continually  pouring  in,  each  telling  a 
fearful  tale  of  rout  and  massacre,  and  all  uniting  in 
the  assertion  that  the  French  and  savages  in  over- 
whelming force  were  following  close  in  the  rear. 
This  latter  statement  was  wholly  false,  for  the  enemy 
had  made  no  attempt  at  pursuit  from  the  shores  of 
the  Monongahela  ;  but  the  tale  was  believed,  and  its 
effect  was  an  uncontrollable  panic  at  the  camp. 

On  the  arrival  of  Capt.  Stewart  with  his  escort, 
bearing  the  wounded  general,  a  decision  was  at  once 
arrived  at  to  retreat  without  delay  to  Fort  Cumber- 
land, destroying  everything  which  could  not  be  car- 
ried. It  was  a  strange  proceeding,  and  one  which 
must  now  appear  cowardly,  for  an  array  of  fully  a 
thousand  men,  many  of  them  veteran  soldiers,  with 
sufficient  artillery  and  an  abundance  of  ammunition, 
to  abandon  a  mountain  position  which  might  soon 
and  easily  have  been  rendered  impregnable,  and  to 
fly  before  the  imaginary  pursuit  by  an  enemy  which 
was  greatly  inferior  in  numbers,  and  had  already  re- 
tired in  the  opposite  direction.  But  if  the  retreat  was 
to  be  made,  then  it  was  necessary  to  destroy  nearly 
everything  except  a  meagre  supply  of  provisions, 
for  there  was  barely  transportation  enough  for  the 
sick  and  wounded,  who  numbered  more  than  three 
hundred.  There  were  more  than  enough  wagons  to 
carry  everything,  but  the  number  of  horses  was  small, 
many  of  the  best  having  been  ridden  away  by  the 
frightened  wagoners  and  other  fugitives,  and  most  of 
those  sent  forward  with  the  trains  of  the  advance 
column  having  been  captured  by  the  enemy. 

The  work  of  destruction  and  preparation  for  retreat 
were  commenced  immediately,  and  completed  on  the 
12th.  The  howitzers  and  every  other  artillery  piece 
except  two  were  burst,  as  were  also  a  great  part  of 
the  shells.  Some  of  the  shells  and  nearly  all  the  solid 
shot  were  buried.  A  great  number  of  wagons  (having 
no  horses  to  draw  them)  were  burned.  Only  a  small 
part  of  the  provisions  was  saved  for  the  march,  most 
of  them  being  destroyed  V)y  burning,  or  thrown  into 
the  little  pond  of  water  that  had  been  formed  by  dam- 
ming the  spring  a  short  di.stance  below  the  camp. 
The  powder-casks  were  opened,  and  their  contents — 
stated  at  fifty  thousand  pounds  of  powder — thrown 
into  the  pool.  Of  all  the  immense  quantity  of  ma- 
terial and  stores  which  had  with  such  great  expense 
and  labor  been  transported  across  the  Alleghenies, 
and  to  the  top  of  Laurel  Hill,  there  was  only  saved 
the  least  amount  that  could  possibly  meet  the  neces- 
sities of  the  retreat  to  Cumberland. 

It  has  been  generally  believed  that  the  artillery 
pieces  were  not  burst,  but  buried  at  Dunbar's  camp, 
as  well  as  a  great  deal  of  other  property.  Stories 
were  told,  too,  that  a  large  amount  of  money  was 
buried  there  by  Dunbar  on  the  eve  of  his  retreat. 
As  to  the  statement  concerning  the  burial  of  the  can- 
non, it  was  indorsed  by  and  perhaps  originated  with 
Col.  Burd ; '  but  it  was  disproved  by  a  letter  dated 
Aug.  21,  1755,  addressed  to  Governor  Shirley  by  Col. 
Dunbar,  and  indorsed  by  his  officers,  in  which  they 
said,  "  We  must  beg  leave  to  undeceive  you  in  what 
fon  are  pleased  to  mention  of  guns  being  buried  at 
the  time  Gen.  Braddock  ordered  the  stores  to  be  de- 
stroyed, for  there  was  not  a  gun  of  any  kind  buried." 

The  question,  who  was  responsible  for  the  disgrace- 
ful retreat  from  Dunbar's  camp,  and  the  destruction 
of  the  stores  and  war  material  at  that  place,  has  gen- 
erally received  an  answer  laying  the  blame  on  Dun- 
bar himself;  and  this  appears  to  be  just,  though  in 
his  letter,  above  quoted,  he  mentions  the  order  for  the 
destruction  as  having  been  given  by  Braddock.  It  is 
true  that  the  orders  were  still  issued  in  his  name,  but 
the  hand  of  death  was  already  upon  him,  and  he  was 
irresponsible.  The  command  really  lay  with  Col. 
Dunbar,  had  he  been  disposed  to  take  it,  as  he  un- 
doubtedly would  readily  have  done  had  it  not  hap- 
pened that  the  so-called  orders  of  Braddock  were  in 
this  instance  (and  for  the  first  time  in  all  the  cam- 
paign) in  accordance  with  his  wishes. 

In  regard  to  the  issuance  of  these  orders  by  the 
dying  commander,  and  Dunbar's  very  ready  and 
willing  obedience  to  them,  Sargent — who,  however, 
almost  contradicts  himself  in  the  first  and  last  parts 

1  On  tho  llth  of  September,  1759,  Col.  Burd  visited  llimbar's  camp, 
and  concerning  this  visit  his  jouinni  siiys,  "  From  here  we  marched  to 
Dunbar's  camp.  .  .  .  Here  we  saw  vast  quantities  of  cannon-ball,  mus- 
ket-bullets, broken  shells,  and  an  immense  destruction  of  powder, 
wagons,  -^tc.  Reconnoitered  all  the  camp,  and  attempted  to  find  the 
cannon  and  mortars,  but  conid  nut  discover  them,  although  we  dug  a 
great  many  holes  where  stores  had  been'buried,  and  conclnded  the 
French  liad  carried  them  off.'* 



of  the  extract  given  below — says,  "Braddock's 
strength  was  now  fast  ebbing  away.  Informed  of  the 
disorganized  condition  of  the  remaining  troops,  he 
abandoned  all  hope  of  a  prosperous  termination  to  the 
expedition.  He  saw  that  not  only  death  but  utter 
defeat  was  inevitable.  But,  conscious  of  the  odium 
the  latter  event  would  excite,  he  nobly  resolved  that 
the  sole  responsibility  of  the  measure  should  rest  with 
himself,  and  consulted  with  no  one  upon  the  steps  he 
pursued.  He  merely  issued  his  orders,  and  insisted 
that  they  were  obeyed.  Thus,  after  destroying  the 
stores  to  prevent  their  falling  into  the  hands  of  the 
enemy  (of  whose  pursuit  he  did  not  doubt),  the  march 
was  to  be  resumed  on  Saturday,  the  12th  of  July,  to- 
wards Wills'  Creek.  Ill  judged  as  these  orders  were, 
they  met  with  too  ready  acquiescence  at  the  hands  of 
Dunbar,  whose  advice  was  neither  asked  nor  tendered 
on  the  occasion.  .  .  .  For  this  service — the  only  in- 
stance of  alacrity  that  he  displayed  in  the  campaign — 
Dunbar  must  not  be  forgiven.  It  is  not  perfectly  clear 
that  Braddock  intelligently  ever  gave  the  orders,  but  in 
any  case  they  were  not  fit  for  a  British  officer  to  give 
or  to  obey.  Dunbar's  duty  was  to  have  maintained 
here  his  position,  or  at  least  not  to  have  contemplated 
falling  back  beyond  Wills'  Creek.  That  he  had  not 
horses  to  remove  his  stores  was,  however,  his  after- 

The  destruction  of  the  guns,  ammunition,  and 
stores  was  finished  at  Dunbar's  camp  on  the  12th  of 
July,  and  on  the  morning  of  Sunday,  the  13th,  the 
retreating  troops,  composed  of  Dunbar's  command 
and  the  remnant  of  the  force  that  fought  on  the 
Monongahela,  moved  away  on  the  road  to  Cumber- 
land. They  took  with  them  the  only  artillery  pieces 
that  were  left  (two  six-pounders),  a  small  quantity  of 
provisions  and  hospital  stores,  and  the  remaining 
■wagons,  nearly  all  of  which  were  laden  with  the  sick 
and  wounded.  The  commander-in-chief,  now  rapidly 
approaching  his  end,  was  borne  along  with  the  column. 
The  entry  for  this  day  in  Capt.  Orme's  Journal  reads: 
"  July  13th.— We  marched  hence  to  the  camp  near 
the  Great  Meadows,  where  the  general  died." 

At  the  place  where  Dunbar's  troops  bivouacked 
after  this  day's  march,  about  two  miles  west  of  Fort 
Necessity,  at  eight  o'clock  on  that  midsummer  Sun- 
day night,  Gen.  Braddock  breathed  his  last.  He  had 
spoken  very  little  after  the  time  when  he  was  brought 
from  the  fatal  field.  It  is  related  that  on  the  first 
night  he  repeated,  as  if  soliloquizing,  "  Who  would 
have  thought  it!  who  would  have  thought  it!"  and 
after  that  was  silent'  until  the  fourth  day,  when  he 
said  to  Capt.  Orme,  "  We  shall  better  know  how  to 
deal  with  them  another  time."  He  spoke  no  more, 
and  soon  after  expired ;  Capt.  Stewart,  of  the  light- 
horse,  having  never  left  him  from  the  time  he  re- 
ceived his  wound  until  after  his  death.     Washington 

1  This  conflicts  strongly  with  Sargent's  statement  that  at  Dunbar's 
camp  he  "  issued  his  orders  and  insisted  that  they  were  obeyed." 

and  Orme  were  also  with  him  at  the  last  moment,  and 
it  is  said  (by  Sargent)  that  shortly  before  his  death 
the  general  bequeathed  to  Washington  '^  his  favorite 
charger  and  his  body-servant.  Bishop,  so  well  known 
in  after-years  as  the  faithful  attendant  of  the  patriot 

On  the  morning  of  the  14th  of  July  the  dead  gen- 
eral was  buried  at  the  camp  where  he  died,  and  the 
artillery  pieces,  the  wagon-train,  and  the  soldiers, 
moving  out  to  take  the  road  to  Wills'  Creek,  passed 
over  the  spot,  to  obliterate  all  traces  of  the  new  grave,' 
and  thus  to  save  it  from  desecration  by  the  savages. 

2  Notwithstanding  the  many  absurd  accounts  which  have  been  given 
of  tile  disagreements  which  occurred  between  Braddocl(  and  Washing- 
ton, and  of  the  insolent  and  contemptuous  manner  in  wliich  tlie  latter 
was  treated  by  his  chief,  all  evidence  tliat  is  found  tends  to  show  that 
there  existed  between  the  two  a  friendship  such  as  is  very  rarely  known 
as  between  a  commanding  general  and  a  mere  youth  serving  under 
him  without  military  rank,  for  in  this  campaign  Washington  held  none, 
and  was  consequently  never  admitted  to  Braddock's  councils  of  war. 
He  was  by  the  British  officers  below  Braddock  contemptuously  styled 
"Mr.  Washington,"  for  they  disliked  him,  principally  because  of  the 
consideration  shown  him  by  Braddock,  and  partly  because  he  was 
merely  a  "  Viiginia  buckskin,"  which  latter  fact  made  Braddock's 
friendship  for  him  all  the  more  galling  to  them.  In  later  years  Presi- 
dent Washington,  in  speaking  (see  Niles'  Uegisler,  xiv.  p.  179)  (»f  Brad- 
dock, said,  "  He  was  unfortunate,  but  his  character  was  much  too  se- 
verely treated.  He  was  one  of  the  honestest  and  best  men  of  the  British 
officers  with  whom  I  was  acquainted ;  even  in  the  manner  of  fighting  he 
was  not  more  to  btanie  than  othel-s.  for  of  all  that  were  consulted  only 
one  person  objected  to  it.  . .  .  Braddock  was  both  my  general  and  my  phy- 
sician," alluding  in  the  latter  remark  to  the  time  when  he  (Wasliing- 
ton)  had  been  taken  sick  near  the  Little  Meadowson  the  outward  march, 
on  which  occasion  Braddock  gave  his  personal  attention  to  the  case,  leav- 
ing Washington  with  a  sergeant  to  take  care  of  him,  with  medicine  and 
directions  (given  by  himself)  of  how  to  take  it,  also  with  instructions  to 
come  on  and  rejoin  him  (the  general)  whenever  he  should  find  himself 
able  to  do  so. 

As  to  the  accounts,  with  which  all  are  familiar,  of  Washington  as- 
suming command  after  the  fall  of  Briiddock,  and  saving  the  remnant  of 
the  force  from  destruction,  its  utter  absurdity  is  made  apparent  by  the 
extracts  which  have  been  given  from  Capt.  Orme's  Journal.  M^ashington 
exercised  no  command  in  that  campaign,  and  the  only  circumstance 
which  can  give  any  color  to  the  story  is  that  some  of  the  Virginians, 
knowing  him  as  an  ofiicer  in  the  militia  of  that  colony,  were  disposed  in 
the  confusion  of  the  battle  to  follow  him  in  preference  to  the  British 
officers,  who  despised  their  method  of  backwoods  fighting. 

3  The  precise  spot  where  Gen.  Braddock  was  buried  has  never  been 
certainly  known.  Col.  Burd,  who  visited  it  in  1759,  when  on  his  way  to 
erect  Fort  Burd,  on  the  Monongahela,  said  it  was  about  two  miles  from 
Fort  Necessity,  and  "  about  twenty  yards  from  a  little  hollow,  in  which 
there  was  a  small  stream  of  water,  and  over  it  a  bridge."  Gen.  Wash- 
ington said  that  it  had  been  his  purpose  to  return  to  the  spot  and  erect 
a  monument  to  his  memory,  but  that  he  had  no  opportunity  to  do  so 
until  afterthe  Revolution,  and  then,  after  the  most  diligent  search,  he 
found  it  impossible  to  recognize  the  spot  where  the  general  was  buried 
on  account  of  the  change  in  the  road  and  the  extension  of  the  clearing. 

In  1812  a  party  of  men  who  were  engaged  in  working  on  the  road  dug 
out,  near  the  bank  of  the  small  stream  known  as  Braddock's  Run,  the 
bones  of  a  human  skeleton,  and  with  them  some  military  trappings; 
from  whjch  latter  circumstance  the  bones  were  supposed  to  he  those  of 
Braddock,  and  it  is  not  improbable  that  they  were  so,  though  there 
is  no  proof  that  such  was  the  case.  Some  of  the  larger  bones  were  taken 
away  by  the  people  of  the  vicinity  as  relics,  but  these  were  afterwards 
collected,  and  they  as  well  as  the  others  were  reinterred  about  1820,  at 
the  spot  which  has  since  been  known  as  "  Braddock's  Grave,"  and  which 
was  so  marked  by  the  words  cut  or  painted  on  a  board  which  was  nailed 
to  a  tree  over  the  place  of  reinterment.  This  tree  has  since  been  cut 
down,  the  grave  inclosed,  and  evergreen  trees  planted  over  it.  The  spot 
is  a  few  rods  north  of  the  National  road,  in  Wharton'township,  Fayette 



who  were  expected  soon  to  follow  in  pursuit.  The 
wagons  containing  the  sick  and  wounded  took  the 
lead,  then  came  the  others  with  the  hospital  stores 
and  the  meagre  stock  of  provisions,  then  the  advance 
of  the  infantry  column,  then  the  ammunition  and 
guns,  and  finally  the  two  veteran  companies  of  the 
Forty-fourth  and  Forty-eighth  British  regular  regi- 
ments, with  Stewart's  Virginia  light-horse  as  a  guard 
to  the  rear  and  flanks.  In  the  evening  of  the  same 
day  the  Youghiogheny  River  was  crossed  by  the  last 
men  of  the  force,  and  the  rear-guard  bivouacked  for 
the  night  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  stream. 

It  seems  that  the  progress  made  on  the  retreat  was 
very  rapid,  for,  although  Braddock's  road  was  rough 
and  in  many  places  barely  passable,  the  head  of  the 
wagon-train  bearing  the  wounded  and  sick  arrived  at 
Cumberland  on  the  17th,  and  three  days  later  the  last 
of  Dunbar's  soldiers  reached  the  fort  and  lighted 
their  bivouac  fires  within  the  range  of  its  guns. 

The  expedition  of  Braddock,  from  which  such 
brilliant  results  had  been  expected,  had  proved  a 
dismal  and  bloody  failure.  The  objective-point  (Fort 
Du  Quesne)  was  still  held  by  the  French,  who,  with 
their  Indian  allies,  soon  extended  their  domination 
over  the  country  lying  to  the  southeast.  Gaining 
courage  from  their  victory,  they  came  to  Dunbar's 
camp  a  week  or  two  after  his  forces  had  left  it,  and 
there  completed  the  little  work  of  destruction  which 
he  had  left  undone.  They  held  complete  possession 
and  sway  from  the  Ohio  to  the  Potomac.  There  was 
not  left  west  of  the  mountains  in  this  region  a  single 
settler  or  trader  other  than  those  who  were  favorable 
to  the  French  and  their  interests.  And  this  state  of 
things  continued  in  the  country  west  of  the  Alle- 
ghenies  for  more  than  three  years  from  the  time  of 
Braddock's  defeat  on  the  Monongahela. 



Soon  after  the  French  had  succeeded  in  expelling 
the  English  forces  from  the  region  of  country  west  of 
the  Alleghenies,  and  establishing  themselves  in  the 
absolute  possession  of  that  territory,  they  reduced 
their  force  at  Fort  Du  Quesne,  sending  a  part  of  it  to 
Venango  and  other  northern  posts,  and  many  of  their 
Indian  allies  scattered  and  returned  to  their  homes, 
being  in  a  state  of  discontent  and  incipient  disaffec- 
tion, though  still  holding  to  their  French  allegiance. 
But  it  soon  became  apparent  that  they  had  no  inten- 
tion to  be  at  peace  with  the  English,  for  within  a  little 
more  than  two  months  from  the  time  of  Dunbar's  re- 
treat the  Shawanese,  and  the  Delawares  under  King 
Shingiss,  had  advanced  eastward  to  the  Alleghenies, 

and  made  inciirsioiis  beyond  that  range.  About  the 
2.'5th  of  September  a  body  of  one  hundred  and  sixty 
Indians  (afterwards  found  to  bo  Shawanese  and  Dela- 
wares under  command  of  Shingiss)  Hct  out  from  Fort 
Du  (Quesne  and  its  vicinity  on  an  expedition  againHt 
the  English,  and  a  few  days  later  tliey  burst  upon  the 
defenseless  people  of  the  Maryland  and  Virginia  set- 
tlements. On  the  4th  of  ( )ctober,  Cupt.  William  Trent 
wrote  Col.  James  Burd,  at  Shippensburg:  "Last 
night  came  to  the  Mill  at  Wolgomoth's  an  Express 
going  to  the  Governor  of  Maryland  with  an  account 
of  the  Inhabitants  being  out  on  Patterson's  Creek  ; 
and  about  the  Fort  (Cumberland),  the  says, 
there  is  forty  killed  and  taken,  and  that  one  whole 
family  was  burnt  to  death  in  an  house.  The  Indians 
destroy  all  before  them,  firing  Houses,  Barns,  Stack- 
yards, and  everything  that  will  burn."  A  week  later 
Governor  Sharpe,  of  Maryland,  wrote  the  Governor 
of  Pennsylvania :  "  Within  a  few  days  I  have  received 
several  Letters  by  express  from  Captain  Dagworthy, 
who  commands  the  Garrison  consistingof  one  hundred 
and  thirty-seven  men  at  Fort  Cumberland,  and  from 
some  other  people,  advising  me  that  the  Indians  have, 
since  the  1st  instant,  cut  ofl"  a  great  many  families 
who  lived  near  Fort  Cumberland,  and  on  both  sides 
of  Powtowmack,  some  miles  eastward  of  the  Fort. 
It  is  supposed  that  near  one  hundred  persons  have 
been  murdered  or  carried  away  Prisoners  by  these 
barbarians,  who  have  burnt  the  Hcmses  and  ravaged 
all  the  plantations  in  that  part  of  the  Country.  Par- 
ties of  the  enemy  appear  within  sight  of  Fort  Cum- 
berland every  day,  and  frequently  in  greater  numbers 
than  the  Garrison  consists  of  A.s  I  presume  it  will 
not  be  long  before  these  people  pay  a  visit  to  your 
borders,  I  take  this  opportunity  of  intimating  what 
I  think  may  be  expected." 

The  first  blow  struck  by  the  Indians  within  the 
bounds  of  Pennsylvania  was  on  the  18th  of  October, 
when  they  attacked  the  settlements  on  Mahanoy  or 
John  Penn's  Creek,  that  flows  into  the  Susquehanna 
about  five  miles  below  the  confluence  of  the  North 
and  West  Branches.  Information  of  this  incursion 
was  sent  to  Governor  Morris  on  the  22d  by  Conrad 
Weiser.  "I  take  this  opportunity,"  he  said,  "to  in- 
form you  I  received  news  from  Shamokin  that  six 
families  have  been  murdered  ou  John  Penn's  Creek, 
on  the  west  side  of  Susquehanna,  about  four  miles 
from  that  river;  several  people  have  been  found 
scalped,  and  twenty-eight  are  missing;  the  people 
are  in  a  great  consternation,  and  are  coming  down, 
leaving  the  Plantations  and  corn  behind  them." 

On  the  23d  of  October  a  party  of  white  settlers 
(forty-six  in  number)  who  had  been  to  Shamokin  to 
ascertain  if  possible  where  the  party  came  from  who 
did  the  murderous  work  on  Penn's  Creek  were  on 
their  return  fired  on  from  an  ambush,  and  four  killed, 
four  drowned  in  attempting  to  swim  the  river,  and  the 
rest  put  to  flight.  Upon  this  "all  the  settlements 
between  Shamokin  and  Hunter's  Mill,  for  the  space 



of  fifty  miles  along  the  River  Sasquehannah,  were  de- 
serted." Adam  Terrence,  one  of  the  white  party  who 
were  fired  on,  said,  "  As  I  understood  the  Delaware 
tongue,  I  heard  several  of  the  Indians  that  were  en- 
gaged against  us  speak  a  good  many  words  in  that 
tongue  during  the  action."  The  savages  who  attacked 
were  supposed  to  be  a  part  of  a  force  mentioned  by 
Governor  Morris  in  a  letter  to  the  Governor  of  Vir- 
ginia, dated  October  29th.  He  said,  "  I  have  received 
Intelligence  that  a  large  body  of  French  and  Indians 
were  seen  to  pass  the  Allegheny  Mountains,  moving 
towards  the  Inhabitants  of  this  Province,  and  that  a 
party  of  them  have  since  passed  the  Susquehannah, 
and  killed  all  before  them,  and  were  within  five  miles 
of  Harris'  Ferry  [Harrisburg].  The  people  are  mostly 
without  arms,  and  struck  with  such  a  pauick  that  they 
flee  as  fast  as  they  can  from  their  habitations."  On 
the  same  date,  John  Harris,  of  Paxton,said  in  a  letter 
to  Edward  Shippen,  of  Lancaster,  "  The  Indians  is 
cutting  us  ofl"  every  day,  and  I  had  a  certain  account 
[from  Andrew  Montour]  of  about  fifteen  hundred  In- 
dians beside  French  being  on  their  march  against  us 
and  Virginia,  and  now  close  to  our  borders,  their 
Scouts  Scalping  our  Families  on  our  Frontiers  daily. 
...  I  am  informed  that  a  French  officer  was  expected 
at  Shamokin  this  week  with  a  party  of  Delawares  and 
Shawanese,  no  doubt  to  take  possession  of  our  River; 
and  as  to  the  state  of  the  Sasquehannah  Indians,  a 
great  part  of  them  is  actually  in  the  French  Interest." 

In  the  morning  of  Sunday,  the  2d  of  November,  the 
Indian  allies  of  the  French  attacked  the  Great  Cove 
settlement,  in  Cumberland  County,  killed  six  persons, 
and  carried  away  seventeen  prisoners.  On  the  same 
day  Benjamin  Chambers  wrote  from  Fallow  Spring : ' 

"To  the  Inhabitants  of  the  Lower  Part  of  the 
County  of  Cumberland.  If  you  intend  to  go  to  the 
assistance  of  your  neighbours,  you  need  not  wait  any 
longer  for  the  Certainty  of  News.  The  Great  Cove  is 
destroyed.  James  Campbell  left  this  Company  last 
night  and  went  to  the  Fort  at  Mr.  Steel's  Meeting- 
House,  and  there  saw  some  of  the  Inhabitants  of  the 
Great  Cove,  who  gave  this  account,  that  as  they  came 
over  the  Hill  they  saw  their  houses  in  flames.  The 
messenger  says  there  is  but  one  hundred,  and  that 
they  divided  into  two  parts,  the  one  part  to  go 
against  the  Cove,  and  the  other  against  the  Conollo- 
ways,  and  that  there  are  no  French  among  them. 
They  are  Delawares  and  Shawanese.  The  part  that 
came  against  the  Cove  are  under  the  command  of 
Shingis,  the  Delaware  King.  The  people  of  the  Cove 
that  came  off  saw  several  men  lying  dead ;  they  heard 
the  murder  shout  and  the  firing  of  Guns,  and  saw  the 
Indians  going  into  the  Houses  that  they  had  come 
out  of  before  they  left  sight  of  the  Cove.  I  have  sent 
express,  to  Marsh  Creek  at  the  same  time  that  I  send 
this,  so  I  expect  there  will  be  a  good  Company  from 
there  this  day,  and  as  there  is  but  one  hundred  of  the 

1  Col.  Rec,  vol.  Ti.  p.  675. 

Enemy,  I  think  it  is  in  our  power  (if  God  permit)  to 
put  them  to  flight  if  you  turn  out  well  from  your 

On  the  day  following  the  massacre  and  burning  at 
Great  Cove  the  settlements  at  Little  Cove  and  Conolo- 
ways  were  attacked,  all  the  houses  burned,  and  several 
persons  carried  away  as  prisoners.  Mr.  Potter,  sheriff' 
of  Cumberland  County,  reported  "  that  of  ninety- 
three  families  which  were  settled  in  the  two  Coves 
and  the  Conolloways  forty-seven  were  either  killed  or 
taken  and  the  rest  deserted." 

On  Sunday,  the  16th  of  November,  the  Indians,  hav- 
ing penetrated  Berks  County,  attacked  the  settlements 
only  a  few  miles  from  the  town  of  Reading,  murder- 
ing and  burning  as  before.  A  letter  dated  at  Read- 
ing on  that  day,  written  by  Edward  Biddle  to  his 
father  in  Philadelphia,  said,  "  I  am  in  so  much  horror 
and  confusion  I  scarce  know  what  I  am  writing.  The 
drum  is  beating  to  arms,  and  bells  ringing  and  all  the 
people  under  arms.  Within  these  two  hours  we  have 
had  different  though  too  uncertain  accounts,  all  cor- 
roborating each  other,  and  this  moment  is  an  express 
arrived,  dispatch  from  Michael  Reis  at  Tulpehoccon, 
eighteen  miles  above  this  town,  who  left  about  thirty 
of  their  people  engaged  with  about  an  equal  number 
of  fndians  at  the  said  Reis'.  This  night  we  expect 
an  attack,  and  truly  alarming  is  our  situation.  .  .  . 
I  have  rather  lessened  than  exaggerated  our  melan- 
choly account."  On  the  18th  the  Governor  notified 
the  mayor  and  corporation  of  Philadelphia  as  fol- 
lows :  "  I  have  received  intelligence  that  the  Indians 
have  fallen  ujjon  the  settlements  at  Tulpehoccon  ; 
that  they  had  slaughtered  many  of  the  Inhabitants 
and  laid  waste  the  country,  and  were  moving  towards 
the  Town  of  Reading,  which  is  within  Sixty  Miles  of 
this  city ;  and  though  I  am  in  hopes  their  cruel 
progress  will  be  stopped  long  before  they  can  come 
hither,  yet  as  I  can  get  no  certain  intelligence  of  their 
strength,  or  of  the  number  of  Frenchmen  that  are 
among  them,  I  think  it  my  duty  to  take  every  cau- 
tionary measure  in  my  power  for  the  preservation  and 
safety  of  the  people  and  the  province." 

Passing  on  from  Berks  into  Northampton  County, 
the  French  and  Indian  force  on  the  21st  of  November 
attacked  the  Moravian  settlement  of  Gnadenhutten, 
on  the  Lehigh.  "  Six  of  the  Moravians  were  killed, 
and  their  dwelling-houses,  meeting-house,  and  all 
their  outhouses  burnt  to  ashes,  with  all  the  Grain, 
Hay,  Horses,  and  upwards  of  forty  head  of  fat  cattle 
that  were  under  cover."  On  the  11th  of  December 
the  enemy,  about  two  hundred  strong,  attacked  Brod- 
head's  plantation  and  other  settlements  in  the  vicinity 
of  the  Delaware  Water  Gap,  killed  several  families 
and  laid  the  country  waste.  On  the  29th  the  secre- 
tary of  the  Council  presented  to  that  body  an  account, 
of  Indian  outrages  committed  since  the  first  outbreak 
east  of  the  mountains  on  the  18th  of  October.  In 
the  closing  part  of  this  account  he  said,  "  During  all 
this  Month  [December]  the  Indians  have  been  burn- 



irg  and  destroying  all  before  them  in  the  connty  of 
Northampton,  and  have  already  burned  fifty  houses 
here,  murdered  above  one  hundred  persons,  and  are 
still  continuing  their  ravages,  murders,  and  devasta- 
tions, and  have  actually  overrun  and  laid  waste  a 
great  part  of  that  County,  even  as  far  as  within 
twenty  miles  of  Easton,  its  chief  town.  And  a  large 
body  of  Indians,  under  French  officers,  have  fixed 
their  headquarters  within  the  borders'of  tliat  county, 
for  the  better  security  of  their  prisoners  and  plunder. 
.  .  .  All  our  frontier  country,  which  extends  from  the 
River  Patowmac  to  the  River  Delaware,  not  less  than 
one  hundred  and  fifty  miles  in  length  and  between 
twenty  and  thirty  in  breadth,  but  not  fully  settled, 
has  been  entirely  deserted,  the  houses  and  improve- 
ments reduced  to  ashes,  the  cattle,  horses,  grain,  goods, 
and  effects  of  the  inhabitants  either  destroyed,  burned, 
or  carried  off  by  the  Indians. 

"  All  our  accounts  agree  in  this,  that  the  French, 
since  the  defeat  of  Gen.  Braddock,  have  gained  over 
to  their  interest  the  Delawares,  Shawanese,  and  many 
other  Indian  nations  formerly  in  our  alliance,  and 
on  whom,  through  fear  and  their  large  promises  of 
rewards  for  scalps,  and  assurances  of  reinstating  them 
in  the  possession  of  the  lauds  they  have  sold  to  the 
English,  they  have  prevailed  to  take  up  arms  against 
us,  and  to  join  heartily  with  them  in  the  execution  of 
the  ground  they  have  been  long  meditating,  the  pos- 
session of  all  the  country  between  the  river  Ohio  and 
the  river  Susquehanna,  and  to  secure  that  possession 
by  building  a  strong  fort  at  Shamokin,  which,  by  its 
so  advantageous  situation  at  the  conflux  of  the  two 
main  branches  of  Susquehannali  (one  whereof  inter- 
locks with  the  waters  of  the  Ohio  and  the  other  heads 
in  the  centre  of  the  country  of  the  Six  Nations)  will 
command,  and  make  the  French  entire  masters  of  all 
that  extensive,  rich,  and  fertile  country,  and  of  all 
the  trade  with  the  Indians,  and  from  whence  they 
can  at  pleasure  enter  and  annoy  our  territories,  and 
put  an  effectual  stop  to  the  future  extension  of  our 
settlement  on  that  quarter,  not  to  mention  the  many 
other  obvious  mischiefs  and  fatal  consequences  that 
must  attend  their  having  a  fort  at  Shamokin.  Note. 
— Some  Fachines  have  lately  been  discovered  floating 
down  the  river  Susquehannah,  a  little  below  Shamo- 
kin, by  which,  as  the  Indians  were  never  known  to 
use  Fachines,  it  is  conjectured  the  French  have 
begun,  and  are  actually  building  a  fort  at  that  most 
important  place." 

In  the  spring  of  1756  the  enemy  continued  their 
depredations.  McCord's  block-house,  on  Conoco- 
cheague,  was  attacked  and  burned  by  savages,  and 
twenty-seven  persons  killed  or  captured.  The  ma- 
rauding party  was  pursued  and  a  part  of  it  overtaken 
at  Sideling  Hill,  where  a  fight  ensued  and  the  whites 
were  repulsed  with  severe  loss.  About  the  1st  of 
April  a  party  of  French  and  Indians,  discovered  in 
the  vicinity  of  Fort  Cumberland,  were  attacked  by  a 
party  from  the  fort,  and  the  French  commander  was 

killed  and  scalped.  In  his  pocket  were  found  the  fol- 
lowing instructions  from  Monsieur  Dumafi,  who  had 
recently  superseded  Contrecojur  a»  commandant  at 
Fort  Du  Quesue : 

"  KoKT  Du  QUMNr,  23<1  March,  IT.'/O. 
"Tho  Sienr  Donvillo.  nt  Ujo  lioail  at  a  il«tiu:liinent  uf  flfljr  IrKllatiii,  la 
ordered  tu  go  and  nliaerve  the  niotfunn  of  the  enemy  in  the  neighborhood 
of  Fort  Ciimherland,  Ho  wll!  endeavor  tu  haraiji  their  c/invoyn  and 
bum  their  magazines  at  f'Onokncheagiia  (Cono<K)clioaguo)  should  this 
bo  practicutilo.  He  mimt  use  every  effort  to  take  prlaonera,  who  may 
ctmfiim  vviiat  wo  already  know  of  the  enemy's  dwiigna.  Tlie  Sieur  Don- 
ville  will  employ  nil  iits  Utlenta  and  all  Iili*  credit  Ui  prevent  tlie  Ravages 
from  committing  crneltics  upon  tlioHe  who  may  fall  Int4>  their  hands. 
Honor  anil  liumiinity  ought  in  tliln  reslKct  to  ai-rve  as  our  guide. 

*'  Dumas." 

In  view  of  the  numerous  and  bloody  forays  of 
the  French  and  Indians  into  tlie  country  ea-st  of 
the  AUegheiiies,  and  in  deference  to  the  demands 
of  the  pen[)le  of  tliat  region,  tlie  (iovernor  of  Penn- 
sylvania, with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Council, 
issued  on  the  14th  of  April  a  proclamation,  declar- 
ing war  against  the  Delaware  nation'  and  offering  re- 
wards for  scalps  and  prisoners,  as  follows:  "For 
every  male  Indian  enemy  over  twelve  years  of  age 
as  prisoner,  one  hundred  and  fifty  Spanish  dollars 
or  Pieces  of  Eight ;  for  the  Scalp  of  any  such,  one 
hundred  and  thirty  Spanish  dollars  or  Pieces  of 
Eight;  for  every  female  Indian  prisoner,  and  for 
every  male  Indian  prisoner  under  twelve  years,  one 
hundred  and  thirty  Pieces  of  Eight ;  for  the  scalp  of 
every  Indian  woman,  produced  as  evidence  of  being 
killed,  fifty  Pieces  of  Eight ;  and  for  every  English 
subject  that  has  been  taken  and  carried  from  this 
Province  into  captivity,  and  recovered  and  brought 
to  Pliiladelphia  to  the  Governor,  one  hundred  and 
fifty  Pieces  of  Eight,  but  nothing  for  their  scalps ;" 
these  rewards  to  be  paid  out  of  the  appropriation  of 
sixty  thousand  pounds  then  recently  granted  by  the 
Assembly  for  the  use  of  His  Majesty,  and  which  was 
placed  at  the  Governor's  disposal  for  that  and  other 
purposes  of  defense. 

Soon  after  the  declaration  of  war  against  the  Dela- 
wares, Governor  Morris  received  a  letter  from  Sir 
William  Johnson,  deprecating  the  action  that  had 
been  taken,  because  of  the  bad  effect  it  might  pro- 
duce among  the  Indians  of  the  Six  Nations,  and  on 
that  account  asking  a  postponement  of  hostilities 
under  the  declaration.  To  this  communication  the 
Governor  made  reply  by  letter  dated  April  24,  1756," 
in  which  he  said, — 

"You  cannot  conceive  what  Havock  has  been  made  by  the  Enemy  id 
this  defenceless  Province,  nor  what  Numbers  of  Murders  they  have  com- 
mitted, what  a  vast  Tract  of  Territory  they  have  laid  waste,  and  what 
a  Mul  titude  of  Inhabitants,  of  all  ages  and  both  sexes,  they  have  carried 
into  Captivity ;  by  Information  of  several  of  the  Trisoners  who  made 
their  Escape  from  them,  I  can  assure  you  that  there  are  not  less  than 
three  hundred  of  our  People  in  Servitude  to  them  and  the  French  on 

1  The  Delawares  had  long  been  friends  of  the  English,  and  continued 
to  be  so  regarded  up  to  the  commencement  of  the  murderous  outrages 
committed  by  them  under  lead  of  their  king,  Sliingiss.  The  Shawanese 
were  regarded  as  enemies  without  any  formal  declaration  to  that  effect. 

-'  Colonial  Records,  vii.  97-98. 



the  Ohio  [nieaiiins,  however,  more  particularly  the  Allegheny,  which 
■was  then  called  Ohio  to  its  head-waters],  the  most  of  them  at  Shingas' 
Town,  called  Kittiining,  about  thirty  Milva  above  Fort  Dnquesne;  and 
Scarryoddy  and  Montour  must  have  acquainted  you  that  they  saw  more 
or  less  English  Prisoners  in  almost  every  one  of  the  Delaware  towns  on 
the  Sasqnehannah  as  high  up  as  Diahoga. 

"At  first  the  enemy  a[)peared  in  small  Parties  and  committed  their 
Outrages  where  they  could  do  it  with  most  Safety  to  themselves,  but  of 
late  they  have  penetrated  to  the  inhabited  Part  of  the  Country  in  larger 
Bodies,  and  liave  defeated  several  Detachments  of  our  armed  Forces, 
burned  and  laid  waste  whole  Countries,  and  spread  a  general  Terror 
amongst  us,  so  that  I  have  been  constrained  10  yield  to  the  importunate 
Demands  of  the  enraged  People  (not  being  able  otherwise  to  afford  them 
a  sufScient  Protection  for  want  of  Arms,  Ammunition,  and  an  equal  and 
compulsory  Militia  Law)  to  delare  the  Delaware  Nation  Enemies  and 
Rebels  to  bis  Majesty,  and  to  offer  large  Rewards  for  Prisoners  and  Scalps, 
hoping  that  tiiis  would  engage  such  of  our  Inhabitants  as  had  any  Cour- 
age left,  as  well  as  all  others  in  the  neighboring  Provinces,  to  hunt,  pur- 
sue, and  attaolt  them  in  their  own  country,  and  by  these  means  keep 
them  at  home  for  the  Defense  of  their  own  Towns,  and  prevent  the  total 
Desertion  of  the  Back  Counties,  which  there  is  good  Reason  to  he  appre- 
hensive of.  .  .  .  You  may  be  assured,  Sir,  that  a  Peace  on  honourable 
Terms  will  be  extremely  acceptable,  as  we  form  this  charitable  Opinion 
of  the  Delawares,  that  they  were  hurried  into  this  Measure  by  the  Aiti- 
ficesand  Intimidations  of  the  French,  and  did -always  believe  when  they 
came  to  open  their  eyes  they  would  relent  and  cease  injuring  their  inno- 
cent Brethren  and  allies,  who  have  never  hurt  them  either  in  Thought 
or  Aclion.  It  was  this  opinion  of  that  good  Disposition  towards  us  that 
influenced  us  to  suffer  so  long  their  hostilities  without  declaring  them 
Enemies,  until  the  Blood  streamed  in  such  Quantities  down  our  Moun- 
tains and  tilled  the  Vallies  to  such  a  Degree  that  we  could  no  longer  delay 
the  Publication  of  their  horrid  Cruelties. 

"  I  do  not  perceive  that  any  of  the  Delawares  living  on  the  Ohio  came 
to  the  Meeting  appointed  by  the  Deputies  of  the  Six  Nations,  or  that 
they  have  been  spoke  to ;  and  they  are,  as  you  know,  the  most  numerous 
of  all.  Indeed,  the  main  body  of  the  Delawares  live  at  Kittaning  and 
the  other  Delaware  towns  on  and  beyond  the  Ohio,  and  have  been  the 
most  mischievous,  and  do  still,  even  so  late  as  last  Week,  continue  to 
murder  and  destroy  our  Inhabitants,  treating  them  with  tlie  most  bar- 
harons  Inhumanity  that  can  be  conceived.  .  .  . 

"A  Party  of  Delawares  lately  done  some  Mischief  in  Potomac  ;  tliey 
were  headed  by  a  French  officer,  who  was  killed,  and  the  Party  routed ;  i 
and  in  the  Officer's  Pocket  was  found  a  Paper  of  Instructions  from  the 
French  Commandant,  Monsieur  Dumas,  at  Fort  Du  Quesne,  ordering 
him  to  burn  and  destroy  what  iie  could  meet  with  on  that  River;  from 
the  Ohio  therefore  we  must  expect  the  greatest  Mischief,  and  all  means 
possible  should  be  used  to  separate  the  Delawares  and  Shawanese  from 
the  French  there,  and  prevail  with  them  not  to  join  in  burning,  rav- 
aging, and  laying  waste  our  Frontier  Counties." 

The  matter  of  Sir  William  Johnson's  protest  against 
the  declaration  of  war  upon  the  Delawares  was  brought 
to  the  attention  of  the  Council,  whereupon 

'*  It  was  then  Considered,  as  the  Delawares  on  the  Ohio  were  still  in 
open  Warr,  and  a  Grand  attack  might  be  expected  to  be  made  this 
Month  from  that  Quarter  on  the  Frontier  Inhabitants,  whether  the  Ces- 
sation should  extend  to  them  ;  and  it  was  after  Longconsultation  agreed  I 
that  it  should;  but  an  Account  coming  from  the  Postmaster  at  Annap- 
olis that  these  Indians  had  Penetrated  and  Were  Destroying  the  Inhab- 
itants of  Virginia,  twelve  miles  Within  Winchester  and  Conolloways, 
and  a  Great  part  of  Conegocheague,  and  had  very  lately  Defeated  forty 
Regular  Forces  of  Fort  Cumberland,  and  were  Determined  to  attack 
that  fort,  the  Matter  was  reconsidered,  and  Agreed  to  advise  the  Gov- 
ernor to  Confine  the  Cessation  of  arms  to  the  Sasquehannah  Indians." 

Intelligence  of  the  above-mentioned  foray  into 
Maryland  and  Virginia  by  the  French  from  Fort 
Du  Quesne,  with  their  Delaware  and  Shawanese  allies, 
was  communicated  by  Governor  Dinwiddle,  of  Vir- 

1  This  was  the  fight  at  Sideling  Hill  with  the  French  and  Indians  i 
der  the  Sieur  Donville,  who  was  killed,  as  before  mentioned.  The 
structions  found  on  his  person  have  also  already  been  given. 

ginia,  to  the  Governor  of  Pennsylvania  in  a  letter 
dated  Williamsburg,  April  30,  1756,  as  follows  : 

"  Sir, — This  is  to  Inform  you  of  the  miserable 
Situation  of  our  Affairs  on  our  Frontiers  ;  the  French 
and  Indians  have  cutt  off  the  communication  from 
Fort  Cumberland  to  Winchester,  have  Committed 
many  Cruel  Robberies,  murders,  and  Devastation 
among  the  poor  back  Settlers,  and  by  the  last  Letters 
they  have  invested  the  Town  of  Winchester  with  a 
great  number  of  their  People,  and  they  further  report 
that  they  have  besieged  Fort  Cumberland  with  five 
hundred  Men,  French  and  Indians. 

"  This  Disagreeable  News  obliged  me  to  Give  Orders 
for  summonsing  the  Militia  of  Eleven  Contiguous 
Counties  to  Winchester,  and  I  hope,  when  Collected 
together,  they  will  amount  to  four  thousand  men, 
who  I  have  ordered  to  march  directly  for  Winchester, 
to  repel  the  Fury  of  the  Invaders,  and  protect  our 
back  Settlements,  which  will  answer,  I  hope,  my  ex- 

"The  Expedition  against  the  Shawanese  proved 
unsuccessful  after  Six  Weeks'  march  in  the  Woods. 
The  Rivers  they  were  to  Cross  were  much  swelled  by 
the  fall  of  Rain  and  Snow  ;  they  lost  several  Canoes 
with  Provisions  and  Ammunition,  on  which  they  were 
forced  to  return  in  a  Starving  Condition,  killing  their 
Horses  for  food." 

In  July  the  Indians  in  strong  force,  headed  by 
King  Shingiss,  appeared  at  Fort  Granville^  (near  the 
present  site  of  Lewistown),  stormed  it,  killed  several 
whites,  and  took  a  number  of  prisoners,  whom  they 
carried  to  Kittaning,  an  Indian  village  on  the  Alle- 
gheny, at  or  near  the  site  of  the  present  town  of  the 
same  name  in  Armstrong  County.  This  Indian  Kit- 
taning was  at  that  time  the  residence  of  King  Shin- 
giss, as  also  of  the  redoubtable  Delaware  chief,  Captain 
Jacob,  both  of  whom  had  been  among  the  most 
prominent  of  the  Indian  leaders  of  murdering  parties 
in  this  and  the  preceding  year.  To  this  place  the 
French  sent  ammunition  and  supplies  for  their 
savage  allies,  and  it  was  a  principal  rendezvous  from 
which  Indian  war  parties  made  their  bloody  forays 
into  the  settlements.  For  these  reasons  it  was  de- 
cided to  send  an  expedition  against  the  Delaware 
stronghold  to  destroy  it  if  possible ;  and  Lieut.-Col. 
John  Armstrong,  who  commanded  the  eight  com- 
panies of  the  Second  Pennsylvania  Battalion  sta- 
tioned west  of  the  Susquehanna,  was  designated  as 
the  commander  for  the  campaign. 

-  To  afford  some  degree  of  security  against  the  incursions  of  the 
French  and  Indians,  the  province  of  Pennsylvania  built,  at  a  total  ex- 
pense of  £85,000,  a  chain  efforts  and  block -houses,  extending  across  the 
province  from  the  Delaware  to  the  Maryland  line,  commanding  the 
principal  passes  of  the  mountains.  On  the  east  side  of  the  Susque- 
hanna, and  extending  to  the  Delaware,  were  Folts  Depui,  Lehigh,  Allen, 
Everitt,  Williams,  Henry,  Swatara,  HuTiter,  Halifax,  and  Augusta. 
West  of  the  Susquehanna  were  Fort  Louther,  at  Carlisle;  Forts  Morris 
and  Franklin,  at  Shippensburg;  Fort  Granville;  Fort  Shirley,  on  a 
branch  of  the  Juniata  ;  Fort  Lyttleton  ;  and  Fort  Loudoun,  on  Conoco- 
cheague  Creek.  Lieut.-Col.  John  Armstrong,  with  eight  companies  of 
Pennsylvania  troops,  was  stationed  on  the  west  side  of  the  Susquehanna 



Col.  Armstrong  accordingly  marched  from  Fort 
Shirley  (in  what  is  now  Huntington  County)  on  the 
30th  of  August  with  .i  force  of  about  two  hundred 
men,  a  body  of  about  one  hundred  having  previously 
been  advanced  as  scouts.'  On  the  3d  of  September, 
at  the  Beaver  Dams,  they  came  up  with  the  advance 
party,  who  reported  fresh  Indian  trades  found  two  or 
three  miles  from  that  place,  as  also  the  marks  of  an 
Indian  camp  recently  vacated.  On  the  6th  the  force 
of  Col.  Armstrong  was  within  fifty  miles  of  Kittaning, 
and  scouts  were  sent  ahead  to  reconnoitre  the  place. 
The  party  consisted  of  an  oflBcer,  two  rangers,  and  a 
guide  supposed  to  be  acquainted  with  the  country. 
It  appears  that  they  made  quick  work,  for  on  the  fol- 
lowing day  the  advancing  column  met  them  return- 
ing with  the  report  that  the  path  was  clear,  "  and  that 
they  had  the  greatest  reason  to  believe  they  were  not 
discovered  ;  but  from  the  rest  of  the  intelligence  they 
gave  it  appeared  they  had  not  been  nigh  enough  the 
town,  either  to  perceive  the  true  situation  of  it,  the 
number  of  the  enemy,  or  what  way  it  might  be  most 
advantageously  attacked."^  This  was  on  the  7th. 
After  receiving  the  report  of  the  reconnoitring  party 
the  march  was  continued,  and  though  the  route  was 
"rough  and  incommodious,  on  account  of  the  stones 
and  fallen  timber,"  a  total  distance  of  thirty  miles 
was  made  ou  that  day,  and  a  "  little  before  the  setting 
of  the  moon"  the  front  reached  the  Allegheny  about 
one  hundred  perches  below  the  main  body  of  the 
town,"  where  there  came  to  the  ears  of  the  wearied 
troops  "  the  beating  of  the  drum  and  the  whooping 
of  the  warriors  at  their  dances." 

The  attack  was  made  on  the  following  morning,  the 
Indians  in  the  town  being  apparently  wholly  unaware 
of  the  approach  of  an  enemy.  Captain  Jacob  was 
present  in  the  town,  and  at  the  first  alarm  of  attack 
gave  the  war-whoop,  and  called  out  in  a  loud  voice 
that  "  the  white  men  have  come  at  last,  and  we  will 
have  scalps  enough,"  but  at  the  same  time  took  the 
precaution  to  order  the  squaws  and  children  to  take 
to  the  woods.  The  house  where  this  warrior  lived 
was  the  rallyiug-point  for  the  Indians,  a  sort  of 
citadel,  from  which  the  fire  on  the  attacking  party 
was  constant  and  severe.  Col.  Armstrong  thereupon 
caused  the  neighbor  houses  to  be  set  on  fire,  and  the 
flames  spread  rapidly  through  the  town,  finally  en- 
veloping the  stronghold  of  the  chief  Jacob,  who 
"tumbled  himself  out  of  the  garret  or  cock-loft 
window,  at  which  he  was  shot,"  or  at  least  was  sup- 
posed to  be,  for  the  white  prisoners  afterwards  lib- 
erated in  the  town  were  willing  "  to  be  qualified  to 
the  powder-horn  and  pouch  there  taken  off  him, 
which  they  say  he  had  lately  got  from  a  French 
oflicer  in  exchange  for  Lieut.  Armstrong's  boots, 
which  he  carried  from  Fort  Granville,  where  the  lieu- 
tenant was  killed,"  and  the  same  prisoners  said  they 

1  HiB  entire  force  numbered  thn 

2  Col.  Armslrang's  Report 

J  hundred  and  6 

were  "  perfectly  assured  of  his  scalp,  as  no  other  lo- 

dians  wore  their  hair  in  the  same  manner.  They 
said  they  knew  his  squaw's  scalp  by  a  particular  bob, 
and  also  knew  the  scalp  of  a  young  Indian  called  the 
Kinr/'s  Son." 

"  During  the  l)urning  of  tlie  houses,"  said  Col. 
Armstrong,  "  which  were  nearly  thirty  in  number,  we 
were  agreeably  entertained  with  a  quick  succeiwion  of 
charged  guns  gradually  firing  olf  a.s  they  reached  the 
fire,  but  more  so  with  the  explosion  of  sundry  bags 
and  large  kegs  of  gunpowder,  wherewith  almost  every 
house  abounded,  the  prisoners  afterwards  informing 
that  the  Indians  had  frequently  said  they  had  a  suffi- 
cient stock  of  ammunition  for  ten  years  to  war  with 
the  English.  .  .  .  There  was  also  a  great  quantity  of 
goods  burnt,  which  the  Indians  had  received  but  ten 
days  before  from  the  French." 

The  attack  on  "  the  Kittaning"  by  Col.  Armstrong 
was  evidently  either  badly  planned  or  badly  e.vecuted. 
The  town  was  destroyed  by  fire  it  is  true,  but  the 
greater  number  of  Indians  who  were  in  it  at  the  time 
of  the  assault  escaped,  and  a  considerable  body  of 
their  warriors  attacked  Armstrong's  forces  on  their 
return  soon  after  they  left  the  ruins  of  the  town. 
The  loss  of  the  Indians  was  unknown.  That  of  the 
whites  was  seventeen  killed,  thirteen  wounded,^  and 
nineteen  missing  in  the  assault  and  subsequent  fight. 
The  results  of  the  campaign  were  the  destruction  of 
the  Indian  rendezvous  of  Kittaning,  with  large  quan- 
tities of  ammunition  and  stores,  the  release  of  eleven 
English  prisoners  who  had  been  captured  of  the 
mountains  by  Shingiss'  and  Captain  Jacob's  bands. 
Jacob  was  supposed  to  be  among  the  killed  at  the 
burning  of  the  town,  but  this  was  afterwards  found 
to  be  a  mistake.  He  was  alive  in  1764,  and  present 
at  a  conference  held  by  the  Indians  with  Col.  Bou- 
quet on  the  Muskingum  in  that  year.  Shingi-ss  was 
absent  at  the  time  of  the  attack,  and,  as  was  said  by 
the  prisoners,  to  have  been  expected  to  come  down 
the  river  that  very  day  with  a  large  party  of  Dela- 
wares  and  French  to  Kittaning,  where  they  were  to 
be  joined  by  Captain  Jacob  and  his  band,  and  all  were 
to  proceed  across  the  AUeghenies,  intending  to  attack 
Fort  Shirley.  A  considerable  party  of  Indians  from 
Kittaning  had  already  gone  forward  for  the  purpose 
of  scouting  and  reconnoitring  that  fort,  which  ac- 
counts for  the  comparatively  small  number  of  Indians 
in  the  town  when  Armstrong  attacked  it. 

The  destruction  of  Kittaning  caused  great  rejoicing 
in   the  settlements,*   and   corresponding    depression 

3  Among  the  wounded  wiia  Capt.  (afterwards  general)  Hugh  Mercer, 
who  was  killed  Jan.  3, 1777,  at  the  battle  of  Princeton.  Col.  Armstrong, 
the  leader  of  the  Kittaning  expedition,  was  also  wounded  in  the  assault 
on  the  Indian  town. 

*  The  corporation  of  the  city  of  Philadelphia  passed  a  vote  of  thanks 
to  Col.  Armstrong  and  the  officers  engaged  with  him  in  the  Kittaning 
expedition  "for  the  courage  and  conduct  shown  b.v  them  on  that  occa- 
sion," The  sum  of  £150  was  voted  by  the  corporalion,  to  be  applied  in 
part  to  the  purchase  of  "  pieces  of  plate,  swords,  or  othi-r  things  suitable 
for  presents  to  the  said  officers,"  and  in  part  to  the  relief  of  the  widows 



and  dismay  among  the  hostile  Indians.  To  them  it 
was  a  severe  blow.  They  were  amazed  to  find  that 
the  white  settlers,  whom  they  had  supposed  to  be 
cowering  behind  their  stockades  east  of  the  moun- 
tains, had  suddenly  and  boldly  advanced  into  the  wil- 
derness and  destroyed  the  Indian  stronghold,  with  all 
its  accumulated  supplies  and  munitions  of  war. 

After  the  destruction  of  old  Kittaning  the  French 
used  every  means  in  their  power  to  goad  the  In- 
dians to  further  bloodshed  and  hostility  against 
the  English,  to  avenge  the  destruction  of  their  prin- 
cipal town  and  the  killing  of  their  kindred ;  but  they 
did  not  readily  respond  to  these  appeals,  and  for  a 
long  time  they  refused  to  go  out  in  parties  against 
the  Eastern  settlements,  fearing  that  another  blow 
might  fall  on  their  villages  during  their  absence. 
"  Such  of  them  as  belonged  to  Kittaning  and  had  es- 
caped the  carnage  refused  to  settle  again  on  the  east 
of  Fort  Du  Quesne,  and  very  wisely  resolved  to  place 
that  fortress  and  the  French  garrison  between  them 
and  the  English."  '■  They  had  also  begun  to  show  no 
little  dissatisfaction  with  the  French,  on  account  of 
the  meagre  return  which  they  were  receiving  for  their 
services  on  the  war-path,  and  symptoms  of  open  dis- 
affection were  becoming  apparent.  This  is  shown  in 
a  statement  made  by  one  John  Cox  (an  escaped  pris- 
oner from  Kittaning,)  which  is  found  in  the  minutes 
of  the  proceedings  of  the  Council  at  a  meeting  of  that 
body  on  Tuesday,  Sept.  6,  1756,"  as  follows  : 

"  Mr.  Joseph  Armstrong,  Member  of  Assembly, 
and  Mr.  Adam  Hoops,  Commissary  of  Provisions  for 
the  Supply  of  the  Forces  in  Cumberland  County, 
Attending  with  a  Young  Man  who  was  taken  Pris- 
oner by  the  Indians  and  had  made  his  escape ;  they 
were  examined  as  to  the  Truth  of  the  several  matters 
mentioned  in  the  Petitions,  and  they  confirmed  the 
same,  saying  further  that  a  Year  ago  there  were 
three  thousand  Men  fit  to  bear  Arms,  livers  in  that 
County,  and  now  exclusive  of  the  Provincial  Forces 
they  were  certain  they  did  not  amount  to  an  hundred ; 
that  there  never  was  in  the  memory  of  Man  a  more 
abundant  harvest ;  that  after  the  burning  of  Fort 
Granville  by  the  Indians  (which  was  done  while  the 
country  people,  guarded  by  Detachments  of  the 
Forces,  were  employed  in  reaping)  the  Farmers 
abandoned  their  Plantations,  and  left  what  Corn  was 
not  then  stacked  or  carried  into  Barns  to  perish  on 
the  Ground.  .  .  . 

"  Then  the  Young  Man,  one  John  Cox,  a  son  of  the 
Widow  Cox,  who  had  made  his  escape  from  Kittanin, 
gave  the  following  information  :  That  himself,  his 
brother  Eichard,  and  John  Craig  in  the  beginning  of 

and  children  of  men  who  lost  their  lives  in  the  campaign.  To  tlie  com- 
manding 6fficer  was  presented  a  medal  of  honor,  bearing  the  legend, 
"  Kittaning  destroyed  by  Colonel  Armstrong,  September,  1756,"  and  on 
the  reverse  another,  **  The  gift  of  the  Corporation  of  the  City  of  Phila- 

1  Early  History  of  Western  Pennsylvania. 

2  Col.  Eoc,  vii.  p.  241. 

February  last  were  taken  by  nine  Delaware  Indians 
from  a  Plantation  two  Miles  from  McDowell's  Mill, 
and  carried  to  the  Kittaning  Town  on  the  Ohio ;  that 
on  his  way  thither  he  met  Shingas  [the  Delaware 
king]  with  a  Party  of  thirty  Men,  and  afterwards 
with  Captain  Jacobs  and  fifteen,  who  were  going  on  a 
Design  to  destroy  the  Settlements  in  Conegochege; 
that  when  He  arrived  at  Kittanin,  he  saw  there  about 
oue  hundred  fighting  Men  of  the  Delaware  Tribe, 
with  their  Families,  and  about  Fifty  English  Pris- 
oners, consisting  of  Men,  Women,  and  children  ;  that 
during  his  stay  there,  Shingas'  and  Jacob's  Parties 
returned,  the  one  with  nine  Scalps  and  ten  Prisoners, 
the  other  with  several  Scalps  and  five  prisoners,  and 
that  another  Company  of  eighteen  came  from  Diahogo 
with  seventeen  Scalps  fixed  on  a  Pole,  and  carried 
them  to  Fort  Du  Quesne  to  obtain  their  reward.  .  .  . 
"  That  they  (the  Delawares)  with  the  prisoners 
during  the  whole  summer  have  been  in  a  starving 
condition,  having  very  little  Venison  and  corn,  and 
reduced  to  the  necessity  of  living  upon  Dog  Flesh 
and  the  few  Roots  and  Berrys  they  could  collect  in 
the  Woods  ;^  that  several  of  the  Prisoners  have  dyed 
for  want  of  Food  ;  That  six  Weeks  ago  about  one 
hundred  Indians  went  ofl'  from  the  Susquehanna  to 
the  Ohio  for  a  Supply  of  Provisions  and  Ammuni- 
tion, and  were  expected  back  in  thirty  days  ;  That 
while  they  were  in  this  distressed  Situation  they 
talked  several  times  of  making  Peace  with  the  Eng- 
lish, and  many  of  them  observed  that  it  was  better  to 
do  so  than  starve,  for  that  the  Rewards  the  French 
gave  were  not  sufiicient  to  support  them,  not  having 
received  from  them  more  than  one  loaf  of  Bread  for 
each  Scalp.  But  that  old  Makomesy,  his  [Cox's] 
Master  and  one  of  their  chiefs,  endeavored  to  dissuade 
them  from  entering  into  any  peaceable  Measures  with 
the  English,  and  had  constantly  encouraged  them  to 
continue  the  War;  That  while  these  things  were  in 
Agitation  an  Indian  chief  came  among  them,  and  in- 
formed them  that  the  Mingoes  could  live  with  the 
English  and  be  furnished  with  Provisions  and  every 
thing  they  wanted,  while  the  Delawares  were  starving 
for  carrying  on  the  war  against  them.  That  about 
thirty  days  ago  he  saw  several  of  the  Indians  going 
away,  with  an  Intention  (as  he  was  informed)  to 
know  of  the  Governor  of  Pennsylvania  whether  the 
English  would  agree  to  make  peace;  but  that  he  was 
told  by  Makomesy  they  were  only  gone  to  see  whether 
the  English  were  strong,  and  to  get  Provisions  from 
them.  .  .  ." 

This  prisoner  had  escaped  from  the  Indians  on  the 
14th  of  August,  and  reached  Fort  Augusta  in  safety. 
"The  poor  Boy,"  says  the  record,  "was  extremely 
reduced,  had  dangerous  swellings  on  his  Body,  and 

3  It  does  not  seem  clear  how  the  Indians  could  have  been  reduced  to 
this  starving  condition  when  the  region  which  they  had  ravaged,  and 
from  which  they  had  driven  away  the  white  settlers,  liad  been  blessed  (as 
appears  by  the  preceding  statement  of  .\rmstiong  and  Hoops)  with  the 
most  abundant  harvest  known  in  the  memory  of  man. 



was  in  a  sickly  condition.  The  Governor  therefore 
ordered  him  lodging  and  the  attendance  of  a  Doctor." 

The  account  which  came  to  Philadelphia  of  disaf- 
fection among  the  Indians  towards  the  French,  and 
an  apparent  inclination  to  make  peace  witli  the  Eng- 
lish, caused  the  Governor  and  Council  to  declare  on 
the  10th  of  September  a  suspension  of  hostilities 
against  the  Delawares  and  Shawanese,  and  in  Jan- 
uary, 1757,  this  was  extended  for  a  further  period 
of  fifty  days.  Finally,  on  the  4th  of  August,  at  a 
treaty  council  held  at  Easton,~  Pa.,  with  Teedyus- 
cung,  the  king  of  the  Eastern  Delawares,  a  peace  was 
concluded,  and  messengers  were  at  once  sent  by  the 
king  to  proclaim  it  to  the  Delawares  at  the  head  of 
the  Ohio.  "  Menatochyand  and  Netowatquelemond, 
two  of  the  Principal  Men  of  the  Ohio  Indians,"  re- 
ceived the  news  favorably ;  they  acknowledged  that 
they  had  been  deluded  by  the  French,  and  they  re- 
turned this  message  to  Teedyuscuug:  "We  have 
heard'of  the  good  work  of  peace  you  have  made  with 
our  brethren  the  English,  and  that  you  intend  to  hold 
it  fast.  We  will  not  lift  up  our  hatchet  to  break  that 
good  work  you  have  been  transacting."  King  Shingiss, 
however,  did  not  return  any  such  assurances,  but  re- 
mained hostile,  and  held  a  large  body  of  the  Delawares 
with  him.  The  Shawanese  also  continued  hostile,  and 
acted  with  the  French,  though  considerably  disaf- 
fected towards  them. 

Meanwhile  the  Governor  of  Virginia  had  formed  an 
alliance  with  the  Cherokee  Indians  of  the  South,  by 
which  the  services  of  a  large  number  of  their  war- 
riors were  secured  to  act  against  the  French  and  their 
savage  allies.  These  Cherokees  were  sent  out  in  par- 
ties under  white  officers  to  scout  in  the  vicinity  of  the 
French  fort  and  bring  intelligence  of  the  movements 
there.  The  first  of  these  parties  (being  also  the  first 
force  sent  by  the  English  to  the  vicinity  of  Fort  Du 
Quesne  after  Braddock's  defeat)  left  Fort  Cumberland 
in  the  latter  part  of  May,  1757,  and  returned  on  the  8th 
of  June.  What  they  did  during  their  expedition  is 
told  in  a  letter  written  on  the  15th  of  June  by  Col. 
George  Washington  to  Col.  Stanwix,  at  Fort  Loudon, 
as  follows : 

"  I  have  the  pleasure  to  inform  you  that  a  scouting 
Party  consisting  of  5  Soldiers  and  15  Cherokee  Indi- 
ans that  were  sent  out  the  20"'  ult°.  towards  the  Ohio 
under  Lieut.  Baker,'  returned  on  the  8""  Instant  to 

1  An  account  of  another  small  reccmnoitring  party  that  was  sent  to- 
wanl  Fort  Du  Quesne  a  short  time  afterwards  is  found  in  Sparks  (.ii. 2S3), 
in  one  of  Washington's  letters,  dated  May,  1758,  as  follows:  'An  Indian 
named  Ucahula  was  sent  from  Fort  Loudon  with  a  party  of  six  soldiei-s 
and  thirty  Indians,  under  command  of  Lient.  Gist.  After  great  fatigues 
and  suffering,  occasioned  by  the  snows  on  the  Allegheny  Mountains, 
they  reached  the  Monongahela  River  (at  the  month  of  the  Redstone), 
where  Lieut.  Gist,  by  a  fall  from  a  precipice,  was  rendered  unable  to 
proceed,  and  the  party  separated,  Ucahula,  with  two  other  Indians,  de- 
scended the  Monongahela  in  a  bark  canoe  till  they  came  near  Fort  Du 
Quesne.  Here  tliey  left  their  canoe,  and  concealed  themselves  on  the 
margin  of  the  river  till  they  had  an  opportunity  of  attacking  two 
Frenchmen,  whom  they  killed  and  scalped.  These  scalps  were  brought 
to  Fort  Loudon  by  Ucahula." 

Fort  Cumberland  with  5  Scalps,  and  a  French  Officer 
Prisoner,  liaving  killed  two  other  Offlcers  of  the  Haid 
Party.  Mr.  Baker  met  with  this  Party,  vi/,,  Ten 
French,  Three  Officers,  on  the  Head  of  Turtle  Creek, 
2  Miles  from  Fort  Duquesnc  (the  day  after  they  had 
parted  with  Indians  returning  from  the 
War),  And  would  have  killcil  and  made  Prisoners  of 
them  all  had  it  not  liecn  for  the  Death  of  the  Indian 
chief,  who  being  killed  prevented  his  Men  from  pur- 
suing them.  One  other  Indian  wa.s  wounded  and 
brought  in  upon  a  Bier  near  100  Miles  by  the  Party, 
who  had  nothing  to  live  upon  for  the  four  last  Days 
but  wild  Onions.  .  .  .  Capt.  Spottswood  with  10  Sol- 
diers and  20  Indians,  who  went  out  at  the  .same  Time 
with  but  to  a  different  Place  from  Lt.  Baker,  is  not 
yet  come  in,  nor  any  News  of  him,  which  makes  me 

On  June  14th  another  Cherokee  party  brought  to 
Fort  Cumberland  the  alarming  news  that  a  large 
French  force  was  marching  towards  that  fort  from 
the  Ohio.^  In  a  letter  written  at  Winchester,  Va., 
June  16th,  by  Capt.  William  Trent  to  William  Cox,' 
the  writer  said, — 

"  By  an  Express  arrived  here  last  Night  from  Capt. 
Dagworthy,  at  Fort  Cumberland,  we  learn  that  Six 
Cherokees  were  arrived  there,  who  report  that  they 
lay  about  Fort  Duquesne  some  Days,  where  they  saw 
a  large  Body  of  French  and  Indians  and  a  great 
Number  of  Carriages  and  Horses.  That  they  were 
obliged  to  go  a  Distance  from  there  in  order  to  hunt, 
as  they  were  afraid  to  shoot  nigh  the  Fort,  and  could 
get  nothing  to  kill  with  their  Bows  and  Arrows.  After 
they  had  got  some  Provisions  they  returned  to  the 
Fort,  where  they  stayed  till  they  see  them  set  off, 
and  dogged  them  till  they  crossed  the  Monongahela 
at  the  Place  where  Gen.  Braddock  was  defeated ; 
then  they  sent  off  these  Cherokees  with  the  News, 
and  the  rest  of  the  Party  followed  them  in  order  to 
send  Intelligence  from  Time  to  Time  of  their  Mo- 
tions. The  Virginians  iu  these  Parts  have  not  above 
230  Soldiers.  Col.  Washington  is  sending  off  to  raise 
the  Militia.  There  is  about  80  Indians  in  these  Parts. 
A  Party  of  Cherokees  fell  in  with  Ten  ffrench  Men, 
killed  and  tookSix,  Four  of  which  were  Commissioned 
Officers  ;  One  Officer,  the  only  Pristmer  they  saved, 
is  expected  in  Town  to-night ;  The  Swallow  Warrior 
was  killed  and  his  Son  wounded,  which  was  the  rea- 

2  A  letter  from  Governor  Sharpe,  of  Maryland,  to  Governor  Denny,  of 
Pennsylvania,  ilated  the  14th  of  July  (1757),  stated  "that  one  Street, 
who  was  taken  at  Fort  GraTiville  by  the  French,  and  carried  to  a  Place 
near  Fort  Duquesne,  and  was  afterwards  in  the  Fort,  and  had  made  hia 
Escape  from  thence  with  a  Negro  Man,  was  examined  on  Oath,  and  on 
Examination  declared  that  about  a  month  before  the  Garrison  iu  that 
Place  consisted  of  between  three  and  four  hundred  French  and  a  few 
Indians;  they  were  afterwards  reinforced  with  two  hundred  French 
from  the  Mississippi  in  twelve  Boats;  that  Seven  Hundred  more  were  ex- 
pected from  a  Fort  on  the  Lake,  with  a  Train  of  Artillery,  and  that  an 
Expedition  was  intended  against  these  Provinces,  to  he  conducted  by  the 
Officers  from  the  Mississippi." — Miimles  of  the  Proviucial  Ooimci/,  Cohmiat 
liecords,  vol.  vii.  p.  71G. 

■■>  Col,  Rec,  vii,  601, 



son  of  their  killing  the  Prisoners.  'Tis  said  the 
French  Army  consists  of  Two  Thousand.  .  .  .  This 
Night  I  expect  the  French  Army  is  at  the  Little 
Meadows,  about  20  miles  from  [west  of]  Fort  Cum- 

This  report  of  the  approach  of  a  strong  French 
force  created  a  general  alarm.  On  the  16th,  Wash- 
ington again  wrote  Col.  Stanwix,  saying  that  if  the 
enemy  was  coming  in  such  numbers,  and  with  a  large 
train  of  artillery  as  reported,  Fort  Cumberland  must 
inevitably  fall  into  their  hands,  after  which  they 
would  without  doubt  march  to  the  investment  of 
Fort  Loudon,  where  there  was  a  very  large  amount 
of  stores  insufficiently  guarded,  and  he  plainly  inti- 
mated his  belief  that  they  would  have  little  difficulty 
in  also  capturing  that  work  and  the  magazines.  It 
soon  appeared,  however,  that  the  first  report  had  been 
considerably  exaggerated.  On  the  17th,  Capt.  Dag- 
worthy,  commandant  at  Fort  Cumberland,  wrote  Col. 
Stanwix  the  following  further  information  in  the 
matter,'  viz. :  "  Yesterday  in  the  eyening  Six  Indians 
from  Fort  Du  Quesne,  who  left  that  Place  last  Sun- 
day, and  brought  with  them  two  Scalps,  which  they 
took  within  a  Hundred  Yards  of  the  Fort.  I  learn 
from  them  that  the  firing  of  the  Cannon  and  small , 
Arms  which  I  mentioned  in  my  last  was  occasioned 
by  a  large  scouting  Party  leaving  that  Place  to  come 
this  Way.  They  say  the  Indians  who  came  in  before 
made  a  false  Report  as  to  their  bringing  Waggons 
and  Artillery,  and  account  for  it  by  their  being 
Young  Warriors  and  much  frightened ;  this  last 
Party  lay  some  time  in  Sight  of  the  Fort,  but  could 
not  discover  either  Waggons  or  Horses,  and  but  few 

But  it  is  probable  that  the  reason  why  the  first  re- 
port was  so  much  exaggerated  was  not  so  much  be- 
cause the  Cherokees  who  brought  it  were  young  war- 
riors and  frightened  as  because  Capt.  Dagworthy 
had  no  competent  interpreter  lo  inform  him  of  what 
they  really  said.  This,  at  least,  was  the  view  taken 
of  the  case  by  George  Croghan,  and  expressed  by  him  in 
a  letter  to  Col.  Armstrong,  dated  June  28th,  in  which 
he  says,  "  I  have  seen  some  of  both  Parties  of  Indians 
that  brought  the  Intelligence  of  the  March  of  the 
French  Army,  and  upon  examining  them  I  find  that 
Capt.  Dagworthy  has  been  at  a  loss  for  an  interpreter. 
The  Accounts  of  the  Indians  are  these  :  The  first 
party  say  they  saw  the  French  at  Work  before  the 
Fort  mounting  their  Cannon  upon  Wheels,  and  that 
they  saw  a  large  Body  of  French  and  Indians  march 
from  the  Fort  with  a  great  many  Baggage  Horses ; 
And  that  when  they  got  to  where  Gen.  Braddock  was 
defeated.  They  heard  the  Cannon  fired  at  the  Fort. 
The  last  Party  say  they  saw  about  80  Indians  in  one 
Company,  and  a  Body  of  French,  a  great  number  of 
Bacgage  Horses,  and  large  Tracks  of  several  Parties 
of  Indians  on  both  Sides  the  Road,  the  Number  They 

1  Col.  Bee,  Tii.  632. 

think  cannot  be  less  than  between  Five  and  Seven 
Hundred  ;  They  took  the  old  Pennsylvania  Trading 
Road,  but  they  saw  no  Carriages  or  Tracks  of  Car- 
riages the  Road  they  went." 

On  the  same  day  (June  28th)  Col.  Stanwix  said,  in 
a  letter  to  Governor  Denny,  "  Am  of  Opinion  that  a 
large  Party  of  French  and  Indians  did  leave  Fort 
Duquesne  the  10th  Instant,  but  without  Artillery  or 
Waggons ;  but  what  is  become  of  them  I  cannot  yet 
learn.  As  it  was  probable  they  might  appear  towards 
Ray's  Town  [Bedford],  I  augmented  the  Garrison  at 
Fort  Lyttleton  150  men.  And  ordered  Scouts  out  to- 
wards Ray's  Town,  but  no  Intelligence  of  them,  tho' 
now  18  Days  since  the  Enemy  was  supposed  to  be  in 
Motion.  I  have  had  ffi)ur  Spys  out  over  the  North 
Mountains ;  Some  are  returned,  but  without  seeing 
any  Enemy.  I  march  a  Captain's  Piquet  Two  or 
Three  Times  a  Week  as  scouting  Parties,  but  as  yet 
have  found  the  Coast  all  clear."  The  event  proved 
that  the  French  and  Indian  force  was  not  as  large  as 
represented ;  that  it  had  no  artillery,  and  that  its 
designs  were  not  against  Fort  Cumberland  nor  Fort 
Loudon,  but  against  the  settlements  farther  to  the 
northward,  in  the  region  of  the  forks  of  the  Susque- 
hanna. This  was  about  the  last  of  the  forays  in 
which  the  Indians  were  engaged  against  the  English 
settlements  during  that  year.  At  its  close  (in  the 
latter  part  of  December,  1757)  seven  Indians  came 
to  Philadelphia,  having  been  thirty-one  days  on  their 
journey  from  the  Allegheny  towns,  and  reported  that 
when  they  left,  some  of  the  French  officers  were  in 
the  Indian  villages  "  about  twenty  miles  from  the 
French  fort  called  Onango"  [Venango],  with  pres- 
ents and  wampum  belts,  endeavoring  to  again  stir  up 
the  Indians  to  go  with  them  on  a  great  expedition 
against  the  English ;  but  that  the  head  chief,  Cas- 
teraqua,  had  gathered  his  young  men  together  and 
told  them  not  to  listen  to  the  French,  but  to  remain 
at  home.  They  remained  eytirely  quiet  from  that 
time  during  the  winter  and  following  spring,  by 
which  time  their  disaffection  against  the  French  and 
inclination  for  peace  became  assured.  On  the  25th 
of  March,  1758,  Governor  Denny,  in  a  letter  of  that 
date,  addressed  to  Col.  Washington,  said,  "  Several 
accounts  have  been  brought  during  the  winter,  as  if 
there  was  a  disposition  in  the  Western  Indians  to  re- 
turn to  their  old  friends  the  English ;  and  as  there 
has  been  little  or  no  mischief  done  on  the  frontiers 
of  this  and  the  neighboring  Provinces  of  late,  it  is 
not  unlikely  but  the  Indians  are  changing  every  day 
in  our  favour.  From  the  mouth  of  the  messengers 
who  came  directly  from  the  Ohio  by  the  way  of  Dia- 
hoga,  they  expressly  declare  that  since  the  Peace 
Belts  sent  by  these  Indians,  who  were  formerly  our 
friends,  have  been  so  kindly  received  by  this  Govern- 
ment they  are  sure  that  on  their  receiving  this  news 
they  shall  be  sent  back  immediately  with  an  accoun 
of  their  separating  from  the  French  and  coming  to 
join  our  friendly  Indians." 


In  1758  the  English  ministry  planned  and  sent  for- 
ward an  expedition  much  more  formidable  than  that 
placed  under  Braddock,  three  years  before,  for  the 
capture  of  Fort  Du  Quesne.  Gen.  Abercrombie,  who 
had  been  appointed  commander-in-chief  of  His  Ma- 
jesty's forces  in  North  America,  assigned  the  com- 
mand of  this  new  expedition  to  Brig.-Gen.  John 
Forbes.  His  force  (of  which  the  rendezvous  was 
appointed  at  Raystown,  now  Bedford,  Pa.)  was  com- 
posed of  three  hundred  and  fifty  Royal  American 
troops,  twelve  hundred  Scotch  Highlanders,  sixteen 
hundred  Virginians,  and  two  thousand  seven  hundred 
Pennsylvania  provincials,  two  hundred  and  fifty  men 
from  Maryland,  one  hundred  and  fifty  from  North 
Carolina,  and  one  hundred  from  "  the  lower  counties 
on  Delaware,"  a  total  of  six  thousand  three  hundred 
and  fifty  effective  men,  besides  one  thousand  wagon- 
ers and  laborers.  The  Virginia  troops  were  comprised 
in  two  regiments,  commanded  respectively  by  Col. 
George  Washington  and  Col.  James  Burd,  but  both 
under  the  superior  command  of  Washington  as  acting 
brigadier.  Gen.  Forbes  arrived  at  Raystown  about 
the  10th  of  September,'  but  Col.  Henry  Bouquet  had 
previously  (in  August)  been  ordered  forward  with  an 
advanced  column  of  two  thousand  men  to  the  Loyal- 
hanna  to  cut  out  roads.  The  main  body,  with  Wash- 
ington in  advance,  moved  forward  from  Raystown  in 
October.  In  the  mean  time  Bouquet  (perhaps  think- 
ing he  could  capture  the  fort  with  his  advance  divi- 
sion, before  the  arrival  of  the  main  body,  and  thus 
secure  the  principal  honor)  sent  forward  a  recon- 
noissance  in  force,  consisting  of  eight  hundred  men 
(mostly  Highlanders)  under  Maj."  William  Grant. 
This  force  reached  a  point  in  the  vicinity  of  the 
fort,-  where,  on  the  14th  of  September,  it  was  at- 
tacked on  both  flanks  and  in  the  rear  by  a  body  of 
about  seven  hundred  French  and  a  large  number 
of  savages,  under  command  of  a  French  officer  named 
Aubry.  Here  Grant  was  defeated  with  much  slaugh- 
ter, the  Indians  committing  terrible  atrocities  on  the 
dead  and  wounded  Highlanders.  The  losses  of 
Grant's  force  were  two  hundred  and  seventy  killed, 
forty-two  wounded,  and  a  number  of  prisoners,  among 
whom  was  Maj.  Grant  himself.  The  French  and  In- 
dians then  advanced  against  Bouquet  and  attacked 
his  intrenched  position  at  Fort  Ligonier,  but  were 
finally  (though  with  great  difficulty)  repulsed  on  the 
12th  of  October,  and  forced  to  retreat  to  their  fort. 

1  On  the  9th  of  September,  Gen.  Forbes  wrote  from  Fort  Loudon  to 
Governor  Denny, of  Pennsylvania:  "  Everything  ia ready  for  the  Army's 
advancing;  but  that  I  cannot  do  nnless  I  have  asnfficieiU  quantity  of 
provisions  in  the  magazine  at  Raystown.  The  road  tliat  leads  from  the 
advanced  posts  to  the  French  fort  may  be  opened  as  fast  as  a  convoy  can 
march  it  Therefore  my  movements  depend  on  llis  Majesty's  snlijects 
entering  cheerfully  in  carrying  up  the  necessary  provisions.  The  new 
road  has  been  finished  without  the  enemies  knowing  it.  The  troops 
have  not  suffered  the  least  insult  in  the  cutting  of  it."  He  also  stated 
that  the  road  was  then  open  to  within  forty  miles  of  Fort  Dn  Quesne. 

2  This  fight  took  place  at  "Grant's  Hill,"  in  the  present  city  of  Pitts- 
burgh. The  commander  and  Maj.  Lewis  were  taken  prisoners  by  the 
French  and  Indians. 


Gen.  Forbes  with  the  main  body  of  hU  army  ar- 
rived at  Loyalhanna  early  in  November.  A  council 
of  war  was  held,  at  which  it  wa.s  decided  that  on  ac- 
count of  the  lateness  of  the  season  and  approach  of 
winter  (the  ground  being  already  covered  with  Know) 
it  was  "  unadvisable,  if  not  impracticable,  to  prosecute 
the  campaign  any  further  till  the  next  season,  and 
that  a  winter  encampment  among  tlie  mountains  or 
a  retreat  to  the  frontier  settlements  wa«  the  only  al- 
ternative that  remained."  But  immediately  after- 
wards a  scouting  party  brought  in  some  prisoners, 
from  whom  it  was  learned  that  the  garrison  of  Fort 
Du  Quesne  was  weak,  and  the  Indian  allies  of  the 
French  considerably  disallected.  Thereupon  the  de- 
cision of  the  council  of  war  was  reversed,  and  orders 
at  once  issued  to  move  on  to  the  assault  of  the  fort. 

The  march  was  commenced  immediately,  the  troops 
taking  with  them  no  tents  or  heavy  baggage,  and 
only  a  few  pieces  of  light  artillery.  Washington  with 
his  command  led  the  advance.  When  within  about 
twelve  miles  of  the  fort  word  was  brought  to  Forbes 
that  it  was  being  evacuated  by  the  French,  but  he 
remembered  the  lesson  taught  by  Braddock's  rash- 
ness, and  treated  the  report  with  suspicion,  con- 
tinuing the  march  with  the  greatest  caution,  and 
withholding  from  the  troops  the  intelligence  he  had 
received.  On  the  25th  of  November,  when  they 
were  marching  with  the  provincials  in  front,  they 
drew  near  the  fort  and  came  to  a  place  where  a  great 
number  of  stakes  had  been  planted,  and  on  these 
were  hanging  the  kilts  of  the  Highlanders  slain  on 
that  spot  in  Grant's  defeat  two  months  before.  When 
Forbes'  Highlanders  saw  this  they  became  infuriated 
with  rage  and  rushed  on,  reckless  of  consequences 
and  regardless  of  discipline  in  their  eagerness  to  take 
bloody  vengeance  on  the  slayers  of  their  countrymen. 
They  were  bent  on  the  extermination  of  their  foes 
and  swore  to  give  no  quarter,  but  soon  after,  on 
arriving  within  sight  of  the  fort,  it  was  found  to  be 
indeed  evacuated  and  in  flames,  and  the  last  of  the  \ 
boats  in  which  its  garrison  had  embarked  were  seen  , 
in  the  distance  passing  Smoky  Island  on  their  way 
down  the  Ohio. 

The  fort  was  found  to  have  been  mined,  but  either 
the  enemy  had  left  in  too  much  haste  to  fire  the  train 
or  the  fuse  had  become  extinguished.  All  the  guns 
had  been  burst  or  sunk  in  the  river.  The  troops  at 
once  marched  up  to  take  possession,  Washington 
with  his  command  being  the  first  on  the  ground.  Oa 
the  following  day  he  wrote  to  the  Governor  of  Vir- 
ginia a  report  of  the  evacuation  and  capture  of  the 
post  as  follows : 

"Camp  at  Fort  Du  QrBaNK, 
"  2Sth  November,  1768. 
"To  Gov.  Fauquier: 

"Sir, — I  have  the  pleasure  to  inform  you  that  Fort  Duquesne,  or  the 
ground  rather  on  which  it  stood,  was  possessed  by  bis  Migesty's  troops 
on  the  25th  instant.  The  eitemy,  after  letting  us  get  within  a  day's 
march  of  the  place,  burned  the  fort  and  ran  away  by  the  light  of  it,  at 
niglit  going  down  the  Ohio  by  water  to  the  number  of  about  five  hun- 
dred men,  according  to  our  best  information.    This  possession  of  the 







fort  has  been  matter  of  surprise  to  the  whole  army,  and  we  cannot  at- 
triliute  it  to  more  probable  causes  than  the  weakness  of  the  enemy,  want 
of  provisions,  and  the  defection  of  the  Indians.  Of  these  circumstances 
we  were  luckily  informed  by  three  prisoners  who  providentially  fell  into 
our  hands  at  Loyal  Hanna,  when  we  despaired  of  proceeding  farther.  A 
council  of  war  had  determined  that  it  was  nut  advisable  to  advance  this 
season  beyond  that  place  ;  but  the  above  information  caused  us  to  march 
OD  without  tents  or  baggage,  and  witii  only  a  light  train  of  artillery. 
We  have  thus  happily  succeeded.  It  would  be  tedious  and  I  think  un- 
necessary to  relate  every  trivial  circumstance  that  has  happened  since 
my  last.  .  .  .  This  fortunate  and  indeed  unexpected  success  of  our  arms 
will  be  attended  with  happy  effecta.  The  Delawares  are  sueingfor  peace, 
and  I  doubt  not  that  other  tribes  on  the  Ohio  are  following  their  ex- 
ample. A  trade  free,  open,  and  on  equitable  terms  is  what  they  seem 
much  to  desire,  and  I  do  not  know  so  effectual  a  way  of  riveting  them 
to  our  interest  as  by  sending  out  goods  immediately  to  this  place  for 
that  purpose  .  .  ." 

Thus,  after  repeated  attempts,  each  ending  in  blood 
and  disaster,  the  English  standard  was  firmly  planted 
at  the  head  of  the  Ohio,  and  the  French  power  here 
overthrown  forever. 

The  Indians  had  become  greatly  dissatisfied  with 
the  French,  and  had  entirely  ceased  acting  with  them 
against  the  English.  Gen.  Forbes,  in  his  report  to 
Governor  Denny,  dated  November  26th,  after  an- 
nouncing tlie  capture  of  the  fort,  said  that  the  French 
were  "abandoned,  or  at  least  not  seconded,  by  their 
friends  the  Indians,  whom  we  had  previously  engaged 
to  act  a  neutral  part,  and  who  now  seem  all  willing  to 
embrace  His  Majesty's  most  gracious  protection." 
On  the  capture  of  the  fort  the  Delawares  sued  for 
peace,  which  was  granted  to  them  at  a  treaty  confer- 
ence held  with  them  at  the  fort  immediately  after  it 
came  into  possession  of  the  English  forces. 

On  the  ruins  of  Fort  Du  Quesne  another  work  was 
constructed — a  weak  and  hastily-built  stockade  with 
a  shallow  ditch — and  named  "  Fort  Pitt,"  in  honor  of 
William  Pitt,  Earl  Chatham.  Two  hundred  and 
eighty  men  of  Washington's  command  were  left  to 
garrison  it,  under  command  of  Col.  (afterwards  gen- 
eral) Hugh  Mercer,  and  the  main  army  marched  east. 
Gen.  Forbes  returned  to  Philadelphia,  and  died  there 
in  March,  1759.  The  new  Fort  Pitt  was  commenced 
in  August,  1759,  and  completed  during  the  fall  of 
that  year  by  a  force  under  command  of  Gen.  Stanwix. 
In  the  same  autumn  Col.  .Tames  Burd  was  sent  from 
Carlisle  to  open  a  road  from  Braddock's  road  on 
Laurel  Hill  to  the  Monongahela,  and  at  the  latter 
point  to  build  a  fort,  the  object  being  the  establish- 
ment of  a  route  for  transportation  from  the  East  to 
Fort  Pitt,  with  defensive  works  and  bases  of  supply 
at  intermediate  points.  The  fort  was  built  by  Col. 
Burd's  detachment,  on  the  present  site  of  the  town  of 
Brownsville,  on  the  Mouongahela,  and  a  road  was 
opened  from  it  to  Braddock's  road  on  the  summit  of 
Laurel  Hill.  The  work  on  the  road  was  commenced 
on  the  13th  of  September,  and  on  the  fort  on  the  24th 
of  October.  On  Sunday,  the  4th  of  November,  a 
sermon  was  preached  in  the  fort  by  his  chaplain,  the 
Rev.  Dr.  Allison,  who  on  the  same  day  left  for  Phila- 
delphia. The  fort  was  completed  a  few  days  later, 
and  named  "  Fort  Burd."     A  garrison  of  twenty-five 

men  remained  in  it,  and  Col.  Burd,  with  the  rest  of 
his  detachment,  marched  to  Fort  Pitt. 

Gen.  Stanwix  remained  at  Fort  Pitt  until  the  fol- 
lowing year,  and  during  his  stay  was  very  successful 
in  cultivating  the  friendship  of  the  Indians.  A 
treaty  council  was  held  with  them  at  the  old  fort  on 
the  4th  of  July,  1759,  and  another  at  the  new  Fort 
Pitt  in  the  following  October,  on  which  latter  occasion 
Gen.  Stanwix  announced  to  the  Indians  the  fall  of 
the  French  fortress  at  Quebec,'  which  had  been  taken 
by  the  forces  of  Gen.  Wolfe  in  September,  and  wliich 
event,  as  he  told  them,  was  virtually  an  ending  of  the 
war.  The  Indians  then  formally  buried  the  hatchet, 
and  declared  themselves  the  fast  friends  of  the  Eng- 
lish for  all  time.  On  the  25th  of  Marcli,  1760,  Gen. 
Stanwix  set  out  for  Philadelphia  with  a  military  es- 
cort and  thirty-five  chiefs  of  the  Ohio  Indians,  leav- 
ing the  fort  garrisoned  by  seven  hundred  men.  In 
September  of  that  year  the  French  post  of  Montreal 
surrendered,  and  this,  with  the  fall  of  Detroit  and 
other  French  posts,  closed  the  "  French  and  Indian 

When  the  "  Pontiac  war"  broke  out  in  1763  the 
Indians  in  this  region,  like  those  in  all  parts  of  the 
West,  became  actively  hostile.  They  made  their  first 
demonstrations  about  the  1st  of  June  in  that  year,  in 
the  neighborhood  of  Fort  Pitt,  then  moved  across  the 
Alleghenies,  and  again  committed  fearful  havoc  in 
the  settlements  of  the  same  region  which  they  had 
ravaged  from  the  fall  of  1755  to  1757.  A  large  body 
of  savages  also  besieged  Fort  Pitt,  cutting  off  all 
supplies  and  communication.  No  information  could 
be  obtained  as  to  the  situation  at  the  fort,  and  great 
alarm  was  felt  for  the  safety  of  the  garrison.  At  this 
crisis  Col.  Bouquet  was  ordered  forward  to  its  relief 
with  a  force  composed  of  a  body  of  colonial  troops 
and  the  remnants  of  the  Forty-second  and  Seventy- 
seventli  Koyal  Regiments  (Higlilanders),  who  had 
then  just  returned  from  the  siege  of  Havana,  in  tlje 
island  of  Cuba.  Gen.  Bouquet  arrived  at  Fort  Bed- 
ford July  25,  1763,  and  three  days  later  commenced 
his  march  across  the  mountains,  having  with  him  a 
train  of  wagons  loaded  with  provisions,  stores,  and 
munitions  of  war  for  Fort  Pitt.  At  Fort  Ligouier  he 
left  his  wagons,  and  pushed  on  with  his  forces  to- 
wards Fort  Pitt.  On  the  second  day  out  from  Ligo- 
nier  the  troops  had  marched  seventeen  miles,  and 
had  come  within  half  a  mile  of  Bushy  Run  (in  the 
present  county  of  Westmoreland),  wliere  they  were 
expecting  to  halt  and  refresh  themselves  at  a  large 
spring,  preparatory  to  a  night  march  through  the 
dangerous  Turtle  Creek  ravines,  when  the  war-whoop 
resounded  on  every  side,  and  the  advance-guard  of 

1  The  French  Fort  Niagara  had  previously  been  taken  by  the  English, 
Aug.  5,  1759.  A  few  days  later  the  French  abandoned  their  posts  at 
Venango  and  Le  Boeuf,  but  left  the  Indians  in  good  humor  "  b.v  distrib- 
uting Laced  Coats,  Hats,  and  other  Clothing  among  them."  They  told 
the  Indians  they  were  obliged  to  leave  them  for  a  time,  but  would  soon 
return  and  take  possession  of  the  whole  river. 





eighteen  men  were  fired  upon  from  ambiisli.  Twelve 
of  the  eighteen  fell  dead  at  the  first  fire.  The  re- 
maining six  ran  back  to  the  main  body  of  troops, 
and  then  began,  at  one  o'clock  p.m.,  August  5th,  the 
battle  of  Bushy  Run,  one  of  the  most  desperate  con- 
flicts in  which  the  red  men  and  pale-face  ever  en- 

In  their  first  assault  the  Indians  were  repulsed  and 
pursued  a  considerable  distance,  but  they  immedi- 
ately returned  and  again  attacked  with  renewed 
vigor.  Again  and  again  they  were  repulsed,  but  as 
oflen  returned  to  the  attack.  The  fight  continued 
without  intermission  through  the  long  hours  of  that 
blazing  August  afternoon,  but  Bouquet  stubbornly 
held  his  ground  against  great  odds. 

Darkness  closed  the  conflict,  but  the  hungry, 
weary  troops,  almost  famished  and  suffering  greatly 
from  thirst,  were  obliged  to  keep  vigilant  watch  all 
night  long  to  guard  against  surprise.  They  had  lost 
nearly  one-fourth  their  number,  and  the  Indians  had 
been  largely  reinforced.  With  the  dawn  came  re- 
peated and  persistent  assaults.  The  enemy  grew 
bolder  as  their  numbers  increased,  and  the  fatigue 
and  distress  of  the  soldiers  became  more  and  more 
apparent.  It  was  comparatively  easy  for  the  brave 
Highlanders  to  put  the  savages  to  rout,  charging  on 
them  with  the  bayonet,  for  no  Indian  has  ever  stood 
up  before  a  well-directed  bayonet  charge.  But  the 
moment  the  Scotchmen  returned  to  the  inner  circle  of 
defense  the  wily  and  dextrous  savages,  leaping  from 
tree  to  tree,  returned  to  the  conflict  with  terrific  yells. 
They  pressed  close  enough  to  wound  the  frightened 
pack-horses,  two  hundred  and  fifty  of  which,  laden 
with  provisions  and  ammunition  for  the  relief  of 
Fort  Pitt,  were  crowded  together  in  the  centre.  The 
terrified  drivers  hid  among  the  bushes  regardless  of 
commands  from  the  ofiicers.  Matters  were  becoming 
desperate.  The  whites  were  rapidly  falling,  and 
their  relentless  foes  were  growing  stronger  and  bolder. 
It  was  a  crisis  requiring  the  highest  kind  of  military 
genius  and  indomitable  resolution,  but  Bouquet  was 
equal  to  the  occasion,  and  from  the  very  jaws  of  de- 
feat, disaster,  and  death  he  snatched  one  of  the  most 
brilliant  victories  ever  won  over  the  Indians. 

Taking  advantage  of  the  lay  of  the  ground  within 
the  circle  of  fire  with  which  they  were  encompassed, 
Bouquet  formed  an  ambuscade  with  as  large  a  body 
of  Highlanders  as  could  be  spared  for  a  brief  space 
from  the  outer  line  of  defense.  The  Indians  were 
led  to  believe  that  the  army  was  about  to  retreat  to 
Fort  Ligonier,  and  they  massed  their  warriors  for  a 
charge  where  the  line  of  defense  was  made  to  appear 
weakest.  This  was  what  Bouquet  expected  and  de- 
sired in  order  that  the  cold  steel  of  the  Highlanders 
might  tell  effectually.  Part  of  the  line  gave  way  be- 
fore the  onset  of  the  savages,  and  retreated  in  good 
order  towards  the  centre  of  the  camp,  closely  fol- 
lowed by  the  whooping  and  exultant  warriors ;  but 
when  fully  inside  the   ambuscade  the  savages  were 

astonished  to  see  the  retreating  Scots  suddenly  wheel 
and  dash  at  them  with  fixed  bayonets.  Confident  of 
victory  with  their  superior  numbers,  and  eager  for  the 
spoils  of  the  camp,  they  met  the  assault  of  the  High- 
landers with  great  impetuosity,  and  even  broke  the 
line  of  steel.  But  nerved  to  desperation  by  the  hor- 
rors of  the  fate  that  awaited  tliem  in  the  of  de- 
feat, encouraged  by  the  knowledge  of  the  strategic 
movement  hastening  to  a  climax,  and  inspired  by  the 
presence  and  example  of  the  heroic  Bouquet,  the 
broken  line  of  Highlanders  rallied,  reformed,  and 
bore  down  with  dauntless  courage  on  the  ferocious 
savages.  The  Indians  slowly  began  to  yield  before 
the  sturdy  Scotchmen,  when  they  were  startled  by 
volleys  from  the  men  in  ambush,  and  perceiving  the 
trap  in  which  they  had  been  caught  they  gave  a  de- 
spairing whoop  and  fled  in  wild  disorder.  Through 
the  woods  and  over  the  hills  Bouquet's  men  pursued 
the  flying  savages,  who  never  stopped  until  they  were 
across  the  Allegheny.  The  defeat  and  rout  were 
complete  and  final.  Fort  Pitt  was  relieved,  and  its 
garrison  was  not  again  disturbed  by  Indians.  In 
the  battle  of  Bushy  Run,  Bouquet  lost  fifty  killed 
and  sixty  wounded.  The  loss  of  the  Indians  was  not 
known,  but  sixty  of  their  warriors  lay  dead  on  the 
field  after  the  fight  was  over. 

The  savages  retreated  to  the  wilderness,  thoroughly 
humbled  and  cowed  for  the  time,  but  they  were  not 
yet  sufficiently  punished  to  insure  peace  to  the  settle- 
ments. In  the  following  year  (1764)  Bouquet  was 
sent  out  with  another  expedition,  composed  of  the 
same  Highland  regiments  who  fought  at  Bushy  Run, 
with  Pennsylvania  and  Virginia  provincial  troops, 
amounting  in  all  to  nearly  two  thousand  men.  They 
assembled  at  Carlisle  on  the  5th  of  August,  and  im- 
mediately marched  thence  over  the  mountains,  arriv- 
ing at  Fort  Pitt  on  the  loth  of  September.  Bouquet 
left  Fort  Pitt  October  3d  with  his  force,  and  marched 
down  the  Ohio,  his  objective-point  being  the  Tusca- 
rawas. October  13th  he  arrived  near  the  forks  of  the 
Muskingum,  having  met  no  enemy.  On  the  17th  the 
Indian  chiefs  met  him  in  council,  asking  for  peace, 
but  nothing  was  done  there.  Again  they  met  on  the 
20th,  and  promised  to  bring  their  white  prisoners  to 
Bouquet  at  a  place  about  one  mile  from  the  forks  of 
the  river.  Bouquet  on  the  22d  marched  his  force  to 
the  appointed  place,  where  he  took  the  precaution  to 
intrench,  to  guard  against  perfidy,  and  built  a  house 
in  which  to  receive  the  Indians.  They  came  at  the 
time  agreed  on,  and  were  loud  in  their  professions  of 
a  desire  for  peace.  With  them  was  Guyasutha,  a 
Seneca  chief,  who  was  once  a  friend  to  the  whites,  but 
afterwards  their  most  implacable  foe.  Bouquet  treated 
the  Indians  sternly,  telling  them  he  would  yield  noth- 
ing to  them  and  distrusted  their  protestations.  Which- 
ever they  wanted,  peace  or  war,  he  was  prepared  to 
give  them.  If  it  was  peace,  then  they  must  deliver 
up  all  their  white  prisoners,  and  each  tribe  give  hos- 
tages to  vouch  for  their  good  faith. 

64    • 


The  savages  could  do  nothing  but  accede  to  the 
terms  offered  them,  though  they  did  so  witli  a  bad 
grace.  The  treaty  was  concluded  with  King  Beaver 
and  other  Delaware  chiefs  on  the  7th  of  November, 
and  with  the  Shawanese  on  the  12th  of  the  same  month. 
In  a  letter  written  by  Bouquet  to  the  Governor  of 
Pennsylvania,  dated  "  Camp  at  the  Forks  of  Mus- 
kingum, 15th  November,  1764,"  the  general  said, 
"  I  have  the  pleasure  to  inform  you  that  the  Mingoes, 
the  Delawares,  and  the  Shawanese  after  a  long  strug- 
gle have  at  last  submitted  to  the  terms  prescribed  for 
them,  viz. :  First,  to  deliver  all  the  prisoners  without 
exception.  Second,  to  give  fourteen  hostages,  to  re- 
main in  our  hands  as  a  security  for  the  performance 
of  the  first  article,  and  that  they  shall  commit  no  hos- 
tilities against  his  Majesty's  subjects." 

Of  the  hostages,  the  Mingoes  gave  two,  the  Dela- 
wares six,  and  the  Shawanese  six.  Two  hundred 
white  captives  had  already  been  delivered,  "and  many 
of  them,"  said  Bouquet,  "  have  remained  so  many 
years  amongst  them  [the  Indians]  that  they  part  from 
them  with  the  greatest  reluctance."  But  it  was  a  part 
of  the  terms  granted  by  Bouquet  that  all  captives 
should  be  given  up  and  forced  to  leave  the  savages, 
whether  willing  to  do  so  or  not.  "  I  give  you,"  said 
Bouquet,  on  the  6th  of  November,  "  twelve  days  from 
this  date  to  deliver  into  my  hands  at  Wakatamake  all 
the  prisoners  in  your  possession,  without  any  excep- 
tion, Englishmen,  Frenchmen,  women,  children, 
whether  adopted  in  your  tribes,  married  or  living 
amongst  you  under  any  denomination  and  pretense 
whatsoever,  together  with  all  negroes.  And  you  are 
to  furnish  the  said  prisoners  with  clothing,  provisions, 
and  horses  to  carry  them  to  Fort  Pitt.  When  you 
have  fully  complied  with  these  conditions  you  shall 
then  know  on  what  terms  you  may  obtain  the  peace 
you  sue  for." 

Two  hundred  and  six  prisoners  were  given  up  by  the 
Indians,  but  there  were  still  nearly  one  hundred  more 
held  by  the  Shawanese  at  distant  points.  These  they 
promised  to  bring  in  in  the  following  spring,  and  did 
bring  nearly  all  of  them.  On  the  18th  of  November 
the  troops  set  out  on  their  return  to  Fort  Pitt,  and  ar- 
rived there  on  the  28th.  A  few  days  afterwards  Bou- 
quet left  the  fort  and  returned  to  Philadelphia. 

It  had  been  made  a  part  of  Bouquet's  agreement 
with  the  Indians  on  the  Muskingum  that  they  should 
go  to  Sir  William  Johnson  on  the  Mohawk  to  sub- 
scribe to  a  formal  treaty  of  peace.  This  they  did  ac- 
cording to  agreement,  and  a  treaty  was  concluded 
May  8,  1765. 



In  the  year  1774  occurred  a  series  of  Indian  incur- 
sions and  butcheries  (chiefly  by  the  Shawanese)  in 
the  white  settlements  of  the  western  frontier,  and  a 

retaliatory  and  entirely  successful  campaign  carried 
on  against  the  savages  by  white  troops  under  com- 
mand of  Lord  Dunmore,  then  Governor  of  Virginia, 
and  his  lieutenants,  which  operations,  extending 
through  the  summer  and  part  of  the  autumn  of  the 
year  named,  have  usually  been  known  as  "  Dunmore's 
war."  In  that  conflict  the  territory  which  is  now 
Washington  County  saw  but  little  of  actual  blood- 
shed and  Indian  atrocity,  yet  in  the  universal  terror 
and  consternation  caused  by  the  savage  inroads  and 
massacres,  most  of  which  occurred  farther  to  the  west 
and  south,  this  region  came  near  being  as  completely 
dejjopulated  as  all  the  territory  west  of  the  Laurel 
Hill  range  had  been  twenty  years  before  by  the  panic 
which  succeeded  the  French  victory  over  Washington 
at  Fort  Necessity. 

Dunmore's  war  was  the  result'  of  several  collisions 

1  In  reference  to  the  causes  which  led  to  the  Indian  hostilities  of  1774, 
an  extract  is  given  below  from  a  letter  written  npon  tliat  subject,  dated 
at  Redstone  Old  Fort,  on  the  Monongahela,  in  October,  1774,  ininiedi. 
ately  after  tile  close  of  Lord  Dunmore's  successful  campaign  against  the 
Sliawanese.  It  is  not  known  who  was  the  writer,  but  he  was  evidently 
a  person  of  position  under  Lord  Dunmore,  and  bad  been  present  with 
the  Governor  in  the  campaign  and  at  the  treaty  which  followed  it.  Tlie 
letter  is  found  in  American  Archives,  vol.  i.  p.  1016,  viz.: 

"  It  will  not  be  improper  to  investigate  the  cause  of  the  Indian  war 
which  broke  out  in  the  spring,  before  I  give  you  a  sketch  of  the  history 
of  the  expedition  which  his  Excellency  Lord  Dunmore  has  carried  on  so 
successfully  against  the  Siiawanese,  one  of  the  richest,  proudest,  and  bra- 
vestof  the  Indian  nations.  In  order  to  do  this  it  is  necessary  to  look  back 
as  far  as  the  year  1764,  when  Col.  Bouquet  made  peace  with  that  nation. 
The  Shawanese  never  complied  with  the  terms  of  that  peace.  They  did 
not  deliver  up  tlie  wliite  prisoners,  there  was  no  lasting  impression 
made  upon  them  by  a  stroke  from  tlie  troops  employed  against  them  in 
that  campaign,  and  tliey  barely  acquiesced  in  some  articles  of  the  treaty 
by  command  of  tlie  Six  Nations.  The  Red  Hawk,  a  Shawanese  chief, 
insulted  Col.  Bouquet  with  impunity,  and  an  Indian  killed  the  colonel's 
footman  the  day  after  the  peace  was  made.  This  murder  not  being 
taken  notice  of  gave  rise  to  several  daring  outrages  committed  imme- 
diately after. 

"  In  the  year  following  several  murders  were  committed  by  the  In- 
dians on  New  River,  and  soon  after  several  men  employed  in  the  service 
of  AVliarton  and  Company  were  killed  on  tlieir  passage  to  Illinois,  and 
the  goods  belonging  to  the  company  carried  ofl".  Some  time  after  this 
outrage  a  number  of  men  employed  to  kill  meat  for  the  garrison  of  Fort 
Charlies  were  killed,  and  their  rifles,  blankets,  Ac,  carried  to  the  Indian 
towns.  These  repeated  hostilities  and  outrages  being  committed  with 
impunity  made  the  Indians  bold  and  daring.  Although  it  was  not  the 
Shawanese  alone  that  committed  all  these  hostilities,  yet  letting  one 
nation  pass  with  impunity  when  mischief  is  done  inspires  the  rest  of  the 
tribes  with  courage,  so  that  the  officers  commanding  bis  Majesty's  troops 
on  the  Ohio  at  that  time,  not  having  power  or  spirit  to  pursue  the  In- 
dians nor  address  to  reclaim  them,  mischief  became  familiar  to  them; 
they  were  sure  to  kill  and  plunder  whenever  it  was  in  their  power,  and 
indeed  they  panted  for  an  opportunity.  It  is  probable  you  will  see  Lord 
Dunmore's  speecli  to  some  chiefs  of  the  Six  Nations  who  waited  on  his 
Lordship;  it  mentions  the  particular  murdera  and  outrages  committed 
by  them  every  year  successively  since  they  pretended  to  make  peace 
with  Col.  Bouquet. 

"  The  most  receut  murdeis  committed  by  the  Indians  before  the  wliite 
people  began  to  retaliate  were  that  of  Capt.  Russell's  son,  three  more 
white  men,anrt  two  of  his  negroes,  on  the  l.'jth  of  October,  1773;  that  of 
a  Dutch  family  on  the  Kana'wha  in  June  of  tlie  same  year,  and  one 
Richard  in  the  July  following;  and  that  of  Mr.  Hogg  and  three  white 
men  on  the  Great  Kanawha  early  in  April,  1774.  Things  being  in  this 
situation,  a  message  was  sent  to  the  Shawanese,  inviting  them  to  a  con- 
ference in  order  to  bury  the  tomahawk  and  brighten  the  chain  of  friend- 
ship. They  fired  upon  the  messengers,  and  it  was  witli  difficulty  they 
escaped  with  their  lives.  Immediately  on  their  return  letters  were 
written  by  some  gentlemen  at  Fort  Pitt,  and  dispersed  among  the  in- 



which  took  place  in  the  spring  of  1774,  on  the  Ohio 
River  above  the  mouth  of  the  Little  Kanawha,  be- 
tween Indians  and  parties  of  white  men,  some  of 
whom  had  rendezvoused  in  that  region  for  tlie  pur- 
pose of  making  explorations  in  the  country  farther 
to  the  southwest,  and  others  who  had  gone  there  to 
clear  lands  and  make  preparations  for  settlement.  Of 
the  latter  class  was  Capt.  Michael  Cresap,  who  was 
the  owner  of  a  store  or  trading-post  at  Redstone  Old 
Fort  (now  Brownsville),  on  the  Monongahela,  which 
was  his  base  of  operations,  but  who  had  taken  up 
(under  authority  of  the  colonial  government  of  Vir- 
ginia) extensive  tracts  of  land  at  and  below  the  mouth 
of  Middle  Island  Creek  (now  Sistersville,  W.  Va.), 
and  had  gone  there  in  the  early  spring  of  the  year 
named  with  a  party  of  men  to  make  clearings  and 
build  houses  upon  his  lands  there.  Ebenezer  Zane, 
afterwards  a  famed  Indian-fighter  and  guide,  was  en- 
gaged at  the  same  time  and  in  the  same  way  with  a 
small  party  of  men  on  lands  which  he  had  taken 
up  at  or  near  the  mouth  of  Sandy  Creek.  Another 
and  larger  party  had  gathered  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Little  Kanawha  (the  present  site  of  Parkersburg, 
W.  Va.),  and  were  waiting  there  for  the  arrival  of 
other  Virginians  who  were  expected  to  join  them  at 
that  point,  from  whence  they  were  to  proceed  down 
the  river  to  tiie  then  scarcely  known  region  of  Ken- 
tucky, there  to  explore  with  a  view  to  the  planting  of 
settlements.  A  leading  spirit  in  this  party  (though 
not,  strictly  speaking,  the  leader  of  it)  was  George 
Rogers  Clarke,  who  a  few  years  later  became  widely 
famed  as  the  general  who  led  a  body  of  Virginia 
troops  on  an  expedition  (which  proved  entirely  suc- 
cessful) against  Vincennes  and  other  British  posts  in 
and  west  of  the  valley  of  the  Wabash.  Many  years 
afterwards  Gen.  Clarke  wrote  an  account  (dated  June 
17,  1798)  of  the  circumstances  attending  the  com- 
mencement of  hostilities  in  the  spring  of  1774,  and 
of  the  movements  of  his  party  of  Virginians  and  the 
other  parties  with  Cresap  and  Zane  along  the  Ohio  at 
that  time.  His  account,  which  was  written  at  Louis- 
Tille,  Ky.,  is  as  follows: 

"  This  Country  [Kentucky]  was  explored  in  1773. 
A  resolution  was  formed  to  make  a  settlement  in  the 
spring  following,  and  the  mouth  of  the  Little  Kana- 

faabitantB  of  the  Ohio,  assuring  them  that  a  war  with  the  Shawanese  was 
unaToidahle,  and  desiring  them  to  be  on  their  guard,  as  it  was  uncertain 
where  the  Indiiins  wouhl  strike  first.  In  the  mean  time  two  men  of  the 
names  of  Greathouae  and  Baker  sold  some  rum  near  the  mouth  of  Tel- 
low  Creek,  and  with  tliem  some  Indians  got  drunk  and  were  killed. 
Lord  Dunmore  has  ordered  that  the  manner  of  their  being  killed  be  in- 
quired into.  Many  olficers  and  other  adventurers  who  were  dowu  the 
Ohio  in  order  to  explore  the  country  and  have  lands  surveyed,  upon  re- 
ceiving the  above  intelligence  and  seeing  the  letters  from  the  gentlemen 
at  Fort  Pitt,  thought  proper  to  return.  Capt.  Michael  Cresap  was  one 
of  these  gentlemen.  On  their  return  to  the  river  they  fell  in  with  a  party 
of  Indians,  and  being  apprehensive  that  the  Indians  were  preparing  to 
attack  them,  as  appeared  by  their  manceuvres,  the  white  people,  being 
the  smallest  number,  thought  it  advisable  to  have  the  advantage  of  the 
first  fire,  whereupon  they  engaged,  and  after  exchanging  a  few  shots 
killed  two  or  three  Indians  and  dispersed  the  rest ;  hostilities  being  then 
iced  on  both  sides,  the  matter  became  serious.*' 

wha  appointed  the  place  of  genera)  rcndezvou*,  in 

order  to  descend  the  Ohio  from  thence  in  a  body. 
Early  in  the  spring  the  Indianw  had  done  Home  mis- 
chief. Reports  from  their  towns  were  alarming, 
which  deterred  many.  About  eighty  or  ninety  men 
only  arrived  at  the  appointed  rendezvous,  where  we 
lay  some  days.  A  small  party  of  hunters  that  lay 
about  ten  miles  below  us  were  fired  upon  by  the  In- 
dians, whom  the  hunters  beat  back  and  returned  to 
camp.  This  and  many  other  circumstances  led  us  to 
believe  that  the  Indians  were  determined  on  war. 
The  whole  party  was  enrolled,  and  determined  to  ex- 
ecute their  project  of  forming  a  settlement  in  Ken- 
tucky, as  we  had  every  necessary  store  that  could  be 
thought  of.  An  Indian  town  called  the  Horsehead 
Bottom,  on  the  Scioto,  and  near  its  mouth,  lay  nearly 
in  our  way.  The  determination  was  to  cross  the 
country  and  surprise  it.  Who  was  to  command  was 
the  question.  There  were  but  few  among  us  who  had 
experience  in  Indian  warfare,  and  they  were  surh  as 
we  did  not  choose  to  be  commanded  by.  We  knew 
of  Capt.  Cresap  being  on  the  river,  about  fifteen  miles 
above  us,  with  some  hands  settling  a  plantation,  and 
that  he  had  concluded  to  follow  us  to  Kentucky  as 
soon  as  he  had  fixed  there  his  people.  We  also  knew 
that  he  had  been  experienced  in  a  former  war.  He 
was  proposed,  and  it  was  unanimously  agreed  to  send 
for  him  to  command  the  party.  Messengers  were 
dispatched,  and  in  half  an  hour  returned  with  Cresap. 
He  had  heard  of  our  resolution  by  some  of  his  hun- 
ters that  had  fallen  in  with  ours,  and  had  set  out  to 
come  to  us. 

"  We  thought  our  army,  as  we  called  it,  complete, 
and  the  destruction  of  the  Indians  sure.  A  council 
was  called,  and  to  our  astonishment  our  intended 
commander-in-chief  was  the  person  that  dissuaded 
us  from  the  enterprise.  He  said  that  appearances 
were  very  suspicious,  but  there  was  no  certainty  ot^ 
war ;  that  if  we  made  the  attempt  proposed  he  had  no  , 
doubt  of  our  success,  but  a  war  would  at  any  rate  be  \ 
the  result,  and  that  we  should  be  blamed  for  it,  and  • 
perhaps  justly.  But  if  we  were  determined  to  pro- 
ceed he  would  lay  aside  all  considerations,  send  to 
his  camp  for  his  people,  aud  share  our  fortunes.  He 
was  then  asked  what  he  would  advise.  His  answer 
was  that  we  should  return  to  Wheeling  as  a  conven- 
ient spot  to  hear  what  was  going  forward  ;  that  a  few 
weeks  would  determine.  As  it  was  early  in  the  spring, 
if  we  found  the  Indians  were  not  disposed  for  war,  we 
should  have  full  time  to  return  and  make  our  estab- 
lishment in  Kentucky.  This  was  adopted,  and  in 
two  hours  the  whole  were  under  way.  .  .  . 

"On  our  arrival  at  Wheeling  (the  whole  country 
being  pretty  well  settled  thereabouts)  the  whole  of 
the  inhabitants  appeared  to  be  alarmed.  They  flocked 
to  our  camp  from  every  direction,  and  all  we  could 
say  we  could  not  keep  them  from  under  our  wings. 
We  ottered  to  cover  their  neighborhood  with  scouts 
until  further  information   if  they  would  return  to 



their  plantations,  but  nothing  would  prevail.  By 
this  time  we  had  got  to  be  a  formidable  party.  All 
the  hunters,  men  without  families,  etc.,  in  that  quar- 
ter had  joined  our  party.  Our  arrival  at  Wheeling 
was  soon  known  at  Pittsburgh.  The  whole  of  that 
country  at  that  time  being  under  the  jurisdiction  of 
Virginia,^ -Dr.  Connolly'  had  been  appointed  by  Dun- 
more  captain-commandant  of  the  district,  which  was 
called  West  Augusta.^  He,  learning  of  us,  sent  a 
message  addressed  to  the  party,  letting  us  know  that 
a  war  was  to  be  apprehended,  and  requesting  that  we 
would  keep  our  position  for  a  few  days,  as  messages 
had  been  sent  to  the  Indians,  and  a  few  days  would 
determine  the  doubt.  The  answer  he  got  was,  that 
we  had  no  inclination  to  quit  our  quarters  for  some 
time,  that  during  our  stay  we  should  be  careful  that 
the  enemy  did  not  harass  the  neighborhood  that  we 
lay  in.  But  before  this  answer  could  reach  Pitts- 
burgh he  sent  a  second  express,  addressed  to  Capt. 
Cresap,  as  the  most  influential  man  amongst  us,  in- 
forming him  that  the  messengers  had  returned  from 
the  Indians,  that  war  was  inevitable,  and  begging 
him  to  use  his  influence  with  the  party  to  get  them 
to  cover  the  country  by  scouts  until  the  inhabitants 
could  fortify  themselves.  The  reception  of  this  letter 
was  the  epoch  of  open  hostilities  with  the  Indians. 
A  new  post  was  planted,  a  council  was  called,  and 
the  letter  read  by  Cresap,  all  the  Indian  traders  being 
summoned  on  so  important  an  occasion.  Action  was 
had,  and  war  declared  in  the  most  solemn  manner; 
and  the  same  evening  (April  26th)  two  scalps  were 
brought  into  camp.  The  next  day  some  canoes  of 
Indians  were  discovered  on  the  river,  keeping  the 
advantage  of  an  island  to  cover  themselveii  from  our 
view.  They  were  chased  fifteen  miles  and  driven 
ashore  at  Pipe  Creek.  A  battle  ensued ;  a  few  were 
wounded  on  both  sides,  one  Indian  only  taken  pris- 
oner. On  examining  their  canoes  we  found  a  consid- 
erable quantity  of  ammunition  and  other  warlike 
stores.  On  our  return  to  camp  a  resolution  was 
adopted  to  march  the  ne.^t  day  and  attack  Logan's* 
camp  on  the  Ohio,  about  thirty  miles  above  us.  We 
did  march  about  five  miles,  and  then  halted  to  take 
some  refreshments.  Here  the  impropriety  of  execut- 
ing the  projected  enterprise  was  argued.  The  con- 
versation was  brought  forward  by  Cresap  himself.  It 
was  generally  agreed  that  those  Indians  had  no  hos- 
tile intentions,  as  they  were  hunting,  and  their  party 
was  composed  of  men,  women,  and  children,  with  all 
their  stufi"with  them.    This  we  knew,  as  I  myself  and 

1  Tlie  country  around  Pittsburgh  was  then  claimed  by  both  Virginia 
and  Pennsylvania,  but  Clarke,  being  a  Virginian,  viewed  the  matter 
entirely  from  the  Virgiuian  stand-point. 

"  Dr.  John  Connolly,  a  nephew  of  George  Croghan,  the  deputy  super- 
intendent of  Indian  aflfairs. 

2  All  this  region  was  at  that  time  claimed  by  Virginia  to  be  within  its 
"  West  Augusta"  District. 

<  The  Mingo  chief  Logan,  the  murder  of  whose  family  in  this  war 
was  charged  on  Capt.  Oresap;  but  the  whole  tenor  of  this  letter  of  Gen, 
CiArke  goes  to  prove  the  injustice  of  the  charge. 

others  present  had  been  in  their  camp  about  four 
weeks  past  on  our  descending  the  river  from  Pitts- 
burgh. In  short,  every  person  seemed  to  detest  the 
resolution  we  had  set  out  with.  We  returned  in  the 
evening,  decamped,  and  took  the  road  to  Redstone." 

From  this  account  it  appears  that  Clarke's  party, 
well  knowing  that  an  Indian  war  must  follow  the 
events  here  narrated,  abandoned  the  original  idea  of 
proceeding  to  Kentucky,  and  marched  with  Cresap's 
men  to  his  headquarters  at  Redstone  Old  Fort,  on  the 
Monongahela.  They  carried  with  them  on  a  litter 
one  man  who  had  been  mortally  wounded  in  the  fight 
with  the  Indians  on  the  27th  of  April.  Two  others 
had  been  wounded  but  not  seriously.  The  party,  in 
marching  from  Wheeling  to  Redstone,  proceeded  by 
way  of  Catfish  Camp  (now  Washington  borough), 
and  in  the  evening  of  the  29th  stopped  there  at  the 
house  of  William  Huston,  who  was  then  the  only 
white  resident  at  that  place.  A  certificate  setting 
forth  the  circumstances  of  this  occurrence  was  made 
in  1798  by  Huston,  subscribed  before  David  Redick, 
then  prothonotary  of  Washington  County,  and  placed 
in  his  hands.     A  copy  of  it  is  here  given,  viz. : 

"  I,  William  Huston,  of  Washington  County,  in  the  State  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, do  hereby  certify  to  whom  it  may  concern  :  That  in  the  year  1774 
I  resided  at  Catfish's  Camp,  on  the  main  path  from  Wheeling  to  Red- 
stone; that  Michael  Cresap,  who  resided  on  or  near  the  Potomac  River, 
on  his  way  up  from  the  river  Ohio,  at  the  head  of  a  party  of  armed  men, 
lay  some  time  at  my  cabin.  I  had  previously  heard  the  report  of  Mr. 
Cresap  having  killed  some  Indians  said  to  be  the  relations  of  Logan,  an 
Indian  Chief.  In  a  variety  of  conversations  with  several  of  Cresap's 
party  they  boasted  of  the  deed,  and  that  in  the  presence  of  their  chief. 
They  acknowledged  that  thej'  had  fired  first  on  the  Indians.  They  had 
with  them  one  man  on  a  litter  who  was  in  the  skirmish. 

"  I  do  further  certify  that,  from  what  I  learned  from  the  party  them- 
selves, I  then  formed  the  opinion,  and  have  not  had  any  reason  to  change 
that  opinion  since,  tliat  tlie  killing,  on  the  part  of  the  whites,  was  what  I 
deem  the  grossest  murder.  I  further  certify  that  some  of  the  party  who 
afterwards  killed  some  women  and  other  Indians  at  Baker's  Bottom 
also  lay  at  my  cabin  on  their  march  to  the  interior  part  of  the  country; 
they  had  with  them  a  little  girl,  whose  life  had  been  spared  by  the  inter- 
ference of  some  more  humane  than  the  rest.  If  necessary,  I  will  make 
affidavit  to  the  above  to  be  true.  Certified  at  Washington,  this  18th  day 
of  April,  A.D.  1798, 

*'  William  Huston."    . 

Immediately  after  the  occurrence  of  the  events  nar- 
rated as  above  by  Clarke  came  the  killing  of  the  In- 
dians at  Captina  Creek  and  the  murder  of  the  rela- 
tives of  the  Mingo  chief  Logan  at  Baker's  Bottom, 
on  the  Ohio,  the  date  of  the  last-named  event  being 
April  30th.  The  so-called  speech  of  Logan  fastened  the 
odium  of  killing  his  people  in  cold  blood  on  Capt. 
Michael  Cresap,  of  Redstone  Old  Fort.  That  the 
charge  was  false  and  wholly  unjust  is  now  known  by 
all  people  well  informed  on  the  subject.  Cresap  did, 
however,  engage  in  the  killing  of  other  Indians,  being 
no  doubt  incited  thereto  by  the  deceitful  tenor  of  Dr. 
Connolly's  letters,  which  were  evidently  written  for 
the  express  purpose  of  inflaming  the  minds  of  the 
frontiersmen  by  false  information,  and  so  bringing 
about  a  general  Indian  war. 

The  chief  Logan,  with  a  hunting  party  of  his  In- 
dians, and  having  with  them  their  women  and  chil- 



dren,  had  pitched  his  hunting-camp  at  the  mouth  of 
Yellow  Creek,  about  thirty  miles  above  Wheeling,  on 
the  west  side  of  the  Ohio,  and  opposite  Baker's  Bot- 
tom on  the  Virginia  side,  where  lived  Joshua  Baker, 
whose  chief  occupation  was  selling  liquor  to  the  In- 
dians. From  the  time  when  Logan  had  first  pitched 
his  camp  at  Yellow  Creek  it  had  been  the  determina- 
tion of  some  of  the  whites  to  attack  it  and  kill  the 
Indian  party,  but  in  their  first  attempt  to  do  this  they 
had  been  overruled  in  their  purpose,  chiefly  by  the 
influence  of  Capt.  Cresap,  as  is  shown  in  Clarke's 
account  before  quoted.  But  after  Cresap  and  Clarke 
had  departed  with  their  men  for  Redstone,  and  while 
they  were  making  their  way  from  Catfish  Camp  to 
the  Monongahela,  on  the  day  succeeding  the  night 
which  they  spent  at  William  Huston's  cabin,  the 
plan  to  kill  the  Indians  of  Logan's  party  was  put 
in  execution  (during  the  absence  of  the  chief)  by 
enticing  a  part  of  them  across  the  river  to  Baker's 
cabin,  where  a  party  of  white  men  lay  concealed. 
There  liquor  was  given  them,  and  then  when  they  or 
some  of  them  were  in  a  state  of  partial  intoxication 
the  bloody  work  was  done,  all  the  Indians  at  the 
house  being  killed  except  an  infant  child.  The  party 
who  did  the  perfidious  and  cold-blooded  deed  were 
under  the  leadership  of  Daniel  Greathouse,  a  settler 
on  King's  Creek  near  its  mouth.  Several  accounts 
of  the  affair  have  been  given,  generally  agreeing  as 
to  the  main  facts,  but  disagreeing  to  some  extent  as 
to  the  minor  details.  One  account  has  it  that  in  the 
evening  preceding  the  tragedy  a  friendly  squaw  came 
across  the  river  from  Logan's  camp  and  told  Baker's 
wife  with  many  tears  that  the  lives  of  herself  (Mrs. 
Baker)  and  her  family  were  in  danger,  as  the  Indians 
were  planning  to  come  across  and  murder  them. 
She  wished  well  to  Mrs.  Baker,  and  thus  risked  her 
own  life  to  serve  her  by  bringing  the  information  so 
as  to  allow  the  family  time  to  escape.  Upon  receipt 
of  this  warning  Greathouse's  party  was  collected  in 
haste  at  the  cabin.  No  Indians  appeared  during  the 
night,  and  on  the  following  morning  Greathouse 
and  two  or  three  others  crossed  to  Logan's  camp, 
and  in  an  apparently  friendly  manner  invited  the 
Indians  to  come  across  to  Baker's  and  get  some  rum. 
A  party  of  them  accepted  the  invitation  and  came. 
Most  of  Greathouse's  men  lay  concealed  in  the  back 
part  of  the  cabin.  Baker  was  to  deal  out  rum  freely 
to  the  Indians,  and  did  so.  When  they  became  in- 
toxicated the  concealed  men  rushed  out  and  killed 
them.  In  Mayer's  "  Logan  and  Cresap"  the  follow- 
ing account  is  given  of  the  massacre : 

"  Early  in  the  morning  a  party  of  eight  Indians, 
composed  of  three  squaws,  a  child,  and  four  unarmed 
men,  one  of  whom  was  Logan's  brother,  crossed  the 
river  to  Baker's  cabin,  where  all  but  Logan's  brother 
obtained  liquor  and  became  excessively  drunk.  No 
whites  except  Baker  and  two  of  his  companions  ap- 
peared in  the  cabin.  After  some  time  Logan's  rela- 
tive took  down  a  coat  and  hat  belonging  to  Baker's 

brother-in-law,  and   putting  them  on,  set  his  arms 

akimbo,  strutted  about  the  apartment,  and  at  length 
coming  up  to  one  of  the  men  addressed  him  with  the 
most  offensive  epithets  and  attempted  to  strike  him. 
The  white  man — Sappington — who  was  thus  assailed 
by  language  and  gesture  for  .some  time  kept  out  of  his 
way,  but  becoming  irritated,  seized  his  gun  and  shot 
the  Indian  as  he  was  rushing  to  the  door,  still  clad  in 
the  coat  and  hat.  The  men,  who  during  the  whole  of 
this  scene  had  remained  hidden,  now  poured  forth, 
and  without  parley  slaughtered  the  whole  Indian 
party  except  the  child.  Before  this  tragic  event  oc- 
curred two  canoes,  one  with  two  and  the  other  with 
five  Indians,  all  naked,  painted,  and  completely  armed 
for  war,  were  descried  stealing  from  the  opposite  shore, 
where  Logan's  camp  was  situated.  This  was  consid- 
ered as  confirmation  of  what  the  .squaw  had  said  the 
night  before,  and  was  afterwards  alleged  An  justi- 
fication of  the  murder  of  the  unarmed  party  which 
had  first  arrived. 

"No  sooner  were  the  unresisting  drunkards  dead 
than  the  infuriated  whites  ru.shed  to  the  river-bank, 
and  ranging  themselves  along  the  concealing  fringe 
of  underwood  prepared  to  receive  the  canoes.  The 
first  that  arrived  was  the  one  containing  two  warriors, 
who  were  fired  upon  and  killed.  The  other  canoe 
immediately  turned  and  fled ;  but  after  this  two  others, 
containing  eighteen  warriors,  painted  and  prepared 
for  conflict  as  the  first  had  been,  started  to  assail  the 
Americans.  Advancing  more  cautiously  than  the 
former  party,  they  endeavored  to  land  below  Baker's 
cabin,  but  being  met  by  the  rapid  movements  of  the 
rangers  before  they  could  effect  their  purpose  they 
were  put  to  flight,  with  the  loss  of  one  man,  although 
they  returned  the  fire  of  the  pioneers." 

Another  account  of  the  Baker's  Bottom  massacre 
was  given  more  than  half  a  century  afterwards  by 
Judge  Jolley,  who  for  many  years  was  a  resident  of 
Washington  County,  Ohio,  and  who  at  the  time  of  the 
occurrence  was  a  youth  living  on  the  frontier.  His  \ 
account,  as  given  below,  was  published  in  the  year  . 
1836  in  "Silliman's  Journal,"  viz.: 

"  I  was  about  sixteen  years  of  age,  but  I  very  well 
recollect  what  I  then  saw,  and  the  informatiou  that 
I  have  since  obtained  was  derived  from  (I  believe) 
good  authority.  In  the  spring  of  the  year  1774  a 
party  of  Indians  encamped  on  the  northwest  of  the 
Ohio,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Yellow  Creek.  A  party 
of  whites,  called  '  Greathouse's  party,  lay  on  the  op- 
posite side  of  the  river.  The  Indians  came  over  to 
the  white  party,  consisting,  I  think,  of  five  men  and 
one  woman  with  an  infant.  The  whites  gave  them 
rum,  which  three  of  them  drank,  and  in  a  short  time 
became  very  drunk.  The  other  two  men  and  the 
woman  refused  to  drink.  The  sober  Indians  were 
challenged  to  shoot  at  a  mark,  to  which  they  agreed  ; 
and  as  soou  as  they  emptied  their  guns  the  whites 
shot  them  down.  The  woman  attempted  to  escape 
by  flight,  but  was  also  shot  down  ;   sl)e  lived  long 


enough,  however,  to  beg  mercy  for  her  babe,  telling 
them  that  it  was  akin  to  themselves.  The  whites  had 
a  man  in  the  cabin  prepared  with  a  tomahawk  for 
the  purpose  of  killing  the  three  drunken  Indians, 
which  was  immediately  done.  The  party  of  men 
then  moved  off  for  the  interior  settlements,  and  came 
to  Catfish  Camp  (Washington)  ou  the  evening  of  the 
next  day,  where  they  tarried  until  the  day  following. 
I  very  well  remember  my  mother  feeding  and  dressing 
the  babe,  chirruping  to  the  little  innocent,  and  its 
smiling.  However,  they  took  it  away,  and  talked  of 
sending  it  to  its  supposed  father,  Col.  John  Gibson, 
of  Carlisle,  Pa.,  who  had  been  for  some  years  a  trader 
among  the  Indians. 

"  The  remainder  of  the  (Indian)  party  at  the  mouth 
of  Yellow  Creek,  finding  that  their  friends  on  the  oppo- 
site side  of  the  river  were  massacred,  attempted  to 
escape  by  descending  the  Ohio,  and  in  order  to  pre- 
vent being  discovered  by  the  whites  passed  on  the 
west  side  of  Wheeling  Island,  and  landed  at  Pipe 
Creek,  a  small  stream  that  empties  into  the  Ohio  a 
few  miles  below  Grave  Creek,  where  they  were  over- 
taken by  Cresap  with  a  party  of  men  from  Wheeling. 
They  took  one  Indian  scalp,  and  had  one  white  man 
(Big  Tarrener)  badly  wounded.  They,  I  believe, 
carried  him  in  a  litter  from  Wheeling  to  Redstone. 
I  saw  the  party  on  their  return  from  their  victorious 
campaign.  ...  It  was  well  known  that  Michael  Cre- 
sap had  no  hand  in  the  massacre  at  Yellow  Creek." 

The  concluding  sentence  in  .Judge  Jolley's  state- 
ment was  written  in  refutation  of  the  calumny  which 
was  circulated  and  for  many  years  believed  by  a 
majority  of  the  people  of  the  country,  that  the  mur- 
der of  Logan's  men  and  relatives  was  done  by  Capt. 
Michael  Cresap  or  by  his  orders.  Such  an  inference 
might  be  drawn  from  the  first  part  of  the  statement  of 
William  Huston,  already  given,  viz.,  where  he  says, 
"  I  had  previously  heard  the  report  of  Mr.  Cresap 
having  killed  some  Indians,  said  to  be  the  relations 
of  Logan,  an  Indian  chief."  But  his  memory  was 
evidently  at  fault.  He  could  not  have  previously 
heard  of  the  killing  at  Yellow  Creek,  as  it  did  not 
occur  until  after  the  time  to  which  he  refers  in  the 
certificate.  And  in  the  latter  part  of  the  same  docu- 
ment he  disproves  his  previous  statement  by  saying, 
"  I  further  certify  that  some  of  the  party  who  after- 
wards killed  some  women  and  other  Indians  at  Baker's 
Bottom  also  lay  at  my  cabin  on  their  march  to  the 
interior."  Another  statement  that  seems  to  be  con- 
clusive proof  of  Capt.  Cresap's  innocence  of  any  par- 
ticipation in  the  atrocity  at  Baker's  Bottom  is  found 
in  an  affidavit  of  the  man  who  shot  Logan's  brother 
on  that  occasion,  viz. :  "  I,  John  Sappington,  declare 
myself  to  be  intimately  acquainted  with  all  the  cir- 
cumstances respecting  the  destruction  of  Logan's 
family,  and  do  give  the  following  narrative,  a  true 
statement  of  that  affair:  Logan's  family  (if  it  was 
his  family)  was  not  killed  by  Cresap,  nor  with  his 
knowledge,  nor  by   his  consent,  but  by  the  Great- 

houses  and  their  associates.  They  were  killed  thirty 
miles  above  Wheeling,  near  the  mouth  of  Yellow 
Creek.  Logan's  camp  was  on  one  side  of  the  river 
Ohio,  and  the  house  where  the  murder  was  committed 
was  opposite  to  it  on  the  other  side.  They  had  en- 
camped there  only  four  or  five  days,  and  during  that 
time  had  lived  peaceably  with  the  whites  on  the  oppo- 
site side  until  the  very  day  the  affair  happened." 

The  killing  of  the  Indians  at  Baker's  was  on  the 
30th  of  April,  as  before  mentioned.  Several  accounts 
of  the  affair,  however,  have  mentioned  different  dates. 
Sappington  stated  many  years  afterwards  that,  accord- 
ing to  his  memory,  it  happened  on  the  24th  of  May ; 
Benjamin  Tomlinson  placed  it  on  the  3d  or  4th  of 
May ;  but  Col.  Ebenezer  Zane  gave  the  date  as  the  last 
day  of  April,  which  is  undoubtedly  correct.  It  seems 
to  be  verified  by  a  letter  addressed  to  Col.  George 
Washington  by  his  agent,  Valentine  Crawford,  who 
then  lived  on  Jacob's  Creek,  near  the  Y''oughiogheny 
River,  in  Westmoreland  County.  In  that  letter  (dated 
Jacob's  Creek,  May  6,  1774)  he  says, — 

"  I  am  sorry  to  inform  you  the  Indians  have  stopped 
all  the  gentlemen  from  going  down  the  river.  In  the 
first  place  they  killed  one  Murphy,  a  trader,  and 
wounded  another,  then  robbed  their  canoes.  This 
alarmed  the  gentlemen  very  much,  and  Maj.  Cresap 
took  a  party  of  men  and  waylaid  some  Indians  in  their 
canoes  that  were  going  down  the  river  and  shot  two 
of  them  and  scalped  them.  He  also  raised  a  party, 
took  canoes  and  followed  some  Indians  from  Wheel- 
ing down  to  the  Little  Kanawha,  when,  coming  up 
with  them,  he  killed  three  and  wounded  several.  The 
Indians  wounded  three  of  his  men,  only  one  of  whom 
is  dead  ;  he  was  shot  through,  while  the  other  two 
were  but  slightly  wounded.  On  Saturday  last,  about 
twelve  o'clock,  one  Greathouse  and  about  twenty  men 
fell  on  a  party  of  Indians  at  the  mouth  of  Yellow 
Creek  and  killed  ten  of  them.  They  brought  away 
one  child  a  prisoner,  which  is  now  at  my  brother, 
William  Crawford's.  .  .  ." 

On  the  8th  of  May,  Capt.  William  Crawford  (who 
lived  on  the  Youghiogheny  River  nearly  opposite  the 
site  of  the  borough  of  Connellsville)  said,  in  a  letter 
addressed  by  him  to  Col.  George  Washington, — 

"The  surveyors  that  went  down  the  Kanawha,'  as 
report  goes,  were  stopped  by  the  Shawanese  Indians, 
upon  which  some  of  the  white  people  attacked  some 
Indians,  and  killed  several,  took  thirty  horse-loads  of 
skins  near  the  mouth  of  Scioto ;  on  which  news,  and 
expecting  an  Indian  war,  Mr.  Cresap  and  some  other 
people  fell  on  some  other  Indians  at  the  mouth  of 
Pipe  Creek,  killed  three  and  scalped  them.  Daniel 
Greathouse  and  some  others  fell  on  some  at  the  mouth 

'  A  numberof  aurveyore  who  rendezvoused  at  the  mouth  of  New  River, 
oil  the  Kannwha,  Thursday,  April  14,  1774,  to  go  down  the  latter  river 
to  the  Ohio,  there  to  locate  and  survey  lands  warranted  to  certain  officers 
and  soldiers  in  the  Old  French  war  under  proclamation  of  the  king  of 
England,  dated  Oct.  7, 1763.  The  claimants  to  those  lands  were  notified 
to  meet  the  surveyors  at  the  place  and  time  mentioned.  The  intention 
was  to  locate  the  lands  on  the  buttome  of  the  Ohio  River. 



of  Yellow  Creek,  and  killed  and  scalped  ten,  and  took 
one  child  about  two  months  old,  which  is  now  at  my 
house.  I  have  taken  the  child  I'rom  a  woman  that  it 
had  been  given  to.  Our  inhabitants  are  much  alarmed, 
many  hundreds  having  gone  over  the  mountain,  and 
the  whole  country  evacuated  as  far  as  the  Mononga- 
hela,  and  many  on  this  side  of  the  river  are  gone 
over  the  mountain.  In  short,  a  war  is  every  moment 
expected.  We  have  a  council  now  with  the  Indians. 
What  the  event  will  be  I  do  not  know.  I  am  now 
setting  out  for  Fort  Pitt  at  the  head  of  one  hundred 
men.  Many  others  are  to  meet  me  there  and  at 
Wheeling,  where  we  shall  wait  the  motions  of  the 
Indians  and  act  accordingly.  .  .  ." 

The  settlers  along  the  frontiers,  and  in  all  the  terri- 
tory that  now  forms  the  counties  of  Washington  and 
Greene,  were  in  astateof  the  wildest  alarm,  well  know- 
ing that  the  Indians  would  surely  make  war  in  revenge 
for  the  killing  of  their  people  at  Captina  and  Yellow 
Creek,  and  most  of  them  immediately  sought  safety, 
either  in  block-houses  or  by  abandoning  their  settle- 
ments and  flying  eastward  across  the  Monongahela, 
and  many  across  the  Allegheny  Mountains.^  Valen- 
tine Crawford,  in  his  letter  of  May  6th  to  Col.  Wash- 
ington (before  quoted  from),  said,  "This  alarm  has 
caused  the  people  to  move  from  over  the  Monongahela, 
off  Chartiers  and  Raccoon  [Creeks] ,  as  fast  as  you  ever 
saw  them  in  the  year  1756  or  1757  down  in  Frederick 
County,  Virginia.  There  were  more  than  one  thousand 
people  crossed  the  Monongahela  in  one  day  at  three  fer- 
ries that  are  not  one  mile  apart." 

The  general  alarm  among  the  Inhabitants  was  well 
founded.  The  Indians,  burning  to  revenge  the  killing 
of  their  people  on  the  Ohio,  particularly  at  Captina 
and  Yellow  Creek,  at  once  took  the  war-path  and 
ranged  eastward  to  and  across  the  Monongahela, 
burning,  plundering,  and  killing.  On  the  8th  of 
June  Valentine  Crawford  said  in  a  letter  to  Col. 
Washington,  "  Since  I  just  wrote  you  an  account 
of  several  parties  of  Indians  being  among  the  in- 
habitants has  reached  us.  Yesterday  they  killed  and 
scalped  one  man  in  sight  of  the  fort  [Fort  Burd,  at 
Brownsville]  on  the  Monongahela, — one  of  the  in- 
mates. .  .  .  There  have  been  several  parties  of  sav- 
ages seen  within  these  two  or  three  days,  and  all  seem 
to  be  making  towards  the  Laurel  Hill  or  mountain. 
For  that  reason  the  people  are  afraid  to  travel  the 
road  by  Gist's,  but  go  a  nigh  way  by  Indian  Creek, 
or  ride  in  the  night.  .  .  .  On  Sunday  evening,  about 
four  miles  over  Monongahela,  the  Indians  murdered 
oiie  family,  consisting  of  six,  and  took  two  boys  pris- 

^  Some  of  them,  however,  stood  theiv  ground  and  remained  at  their 
cabins,  braving  the  danger  rather  than  abandon  their  homes.  James 
Chambers,  in  a  deposition  made  at  Washington,  Pa.,  April  20,  1798,  be- 
fore Samuel  Shannon,  Esq.,  said  that  after  the  massiicre  at  Baker's  in 
1774  all  the  settlements  broke  up  along  the  Ohio  River,  and  that  he 
(being  then  settled  on  that  river)  fled  with  the  rest,  but  stopped  at  Cat- 
fish Camp,  where  he  remained  for  some  time  at  the  cabin  of  William 
Huston.  Not  a  few  of  the  settlers  in  what  is  now  Greene  County  lost 
their  lives  by  attenipting  to  hold  their  homes. 

oners.  At  another  place  Ihey  killed  three,  which^ 
makes  in  the  whole  nine  and  two  pri.Monern.  If  we 
had  not  had  forts  built  there  would  not  hane  been  ten 
families  left  this  aide  of  t/ie  mountaiiui  beMidcH  what  are 
at  Fort  Pitt.  We  have  sent  out  ncout«  after  the  mur- 
derers, but  we  have  not  heard  that  they  have  fallen 
in  with  them  yet.  We  have  at  this  time  at  leant 
three  hundred  men  out  after  the  Indians,  some  of 
whom  have  gone  down  to  Wheeling,  and  I  believe 
some  have  gone  down  as  low  as  the  Little  Kanawha. 
I  am  in  hopes  they  will  give  the  savages  a  storm,  for 
some  of  the  scouting  company  say  they  will  go  to 
their  towns  but  they  will  get  scalps."  On  the  same 
day  William  Crawford  said  in  a  letter  to  Wiushington, 
"  Saturday  last  we  had  six  persons  killed  on  Dunk- 
ard's  Creek,  about  ten  miles  from  the  mouth  of  Cheat 
River,  on  the  west  side  of  tlie  Monongahela,  and  there 
are  three  missing.  On  Sunday  a  man  who  left  the 
party  is  supposed  to  be  killed,  as  he  went  off  to  hunt 
horses,  and  five  guns  were  heard  to  go  off.  The  horse 
he  rode  away  returned  to  the  where  the  party 
1  then  was.  They  set  out  in  search  of  enemies;  found 
the  man's  coat  and  saw  a  number  of  tracks,  but  could 
not  find  the  man." 
I  It  was  the  Indian  chief  Logan,  he  whose  former 
1  friendship  for  the  whites  had  been  turned  into  bitter- 
I  est  hatred  by  the  killing  of  his  people,  who  came  in 
with  his  band  to  ravage  the  settlements  on  the  west 
side  of  the  Monongahela,  throwing  all  that  country 
into  a  state  of  the  wildest  alarm.  The  present  coun- 
ties of  Washington  and  Greeae  were  almost  entirely 
deserted  by  their  people.  Dr.  Joseph  Doddridge,  in 
his  "  Notes,"  says,  "  The  massacres  of  the  Indians  at 
Captina  and  Yellow  Creek  comprehended  the  whole 
of  the  family  of  the  famous  but  unfortunate  Logan, 
who  before  these  events  had  been  a  lover  of  the 
whites  and  a  strenuous  advocate  for  peace ;  ^  but  in 

2  Judge  Jolley,  who  lived  on  the  frontier  at  the  time  of  the  Isftlinp  oN 
the  Indians  at  Captina  Creek  and  Baker's  Bottom,  says  iu  bis  statement 
(before  extracted  from)  in  reference  to  those  occurrences  and  their  re- 

"  The  Indians  had  for  some  time  before  those  events  Ihonglit  them- 
selves intruded  upon  by  the  '  Long  Knives'  (as  they  at  that  time  called 
the  Virginians)  and  many  of  them  were  for  war.  However,  they  called 
a  council,  iu  which  the  chief  Logan  acted  a  conspicuous  part.  lie  ad- 
mitted their  grounds  of  complaint,  hut  at  the  same  time  reminded  them 
of  some  aggressions  on  the  part  of  the  Indians,  and  that  by  a  war  they 
would  but  harass  and  distress  the  frontier  settlements  for  a  short  time  ; 
that  the  '  Long  Knives'  would  come  like  the  trees  in  the  woods,  and  that 
ultimately  they  should  be  driven  from  the  good  lands  which  they  now 
possessed.  He  therefore  strongly  recommended  peace.  To  hiui  they 
all  agreed,  grounded  the  hatchet,  and  everything  wore  a  tranquil  ap- 
pearance, when,  behold !  the  fugitives  arrived  from  Yellow  Creek  and 
reported  that  Logan's  mother,  brother,  and  sister  were  murdered. 
Three  of  the  nearest  and  dearest  relations  of  Logiiu  had  been  massacred 
by  white  men.  The  consequence  was  tlmt  this  8;»me  Logan,  who  a  few 
days  before  was  so  pacific,  raised  the  hatchet  with  a  declaration  that  ho 
would  not  ground  it  until  he  had  taken  ten/or  one,  which  I  believe  he 
completely  fulfilled  by  taking  thirty  scalps  and  prisoners  in  the  summer 
of  1774.  The  above  has  often  been  related  to  me  by  seveml  persons 
who  were  at  the  Indian  towns  at  the  time  of  the  council  allndi-d  to,  and 
also  when  the  remains  of  the  parly  came  in  from  Yellow  Creek  Tliomas 
Nicholson  in  particular  has  told  me  the  aliove,  and  much  more.  Another 
person,  whose  name  I  cannot  recollect,  informed  me  that  he  was  at  the 



the  conflict  which  followed  them,  by  way  of  revenge 
for  the  death  of  his  people,  he  became  a  brave  and 
sanguinary  chief  among  the  warriors." 

In  the  mean  time,  Capt.  Cresap  and  George  Eogers 
Clarke,  upon  their  retirement  from  Wheeling  by  way 
of  Catfish  Camp  to  Redstone  Old  Fort,  had  proceeded 
from  the  latter  place  eastward,  Clarke  going  to  Win- 
chester, Va.,  and  Cresap  to  Old  Town,  Md.,  where  he 
had  left  his  family,  and  where  his  father  lived.  There 
he  at  once  commenced  raising  a  company  of  men  for 
the  purpose  of  taking  part  in  the  Indian  hostilities 
which  he  knew  must  follow  the  occurrences  on  the 
Ohio.  They  sent  a  messenger  to  Lord  Dunmore  at 
Williamsburg,  Va.,  notifying  him  of  the  situation  of 
affairs ;  and  an  express  was  also  sent  to  the  Gover- 
nor by  Connolly  from  Pittsburgh,  informing  him  of  the 
events  which  had  occurred  upon  the  frontier,  and  the 
necessity  of  immediate  preparations  for  an  Indian 
war,  among  which  necessary  preparations  he  sug- 
gested the  propriety  of  sending  a  force  to  Wheeling 
to  erect  a  fort  there.  Upon  receipt  of  this  communi- 
cation Dunmore  sent  messengers  to  the  settlers  who 
had  already  gone  forward  to  Kentucky,  notifying 
them  to  return  at  once  for  their  own  safety,  and  on 
the  20th  of  June  he  wrote  Connolly  at  Pittsburgh,  ap- 
proving his  plan  of  building  a  fort  at  Wheeling,  and 
of  carrying  war  into  the  Indian  country  ;  also  direct- 
ing him  to  keep  in  communication  with  Col.  Andrew 
Lewis,  who  was  then  in  command  of  Virginia  troops 
on  the  Kanawha  and  New  Rivers  ;  also  advising  him 
to  send  Capt.  William  Crawford  with  what  men  could 
be  spared  to  co-operate  witb  Col.  Lewis,  "or  to  strike 
a  stroke  himself,  if  he  thinks  he  can  do  it  with  safely." 
"I  know  him,"  said  Dunmore,  "to  be  prudent,  active, 
and  resolute,  and  therefore  very  fit  to  go  on  such  an 
Expedition  ;  and  if  anything  of  that  kind  can  be  ef- 
fected, the  sooner  'tis  done  the  better.  ...  I  would 
recommend  it  to  all  Officers  going  out  on  Parties  to 
tnake  as  many  Prisoners  as  they  can  of  Women  and 
Children,  and  should  you  be  so  fortunate  as  to  reduce 
those  Savages  to  sue  for  Peace,  I  would  not  grant  it 
to  them  on  any  Terms  till  they  were  effectually  chas- 
tised for  their  Insolence,  and  then  on  no  Terms  with- 
out bringing  in  six  of  Their  Heads  as  Hostages  for 
their  future  good  behavior,  and  these  to  be  relieved 

towns  when  the  Tellow  Creek  Indians  came  in,  and  that  there  were 
great  lamentations  by  all  the  Indians  of  that  place.  Some  friendly  In- 
dians advised  him  to  leave  the  IniUan  settlements,  which  he  did. 

"Could  any  rational  person  believe  for  a  moment  that  the  Indians 
came  to  Yellow  Creek  with  hostile  intentions,  or  that  they  had  any  sus- 
picion of  similar  intentions  on  the  part  of  the  whites  against  them? 
Would  five  men  have  crossed  the  river,  three  of  them  in  a  short  time 
become  dead  drunk,  while  the  other  two  discharged  their  guns,  and 
thus  put  themselves  entirely  at  the  mercy  of  the  whites,  or  would  they 
have  brought  over  a  aquaw  with  an  infant  pappoose,  if  they  had  not  re- 
posed the  utmost  confidence  in  the  friendship  of  the  whites?  Every 
person  who  is  at  all  acquainted  with  Indians  knows  better,  and  it  was 
the  belief  of  the  inhabitants  who  were  capable  of  reasoning  on  the  sub- 
ject that  all  the  depredations  committed  on  the  frontiers  by  Logan  and 
his  party  in  1774  were  as  retaliation  for  the  murder  of  Logan*s  friends 
at  Vellow  Creek." 

annually,  and  that  they  Trade  with  us  [Virginians] 
only  for  what  they  want." 

But  before  receiving  this  authority  from  the  Gov- 
ernor, Connolly  had  already  put  some  of  the  militia 
in  the  field,  with  orders  to  march  to  Wheeling  and 
commence  the  construction  of  the  proposed  fort.  On 
the  11th  of  June  a  party  of  militia  from  the  Monon- 
gahela,  moving  up  the  valley  of  Ten-Mile  Creek  on 
their  way  to  Wheeling  to  join  Connolly's  other  forces 
there,  and  also  being  in  pursuit  of  Logan  and  his 
band,  who  were  burning  and  murdering  in  that  sec- 
tion, were  attacked  by  the  Indians,  and  their  captain 
and  lieutenant  wounded,  the  former  mortally.  Gov- 
ernor Penn  was  informed  of  this  occurrence,  and  of 
the  outrages  which  had  been  committed  in  this  region 
by  Logan's  marauders,  in  a  letter'  written  at  Pitts- 
burgh on  the  14tli  of  June  by  Eneas  Mackay  (after- 
wards colonel  of  the  Eighth  Pennsylvania  Regiment 
in  the  Revolutionary  army),  in  which  letter,  after 
detailing  some  civil  troubles  between  the  Virginia 
and  Pennsylvania  partisans  at  that  place,  he  thus 
proceeds,  in  reference  to  Indian  outrages  and  alarms: 

"  On  the  other  hand,  we  don't  know  what  day  or 
hour  we  will  be  attacked  by  our  savage  and  provoked 
Enemy  the  Indians,  who  have  already  massacred  six- 
teen persons  to  our  Certain  knowledge.  About  and  in 
the  neighborhood  of  Ten-Mile  Creek  last  Saturday,  a 
party  of  the  militia,  consisting  of  one  Capt"  one  Lieu' 
and  forty  privates,  were  on  their  march  to  join  Con- 
nelly at  the  mouth  of  Whaling  [Wheeling],  where  he 
intended  to  Erect  a  stockade  Fort,  when  on  a  sudden 
they  were  attacked  by  only  four  Indians,  who  killed 
the  Cap'  on  the  spot  &  wounded  the  Lieu'  and  made 
their  Escape  without  being  hurt,  and  the  Party,  after 
Burrying  their  Cap'  Returned  with  their  wounded 
Lieu',  so  that  Connelly's  intended  Expedition  is 
knocked  in  the  head  at  this  time." 

The  captain  who  was  mortally  wounded  by  Logan's 
party  on  this  occasion  (and  who  died  almost  immedi- 
ately) was  Francis  McClure.  The  lieutenant,  who  was 
severely  wounded,  was  Samuel  Kincaid,  who  had  then 
recently  been  commissioned  justice  of  the  peace  in 
Westmoreland  County.  They  were  both  considerably 
in  advance  of  the  main  body  of  their  company,  and  were 
not  taking  proper  precautions  against  surprise  when 
they  were  fired  upon.  Arthur  St.  Clair,  of  Westmore- 
land, in  a  letter  of  June  16th  to  Governor  Penn,  in- 
formed the  latter  of  the  occurrence,  stating  that  the 
captain  and  lieutenant  were  killed,  but  afterwards,  in 
the  same  letter,  said,  "  I  was  mistaken  in  saying  two 
people  were  killed  on  Ten-Mile  Creek.  McClure  was 
killed  and  Kincaid  wounded  ;  however,  it  would  have 
been  no  great  Matter  if  he  had  been  killed,  as  he  had 
accepted  a  Commission  in  the  Service  of  Virginia  so 
soon  after  the  Notice  you  had  been  pleased  to  take  of 
him  at  the  request  of  his  Father-in-law,  Col.  Wilson. 
.  .  .  Before  this  Accident  Mr.   Connolly  had  deter- 

1  Penn.  Archives,  1774,  p.  517. 



mined  to  March  from  Ft.  Pitt  (which  he  now  calls 
Fort  Dunniore)  with  three  or  four  hundred  men  he 
had  embodied  for  the  purpose  of  chastising  theShaw- 
anese,  to  erect  Forts  at  Wheeling  and  Hockhockon 
to  overawe  the  Indians,  and  from  thence  to  carry  the 
War  into  their  own  Country  ;  of  this  he  was  pleased 
to  inform  me  by  letter,  and  to  desire  I  would  act  in 
concert  with  him." 

The  general  tone  of  the  above  letter  seems  to  show 
that  (on  the  part  of  the  Pennsylvania  adherents  at 
least)  even  the  imminent  danger  which  threatened 
all  the  inhabitants  west  of  the  Laurel  Hill  could 
not  make  the  partisans  of  the  two  colonies  forget 
their  animosities  and  act  in  concert  for  the  general 
welfare.  In  a  letter  dated  Ligonier,  June  16,  1774,' 
St.  Clair  informed  Governor  Penn  that  a  very  large 
party  of  Indians  had  been  discovered  crossing  the 
Ohio  below  Wheeling  and  moving  eastward.  He 
added,  "  'Tis  .some  satisfaction  the  Indians  seem  to 
discriminate  between  us  and  those  who  attacked 
them,  and  their  Revenge  has  fallen  hitherto  on  that 
side  of  the  Monongahela  which  they  consider  as  Vir- 
ginia, but  least  that  should  not  continue.  We  are 
taking  all  possible  care  to  prevent  a  heavy  stroke 
falling  on  the  few  people  that  are  left  in  this  country." 
Thus  the  people  east  of  the  Monongahela  were  con- 
gratulating themselves  that  it  was  not  on  them,  but 
on  the  more  exposed  (but  then  almost  entirely  de- 
serted) settlements  west  of  the  Monongahela  that 
the  savages  were  wreaking  their  vengeance.  "  It  is 
said,"  wrote  William  Thompson,  in  a  letter  to  Gov- 
ernor Penn,  dated  June  19th,  "  that  the  Indians  have 
fixed  a  boundary  [the  Monongahela  RiverJ  betwixt 
the  Virginians  and  us,  and  say  they  will  not  kill  or 
touch  a  Pennsylvanian.  But  it  is  not  best  to  trust 
them,  and  I  am  doubtful  a  short  time  will  show  the 

But  notwithstanding  the  supposed  immunity  of  the 
people  east  of  the  Monongahela  from  Indian  inroads, 
the  panic  there  was  nearly  as  great  and  as  general  as 
on  the  west  side  of  the  river.  "  Nothing  can  be  more 
surprising,"  said  St.  Clair,  in  a  letter  written  on  the 
12th  of  June"  to  Governor  Penn,  "  than  the  dread 
the  people  are  under,  and  it  is  truly  shameful  that  so 
great  a  Body  of  People  should  have  been  driven  from 
their  Possessions  without  even  the  appearance  of  an 
Enemy,  for  certain  it  is  as  yet  no  attempt  has  been 
made  on  what  is  understood  to  be  Pennsylvania,  nor 
any  other  mischief  done  than  the  killing  the  family  on 
White  Lick  Creek,  which  I  informed  you  of  before,  and 
which  from  every  circumstance  appears  rather  to  have 
been  private  revenge  than  a  national  stroke.  A  fresh 
report  of  Indians  being  seen  near  Hanna's  Town,  and 
another  party  on  Braddock's  road.  Set  the  People 
agoing  again  Yesterday.  I  immediately  took  horse 
and  rode  up  to  inquire  into,  and  found  it,  if  not  totally 
groundless,  at  least  very  improbable,  but  it  was  im- 

possible to  persuade  the  People  so,  and  I  am  certain 

/  did  not  meet  lem  than  a  hundred  Familien  and  I  think 
two  Thounand  head  of  cattle  in  twenty  miles  riding. 
The  People  in  this  Valley  will  make  a  stand,  but 
yesterday  they  all  moved  into  thi.-*  place  | Ligonier], 
and  I  perceive  are  much  in  doubt  what  to  do.  Noth- 
ing in  my  Power  to  prevent  their  leaving  the  Country 
shall  be  omitted,  but  if  they  will  go  I  suppose  I  must 
go  with  the  .stream.  It  is  the  strangest  infatuation 
ever  seized  upon  men,  and  if  they  go  off  now,  as 
Harvest  will  soon  be  on,  they  must  undoubtedly 
perish  by  Famine,  for  spring  crop  there  will  be  little 
or  none." 

When  Lord  Dunmore,  early  in  May,  received  intel- 
ligence of  the  hostilities  which  had  been  commenced 
at  Yellow  Creek  and  other  points  on  the  Ohio,  lie 
took  measures  without  delay  to  carry  on  a  vigorous 
aggressive  campaign  against  the  Indians.  It  has 
been  mentioned  that  he  sent  to  Connolly,  of  Pitts- 
burgh, his  approval  of  the  plan  of  building  a  fort  at 
Wheeling,  and  that  Connolly  gave  orders  to  that 
eflect  to  the  militia.  Soon  afterwards  Col.  Mc- 
Donald was  ordered  to  move  west  on  Braddock's 
road,  with  a  force  of  about  five  hundred  men,  to  pro- 
ceed from  Laurel  Hill  to  Fort  Burd,  thence  acros.s 
the  Monongahela  and  the  present  county  of  Wash- 
ington to  Wheeling,  to  complete  the  fort,  and  after- 
wards to  cross  the  Ohio  and  attack  the  Indistns  on 
the  Muskingum.  Capt.  Michael  Cresap  had  raised  a 
company  of  volunteers  in  Maryland,  and  marched 
them  west  across  the  mountains  to  the  Monongahela, 
which  he  reached  about  the  10th  of  July.  On  the 
13th  of  that  month,  while  nine  men  were  at  work  in 
a  cornfield  on  Dunkard  Creek,  they  were  suddenly 
attacked  by  a  party  of  Indians,  who  killed  six  of 
them,  the  three  others  making  their  escape.  Whether 
the  Indian  party  was  composed  of  Logan's  Jlingoes 
or  not  is  not  certainly  known.  Connolly  reported  that 
they  were  Shawanese,  thirty-five  in  number.  Cresap, 
being  in  the  vicinity  with  his  company,  pursued  the 
savages,  but  they  had  nearly  a  day  the  start  of  him, 
and  made  good  their  escape.  LTnder  these  circum- 
stances he  gave  up  the  pursuit,  and  marched  with  his 
company  to  Catfish  Camp,  where  "  his  advance  was 
stopped  by  a  peremptory  and  insulting  letter  from 
Connolly,  in  which  he  was  ordered  to  dismiss  his 
men."'  Thereupon  he  turned  back,  marched  to  the 
Monongahela,  and  thence  across  the  mountains  to 
Maryland,  where  he  met  Lord  Dunmore,  who  gave 
him  a  commission  as  captain  of  Hampshire  County, 
Virginia,  militia  ;  and  in  this  capacity  he  served  dur- 
ing the  later  operations  of  the  campaign.  The  reason 
why  Connolly  had  treated  Cresap  so  cavalierly  and  re- 
fused the  services  of  his  company  is  not  apparent,  as 
in  the  preceding  April,  when  George  Rogers  Clarke 
and  Cresap  were  encamped  with  their  followers  at 
Wheeling,  the  latter  had  received  proofs  of  high  con- 

•  Penn.  Archives,  1774,  p.  619. 

2  Ibid.,  p.  5U. 

<  MayerV  Logan  and  Cresap. 



sideration  from  Connolly.  That  lie  was  regarded  with 
disfavor  by  the  Pennsylvania  partisans  is  shown  in  a 
letter  from  St.  Clair  to  Governor  Penn,  dated  July 
4th,  in  which  the  former  says,  "  With  such  officers 
as  Cresap  no  good  can  be  expected  ;  so  that  it  is  very 
doubtful  all  attempts  to  preserve  the  tranquillity  or 
the  country  will  be  fruitless." 

It  has  been  already  mentioned  that  Col.  McDonald 
was  ordered  to  march  with  a  force  of  about  five  hun- 
dred men  to  Wheeling,  and  thence  into  the  Indian 
country  west  of  the  Ohio.  Under  these  orders  he 
marched  to  the  Muskingum,  where  he  surprised  the 
Indians  and  punished  them  sufficiently  to  induce 
them  to  sue  for  peace,  though  it  was  believed  that 
their  request  was  but  a  treacherous  one,  designed  only 
to  gain  time  for  the  collection  of  a  larger  body  of 
warriors  to  renew  the  hostilities. 

But  the  main  forces  mustered  by  Dunmore  for  the 
invasion  of  the  Indian  country  were  a  detachment  to 
move  down  the  Ohio  from  Pittsburgh,  under  the  Gov- 
ernor in  person,  and  another  body  of  troops  under 
Gen.  Andrew  Lewis,'  which  was  rendezvoused  at 
Camp  Union,  now  Lewisburg,  Greenbrier  Co.,  Va. 
These  two  columns  were  to  meet  for  co-operation  at 
the  mouth  of  the  Great  Kanawha  River. '  Under  this 
general  plan  Governor  Dunmore  moved  from  Wil- 
liamsburg to  Winchester  and  to  Fort  Cumberland, 
thence  over  the  Braddock  road  to  Fort  Pitt,  which  in 
the  mean  time  had  been  named  by  his  partisans,  in 
his  honor.  Fort  Dunmore.  From  there  he  proceeded 
with  his  forces  down  the  Ohio  River,  and  arrived  at 
Fort  Fincastle  (the  stockade  work  which  had  then 
recently  been  built  according  to  his  directions  at 
Wheeling)  on  the  30th  of  September.  Maj.  (after- 
wards colonel)  William  Crawford,  of  Stewart's  Cross- 
ings on  the  Youghiogheny,  was  one  of  Dunmore's 
principal  officers,  and  stood  high  in  the  favor  of  his 

The  force  under  Gen.  Andrew  Lewis,  eleven  hun- 
dred strong,  proceeded  from  Camp  Union  to  the  head- 
waters of  the  Kanawha,  and  thence  down  the  valley 
of  that  river  to  the  appointed  rendezvous  at  its  mouth, 
which  was  reached  on  the  6th  of  October.  Gen. 
Lewis,  being  disappointed  in  his  expectation  of  find- 
ing Lord  Dunmore  already  there,  sent  messengers  up 
the  Ohio  to  meet  his  lordship  and  inform  him  of  the 

1  Who  had  been  a  captain  under  Washington  in  the  Fort  Necessity 
campaign  of  1754. 

2  Valentine  Crawford,  brother  of  William,  and  agent  of  Col.  George 
Washington,  wrote  the  latter  from  Fort  Fincastle  under  date  of  Oct.  1, 
1774,  in  which  letter  he  said,  "  His  Lordship  arrived  here  yesterday  »vitli 
about  twelve  hundred  men,  seven  hundredof  whom  came  by  water  with 
his  L'd'p.and  Ave  hundred  came  with  my  brother  William  by  land  with 
the  bulloclis.    His  L'd'p  has  sent  him  with  five  hundred  men,  fifty  pacls- 
horses,  and  two  hundred  bullocks  to  meet  Col.  Lewis  at  the  mouth  of 
Hockhocking,  below  the  mouth  of  Little  Kanawlia.     His  Lordship  is  to 
go  by  water  with  the  rest  of  the  troops  in  a  few  days."     In  accordance 
with  the  plan  mentioned  in  this  letter,  Maj.  William  Crawford  proceeded   i 
to  Hocking,  on  the  Ohio  side  of  tiie  river,  and  there  erected  a  stockade    \ 
which  was  named  Fort  Gower,  Dunmore  arriving  with  the  main  force    j 
in  time  to  assist  in  the  construction  of  the  work.  ' 

arrival  of  the  column  at  the  mouth  of  the  Kanawha. 
On  the  9th  of  October  a  dispatch  was  received  from 
Dunmore  saying  that  he  (Dunmore)  was  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Hocking,  and  that  he  would  proceed  thence 
directly  to  the  Shawanese  towns  on  the  Scioto,  instead 
of  coming  down  the  Ohio  to  the  mouth  of  the  Kan- 
awha as  at  first  agreed  on.  At  the  same  time  he  ordered 
Lewis  to  cross  the  Ohio  and  march  to  meet  him  (Dun- 
more) before  the  Indian  towns. 

But  on  the  following  day  (October  10th),  before 
Gen.  Lewis  had  commenced  his  movement  across  the 
Ohio,  he  was  attacked  by  a  heavy  body  of  Shawanese 
warriors  under  the  chief  Cornstalk.  The  fight  (known 
as  the  battle  of  Point  Pleasant)  raged  nearly  all  day, 
and  resulted  in  the  complete  rout  of  the  Indians,  who 
sustained  a  very  heavy  (though  not  definitely  ascer- 
tained) loss,  and  retreated  in  disorder  across  the  Ohio. 
The  loss  of  the  Virginians  under  Lewis  was  seventy- 
five  killed  and  one  hundred  and  forty  wounded.  Dun- 
more and  Lewis  advanced  from  their  respective  points 
into  Ohio  to  "  Camp  Charlotte,"  on  Sippo  Creek, 
where  they  met  Cornstalk  and  the  other  Shawanese 
chiefs,  but  as  the  men  of  Lewis'  command  were  in- 
clined to  show  great  vindictiveness  towards  the 
Indians,  Dunmore,  fearing  an  outbreak  from  them, 
which  would  defeat  the  object  he  had  in  view  (the 
making  of  a  treaty  of  peace  with  the  chiefs),  ordered 
Lewis  to  return  immediately  with  his  force  to  Point 
Pleasant.  After  their  departure  a  treaty  was  finally 
concluded  with  the  principal  chiefs  ;  but  as  some  of 
the  Indians  were  defiant  and  disinclined  for  peace, 
Maj.  William  Crawford  was  sent  against  one  of  their 
villages,  called  Seekunk,  or  Salt  Lick  Town.  His 
force  consisted  of  two  hundred  and  forty  men,  with 
which  he  destroyed  the  village,  killed  six  Indians, 
and  took  fourteen  prisoners. 

These  operations  and  the  submission  of  the  Indians 
at  Camp  Charlotte  virtually  closed  the  war.  Gov- 
ernor Dunmore  immediately  set  out  on  his  return,  and 
proceeded  by  way  of  Redstone  and  the  Great  Cross- 
ings of  the  Youghiogheny  to  Fort  Cumberland,  and 
thence  to  the  Virginia  capital.  Maj.  William  Craw- 
ford also  returned  immediately  to  his  home  on  the 
Youghiogheny,  where,  on  the  day  after  his  arrival, 
he  wrote  Col.  George  Washington,  the  friend  of  his 
boyhood,  as  follows : 

"  Stewart's  Crossings,  Not.  14, 1774. 

"  SlE, — I  yesterday  returned  from  our  late  expedi- 
tion against  the  Shawanese,  and  I  think  we  may 
with  propriety  say  we  have  had  great  success,  as  we 
made  them  sensible  of  their  villany  and  weakness, 
and  I  hope  made  peace  with  them  on  such  a  footing 
as  will  be  lasting,  if  we  can  make  them  adhere  to  the 
terms  of  agreement,  which  are  as  follows  :  First,  they 
have  to  give  up  all  the  prisoners  taken  ever  by  them 
in  war  with  white  people,  also  negroes,  and  all  horses 
stolen  or  taken  by  them  since  the  last  war.  And,  fur- 
ther, no  Indian  for  the  future  is  to  hunt  on  the  east 
sideof  the  Ohio,  nor  any  white  man  on  the  west  side;  as 



that  seems  to  have  been  the  cause  of  some  of  the  dis- 
turbance between  our  people  and  them.     As  a  guar- 

all  sides  by  high   log  parapets  or  gtockades,  with 
cabins  adapted  to  the  abode  of  families.     The  only 

antee  that  they  will  perform  their  part  of  the  agree-     external   openings  w(^re  a  large  pum-heon  gate  and 
ment,  they  have  given  up  four  chief  men,  to  be  kept  |  small  port-holes  among  the  logs,  through  which  the 

as  hostages,  who  are  to  be  relieved  yearly,  or  as  they 
may  choose.  The  Shawanese  have  complied  with  the 
terms,  but  the  Mingoes  did  not  like  the  conditions, 
and  had  a  mind  to  deceive  us  ;  but  Lord  Dunmore 
discovered  their  intentions,  which  were  to  slip  off 
while  we  were  settling  matters  with  the  Shawanese. 
The  Mingoes  intended  to  go  to  the  Lakes,  and  take 
their  prisoners  with  them,  and  their  horses  which 
they  had  stolen. 

rifle  of  the  settler  could  be  pointed  against  the  assail- 
ants. Sometimes,  as  at  Lindley's,  and  many  of  the 
other  forts  in  the  adjacent  country  west  of  the  Mo- 
nongahela,  additional  cabins  were  erected  outside  of 
the  fort  for  temporary  abode  in  times  of  danger,  from 
which  the  sojourners  could  in  case  of  attack  retreat 
within  the  fort. 

Doddridge,  in  his  "  Notes  on  the  Early  Settlements 
and  Indian   Wars,"  says  the  "  settlers'  fort"  of  those 

"  Lord  Dunmore  ordered  myself  with  two  hundred  |  days  was  "  not  only  a  place  of  defense  but  the  resi- 
and  forty  men  to  set  out  in  the  night.     We  were  to  ,  dence  of  a  small  number  of  families  belonging  to  the 

march  to  a  town  about  forty  miles  distant  from  our 
camp  up  the  Scioto,  where  we  understood  the  whole 
of  the  Mingoes  were  to  rendezvous  upon  the  follow- 
ing day,  in  order  to  pursue  their  journey.  This  intel- 
ligence came  by  John  Montour,  son  of  Capt.  Mon- 
tour, whom  you  formerly  knew. 

"  Because  of  the  number  of  Indians  in  our  camp, 
we  marched  out  of  it  under  pretense  of  going  to 
Hockhockiug  for  more  provisions.  Few  knew  of  our 
setting  off,  anyhow,  and  none  knew  where  we  were 
going  to  until  the  next  day.  Our  march  was  per- 
formed with  as  much  speed  as  possible.  We  arrived 
at  a  town  called   the  Salt  Lick  Town  the   ensuing 

same  neighborhood.  As  the  Indian  mode  of  warfare 
was  an  indiscriminate  slaughter  of  all  ages  and  both 
sexes,  it  was  as  requisite  to  provide  for  the  safety  of 
the  women  and  children  as  for  that  of  the  men.  The 
fort  consisted  of  cabins,  block-houses,  and  stockades. 
A  range  of  cabins  commonly  formed  one  side  at  least 
of  the  fort.  Divisions  or  partitions  of  logs  separated 
the  cabins  from  each  other.  The  walls  on  the  out- 
side were  ten  or  twelve  feet  high,  the  slope  of  the 
roof  being  turned  wholly  inward.  A  very  few  of 
these  cabins  had  puncheon  floors,  the  greater  part 
were  earthen.  The  block-houses  were  built  at  the 
angles  of  the  fort.     They  projected  about   two  feet 

night,  and  at  daybreak  we  got  around  it  with  one-half  beyond  the  outer  walls  of  the  cabins  and  stockades, 

our  force,  and  the  remainder  were  sent  to  a  small  vil-  Their  upper  stories  were  about  eighteen  inches  every 

lage  half  a  mile  distant.     Unfortunately  one  of  our  way  larger  in  dimension  than  the  under  one,  leaving 

men  was  discovered  by  an  Indian  who  lay  out  from  an  opening  at  the  commencement  of  the  second  story 

the  town  some  distance  by  a  log  which  the  man  was  to  prevent  the  enemy  from  making  a  lodgment  under 

creeping  up  to.     This  obliged  the  man  to  kill  the  In-  the  walls.     In  some  forts  the  angles  of  the  fort  were 

dian.  This  happened  before  daylight,  which  did  us 
much  damage,  as  the  chief  part  of  the  Indians  made 
their  escape  in  the  dark,  but  we  got  fourteen  pris- 
oners and  killed  six  of  the  enemy,  wounding  several 
more.  We  got  all  their  baggage  and  horses,  ten  of 
their  guns,  and  two  white  prisoners.  The  plunder 
sold  for  four  hundred  pounds  sterling,  besides  what 
was  returned  to  a  Mohawk  Indian  who  was  there. 
The  whole  of  the  Mingoes  were  ready  to  start,  and 
were  to  have  set  out  the  morning  we  attacked  them." 
This  assault  on  the  Mingo  town  by  Maj.  Crawford 
was  the  last  act  of  hostility  in  the  Dunmore  war. 

The  "settlers'  forts"  and  block-houses,  of  which 
there  were  many  in  the  territory  that  is  now  Wash- 
ington County,  and  which  by  aft'ording  shelter  and 
protection  to  the  inhabitants  prevented  an  entire 
abandonment  of  this  section  of  the  country  in  Dun- 
more's  war,  were  nearly  all  erected  during  the  terror 
and  panic  of  the  spring  and  summer  of  the  year  1774. 
These  forts  were  erected  by  the  associated  efforts  of 
settlers  in  particular  neighborhoods  upon  the  land  of 
some  one,  whose  name  was  thereupon  given  to  the 
fort,  as  Vance's  fort,  Beelor's  fort,  etc.  They  con- 
sisted of  a  greater  or  less  space  of  land,  inclosed  on 

distances.  TheA 
ipleteiy  bullet-  \ 
iecessity  is  the     \ 

furnished  with  bastions  instead  of  block-houses.  A 
large  folding  gate,  made  of  thick  slabs,  nearest  the 
spring,  closed  the  fort.  The  stockades,  bastions, 
cabins,  and  block-house  walls  were  furnished  with 
port-holes  at  proper  heights  and  distances.  The'^ 
whole  of  the  outside  was  made  comj 
proof.  It  may  be  truly  said  that  aecessit 
mother  of  invention,  for  the  whole  of  this  work  was 
made  without  the  aid  of  a  single  nail  or  spike  of  iron, 
and  for  the  reason  that  such  things  were  not  to  be 
had.  In  some  places  less  exposed  a  single  block- 
house, with  a  cabin  or  two,  constituted  the  whole  fort. 
Such  places  of  refuge  may  appear  very  trifling  to 
those  who  have  been  in  the  habit  of  seeing  the  for- 
midable military  garrisons  of  Europe  and  America, 
but  they  answered  the  purpose,  as  the  Indians  had  no 
artillery.  They  seldom  attacked,  and  scarcely  ever 
took  one  of  them." 

Among  the  number  of  forts  of  this  kind  that  were 
erected  in  what  is  now  Washington  County  were 
Vance's  fort,  on  Cross  Creek  ;  Lindley's  fort,  in  Morris 
township ;  Wells'  fort,  at  Wells'  Mills,  on  Cross  Creek  ; 
Wolfe's  fort,  in  Buflalo  township ;  Froman's  fort,  on 
Chartiers  Creek ;  Beelor's  fort,  on  Raccoon  Creek, 
near  the  site  of  the  village  of  Candor;  Diflow's  fort 



on  Billow's  Run,  in  now  Hanover  township;  Cherry's 
fort,  in  Mount  Pleasant  township ;  Beeman's  block- 
house or  fort,  on  the  north  fork  of  Wheeling  Creek  ; 
Doddridge's  fort,  in  what  is  now  Independence  town- 
ship ;  Rice's  fort,  on  the  Dutch  Fork  of  Buffalo,  in 
Donegal ;  Miller's  fort  or  block-house,  also  on  the 
waters  of  Dutch  Fork,  in  the  same  township ;  and 
there  were  a  number  of  others  of  the  same  class  in 
other  parts  of  the  county.  Nearly  all  these  were 
built,  as  has  been  mentioned,  during  the  panic  of 
1774  ;  but  they  continued  to  be  used  as  places  of  se- 
curity for  settlers'  families  through  a  long  series  of 
Indian  wars  and  alarms,  that  were  most  frequent  and 
serious  from  1778  to  1783,  but  which  continued  to  some 
extent  until  1794,  when  a  lasting  peace  with  the  sav- 
ages in  the  Ohio  Valley  was  gained  by  Wayne's  vic- 
tory on  the  Mauraee. 



Patriotic  Meetings — Troops  sent  to  the  Field — Military  Operations  under 
Gens.  Hand  and  Mcintosh  and  Col.  Brodhead — Expeditions  nnder 
Gen.  George  Rogers  Clarke — Fate  of  Col.  Lochry's  Command — The 
Moravian  Expeditions  and  Massacre. 

Washington  County  had  no  separate  and  inde- 
pendent organization  or  existence  during  the  period 
of  the  Revolution  until  near  the  close  of  the  great 
struggle  for  independence;  and  as  for  this  very  good 
reason  the  Revolutionary  muster-rolls  embrace  no 
military  organizations  distinctively  from  this  county, 
and  no  full  regiments  or  companies  are  known  to 
have  been  raised  here  for  regular  service  in  the  Con- 
tinental or  Pennsylvania  line,  it  might  be  inferred 
that  the  people  then  living  within  the  territory  that 
is  now  the  county  of  Washington  took  very  little,  if 
any,  part  in  the  patriotic  conflict.  But  such  an  in- 
ference would  be  wholly  erroneous ;  for,  besides  the 
men  who  went  from  the  then  sparsely  populated 
country  west  of  the  Monongahela  to  join  the  regi- 
ments and  companies  that  were  raised  on  the  other 
side  of  that  river,  in  Westmoreland  County,  soon  after 
the  opening  of  hostilities,  there  were  also  furnished 
from  the  settlements  of  Washington  County,  both  be- 
fore and  immediately  after  its  erection  as  such,  many 
hundreds  of  volunteers  and  militiamen,  who  took 
gallant  part,  and  did  good  service  in  the  numerous 
expeditions  that  were  sent  from  the  valleys  of  the 
Monongaliela  and  Ohio  against  the  Indian  tribes  in 
the  Northwest.  These  campaigns  and  expeditions 
were  necessary  for  the  protection  of  the  frontiers 
against  incursions  and  ma.ssacre  by  savages,  incited 
by  white  renegades  and  the  British,  and  sometimes 
led  by  officers  of  the  royal  army.  They  were  as  much 
a  part  of  the  Revolutionary  conflict  as  were  the  battles 
of  Trenton  and  Monmouth ;  and  the  men  who  took 
part  in  them  were  as  much  entitled  to  credit  for  their 

bravery  and  patriotism  as  were  those  who   fought  in 
the  army  of  Washington  on  the  Delaware  and  Brandy- 

Early  in  May,  1775,  the  tidings  came  across  the  Al- 
leghenies  that  on  the  19th  of  the  preceding  month  a 
detachment  of  royal  troops  from  Gen.  Gage's  force  at 
Boston  had  fired  on  the  Massachusetts  provincials  at 
Lexington  Common  ;  that  the  yeomanry  had  returned 
the  fire  and  harassed  the  retreating  regulars  far  on 
their  way  towards  the  city.  Thus  was  announced  the 
opening  of  the  first  act  in  the  great  drama  of  the  Rev- 
olution, and  the  response  which  it  brought  forth  from 
the  people  west  of  the  mountains  was  prompt  and  un- 
mistakably patriotic. 

The  dispute  and  feud  between  Virginia  and  Penn- 
sylvania was  then  at  its  lieight  in  this  region,  both 
States  claiming  and  both  attempting  to  exercise  juris- 
diction over  the  country  between  Laurel  Hill  and  the 
Ohio;  but  the  partisans  of  both  provinces  unhesitat- 
ingly laid  aside  their  animosities,  or  held  them  in 
abeyance,  and  both,  on  the  same  day,  held  large  and 
patriotic  meetings,  pledging  themselves  to  aid  to  the 
extent  of  their  ability  the  cause  of  the  colonies  against 
the  encroachments  of  Britain.  Prominent  in  the  pro- 
ceedings of  both  meetings  were  men  from  the  section 
of  country  which  six  years  later  became  the  county  of 
Washington,  then  embraced,  according  to  the  Vir- 
ginia claim,  in  the  county  of  Augusta  of  that  colony, 
and  partly,  according  to  Pennsylvania's  claim,  in  her 
county  of  Westmoreland,  though  there  was  little  at- 
tempt on  the  part  of  the  latter  at  that  time  to  exer- 
cise jurisdiction  west  of  the  Monongahela.  The  meet- 
ing called  and  held  under  Virginia  auspices  was 
reported  as  follows : 

"  At  a  meeting  of  the  inhabitants  of  that  part  of 
Augusta  County  that  lies  on  the  west  side  of  the 
Laurel  Hill,  at  Pittsburgh,  the  16th  day  of  May, 
1775,  the  following  gentlemen  were  chosen  a  com- 
mittee for  the  said  district,  viz. :  George  Croghan, 
John  Campbell,  Edward  Ward,  Thomas  Smallman, 
John  Canon,  John  McCullough,  William  Goe,  George 
Vallandigham,  John  Gibson,  Dorsey  Pentecost,  Ed- 
ward Cook,  William  Crawford,  Devereux  Smith, 
John  Anderson,  David  Rogers,  Jacob  Van  Meter, 
Henry  Enoch,  James  Ennis,  George  Wilson,  William 
Vance,  David  Shepherd,  William  Elliott,  Richmond 
Willis,  Samuel  Sample,  John  Ormsby,  Richard  Mc- 
Maher,  John  Nevill,  and  John  Swearingen." 

A  standing  committee  was  appointed,  to  have  "full 
power  to  meet  at  such  times  as  they  shall  judge  neces- 
sary, and  in  case  of  any  emergency  to  call  the  com- 
mittee of  this  district  together,  and  shall  be  vested 
with  the  same  power  and  authority  as  the  other 
standing  committee  and  committees  of  correspond- 
ence are  in  the  other  counties  within  this  colony." 

It  was  by  the  meeting  "  Resolved,  unanimously, 
That  this  committee  have  the  highest  sense  of  the 
spirited  behavior  of  their  brethren  in  New  England, 



and  do  most  cordially  approve  of  their  opposing  the 
invaders  of  American  rights  and  privileges  to  the 
utmost  extreme,  and  that  each  member  of  this  com- 
mittee respectively  will  animate  and  encourage  their 
neighborhood  to  follow  the  brave  example.  .  .  . 

"  Resolved,  That  the  recommendation  of  the  Rich- 
mond Convention  of  the  20th  of  last  March,  relative 
to  the  embodying,  arming,  and  disciplining  of  the 
militia,  be  immediately  carried  into  execution  with 
the  greatest  diligence  in  this  country  by  the  officers 
appointed  for  that  end,  and  that  the  recommendation 
of  the  said  convention  to  the  several  committees  of 
this  colony  to  collect  from  their  constituents,  in  such 
manner  as  shall  be  most  agreeable  to  them,  so  much 
money  as  shall  be  sufficient  to  purchase  half  a  pound 
of  gunpowder  and  one  pound  of  lead,  flints,  and 
cartridge  paper  for  every  tithable  person  in  their 
county  be  likewise  carried  into  execution. 

"  This  committee,  therefore,  out  of  the  deepest 
sense  of  the  expediency  of  this  measure,  most  earn- 
estly entreat  that  every  member  of  this  committee  do 
collect  from  each  tithable  person  in  their  several  dis- 
tricts the  sum  of  two  shillings  and  sixpence,  which 
we  deem  no  more  than  sufficient  for  the  above  pur- 
pose, and  give  proper  receipts  to  all  such  as  pay  the 
same  into  their  hands.  .  .  .  And  this  committee,  as 
your  representatives,  and  who  are  most  ardently  la- 
boring for  your  preservation,  call  on  you,  our  con- 
stituents, our  friends,  brethren,  and  fellow-suflerers, 
in  the  name  of  God,  of  all  you  hold  sacred  or  valu- 
able, for  the  sake  of  your  wives,  children,  and  unborn 
generations,  that  you  will  every  one  of  you,  in  your 
several  stations,  to  the  utmost  of  your  power,  assist 
in  levying  such  sum,  by  not  only  paying  yourselves, 
but  by  assisting  those  who  are  not  at  present  iu  a 
condition  to  do  so.  We  heartily  lament  the  case  of 
all  such  as  have  not  this  sum  at  command  in  this  day 
of  necessity ;  to  all  such  we  recommend  to  tender  se- 
curity to  such  as  Providence  has  enabled  to  lend  them 
so  much  ;  and  this  committee  do  pledge  their  faith  and 
fortunes  to  you,  their  constituents,  that  we  shall,  with- 
out fee  or  reward,  use  our  best  endeavors  to  procure, 
with  the  money  so  collected,  the  ammunition  our 
present  exigencies  have  made  so  exceedingly  neces- 

"  As  this  committee  has  reason  to  believe  there  is  a 
quantity  of  ammunition  destined  for  this  place  for 
the  purpose  of  government,  and-  as  this  country  on 
the  west  side  of  Laurel  Hill  is  greatly  distressed  for 
want  of  ammunition,  and  deprived  of  the  means  of 
procuring  it,  by  reason  of  its  situation,  as  easy  as  the 
lower  counties  of  this  colony,  they  do  earnestly  re- 
quest the  committees  of  Frederick,  Augusta,  and 
Hampshire  that  they  will  not  suffer  the  ammunition 
to  pass  through  their  counties  for  the  purposes  of 
government,  but  will  secure  it  for  the  use  of  this  des- 
titute country,  and  immediately  inform  this  com- 
mittee of  their  having  done  so.  Ordered,  that  the 
standing  committee  be  directed  to  secure  such  arms 

and  ammunition  as  are  not  employed  in  actual  ser- 
vice or  private  property,  and  that  they  get  the  8ame 
repaired,  and  deliver  them  to  such  cuptainH  of  inde- 
pendent companies  a.s  may  make  application  for  the 
same,  and  taking  such  captains'  receipt  for  the  arms 
so  delivered. 

"  Resolved,  That  this  committee  do  approve  of  the 
resolution  of  the  committee  of  the  other  part  of  this 
county  relative  to  the  cultivating  a  friendithip  with 
the  Indians,  and  if  any  person  shall  be  so  depraved 
as  to  take  the  life  of  any  Indian  that  may  come  to  us 
in  a  friendly  manner,  we  will,  as  one  man,  use  our 
utmost  endeavors  to  bring  such  offenders  to  condign 

"  Resolved,  That  the  sum  of  fifteen  pounds,  current 
money,  be  raised  by  subscription,  and  that  the  same 
be  transmitted  to  Robert  Carter  Nicholas,  Esq.,  for 
the  use  of  the  deputies  sent  from  this  colony  to  the 
General  Congress;  which  sum  of  money  was  imme- 
diately paid  by  the  committee  then  present."  The 
delegates  referred  to  in  tiiis  resolution  were  John 
Harvie  and  George  Rootes,  who  were  addressed,  in 
instructions  from  the  committee,  as  "  being  chosen  to 
represent  the  people  on  the  west  side  of  the  Laurel 
Hill  in  the  Colonial  Congress  for  the  ensuing  year," 
the  committee  then  instructing  them  to  lay  certain 
specified  grievances  of  the  people  of  this  section  be- 
fore the  Congress  at  their  first  meeting,  "  as  we  con- 
ceive it  highly  necessary  they  should  be  redressed  to 
put  us  on  a  footing  with  the  rest  of  our  brethren  in 
the  colony." 

The  meeting  held  on  the  same  day  at  tiie  county- 
seat  of  Westmoreland  was  not  so  numerously  attended 
by  people  from  west  of  the  Monongahela,  the  greater 
part  of  the  prominent  men  of  this  section  considering 
themselves  as  belonging  to  Virginia  and  attending 
the  Augusta  County  meeting  at  Pittsburgh.  The 
Westmoreland  meeting  declared  themselves  to  be 

"  Possessed  with  the  most  unshaken  loyalty  ahd~-x 
fidelity  to  His  Majesty  King  George  the  Third,  whom 
we  acknowledge  to  be  our  lawful  and  rightful  king, 
and  who  we  wish  may  long  be  the  beloved  sovereign 
of  a  free  and  happy  people  throughout  the  whole 
British  Empire  ;"  but 

"  Resolved,  unanimouslj/,  .That  the  Parliament  of 
Great  Britain,  by  several  late  acts,  have  declared 
the  inhabitants  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  to  be  in 
rebellion,  and  the  ministry,  by  endeavoring  to  en- 
force those  acts,  have  attempted  to  reduce  the  said 
inhabitants  to  a  more  wretched  state  of  slavery  than 
ever  before  existed  in  any  state  or  country.  Not 
content  with  violating  their  constitutional  and  char- 
tered privileges,  they  would  strip  them  of  the  rights 
of  humanity,  exposing  lives  to  the  wanton  and  un- 
punishable sport  of  a  licentious  soldiery,  and  de- 
priving them  of  the  very  means  of  subsistence." 
They  also  resolved  that  they  would  oppose  the 
oppressions  of  the  ministry  with  their  lives  and 
their   fortunes.     "  And   the   better  to   enable   us  to 



accomplish  it  we  will  immediately  form  ourselves 
into  a  military  body,  to  consist  of  companies,  to  be 
made  up  out  of  the  several  townships,  under  the  fol- 
lowing association,  which  is  declared  to  be  the  Asso- 
ciation of  Westmoreland  County."  The  objects  of 
which  Association  were  declared  to  be: 

"  First.  To  arm  and  form  ourselves  into  a  regiment, 
or  regiments,  and  choose  officers  to  command  us,  in 
such  proportions  as  shall  be  thought  necessary. 

"  Second.  We  will  with  alacrity  endeavor  to  make 
ourselves  masters  of  the  manual,  exercise,  and  such 
evolutions  as  may  be  necessary  to  enable  us  to  act  in 
a  body  with  concert,  and  to  that  end  we  will  meet  at 
such  times  and  places  as  shall  be  appointed,  either 
for  the  companies  or  the  regiment,  by  the  officers 
commanding  each  when  chosen. 

"  Third.  That  should  our  country  be  invaded  by  a 
foreign  enemy,  or  should  troops  be  sent  from  Great 
Britain  to  enforce  the  late  arbitrary  acts  of  its  Par- 
liament, we  will  cheerfully  submit  to  military  dis- 
cipline, and  to  the  utmost  of  our  power  resist  and 
oppose  them,  or  either  of  them,  and  will  coincide 
with  any  plan  that  may  be  formed  for  the  defense  of 
America  in  general  or  Pennsylvania  in  particular." 
And  the  meeting  further  resolved  that  when  the  Par- 
liament should  show  a  willingness  to  do  justice  to  the 
colonies,  then,  and  not  till  then,  should  the  Associa- 
tion of  Westmoreland  County  be  dissolved. 

About  a  month  after  the  events  above  narrated,  a 
small  body  of  men  who  had  volunteered  from  the 
frontier  settlements  crossed  the  Monongahela  River 
and  marched  eastward  over  the  mountains  to  join  a 
Maryland  company  which  was  being  formed  under 
Capt.  Michael  Cresap  for  service  in  the  provincial 
army.  The  nominal  home  of  Capt.  Cresap  was  at 
Old  Town,  Md.,  but  his  base  of  operations  at  that 
time,  and  for  a  few  previous  years,  was  at  Redstone 
Old  Fort,  now  Brownsville,  on  the  Monongahela,  op- 
posite the  eastern  border  of  Washington  County. 
Here  he  had  a  good  house'  and  a  store,  from  which 
he  traded  at  points  below  on  the  river.  He  had  been 
engaged,  and  somewhat  prominent,  in  the  Indian 
fighting  of  1774,  known  as  Dunmore's  war,  being  the 
same  Capt.  Cresap  to  whom  was  (wrongfully,  it  now 
seems  almost  certain)  charged  the  crime  of  killing  the 
family  of  the  Indian  chief  Logan.  The  men  who 
now  marched  to  join  his  company  in  Maryland  are 
mentioned  as  "  his  old  companions  in  arms,"  and  al- 
though none  of  their  names  have  been  preserved, 
there  is  little  doubt  that  most,  if  not  all  of  them, 
were  from  the  settlements  on  the  Monongahela,  and 
between  that  river  and  the  Ohio. 

Cresap  had  been  in  Kentucky  in  the  spring  of  1776, 
but  being  taken  ill  there  had  set  out  by  way  of  the 
Ohio  and  across  the  mountains  for  his  home  in  Mary- 
land, where  he  hoped  to  recover   his  health.     "  On 

his  way  across  the  Allegheny  Mountains^  he  was 
met  by  a  faithful  friend  with  a  message  stating  that 
he  had  been  appointed  by  the  Committee  of  Safety 
at  Frederick  a  captain  to  command  one  of  the  two 
rifle  companies  required  from  Maryland  by  a  resolu- 
tion of  Congress.  Experienced  officers  and  the  very 
best  men  that  could  be  procured  were  demanded. 
'  When  I  communicated  my  business,'  says  the  mes- 
senger in  his  artless  narrative,  'and  announced  his 
appointment,  instead  of  becoming  elated  he  became 
pensive  and  solemn,  as  if  his  spirits  were  really  de- 
pressed, or  as  if  he  had  a  presentiment  that  this  was 
his  death-warrant.  He  said  he  was  in  bad  health, 
and  his  affairs  in  a  deranged  state,  but  that  neverthe- 
less, as  the  committee  had  selected  him,  and  as  he 
understood  from  me  his  father  had  pledged  himself 
that  he  should  accept  of  this  appointment,  he  would 
go,  let  the  consequences  be  what  they  might.  He 
then  directed  me  to  proceed  to  the  west  side  of  the 
mountains  and  publish  to  his  old  companions  in  arms 
this  his  intention ;  this  I  did,  and  in  a  very  short 
time  collected  and  brought  to  him  at  his  residence  in 
Old  Town  [Maryland]  about  twenty-two  as  fine  fel- 
lows as  ever  handled  rifle,  and  most,  if  not  all  of 
them,  completely  equipped.'  " 

It  was  in  June  that  these  men  were  raised  and 
moved  across  the  mountains  to  Frederick,  Md.,  to 
join  Cresap's  company.  A  letter  written  from  that 
place  on  the  1st  of  the  following  August  to  a  gentle- 
man in  Philadelphia  said,  "  Notwithstanding  the 
urgency  of  my  business,  I  have  been  detained  three 
days  in  this  place  by  an  occurrence  truly  agreeable. 
I  have  had  the  happiness  of  seeing  Capt.  Michael 
Cresap  marching  at  the  head  of  a  formidable  com- 
pany of  upwards  of  one  hundred  and  thirty  men 
from  the  mountains  and  backwoods,  painted  like  In- 
dians, armed  with  tomahawks  and  rifles,  dressed  in 
hunting-shirts  and  moccasins,  and  though  some  of 
them  had  traveled  near  eight  hundred  [?]  miles  from 
the  banks  of  the  Ohio,  they  seemed  to  walk  light  and 
easy,  and  not  with  less  spirit  than  on  the  first  hour 
of  their  march."  .  .  .  They  marched  in  August,  and 
joined  Washington's  army  near  Boston,  where  and  in 
later  campaigns  they  did  good  service.  Their  captain's 
health  growing  worse  he  resigned  and  started  for 
Maryland,  but  died  on  his  way  in  New  York  in  the 
following  October.  The  names  of  the  men  who  were 
recruited  west  of  the  mountains  for  Cresap's  company 
cannot  be  given,  but  there  can  be  little  doubt  that 
most  of  them  were  his  old  comrades  of  the  Dunmore 
war,  and  from  the  settlements  between  the  Monon- 
gahela and  Ohio  Rivers. 

In  the  fall  of  1775  the  Seventh  Virginia  Regiment 
was  recruited  and  organized  by  Col.  William  Craw- 
ford. This  was  the  first  considerable  body  of  men 
raised  in  the  Monongahela  country  for  the  Revolu- 
tionary service.     Col.  Crawford's  home  was  on  the 

1  The  first  house  having  " 
built  west  of  the  mouutains. 

nugle  roof  nailed 

-  Extract  from  "  Logan  and  Cresap,"  by  Col.  Brantz  Mayer. 



Youghiogheny  at  Stewart's  Crossings  (now  the  bor- 
ough of  New  Haven,  Fayette  Co.),  but  being  an  ac- 
tive Virginia  partisan,  and  very  popular  among  the 
Virginians  west  of  the  Monongahela,'  many  of  his 
men  were  recruited  in  what  afterwards  became  Wash- 
ington County,  the  remainder  being  largely  obtained 
in  that  part  of  Westmoreland  County  which  became 
Fayette.  Crawford  did  not  at  once  receive  the  colon- 
elcy of  the  Seventh,  but  became  its  commanding  officer 
in  1776.  It  was  afterwards  commanded  by  Col.  John 
Gibson.  The  regiment  entered  the  service  with  the 
Continental  army  in  the  East,  and  remained  there  for 
some  time,  but  during  the  later  years  of  the  war 
served  in  the  Western  Department,  with  headquarters 
at  Fort  Pitt. 

The  Thirteenth  Virginia  {known  as  the  "  West 
Augusta  Regiment")  was  afterwards  raised,  chiefly 
by  Crawford's  efforts,  in  the  same  region  of  country 
in  which  the  Seventh  had  been  recruited.  The  Thir- 
teenth (of  which  Crawford  was  made  colonel)  ])er- 
formed  its  service  in-the  AVest,  being  stationed  in 
detachments  at  Fort  Pitt  and  other  points  on  the 
Ohio  and  Allegheny  Rivers.  An  extract  from  a  let- 
ter written  by  Crawford  to  Gen.  Washington,^  dated 
"Fredericktown,  Md.,  February  12,  1777,"  is  given 
below  because  of  its  reference  to  the  two  regiments 
raised  in  the  Monongaliela  country,  viz. : 

"  Many  reasons  have  we  to  expect  a  war  [with  the 
Indians]  this  spring.  The  chief  of  the  lower  settle- 
ments upon  the  Ohio  has  moved  off;  and  should  both 
the  regiments  be  moved  away,  it  will  greatly  distress 
the  people,  as  the  last  raised  by  myself  [the  West 
Augusta  Regiment]  was  expected  to  be  a  guard  for 
them  if  there  was  an  Indian  war.  By  the  Governor 
of  Virginia  I  was*  appointed  to  command  that  regi- 
ment at  the  request  of  the  people.  The  conditions 
were  that  the  soldiers  were  enlisted  during  the  war, 
and  if  an  Indian  war  should  come  on  this  spring  they 
were  to  be  continued  there,  as  their  interest  was  on 
the  spot ;  but  if  there  should  be  no  Indian  war  in  that 
quarter,  then  they  were  to  go  wherever  called.  On 
these  conditions  many  cheerfully  enlisted.  The  regi- 
ment, I  believe,  by  this  time  is  nearly  made  up,  as  five 
hundred  .and  odd  were  made  up  before  I  came  away, 
and  the  oificers  were  recruiting  very  fast;  but  should 
they  be  ordered  away  before  they  get  blankets  and 
other  necessaries,  I  do  not  see  how  they  are  to  be 
moved  ;  besides,  the  inhabitants  will  be  in  great  fear 
under  the  present  circumstances.  Many  men  have 
already  been  taken  from  that  region,  so  that  if  that 
regiment  should  march  away,  it  will  leave  few  or  none 
to  defend  the  country.  There  are  no  arms,  as  the  chief 
part  of  the  first  men  loere  armed  there,  which  has  left  the 
place  very  bare  ;  but  let  me  be  ordered  anywhere,  and 
I  will  go  if  possible " 

1  It  was  the  almost  universal  opinion  among  the  people  west  of  the 
Monongahela  at  that  time  that  they  were  within  the  jurisdiction  of 
Augusta  Co.,  Va. 

2  Washington-Crawford  Letters,  p.  62. 

L  6 

It  seems  remarkable  that  the  sparsely-settled  coun- 
try west  of  Laurel  Hill  (and  principally  the  Monon- 
gahela Valley)  should  have  been  able  U>  furninli  two 
full  regiments'  (furnishing  almost  all  the  armrt  for 
one  regiment)  and  put  them  into  the  field  by  the 
spring  of  1777.  But  there  had  also  been  raised  under 
Pennsylvania  authority  in  what  was  then  We.stmore- 
land  County  (then  including  the  present  county  of 
Washington)  a  company  under  Capt.  Joseph  Erwin. 
It  marched  to  Marcus  Hook,  where  it  wan  incorjjor- 
ated  with  Col.  Samuel  Miles'  "  Pennsylvania  Rifie 
Regiment."  It  was  subsequently  included  in  the 
Thirteenth  Pennsylvania,  then  in  the  Second  Pennsyl- 
vania Regiment,  and  was  finally  discharged  from  ser- 
vice at  Valley  Forge  Jan.  1,  1778,  by  reason  of  expi- 
ration of  its  term  of  enlistment.  During  its  period  of 
service  the  company  fought  at  Long  Island,  White 
Plains,  Trenton,  Princeton,  Quibbletown  (N.  J.), 
Brandywine,  and  Germantown.  On  the  roll  of  this 
company  are  found  the  names  of  Joseph  Brownlee, 
John  Brownlee,  Andrew  Bryson,  Robert  Heslet, 
Leech,  Orr,  and  others,  who  either  were  then  or  af- 
terwards became  residents  of  Washington  County. 

Under  authority  of  a  resolution  of  Congress  dated 
July  15,  1776,*  was  raised  the  Eighth  Regiment  of  - 
the  Pennsylvania  line,  for  the  defense  of  the  western 
frontier,  to  garrison  the  posts  of  Presque  Isle,  Le 
Boeuf,  and  Kittaning.  One  company  of  this  regi- 
ment was  raised  in  Bedford  County,  and  all  the  re- 
maining seven  companies  were  recruited  in  the  terri- 
tory then  comprised  in  Westmoreland  County.  On 
the  29th  of  July,  1776,  Congress  appointed  as  field- 
officers  of  this  regiment  Col.  Eneas  McKay,  Lieut.- 
Col.  George  Wilson,  and  Maj.  Richard  Butler.  Sep- 
tember 22d,  David  McClure  was  elected  chaplain, 
and  Ephraim  Douglass,  quartermaster.  Among  the 
names  of  company  commanders  are  found  those  of 
Capt.  Van  Swearingen  and  Capt.  Samuel  Brady,  both 
of  Washington  County.  Among  the  private  soldiersT 
Washington  County  family  names  are  numerous. 

On  the  23d  of  November  Congress  directed  the  Board 
of  War  to  order  the  regiment  to  march  with  all  pos- 
sible expedition  by  the  nearest  route  "  to  Brunswick, 
N.  J.,  or  to  join  Gen.  Washington  wherever  he  may 
be."  On  the  4th  of  N«womber-the  regiment  received 
orders  to  march  to  Amboy,  N.  J.,  whereupon  Lieut. - 
Col.  George  Wilson  wrote  from  the  regimental  ren- 
dezvous to  Col.  James  Wilson  as  follows  : 

"  KETAXliX,  Dec.  5th,  1776. 

"  D'  Colonall :  Last  Evening  We  Rec*  Marching 
orders,  Which  I  must  say  is  not  Disagreeable  to  me 
under  ye'  Sircumstances  of  y°  times,  for  when  I  entr'd 
into  y'  Service  I  Judged  that  if  a  necessity  appeared 

5  In  February,  1777,  Congress  appropriated  the  sum  of  S20,0«0,  "  to  be 
paid  to  Col.  William  Crawford  for  raising  and  equiping  his  regiment, 
which  is  a  part  of  tlie  Virginia  new  levies."  It  is  not  certain  as  to  which 
of  the  regiments  raised  hy  Crawford  this  had  reference,  but  it  appears  to 
have  been  the  last  one,  the  "West  Augusta  Regiment." 

*  Journal,  vol.  i.  pp.  411-19. 



to  call  us  Below  it  would  be  Don,  therefore  it  Dont 
come  on  me  By  Surprise ;  But  as  Both  y°  Officers  and 
Men  understood  they  Ware  Raised  for  y"^  Defence  of 
y=  Western  Frontiers,  and  their  fameleys  and  sub- 
stance to  be  Left  in  so  Defenceless  a  situation  in  their 
abstence,  seems  to  Give  Sensable  trouble,  alth°  I  Hope 
We  Will  Get  over  it,  By  Leving  sum  of  ower  trifeling 
Officers  Behind  who  Pirtend  to  Have  More  Wit  then 
seven  men  that  can  Rendar  a  Reason.  We  are  ill 
Provided  for  a  March  at  this  season,  But  there  is 
nothing  Hard  under  sum  Sircumstances.  We  Hope 
Provision  Will  be  made  for  us  Below,  Blankets, 
Campe  Kittles,  tents,  arms.  Regimentals,  &c.,  that 
we  may  not  Cut  a  Dispisable  Figure,  But  may  be 
Enabled  to  answer  y=  expectation  of  ower  Countre. 

"  I  Have  Warmly  Recommended  to  y'  officers  to 
Lay  aside  all  Personall  Resentments  at  this  time,  for 
that  it  Would  be  construed  By  y'  Worald  that  they 
made  use  of  that  Sircumstance  to  Hide  themselves 
under  from  y"  cause  of  their  countrie,  and  I  liope  it 
Will  have  a  Good  Efect  at  this  time.  We  Have  ishued 
y=  Neceserey  orders,  and  appointed  y=  owt  Parties  to 
Randevous  at  Hanows  Town,  y=  15'"  instant,  and  to 
March  Emeditly  from  there.  We  have  Recomended 
it  to  y=  Militia  to  Station  One  Hundred  Men  at  this 
post  until  further  orders.  I  Hope  to  have  y=  Pleasure 
of  Seeing  you  Soon,  as  we  mean  to  take  Philadelphia 
in  ower  Rout.  In  y'  mean  time,  I  am.  With  Esteem, 
your  Harty  Wellwisher  and  H""  S', 

"  G.  Wilson. 
"  To  Col.  James  WiLSOJf,  of  the  Honorable  the  Cont. 
Congress,  Phila." 

Until  the  5th  of  December,  1776,  the  regiment  was 
styled  in  the  quartermaster's  receipts  "  the  Battalion 
commanded  by  Col.  Eneas  Mackay,"  but  at  that  date 
it  is  first  styled  "The  Eighth  Battalion  of  Penn'a 
troops  in  the  Continental  service,"  showing  that  it 
had  then  been  assigned  to  duty  in  the  Continental 
line.  The  regiment  marched  from  Kittaning  on 
the  6th  of  January,  1777,  and  it  and  the  Twelfth 
Pennsylvania  were  the  first  regiments  of  the  line  in 
the  field.  The  next  notice  of  it  is  found  in  the  "  Life 
of  Timothy  Pickering"  (volume  i.,  page  122),  in  the 
following  reference  to  the  Eighth  Penn.sylvania  : 

"  March  1, 1777,  Saturday. 

"  Dr.  Putnam  brought  me  a  billet,  of  which  the 
following  is  a  copy  : 

" '  Dear  Sir  :  Our  Battalion  is  so  unfortunate  as  not 

to  have  a  Doctor,  and,  in  my  opinion,  dying  for  want 

of  medicine.     I  beg  you  will  come  down  to-morrow 

morning  and  visit  the  sick  of  my  company.    For  that 

favor  you  shall  have  sufficient  satisfaction  from  your 

humble  servant, 

" '  James  Pigott, 

"  '  Capt.  of  8  Batt.  of  Pa. 

" '  Qdibbletown,  Feb.  28, 1777.' 

"  I  desired  the  Dr.  by  all  means  to  visit  them.  They 
were  raised  about  the  Ohio,  and  had  traveled  near 

five  hundred  miles,  as  one  of  the  soldiers  who  came 
for  the  Dr.  informed  me.  For  150  miles  over  moun- 
tains, never  entering  a  house,  but  building  fires  and 
encamping  in  the  Snow.  Considerable  numbers,  un- 
used to  sucli  hardships,  have  since  died.  The  Colonel 
and  Lieutenant-Colonel  among  the  dead.  The  Dr. 
informed  he  found  them  quartered  in  cold  shattered 

Cols.  Mackay  and  Wilson  having  died,  Daniel 
Brodhead  became  colonel,  Richard  Butler  lieutenant- 
colonel,  and  Stephen  Bayard  major.  When  Morgan's 
rifle  command  was  organized,  Lieut.-Col.  Butler  was 
made  lieutenant-colonel  of  it,  and  B'laj.  James  Ross, 
of  the  First  Pennsylvania,  became  lieutenant-colonel. 
According  to  a  return  signed  by  the  latter,  dated 
"Mount  Pleasant,  June  9,  1777,"  the  number  of  men 
enlisted  between  the  9th  of  August  and  the  16th  of 
December,  1776,  was  six  hundred  and  thirty ;  enlisted 
since  the  16th  of  December,  thirty-four;  making  a 
total  of  six  hundred  and  eighty-four.  The  strength 
of  the  respective  companies  was : 


Capt.  David  Kilgore's  Company 

Capt.  Samuel  Miller's  " 

Capt.  Van  Swearingen's      " 

Capt.  James  Pigott's  " 

Capt.  Wendel  Ourry's  " 

Capt.  Andrew  Mann's         " 

Capt.  James  Montgomery's  Company 

Capt.  Michael  Huffnagle's  " 

Capt.  Lieut.  John  Finley's         " 

Capt.  Lieut.  Basil  Prather's       " 






















From  the  total  thirty-six  were  deducted  as  prison- 
ers of  war,  fourteen  missing,  fifty-one  dead,  fifteen 
discharged,  one  hundred  and  twenty-six  deserted. 
Lieut.  Matthew  Jack,  absent  from  April  13th, 
wounded.  Ensign  Gabriel  Peterson,  absent  from 
April  17th,  wounded.  Capt.  Moses  Carson,  deserted 
April  21st.  First  Lieut.  Richard  Carson,  deserted. 
Aquiia  White,  ensign,  deserted  February  2.3d.  Joseph 
McDolo,  first  lieutenant,  deserted.  Thomas  Forthay, 
ensign,  deserted.  Alexander  Simrall,  second  lieu- 
tenant, cashiered.  David  McKee,  ensign,  dismissed 
the  service.  Ephraim  Douglass,  quartermaster,  taken 
by  the  enemy,  March  13tli. 

Capt.  Van  Swearingen,  First  Lieut.  Basil  Prather, 
and  Second  Lieut.  John  Hardin  with  their  commands 
were  detailed  on  duty  with  Col.  Morgan,  and  greatly 
distinguished  themselves  in  the  series  of  actions  that 
resulted  in  the  surrender  of  Gen.  Burgoyne  at  Sara- 
toga. These  commands  consisted  of  picked  riflemen 
out  of  all  of  the  companies  of  the  Eighth  Pennsyl- 

A  return  dated  Nov.  1,  1777,  shows  the  strength  of 
the  regiment  present:  colonel,  major,  two  captains, 
six  lieutenants,  adjutant,  paymaster  and  surgeon,  ser- 
geant-major, quartermaster-sergeant  and  drum-major. 



twenty-nine  sergeants,  nine  drums  and  fifes,  one  hun- 
dred and  twelve  rank  and  file  fit  for  duty ;  twenty- 
eight  sick  present,  seventy-seven  sick  absent,  one 
hundred  and  thirty-nine  on  command;  total,  three 
hundred  and  fifty-one.  Prisoners  of  war,  one  sergeant 
and  fifty-eight  privates.  Capt.  Van  Swearingen, 
Lieut.  Basil  Prather,  and  Lieut.  John  Hardin  on 
command  with  Col.  Morgan.  Vacant  offices:  lieu- 
tenant-colonel, four  captains,  three  lieutenants,  eight 
ensigns,  chaplain,  and  surgeon's  mate.  Lieut.-Col. 
Eoss  resigned  after  the  battles  of  Brandywine  and 
German  town. 

On  the  5th  of  March,  1777,  the  regiment  was  or- 
dered to  Pittsburgh  for  the  defense  of  the  western 
frontiers,  and  by  direction  of  Gen.  Mcintosh,  Col. 
Brodhead  made,  about  the  12th  of  July,  a  detour  up  the 
West  Branch  to  check  the  savages  who  were  ravaging 
Wyoming  and  the  West  Branch  Valley.  He  was  at 
Muncy  on  the  24th  of  July,  and  had  ordered  Capt. 
Finley's  company  into  Penn's  Valley,  where  two  of  the 
latter's  soldiers,  Thomas  Van  Doren  and  Jacob  Shed- 
acre,  who  had  participated  in  the  campaign  against 
Burgoyne,  were  killed  on  the  24th,  in  sight  of  Potter's 
fort,  by  the  Indians.  (Pennsylvania  Archives,  O.  S., 
vol.  vi.  page  666.)  Soon  after.  Col.  Hartley  with  his 
regiment  relieved  Col.  Brodhead,  and  he  proceeded 
with  the  Eighth  to  Pittsburgh. 

A  monthly  return  of  the  troops  commanded  by  Col. 
Brodhead  in  the  Western  Department,  dated  July 
30,  1780,  gives  the  strength  of  the  Eighth  Pennsyl- 
vania :  colonel,  lieutenant-colonel,  major,  two  captains, 
three  lieutenants,  four  ensigns,  adjutant,  paymaster, 
quartermaster,  surgeon,  surgeon's  mate,  sergeant- 
major,  quartermaster-sergeant,  one  drum  and  fife 
major,  ten  sergeants,  ten  drums  and  fifes,  one  hundred 
and  twenty  rank  and  file  fit  for  duty,  four  sick,  two 
furloughed,  eight  on  command,  three  deserted,  six 
joined  the  Invalid  Company. 

In  a  letter  from  Gen.  William  Irvine  to  Gen.  Wash- 
ington, soon  after  he  took  command  at  Fort  Pitt, 
dated  Dec.  2,  1781,  he  says,  "  I  have  reformed  the 
remains  of  the  late  Eighth  Pennsylvania  into  two 
companies,  and  call  them  a  detachment  from  the 
Pennsylvania  line,  to  be  commanded  by  Lieut.-Col. 
Bayard."  [The  first  company,  Capt.  Clark,  Lieuts. 
Peterson  and  Reed;  second  company,  Capt.  Brady, 
Lieuts.  Ward  and  Morrison.] 

Capt.  Matthew  Jack,  in  a  statement  on  file,  says, 
"  In  the  year  1778  the  Eighth  was  sent  to  Pittsburgh 
to  guard  the  frontier,  and  placed  under  the  command 
of  Gen.  Mcintosh ;  that  they  went  down  to  the 
mouth  of  the  Beaver,  and  there  built  Fort  Mcintosh, 
and  from  that  went,  upon  Mcintosh's  command,  to 
the  head  of  the  Muskingum,  and  there  built  Fort 
Laurens.  In  the  year  1779  went  up  the  Allegheny, 
on  Gen.  Brodhead's  expedition,  attacked  the  Indians 
and  defeated  them,  and  burned  their  towns.  On  the 
return  of  the  regiment,  its  time  having  expired,  it  was 
discharged  at  Pittsburgh."     For  a  full  account  of  the 

services  of  this  regiment  in  the  West  the  reader  is 
referred  to  "Brodhead's  Letter- Book,"  published  in 
the  twelfth  volume,  first  series,  of  Pennsylvania  Ar- 

Van  Swearingen  was  probably  the  most  noted  cap- 
tain in  the  Eighth  Pennsylvania.  On  the  19th  of 
September  he  and  a  lieutenant  and  twenty  privates 
were  captured  in  a  sudden  dash  that  scattered  Mor- 
gan's men.  He  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Indians, 
but  was  rescued  by  Gen.  Fraser's  batman  (one  who 
takes  care  of  his  officer's  horse),  who  took  him  before 
the  general.  The  latter  interrogated  him  concerning 
the  number  of  the  American  army,  but  got  no  answer, 
except  that  it  was  commanded  by  Gens.  Gates  and 
Arnold.  He  then  threatened  to  hang  him.  "  You 
may,  if  you,"  said  Van  Swearingen.  Eraser 
then  rode  off,  leaving  him  in  care  of  Sergt.  Dunbar, 
who  consigned  him  to  Lieut.  Auburey,  who  ordered 
him  to  be  placed  among  the  other  prisoners,  with 
directions  not  to  be  ill  treated.  Swearingen,  after 
Burgoyne's  army  was  removed  to  Virginia,  made 
especial  exertions  to  have  Dunbar  and  Auburey  ex- 
changed. Swearingen  was  the  first  sheriif  of  Wash- 
ington County  in  1781.  His  daughter  became  the 
wife  of  the  celebrated  Capt.  Samuel  Brady  (also  of 
the  Eighth  Pennsylvania),  so  conspicuous  in  the 
annals  of  Western  Pennsylvania. 




Mackay,  Eneas,  of  Westmoreland  County,  July  20, 1776  ;  dieJ  in  service, 

Feb.  14, 1777. 
Brodhead,  Daniel,  from  lieutenant-colonel  Fourth  Pennsylvania,  March 
12, 1777;  joined  April,  1777;  transferred  to  First  Pennsylvania,  Jan, 


Wilson,  George,  July  20, 1776 ;  died  in  service  at  Quibblelown,  February, 

Butler,  Richard,  from  major,  Marxjh  12,  1777,  ranking  from  Aug.  28, 

1776;  transferred  to  lieutenant-colonel  of  Morgan's  rifle  command, 

June  9,  1777;  promoted   colonel  of  Ninth   Pennsylvania,  noiUS^ 

from  June  7, 1777;  by  an  alteration  subsequent  to  Marcb  12, 1777, 

Richard  Butler  was  placed  in  the  First  Pennsylvania,  and  James 

Ross  in  Eighth  Pennsylvania. 
Ross,  James,  from  lieutenant-colonel  First  Pennsylvania;  resigned  Sept. 

22,  1777. 
Bayard,  Stephen,  from  major,  ranking  Sept.  23, 1777 ;  transferred  to  Sixth 

Pennsylvania,  Jan.  17,  1781. 

Butler,  Richard,  July  20,1776;  promoted  lieutenant-colonel  March  12, 

Bayard,  Stephen,  March  12, 1777.  ranking  from  Oct.  4, 1776;  promoted 

lieutenant-colonel,  to  rank  from  Sept.  23, 1777. 
Vernon,  Frederick,  front  captain  Fifth  Pennsylvania,  ranking  from  June 

7,  1777 ;  transferred  to  Fourth  Pennsylvania,  Jan.  17,  17S1. 


Kilgore,  David,  died  July  11,  ISH.aged  sixty-nine  years  four  months  and 
twelve  days;  buried  in  the  Presbyterian  gi-aveyard  of  Mount  Pleas- 
ant (Middle  Church),  Westmoreland  County. — L^U«r  o/  Xannie  H. 
KUgore,  Greeilshurg.Juli/  23,1878. 

Miller,  Samuel,  died  in  service,  Jan.  10, 1778 ;  left  a  widow,  Jane  Cruik- 
shank,  who  resided  in  Westmoi-eland  County  in  1784. 

Van  Swearingen,!  Aug.  9, 1776.   Van  Swearingen  had  been  in  commuid 

1  The  names  of  the  captains  appear,  on  the  first  return  found,  in  tbe 
order  indicated  above,  but  date  of  commissions  cannot  be  ascertained. 
Probably  they  were  all  dated  Aug.  9, 1776,  as  Van  Swearingen'a. 


of  an  independent  company,  in  the  pay  of  the  State  from  February 

to  Aug.  11,  1776,indefeu8euf  the  frontiers  in  Westmoreland  County. 
Piggott,  James ;  on  return  June  9, 1777,  he  is  marked  sick  in  camp. 
Ourry,  Wendel. 
Maun,  Andrew  ;  on  return  of  June  9, 1777,  he  is  marked  eick  in  quarters 

since  May  2d. 
Carson,  Moses,  left  the  service  April  21, 1777. 
Miers,  Eliezer. 

[The  foregoing  captains  were  recommended  by  the  committees  of 
Westmoreland  and  Bedford  Counties,  and  directed  to  be  commissioned 
by  resolution  of  Congress  Sept.  14,  1776. J 
Montgomery,  James,  died  Aug.  26,  1777;  his  widow,  Martha,  resided  in 

Westmoreland  County  in  1824. 
Hutfnagle,  Michael,  died  Dec.  31,  1819,  in  Allegheny  County,  aged  sixty. 

Jack,  Matthew,  from  flrat  lieutenant ;  became  supernumerary  Jan.  31, 

1779;  resided  in  Westmoreland  County  in  1836,  aged  eighty-two. 
Stokely,  Nehemiah,  Oct.  16, 1777 ;  became  supernumerary  Jan.  31, 1779; 

died  in  Westmorelaud  County  in  1811. 
Cooke,  Thomas,  from  iirst  lieutenant ;  became  supernumerary  Jan.  31, 

1779;  died  in  Guernsey  County,  Obio,  Nov.  5, 1836. 
Dawson,  Samuel,  from  Eleventh  Pennsylvania,  July  1,  1778;  died  at 
Fort  Pitt,  Sept.  6, 1779  ;  buried  in  First  Presbyterian  churchyard  in 
Moore,  James  Francis,  from  Thirteentli  Pennsylvania,  July  1, 1778. 
Clark,  John,  from  Thirteenth  Pennsylvania,  July  1,  1778  ;  transferred 

to  First  Pennsylvania,  July  17,  1781. 
Caruahan,  James,  from  Thirteentli  Pennsylvania,  July  1,  1778 ;  trans- 
ferred to  Fourth  Pennsylvania,  Jan.  17, 1781. 
Finley,  Joseph  L.,  from  Thirteenth  Pennsylvania,  July  1,1778;  brigade- 
major,  July  30,  17«0;  transferred  to  Second  Pennsylvania  Jan.  17, 
Finley,  John,  from  first  lieutenant,  Oct.  22,  1777 ;  transferred  to  Fifth 

Pennsylvania,  Jan.  17, 1781. 
Crawford,  John,  from  first  lieutenant,  Aug.  10, 1779  ;  transferred  to  Sixth 

Pennsylvania,  Jan.  17, 1781. 
Brady,  Samuel,  from  captain  lieutenant,  Aug.  2,  1779 ;  transferred  to 
Third  Peunsylvania,  Jan.  17, 1781. 

Captain  Lieutenant. 
Brady,  Samuel,  commission  dated  July  17,  1776;  from  Sixth  Pennsyl- 
vania ;  promoted  captaiu  Aug.  2, 1779. 
First  Lieutenants. 
Moseley,  Robert  (written  Moody  in  the  return),  resigned  May  16,  1777; 

resided  in  Oliio  County,  Ky.,  in  1820,  aged  sixty-nine. 
Cooke,  Thomas,  promoted  captain. 
Finley,  John,  promoted  capUiin  Oct.  22,  1777. 
Jack,  Matthew,  lost  bis  left  band  by  the  bursting  of  his  gun  at  Bound 

Brook,  N.  J.;  promoted  captain  April  13, 1777. 
Hickman,  Ezekiel. 

Carson,  Richard,  left  the  service  in  1777. 
McGeary,  William,  rcsisned  April  17, 1777. 
McDolo,  Joseph,  left  the  service  in  1777. 

[The  foregoing  first  lieutenants  were  commissioned  under  the  resolu- 
tion of  Congress  of  Sept.  16,  1776.] 

Richardson,  Eichard,  returned  June  9,  1777,  aa  recruiting. 
Prather,  Basil,  returned  Nov.  1, 1777,  as  on  command  with  Col.  Morgan 

from  June  9th ;  resigned  April  1,  1779. 
Hughes,  John,  Aug.  9, 1776  ;  resigned  Nov.  23,  1778;  resided  in  Wash- 
ington County  in  1813. 
Crawford,  John,  from  second  lieutenant  April  18,  1777;  promoted  cap- 
tain Aug.  10, 1779  ;  promoted  to  Second  Pennsylvania,  with  rank  of 
captain,  from  April  18,  1777. 
Hardin,  John,  July  13,  1777 ;  Nov.  1,  1777,  returned  as  on  command 
with  Col.  Morgan  ;  resigned  in  1779  ;  afterwards  Gen.  John  Hardin, 
of  Kejitucky  ;  murdered  by  the  Indians  near  Sandusky,  Ohio,  in 
Vm.— Wilkinson's  Memoirs. 
Mickey,  Daniel,  became  supernumerary  Jan.  31, 1779. 
Peterson,  Gabriel,  July  26,  1777 ;  died  in  Allegheny  County,  Feb.  12, 

Stotesbury,  John,  from  old  Eleventh  Pennsylvania,  commission  dated 
April  9,  1777  ;  be  was  a  prisoner  in  New  Yoi-k  for  some  time  ;  trans- 
ferred to  the  Second  Pennsylvania,  Jan.  17,  1781. 
Neilly,  Benjiimiii,  from  ensign,  Oct.  4,  1777. 

Finley,  Andrew,  on  return  of  Nov.  1,  1777;  marked  sick  since  October 
16th  ;  retired  in  1778  ;  resided  in  Westmoreland  County,  1813. 

Amberson,  William,  in  1779  he  was  deputy  muster-master-general ;  re- 
sided in  Mercer  County  in  1835. 

Read,  Archibald,  vice  Joseph  Brownlee,  Dec.  13,1778 ;  died  in  Allegheny 
County  in  1823. 

Graham,  Alexander,  vice  Basil  Prather,  April  1,  1779. 

Ward,  John,  April  2, 1779  ;  transferred  to  Second  Pennsylvania,  Jan.  17, 

Second  Lieutenants, 

Thompson,  William,  Aug.  9,  1776 ;  resigned  May  17, 1777. 

Simrall,  Alexander,  Aug.  9,  1776  ;  left  the  army  in  1777 ;  resided  in  Jef- 
ferson County,  Ohio,  in  1834,  aged  eighty-eight. 

Guthrie,  James,  Aug.  9,  1776. 

Rogers,  Philip,  Aug.  9, 1776. 

Smith,  Samuel,  Aug.  9, 1776;  killed  at  Germantown,  Oct.  4, 1777. 

Mountz,  Williajn,  Aug.  9,  1776;  resigned  April  17,  1777. 

Beeler,  James,  Jr.,  Aug.  9,  1776. 

Crawford,  John,  Aug.  9, 1776  ;  promoted  first  lieutenant,  April  18, 1777. 
[The  foregoing  second  lieutenants  were  commissioned  under  resolu- 
tion of  Congress,  Sept.  14, 1776,  dating  as  above.] 

Owine,  Barnabas,  marked  on  return  of  Nov.  1, 1777,  as  command  in  the 

Carnahan,  John,  resigned  in  1779. 

Neilly,  Benjamin,  promoted  to  first  lieutenant,  Oct.  4, 1777. 
Kerr,  Joseph. 
Simmons,  John. 
Wherry,  David. 

Mecklin,  Dewalt,  resigned  April  17, 1777. 
Weaver,  Valentine. 
Reed,  John. 
White,  Aquila,  left  the  army  Feb.  23,  1777 ;  resided  in  Montgomery 

County,  Ky.,  in  1834. 
[The  foregoing  ensigns  were  commissioned  under  a  resolution  of  Con- 
gress of  Sept.  14,  1776.] 
Forshay,  Thomas,  left  the  service  in  1777. 
McKee,  David,  left  the  service  in  1777. 
Peterson,  Gabriel,  on  a  return  of  June  9, 1777,  ho  is  marked  absent, 

wounded,  from  April  17,  1777;  promoted  to  first  lieutenant,  July 

26,  1777. 
Guthrie,  John,  appointed  Dec.  21,  1778. 
Morrison,  James,  appointed  Dec.  21, 1778. 
Wyatt,  Thomas,  appointed  Dec.  21, 1778  ;  resided  at  St.  Louis,  Mo.,  in 

1834,  aged  eighty. 
Cooper,  William,  appointed  April  19, 1779. 
Davidson,  Joshua,  appointed  .4pril  19, 1779;  resided  in  Brown  County, 

Ohio,  in  1833,  aged  eighty-one. 

McClure,  Rev.  David,  appointed  Sept.  12, 1776. 

Hutfnagle,  Michael,  appointed  Sept.  7, 1776. 
Crawford,  John,  lieutenant,  178U. 

Boyd,  John,  July  20, 1776. 


Douglass,  Ephraim,  Sept.  12, 1776 ;  taken  prisoner  while  acting  as  aide- 
de-camp  to  Gen.  Lincoln,  March  13, 1777;  exchanged  Nov.  27, 1780; 
prothonotary  of  Fayette  County  in  1783  ;  died  in  1833. 

Neilly,  Benjamin,  appointed  in  177S. 


Morgan,  Abel,  from  old  Elever 
Morton,  Hugh,  March  7, 1780. 

signed  iul779;  died  in  1785. 

Saple,  John  Alexander,  1778. 

Reed,  Archibald,  1778. 

Mxlster-roll  of  Capt.  Nehemiah  Stokelifs  company^  in  the  Eighth  Pennsyl- 
vania Jiegiment  of  Foot  ,in  the  service  of  the  United  States  of  America^ 
commanded  by  Col.  Daniel  Brodhead,  taken  .for  Vie  monlfu  of  Octo&er, 
November,  and  Deeennbei-,  1778,  and  January,  1779. 

Stokely,  Nehemiah,  Oct.  16, 1777  ;  supernumerary,  Jan.  31, 1779. 



First  Lieutenant. 
Hughes,  John,  Aug.  9, 1776;  resigned  Nov.  23,  1778. 

Wyatt,  Thomas,  Dec.  20, 1778,  on  command  at  Fort  Laun 


Crawford,  Robert,  three  years, 
Hezlip,  Rezin,  three  years. 
Smith,  John,  three  years, 
Armstrong,  George,  war 

d  at  Sugar  Camp. 


Bradley,  Thomas,  three  years. 

Jarret,  William,  three  years,  on  command  at  Fort  Laurens. 
Ackles,  Arthur,  three  years,  on  guard  at  block-house. 
Stevenson,  James,  three  years,  on  command  at  Sugar  Camp. 

Bower,  Michael. 


Bacon,  John,  war,  at  Fort  Laurens. 

Caldwell,  Robert,  three  y^ars,  on  command,  making  canoes. 

Cliue,  George,  three  years. 

Cooper,  Joseph,  three  years,  on  command  at  Fort  Laurens. 

Counse,  Felix,  three  years. 

Eyler,  Jonas,  war,  on  command  at  Fort  Laurens. 

Fisher,  John,  three  years. 

France,  Henry,  three  years. 

Handcock,  Joseph,  three  years. 

Hill,  Julin,  three  years. 

Holmes,  Nicholas,  three  years. 

Holstone,  George,  three  years,  on  command  at  Fort  Laurens. 

Kerr,  William,  three  years. 

Lamb,  Peter,  three  years,  on  commaod  at  Fort  Laurens. 

Lewis,  Samuel,  war. 

Lynch,  Patrick,  three  years,  on  command,  boating. 

McCombs,  Allen,  three  years. 

McCaully.  Edward,  war. 

McGreggor,  John,  war. 

McKeehan,  David,  three  years,  on  command  at  Fort  Laurens. 

McKissan,  James,  three  years. 

McLaughlin,  Patrick,  three  years. 

Matthew,  Willium,  three  years,  on  command,  boating. 

Marman,  George,  war,  on  command,  recruiting. 

Martin,  Paul,  three  years,  on  command  at  Fort  Laurens. 

Miller,  George,  three  years,  on  command  at  Fort  Laurens. 

Richard,  Richard,  three  years. 

Shaw,  Jacob,  three  years,  on  furlough. 

Shelhamer,  Peter,  three  years. 

Smith,  Emanuel,  three  years. 

Smith,  Jacob,  three  years. 

Smith,  John,  war. 

Sommerville,  William,  three  years,  on  command  ;  enlisted  Aug.  8,  1776, 

under  Capt.  Ourry ;  October,  1778,  appointed  conductor  of  artillery; 

see  letters  to  Pennsylvania  ^rcAiras,  second  series,  vol.  iii.,  p.  245,  etc.; 

he  was  appointed  by  President  Jefferson  postmaster  at  Martinaburg, 

Va.,  and  died  there,  March  18,  1826,  aged  seventy. 
Steel,  Thomas,  war. 
Tracey,  James,  war,  on  g:uard. 
Turner,  William,  three  years. 
Webb,  Hugh,  war,  on  command,  at  Sugar  Camp. 
Wilkie,  Edward,  war,  on  command  at  Fort  Laurens. 

Fort  McIntosh,  Feb.  21, 1779. 

Then  mustered  Capt.  Stokely's  company,  as  speci- 
fied in  the  above  roll. 

Wm.  Anderson, 
B.M.M.  Genl.,  M.D. 

I  certify  that  the  within  muster-roll  is  a  true  state 
of  the  company,  without  fraud  to  these  United  States, 
or  to  any  individual,  to  the  best  of  my  knowledge. 
Robert  Crawford, 


I  do  certify  that  there  is  no  commiHsioned  officer 
present  belonging  to  the  company. 

Daniel  Brodhrad, 
Col.  nth  Pa.  Regt. 


Nkw  YottK,  July  19, 1780. 

This  may  certify  that  the  above  and  foregoing  is  a 
true  copy  of  the  muster-roll  of  Capt.  Stokely's  com- 
pany, the  original  of  which  is  filed  in  this  office. 
Jno.  Pierce,  M.G. 


marked  («)  ai 

R3    AND    I'RIVAT 

)r  THE  EtoRTif    Pkhmtl- 

AL    LlNE.1 



>n  from  a  list  in  the  secretary's  ufflu  of  sol- 
diers  whose  depreciated  pay  escheated  to  the  Stat«.] 

Allison,  John,  died  in  Versailles,  Ky.,  Juno  16, 1823,  aged  sevpnty-fiTe 

Adams,  Robert. 

Atkinson,  Joseph. 

Adams,  George. 

Abrams,  Gabriel,  Kilgore'a  company,  1776-79. 
Aikins,  Robert,  resided  in  Bedford  County,  1790. 
Alcorn,  James,  transferred  to  Invalid  Corps,  July,  1780. 
AUen,  William,  deserted  August.  1778. 
Anderson,  Johnson. 

Anderson,  William,  resided  in  Mercer  County,  1809. 
Anderson,  George,  resided  in  Westmoreland  County,  1835,  aged  eighty- 
Armstrong,  George. 
Askins,  George. 

Aakins,  James,  deserted  August,  1778. 
Atkins,  Isaac. 

Baker,  Michael,  died  in  Greene  County,  111.,  Sept.  13, 1S31. 
Blake,  William. 
Byles,  Joseph,  of  Piggott's  company. 

Bond,  John. 

Bacon,  John. 
Bannon,  Jeremiah. 
Beard,  John,  deserted  August,  1778. 
Berkett,  Robert. 

Berlin,  Isaac,  died  iu  Crawford  County,  June  16, 1831,  aged  seventy-aix., 
Berry,  Michael. 

Bess,  Edward,  Van  Swearingen'i  company,  1776-79;  also  in  Crawford's 
campaign ;  died  in  Washington  County,  July  17, 1822,  aged  seventy- 
Blake,  Luke  William. 
Blake,  Nicholas,  enlisted  August,  1776. 


1  "  This  roll  of  the  I'Bnnsylvania  line  of  coai-se  falls  far  short  of  doiog 
justice  to  the  patriotism  of  Pennsylvania.    It  is  in  fact  a  mere  roll  of 
I   the  line  as  discharged  in  January,  1781.    The  hundreds  who  fell  in  all 
I    the  battles  of  the  Revolution,  from  Quebec  to  Charleston,  are  not  here; 
I   the  wounded  who  dragged  their  torn  limbs  home  to  die  in  their  na- 
tive valleys  are  not  here.    The  heaths  of  New  Jersey,  from  Taramus  to 
1   Freehold,  by  a  line  encircling  Morristowu  and  Bound  Brook,  were,  in 
I    the  summer  of  1777,  dotted  with  the  graves  of  the  Eighth  and  Twelfth 
'    Pennsylvania.    These  regiments  from  the  frontier  counties  of  the  Stole 
—Westmoreland  and  Northumberland— were  the  first  of  the  line  in  the 
field,  though  they  had  come  from  the  banks  of  the  Monongabela  and 
i   the  head-waters  of  the  Susquehanna.   At  Brandywine  the  Pennsylvania 
I   troops  lost  heavily,  the  Eighth  and  Twelfth  and  Col.  Hartley's  additional 
I   re"-iment  in  particular,  in  officers  ami  men  ;  and  Col.  ration's  additional 
regiment,  after  the  battle  of  Gerniantown,  could  not  maintain  its  regi- 
mental organization."- TVie  P«in.n(Irani<i  I«ie,/rom  Jyity  1,  1776,  lo  Nov. 
I   3,  1783. 



Blakeaey,  Gabriel,  private  at  Long  Island  ;  lieutenant  in  Flying  Camp ; 
captured  at  Fort  Washington  ;  resided  in  Washington  County,  1817. 

Bodkin,  James. 

Booth,  George. 

Boveard,  James,  Kilgore's  company,  1776-79;  died  in  1808,  in  East  Buf- 
falo township,  Union  County. 

Boyer,  Oziel,  killed  in  action. 

Brandon,  Michael. 

Bright,  John  (e).  » 

Bristo,  Samuel. 

Broadstock,  William. 

Brothers,  Matthew. 

BrowD,  John,  resided  in  Armstrong  County,  1825. 

Burbridge,  Thomas,  Kilgore's  company;  taken  December,  1780;  in  cap- 
tivity three  years;  resided  in  Westmoreland  County,  1805. 

Burket,  Christopher. 

Burns,  Pearce,  transferred  to  Invalid  Corps,  August,  1777. 

Byan,  David,  August,  1777-79 ;  Capt.  Piggott'e  company ;  served  at  Sara- 
toga under  Van  Swearingen ;  went  West  with  regiment,  1778 ;  at  the 
building  of  Fort  Mcintosh  and  Fort  Laurens;  Pennsylvania  pen- 
sioner, 1813. 


Cavenaugh,  Barney. 

Cheselden,  Edward. 

Clarke,  James. 

Cooper,  William,  of  Kilgore's  company. 

Crawford,  Robert,  Aug.  20,  1776-Sept.  15,  1779;  resided  in  Venango 
County,  1825. 


Clark,  David  (e),  Capt.  Kilgore's  company,  April,  1777. 


Cain,  Bartholomew. 

Cain,  John. 

Calahan,  John. 

Call,  Daniel,  resided  in  Westmoreland  County,  1821. 

Campbell,  George,  Mount  Pleasant,  Westmoreland  Co.,  1786 

Carr,  Daniel. 

Carrenger,  Martin. 

Carswell,  Joseph. 

Carty,  Richard. 

Caseves,  Patrick,  deserted  August,  1778. 

Castile,  Samuel. 

Cavenaugh,  John. 

Cavenaugh,  Patrick,  enlisted  at  Carlisle  in  Capt.  Huffnagle's  company; 
he  saved  Gen.  Lincoln  from  capture  by  the  British  in  New  Jersey; 
afterwards  express-rider  for  Gen.  Greene;  died  in  Washington 
County,  April  5, 1823,  aged  eighty-three. 

Chambers,  Andrew. 

Chambers,  Moses,  from  Ligonier;  deserted  August,  1778. 

Chriswell,  Joseph. 

Churchfield,  John,  enlisted  July,  1776;  wounded  in  the  leg  in  battle  of 
Germantown;  resided  in  Westmoreland  County,  1835,  aged  eighty- 
Clark,  Benjamin,  Kilgore's  company ;  wounded  at  Bound  Brook,  1777; 
also,  in  1778,  on  march  to  Fort  Mcintosh;  resided  in  Steubonville, 
Ohio,  1815. 

Close,  Robert. 

Coleman,  Joseph. 

Conner,  John. 

Connor,  Bryan,  enlisted  July  2, 1777. 

Conway,  Felix. 

Cooper,  Joseph,^  deserted  August,  1778;  died  Jan.  16,  1823,  in  Bedford 
County,  aged  sixty-eight. 

Cooper,  Leonai'd,  from  Maryland  ;  deserted  August,  1778. 

Cooper,  William,  Aug.  17,  1776-September,  1779;  resided  in  Venango 
County.  1810. 

Corner,  Felix. 

Coveney,  Felix. 

Cripps,  John. 

Critchlow,  James,  enlisted  August,  1776,  in  Capt.  Moses  Carson's  com- 
pany; served  in  all  the  Saratogaengagementa  under  Lieut.-Col.  But- 
ler; resided  in  Butler  County,  1835,  aged  seven ty-eigbt. 

•  The  fact  of  a  soldier  being  marked  on  one  roll  deserted  amounted  to 
nothing,  because  they  usually  returned  after  a  few  months'  absence. 

Crosley,  Timothy. 

Cruikshank,  Andrew,  Miller's  company,  Aug.  17,  1776-September,  1779; 
resided  in  Butler  County,  1810. 

Curtin,  John. 


Dennison,  James. 

Donnalsou,  William. 


Davis,  William,  died  in  Muskingum  County,  Ohio,  in  1834,  aged  eighty- 


Darragb,  John. 

Davis,  John,  died  in  Holmes  County,  Ohio,  June  7, 1830,  aged  sixty-four. 

Dempey,  Thomas. 

Dennis,  Michael. 

Dennis,  Thomas,  killed  in  April,  1779. 

Dennison,  Joseph  (e),  transferred  to  Seventh  Regiment. 

Desperett,  Henry. 

Dickerson,  Henry,  enlisted  1776  in  Van  Swearingen's  company  ;  at  Sara- 
toga, etc. ;  resided  in  Washington  County  in  1813. 

Dickson,  William. 

Dolphin,  Joseph. 

Dougherty,  James,  alias  Capt.  Fitzpatrick,  deJerted  August,  1778,  and  ex- 
ecuted for  robbery. 

Dougherty,  Mordecai,  brother  of  above,  deserted  August,  1778. 

Bowdeu,  John. 

Du  Kinson,  Joseph,  killed  in  action. 

Evans,  Arnold  (c). 
Edwards,  John. 


Evans,  Anthony,  promoted  to  fife-major.  Third  Pennsylvania. 


Edwards,  David  (e). 
Everall,  Charles. 

Fletcher,  Simon. 

Font,  Matthew. 
Forbes,  William. 

Fitzgibbons,  James. 


Faith,  Abraham,  Capt.  Mann's  company,  Aug.  15,  1776-Nov.  19, 1779; 
resided  in  Somerset  County  in  1825,  aged  seventy-four. 

Faughey,  James,  deserted  August,  1778 

Finn,  James,  transferred  to  Invalid  Corps. 

Fitzgibbons,  David. 

Fossbrooke,  or  Frostbrook,  John,  resided  in  Bath  Co.,  Ky.,  in  1834,  aged 
one  hundred  and  four. 

Fulton,  Joseph,  July  4, 1776. 


Gladwin,  John. 


Gallagher,  Michael,  June  7, 1776  ;  deserted  before  he  reached  the  regi- 

Gallagher,  John. 

Germain,  Henry. 

Gibbons,  David. 

Gibson,  Henry. 

Gill,  William,  wounded  in  hand  at  Bound  Brook;  resided  in  Mercer 
County  in  1833,  aged  eighty-four. 

Girdler,  James. 

Glenn,  Hugh,  killed  in  action. 

Graham,  Alexander,  deserted  August,  1778. 

Graham,  William,  Capt.  Kilgore's  company;  resided  in  Westmoreland 
County  in  1811. 

Greenland,  James. 

Grimes,  John. 

Guthery,  Archibald,  killed  August,  1779. 

Gwyne,  Joseph,  June  7,1776;  served  three  years;  resided  in  Greene 
County  in  1808. 


Halpen,  Joseph. 


Hamill,  Hugh,  Finley's  company,  177G-79;  resided  in  Westmoreland 
County  in  1809. 



Hancock,  Joseph  (e),  Capt.  Mann's  company,  1777;  rosiiiefl  in  Wayne 

County,  Ind.,  in  1834,  »ged  seventy- seven. 
Hauley,  Michael. 
Hardesty,  Obadiah,  residt-d   in    Lawreiico   County,  111.,  in    1833,  aged 

Harnian,  Conrad,  died  in  Muskingum  County,  Ohio,  June  9, 1822,  aged 

Harvey,  Samuel. 

Hezlip,  Rezin,  Stokely's  company;  resided  in  Baltimore  in  1813. 
Hayes,  Jacob,  from  Brandywine,  deserted  August,  1778. 
Hayps,  Joel,  from  Braudywine,  deserti'd  August,  1778. 
Hiere,  David,  deserted  August,  1778. 

Hoback,  Philip,  resided  in  Madison  County,  Ind.,  in  1820,  aged  sixty- 
Hockley,  Richard,  Capt.  Clarlt's  company ;  resided  in  Westmoreland 

County  in  1813. 
Hotten,  John,  Aug.  2,  1776-Sept.  17,  1779;  resided   in  Westmoreland 

County  in  1812. 
Humbar,  Nicholas. 
Hunter,  Nicholas  (e). 
Hunter,  Robert,  John  Finley's  company;  wounded  at  Bound  Brook  and 

Paoli ;  resided  in  Westmoreland  County  in  1808. 
Hutchinson,  John. 

Jamison,  John,  Capt.  Miller's  company  ;  enlisted  in  1776,  at  Kittaning; 
served  three  years  ;  resided  in  Butler  County  in  1835,  aged  eighty- 


Jennings,  Benjamin,  Sept. 9, 1776-Sept.  9,  1779,  in  Kilgore's  company; 
drafted  into  rifle  command ;  resided  in  Somerset  County  in  1807. 

Johnson,  Peter  (e),  resided  in  Harrison  County,  Va.,in  1829. 

Jones,  Benjamin,  resided  in  Champaign  County,  Ohio,  in  1833,  aged 

Jordan,  John,  Westmoreland  County. 

Justice,  Jacob,  resided  in  Bedford  County  in  1820. 

Kearns,  Robert. 
Kidder,  Benjami 


McKinney,  or  Kenney,  Peter,  Capt.  Clark's  company,  1776-79;  resided 
in  Butler  County  in  1835,  aged  seventy. 

Eain,  John. 
Kairns,  Godfrey. 
Kean,  Thomas,  Aug.  23, 1776,  Capt.  Montgomery's  company ;  he  was  an 

indentured  servant  of  William  Rankin. 
Kelly,  Edward. 
Kelly,  Roberts. 
Kelly,  Thomas. 
Kemble,  Jacob. 
Kerr,  Daniel. 
Kerr,  William,  Capt.  Miller's  company,  Aug.  1776-Sept.  9, 1779  ;  resided 

in  Westmoreland  County  in  1823. 
Kildea,  Michael,  paid  from  Jan.  1, 1777-Aug.  1, 1780. 

Sergea  nt-Major. 
Lee,  William,  died  in   Columbiana  County,  Ohio,  Jan.  6,  1828,  aged 

eighty -five. 

Lewis,  Samuel. 
Lucas,  Henry, 

Lacey,  Lawrence. 
Lacount,  Samuel. 
Landers,  David. 
Lawless,  James. 
Lecron,  John. 
Lewis,  William,  of  Brady's  company  ;  resided  in  Morgan  County,  Ohio, 

in  1831. 
Lingo,  Henry,  resided  in  Trumbull  County,  Ohio,  1834,  aged  seventy- 
Long,  Gideon,  resided  in  Fayette  County,  1835,aged seventy-nine. 
Long,  Jeremiah.  , 

Luckey,  Andrew,  of  Westmoreland  County;  Miller's  company;  became 

teamster  to  Kighth  Ponnsylviinia;  dUcharged  at  Vallty  Torg« ;  r^ 
sided  in  Fiiyutte  County,  1822,  aged  itxty-elgbt. 



McClure,  John. 

McGregor,  John. 


McAfee,  Matthew. 

Mairman,  George. 


Miller,  John,  killed  in  action. 


McAlly,  Edward. 

McAnary,  Patrick. 

McCarty,  Jeremiah. 

McCauUy,  Edward. 

McChristy,  Michael,  Capt.  Van  Swearingen's  company,  October,  1777. 

McCleau,  Abijah. 

McComb,  Alien,  of  Mann's  company,  1776-79 ;  resided  In  Indiana  County, 

McConuell,  John,  of  Huffnagle's  company,  Aug.  28, 1776-Augxi8t,  1779  ; 
died  in  Westmoreland  County,  Dec.  14, 1834,  aged  sevonty-eigtit. 

McFee,  Laughlin,  killed  in  action. 

McGill,  James. 

McGIaughlin,  Patrick. 

McGowen,  Mark,  enlisted  in  1775,  in  Capt.  Van  Swearlngen*8  company 
for  two  years  ;  Aug.  9, 1776,  this  company  was  broken  up,  and  he  re- 
enlisted  under  the  same  cnpt^un  in  Eighth  Pennsylvania,  and 
served  three  years;  resided  in  Mercer  County,  Ky.,  in  1830. 

McGuire,  Andrew. 

Mclnamy,  Patrick. 

McKee,  John,  resided  in  Bath  County,  Ky.,  in  1830. 

McKeuney,  Peter. 

McKinney,  John,  Capt.  S.  Miller's  company  ;  enlisted  March,  1778. 

McKissick,  Isaac. 

McKissick,  James,  Miller's  company  ;  resided  in  Maryland  in  1828. 

McMullen,  Thomas,  August,  1776-79;  died  in  Northampton  County  Id 

Martin,  George. 

Maxwell.  James,  1776-79,  Capt.  Montgomery's  company  ;  resided  in 
Butler  County  in  1822. 

Mercer,  George. 

Merryman,  William. 

Miller,  Isaac. 

Miller,  John. 

Mitchell,  James,  Mann's  company,  177&-79;  resided  in  Somerset  County 
in  1810. 

Mooney,  Patrick. 

Moore,  John. 

Moore,  William,  Capt.  Jack's  company,  November,  1777. 

Morrison,  Edward.  \ 

Morrow,  William,  transferred  to  Invalid  Corps,  August,  1780. 

Mowry,  Christian. 

Murphy,  Michael. 

Murray,  Neal,  August,  1776,  Miller's  company;  taken  at  Bound  Brook, 
April  17, 1777;  released,  and  rejoined  at  Germantown,  where  hewaa 
again  taken  and  made  his  escape. 

Ox,  Michael. 


Parker,  John. 

Porter,  Robert,  resided  in  Harrison  County,  Oliio,  1834,  aged  seventy 

one  years. 

Paris,  Peter,  Invalid  Corps,  Aug.  2, 1779. 
Parker,  Charles,  177G-79;  resided  in  Armstrong  County,  1S18. 
Pegg,  Benjamin,  Piggott's  company,  Aug.  13,  1776-Septeml)«r,  177 

resided  in  Miami  County,  Ohio,  in  1834,  aged  eighty-two. 
Penton,  Thomas. 

Perry,  Samuel,  Invalid  Corps,  September,  1778. 

Pottitt,  Matthew,  resided  in  Bath  County,  Ky.,  1834.  aged  seventy-four. 
Phillips,  Luke,  Aug.  28,  1776. 
Phillips,  Matthew. 
Reed,  Samuel. 
Ridner,  Conrad. 



HobiDBOD,  Simon. 

Williams,  Thomas,  killed  i 

Q  action. 

Booke,  Timothy. 

Wilson,  George,  Capt.  Huffnagle's  company,  October,  1777. 

Bourk,  Patrick. 

Wilson,  William,  resided  in 

Trumbull  County,  Ohio,  in  1820,  aged  sixty- 



Sample,  William. 

Winkler,  Joseph. 

Smith,  John,  1776-Sept.  20, 1779;  died  in  Indiana  County,  1811. 

Wolf,  Philip,  resided  in  Bedford  County  in  1790. 


Wyatt,  Thomas,  promoted  sergeant. 

Wyllie,  Owen. 

Swan,  Timothy,  renideJ  in  Trumbull  County,  Ohio,  in  1834. 

Wynn,  Webster. 


"Roll  op  Capt.  John  Clark's  Company, 

Seaton,  Francis. 

Sham, Michael,  resided  in  Rowan  County,  N.  C.,in  1834,aged  eighty-six. 

Shedacre,  Jacob,  Finley's  company;  killed  by  the  Indians  near  Potter's 

"  In  a  Detacht.  from  Penn.   Line,  Commanded   by  Stephen  Bayard,  Esq., 
Lt.  Colo.,  for  the  Months  of  Feb.,  March  <£•  April,  1783." 

fort,  Centre  County,  July  24,  1778;   had  served  under  Morgan  at 

Clark,  John. 




Shedam,  Jacob. 

Sheridan,  Martin. 

Paterson,  Gab"'. 

Bryaon,  Samuel. 

Sherlock,  Edward,  died  in  Ross  County,  Ohio,  Feb.  11, 1825,  aged  sixty- 

Crawford,  John. 

Everly,  Mich'. 



Shilbaminer,  Peter,  resided  in  Westmoreland  County  in  1824. 

McCline,  John. 

Blake,  Will". 

Shuster,  Martin. 

Baker,  Michl. 

Simmons,  Henry,  June  12,  1776,  Huffnagle's  company. 


Smith,  Henry,  resided  in  Bush  County.  Ind.,  in  1834,  aged  sixty-nine. 

Lee,  W">. 

Smith,  John,  Sr.,  resided  in  Frederick  County,  Va.,  in  1834,  aged  ninety. 


Smith,  John,  2d,  resided  in  Westmoreland  County  in  1835. 

Gladwin,  John. 

McAfee,  Math". 

Smith,  John,  3d,  from  MifHin  County ;  in  Ourry's  company,  October, 

Johnston,  Peter,  discharged  March     Marmon,  George. 

1777;  re-enlisted  from  Third  PennsylTania,  Capt.  Cook's;  taken  and 

17, 1783. 

scalped  at  Tuscarawas. 


Steel,  Thomas. 

Kidder,  Benj". 

Edwards,  Jno. 

Stephen,  Patrick,  Capt.  Kilgore's  company,  October,  1777. 


Stewart,  Charles. 

Stewart,  Francis. 

Bond,  Jno. 

Kenny,  Peter. 

Stewart,  Samuel. 


Stevenson,  Samuel. 

Amberson,  Johnston. 

Smith,  John. 

Stokely.  Thomas,  August,  1776 ;  resided  in  Washington  County  in  1823. 

Atchinson,  Joseph,  deserted  Sept.      Dixon,  Will". 

Straphan,  William. 

7,  1783. 

Dorough,  John. 

StubbB,  Robert. 

Bigget,  Robert. 

Fossbrook,  John.    ■ 

Sutton,  David. 

Boothe,  George. 

Gibson,  Henry. 

Swift,  John. 

Cardwell,  Joseph,  deserteo 

April      Girdler,  Jamee. 

Taggert,  William,  transferred  to  Invalid  Corps,  July,  1780. 

1, 1783. 

Harmon,  Conrad. 

Tea,  John. 

Caringer,  Martin. 

Hoetzley,  Richard. 

Tharp,  Perry,  resided  in  Marion  County,  Ky.,  in  1834. 

Carty,  Rich<i. 

Hutchison,  John. 

Turner,  William,  in  Stokely's  company,  Sept.  17, 1776-79 ;  resided  at  Con- 

Casteel,  Sam". 

Jones,  Benjn. 

nellsville,  Fayette  Co.,  in  1835,  aged  eighty-one. 

Chalmers,  And". 

Kerns,  Godfrey. 

Tweedy,  George. 

Clark,  James. 

Kerr,  Dan'. 

Van  Doren,  Thomas,  Finley's  company;  served  at  Saratoga;  killed  by 

Connor,  John. 

Landers,  David. 

the  Indians  near  Potter's  fort.  Centre  County,  July  24, 1778. 

Conway,  Felix. 

Lingo,  Henry. 

Vaughan,  Joseph,  enlisted  in  Capt.  Samuel  Moorehead's  company,  April 

Cripps,  John. 

Lucas,  Henry. 

24,  1776,  served  two  years  and  six  months;  then  drafted  into  Capt. 

Dinnis,  Mich'. 

Maxwell,  James. 

Miller's,  and  served  six  months;  resided  in  Half- Moon  township. 

Dinnison,  James. 

McAuley,  Edward. 

Centre  County,  in  1822,  aged  sixty-two. 

McGill,  James. 

McCristall,  Michi." 

Terner,  Peter,  Invalid  Corps,  Aug.  2, 1779. 

McGuire,  Andrew. 

Sherlock,  Edward,  prisoner  of  war ; 

Mercer,  George. 

joined  Feb.,  1783. 


Miller,  Isaac. 

Steed,  James,  deserted  27"'  March, 

Woods,  John,  transferred  to  Invalid  Corps. 

Mooney,  Patrick. 


Wyatt,  Thomas,  promoted  ensign,  Dec.  21, 1778;  shoulder-bone  broken 

Morrison,  Edward. 

Stuart,  Charles. 

at  Brandywine. 

Murphy,  Mich'. 

Tharpe,  Perry. 


Ox,  Michael. 

Wharton,  Willm. 

Ward,  Matthias. 

Parker,  Charles. 

Willson,  WilW. 


Rooke,  Timothy. 

Winkler,  Joseph  V. 

Whitman,  John. 




"  Now  Captain  John  Finley^s 

Co7npany,  of  the  Delachm^  from  the  Penn.  Line 

Wagoner,  Henry,  1776-79  ;  resided  in  Cumberland  County  in  1819. 

ill  the  Service  of  the  United  States  of  America,  commanded  by  U  Col" 

Waine,  Michael,  deserted  August,  1778. 

Sleph'  Bayard,  for  the  months  of  Feb.,  March,  and  April,  1783." 

Waters,  Joseph,  1776-79. 


Watson,  John,  July  4, 1777. 

Weaver,  Adam,  1776-79,  Kilgore's  company  j  resided  in  Westmoreland 

Brady,  Samuel. 

Finley,  John. 

County  in  1821. 

Lieuteiunits . 

Wharton,  William,  resided  in   Pendleton  County,  Ky.,  in  1834,  aged 

Mahon,  John. 

Ward,  John. 


Wilkey,  David,  deserted  August,  1778. 



Wilkie,  Edward. 

Fletcher,  Simon. 

Wilkinson,  William. 


Williams,  John,  Invalid  Corps,  Aug.  2,  1779. 

Font,  Matthew. 

Sample,  William. 

Williams,  Lewis,  resided  in  Muskingum  County,  Ohio,  in  1834,  aged 

Cheselden,  Edward. 

^           Porter,  Robert. 


Allison,  John. 



Evans,  Anthony. 

Davis,  Will". 
Adams,  Robert. 

Miller,  John. 
Adama,  George. 



AnderBoii,  George. 
Banuon,  Jeremiah. 
Branon,  Michael. 
Brothers,  Matthew. 
Brown,  John. 
Cain,  John. 
Callahan,  John. 
Cavenaugh,  Barney. 
Coleman,  Joseph,  died  June  11, 

Crowley,  Timothy. 
Dinisey,  Thomas. 
Dolphin,  James. 
Evans,  Arnold,  deserted  June 

27,  1783. 
Everall,  Charles. 
Fitz  Gibbons,  David. 
Gibbons,  David. 
GoUacher,  John. 
Greenland,  James. 
Grimes,  John. 
Hanley,  Michael, 
Hobach,  Philip,  deserted  June 

2d  ;  joined  June  4,  1783. 
Jordon,  John,  discharged  July 

1,  1783. 
Kelley,  Edward. 
Lacey,  Lawrence. 

Lacorn,  John. 
Martin,  George. 
McGloughlin,  Patrick. 
Merryman,  W". 
Miller,  John. 
Mourey,  Christian. 
Phillips,  Matthew. 
Roairk,  Patrick,  died  Sept.  2, 

Robinson,  Simon. 
Sbereden,  Martin. 
Shuster,  Martin. 
Simmonds,  Henry. 
Smith,  John. 
Steel,  Thoniiis. 
Strephan,  WiUium. 
Stubbs,  Robert. 
Sutton,  David. 
Tea,  John. 
Terman,  Heni-y. 
Ward,  Matthias. 
Wilkinson,  Will". 
Williiims,  Lewis. 
Winn,  Webster. 

(faded  out),  Hugh. 

(faded  out),  Obediah. 

John  Finlet,  Capt. 

Immediately  after  the  departure  of  the  Eighth 
Pennsylvania  from  Kittaning  to  join  the  army  in 
the  East,  a  detachment  of  Westmoreland  militia 
marched  from  that  county  for  Philadelphia,  as  ap- 
pears from  the  following  letter,^  addressed  by  John 
Proctor  to  the  Council  of  Safety  : 

"Cablisle,  January  y«  27"'  1777. 

"  Dear  Sir, — I  am  on  my  Martch  with  a  party  of 
Melisha  from  the  county  of  Westmoreland,  of  the 
first  Batallion  of  about  240  ;  we  are  like  to  be  Scarse 
of  Cash,  and  will  not  be  able  to  Retch  Philadelphia 
with  a  Suplay,  and  hauve  Dispatched  the  Bairor 
Lent"  Coll"  Archibald  Lochry  to  your  Honourabble 
Bord,  and  I  hope  you  will  Send  by  Him  the  Sum 
whitch  you  may  think  Nesery.  Vitlin  is  very  high 
and  Hard  to  be  got. 

"  I  am  Sir, 
"  youre  Very  Humble  Ser't, 
"  John  Proctor." 
Directed : 

"  On  the  Service  of  the  United  States 
To  the  President  of  Council  in  Philadelphia, 
by  favour  sent  Coll"  Lochry." 

No  roll  of  this  detachment  has  been  found,  nor 
anything  further  ascertained  with  regard  to  its  move- 
ments or  services. 

1  Penn.  Archives,  1776-77,  p.  202. 

Other  than  the  military  organizationo  which  have 
already  been  mentioned,  viz. :  the  Eighth  Pennsyl- 
vania Regiment,  the  company  which  joined  Mile«' 
Rifles,  the  Seventh  and  Thirteenth  Virginia  Battal- 
ions, and  the  detachment  of  Westmoreland  militia, 
no  other  troops  were  raised  in  the  Monongahela  coun- 
try for  regular  service  in  the  Revolutionary  armies, 
though  many  were  afterwards  raised  for  the  various 
Indian  campaigns  and  expeditions.  From  that  time 
forward  to  the  close  of  the  war  the  able-bodied  men 
west  of  the  Monongahela  were  kept  constantly  on 
guard,  if  not  on  actual  duty,  against  Indian  incur- 
sions and  massacre  along  the  frontier  ;  and  it  could 
not  be  e.xpected  that  they  would  leave  their  families 
and  homes  defenseless  to  serve  in  the  armies  operating 
hundreds  of  miles  away  across  the  mountains. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  war  Col.  John  Neville  had 
taken  possession  of  Fort  Pitt  with  a  body  of  Virginia 
militia  from  the  Monongahela  and  Ohio  River  set- 
tlements, and  held  the  old  and  dilapidated  work  until 
superseded  in  the  command  by  Brig. -Gen.  Edward 
Hand,  an  officer  in  the  Continental  establishment  in 
1777.  During  Neville's  occupancy  he  pursued  a 
peaceful  policy  towards  the  Indians,  and  in  this 
course  he  was  supported  and  aided  by  Col.  George 
Morgan,  congressional  agent  of  Indian  attairs  in 
the  West,  who  soon  afterwards  became  a  resident  on 
Chartiers  Creek  at  the  place  now  known  as  Morganza, 
in  Washington  County.  By  their  combined  efforts, 
however,  they  failed  to  repress  the  hostility  of  the 
tribes,  except  the  Delawares,  who  then,  and  for  a 
considerable  time  afterwards,  remained  peaceable. 

In  1777  several  incursions  were  made  by  the  In- 
dians, among  which  was  an  attack  at  Wheeling  Creek 
near  Fort  Henry  (Wheeling),  which  is  mentioned  in 
the  following  letter  from  Capt.  Samuel  Measou  to  Gen. 
Edward  Hand,-  viz. : 

"  Fort  Henry,  June  S,  1777. 
"  Sir, — Yesterday,  between  the  hours  of  five  and 
six  o'clock,  as  a  few  of  Capt.  Van  Meter's  Company 
were  fishing  about  half  a  mile  from  this  fort  up 
Wheeling  Creek,  a  certain  Thoni.os  McCleary  and  one 
Lanimore,  being  some  distance  from  the  others,  were 
fired  on  by  a  party  of  Indians  to  the  number  of  six, 
seven,  or  eight  guns,  of  which  the  several  persons 
near  do  not  agree,  as  some  say  eight  or  upwards.  Lani- 
more and  others  gave  the  alarm.  I  went  to  the  place 
and  found  Tracks,  but  difficult  to  ascertain  the  num- 
ber of  Indians.  McClear>''s  shoe  being  found  which 
he  wore  when  he  received  the  wound,  we  presently 
found  him  killed  and  scalped.  He  had  run  about 
three  hundred  yards  from  the  creek.  Night  coming 
on  by  the  time  th.-it  we  were  satisfied  of  its  being  In- 
dians, I  proposed  to  set  out  this  morning  by  day- 
light in  pursuit,  and  have  drawn  out  of  Capt.  Virgin's 
company  eight  men,  so  that  we  amount  to  thirty  men 



well  equipt,  and  do  cross  the  river  at  this  place,  as 
they  seemed  by  their  Tracks  to  bend  their  direction 
down  the  river,  and  purpose  to  pursue  them  to  the 
last  extremity  and  hazard.  I  sett  off  at  eight  this 
morning,  and  flatter  myself  that  you  will  not  disap- 
prove our  Proceeding  but  call  on  me  if  any  occasion 
should  require,  and  as  I  may  not  return  to  the  ensuing 
council  at  Catfish,  I  take  this  opportunity  to  return 
your  Honour  the  strength  of  my  company,  which 
consists  of  fifty  men,  of  which  forty-five  are  in  good 
order  and  furnished  for  going  on  any  emergency  and 
expedition  that  may  be  necessary." 

From  this  letter  it  appears  probable  that  at  that 
time  the  fort  was  garrisoned  by  men  from  the  vicinity 
of  the  Monongahela, — the  company  of  Capt.  Brice 
Virgin,  who  resided  near  the  present  borough  of 
Washington,  and  that  of  Capt.  Van  Meter,  from  what 
is  now  Greene  County.  At  about  the  same  time  that 
the  above-mentioned  attack  was  made  at  Wheeling 
Creek,  a  small  party  of  Indians  was  prowling  on  the 
head-waters  of  Buffalo  Creek,  but  they  committed  no 
murders  in  the  vicinity  at  that  time. 

On  the  1st  of  September  a  force  of  two  hundred 
and  ten  Indians  laid  siege  to  Fort  Henry,  but  failed 
to  capture  the  place.  They  withdrew  across  the  Ohio 
with  but  trifling  loss  to  themselves,  after  having  killed 
fifteen,  and  wounded  five  more  of  the  whites.  On  the 
27th  of  the  same  month  a  Wyandot  party  of  forty 
warriors  attacked  a  body  of  forty-six  white  men  eight 
miles  below  Wheeling  on  the  Virginia  side  of  the 
Ohio.  In  this  action  twenty-one  of  the  white  men 
were  killed,  a  considerable  number  wounded,  and  one 
taken  prisoner  by  the  savages.  This  last-named  at- 
tack had  the  effect  to  create  a  general  panic  through 
all  the  country  from  the  Ohio  to  the  Monongahela. 

In  the  spring  of  1778  the  hostility  of  the  Indians 
became  far  more  active,  the  result  of  the  instigations 
of  the  British  on  the  lake  frontier,  and  still  more  by 
Simon  Girty  and  other  white  renegades  who  had  de- 
serted from  Fort  Pitt  and  gone  to  the  Indians  to  in- 
cite them  on  in  their  work  of  massacre  and  devasta- 
tion. In  January  of  that  year  Gen.  George  Rogers 
Clarke,  a  Virginia  officer,  whose  career  in  the  Dun- 
more  war  of  1774  has  already  been  noticed,  raised 
about  one  hundred  and  fifty  Virginians,  chiefly  on  the 
upper  Monongahela,  for  a  campaign  against  the  Brit- 
ish posts  in  the  far  West.  He  embarked  this  force  in 
boats  built  and  launched  on  the  Monongahela  at  and 
near  the  site  of  West  Brownsville.'     Passing  down 

1  Anotlier  expedition  that  started  from  the  same  viciuity  in  that  year 
was  that  of  David  Rogers,  who  had  been  authorized  by  the  Virginia 
government  to  pnrL'liase  supplies  in  New  Orleans.  He,  like  Clarke,  built 
keel-boats,  and  in  these,  with  about  thirty  men,  went  down  the  Monon- 
gahela in  June.  On  arriving  at  New  Orleans  he  found  that  he  must 
go  up  tlie  river  to  St.  Louis  to  receive  his  goods.  This  he  did,  but  more 
than  a  year  was  consumed  in  the  voyage,  and  when  on  his  way  back,  up 
the  Ohio,  in  October,  1779,  the  Indiums  attacked  his  party,  killed  nearly 
all  (including  Rogers),  took  the  rest  prisoners,  and  captured  the  entire 
cargoes  of  gooils,  consisting  of  provisiun-t,  clothing,  rum,  and  other  arti- 
cles, besides  a  considerable  amount  of  silver  money. 

the  Monongahela  and  Ohio  in  May,  he  received  rein- 
forcements at  points  below  on  the  Ohio,  proceeded 
to  the  lower  river,  disembarked  his  forces,  and  march- 
ing thence  through  a  wilderness  country  partly  sub- 
merged in  many  places,  effected  the  reduction  and 
capture  of  Vincennes,  Kaskaskia,  and  other  British 
posts  west  of  the  Wabash,  achieving  a  success  that 
at  once  made  his  name  famous. 

In  February,  1778,  Gen.  Hand  made  an  expedition 
into  the  Indian  country  west  of  the  Ohio,  the  first 
which  entered  that  region  in  any  considerable  force 
in  the  Revolution.  About  five  hundred  men  marched 
from  Fort  Pitt  and  proceeded  to  the  Cuyahoga  River 
for  the  purpose  of  destroying  some  British  stores  re- 
ported to  be  there.  The  result  of  this  movement  was 
one  Indian  warrior  and  one  squaw  killed,  and  one 
squaw  taken  prisoner ;  and  of  the  white  troops,  one 
captain  wounded  and  one  man  drowned.  From  the 
insignificance  of  its  achievements  this  was  called  in 
derision  the  "  Squaw  Campaign." 

In  May,  1778,  Gen.  Hand  was  succeeded  in  the 
pommand  of  the  Western  Department  by  another 
Continental  officer,  Brig.-Gen.  Lachlin  Mcintosh,  who 
brought  with  him  a  small  force  from  the  regular  Con- 
tinental line.  In  the  mean  time  Pennsylvania  and 
Virginia  had  become  aroused  to  the  danger  menacing 
their  western  frontiers,  and  had  taken  measures  to 
raise  a  force  for  their  protection.  The  Congress  too 
had  become  aware  of  the  increased  hostility  of  the 
Indians  and  its  cause,  and  had  awakened  to  the  press- 
ing necessity  of  more  active  measures  for  the  protec- 
tion of  the  almost  defenseless  borders.  This  resulted 
in  the  determination  to  send  an  expedition  for  the  re- 
duction of  the  British  post  of  Detroit,  as  the  surest 
means  of  overawing  the  savages  and  so  insuring  the 
safety  of  the  frontier. 

Orders  were  therefore  issued  to  Gen.  Mcintosh  to 
organize  the  proposed  expedition  and  march  against 
Detroit.  In  obedience  to  these  orders  he  moved 
down  the  Ohio  River  with  his  little  force  of  Conti- 
nentals, a  battalion  of  Virginians,  and  several  com- 
Jjanies  of  Pennsylvanians  (raised  by  the  State  for  the 
emergency  as  before  mentioned),  and  halting  at  the 
mouth  of  Beaver,  the  site  of  the  present  town  of  that 
name,  erected  there  a  small  fort,  which  was  named  Fort 
Mcintosh.  This,  the  first  military  work  ever  erected 
by  the  United  States  on  the  Indian  side  of  the  Ohio, 
was  a  stockade,  but  bastioned,  and  on  each  bastion 
was  mounted  a  six-pounder  gun.  It  was  scarcely  more 
than  worthless  as  against  even  light  artillery,  but 
for  the  for  which  it  was  built  was  considered 

By  the  time  Fort  Mcintosh  was  completed  it  was 
found  that  the  proposed  expedition  against  Detroit 
would  be  too  expensive  an  undertaking  for  the  slen- 
der resources  of  the  Congress.  It  was  therefore 
abandoned.  Gen.  Mcintosh,  having  received  orders 
to  proceed  instead  at  his  discretion  against  some  of  the 
Indian  settlements,  and  having  decided  on  an  expedi- 



tion  against  the  Wyandot  towns  on  the  upper  waters  of 
the  Sandusky,  leaving  a  garrison  at  tlie  fort,  marched 
with  about  one  thousand  men  into  the  western  wil- 
derness towards  his  objective-point.  But  for  some 
cause  which  is  not  perfectly  clear,  on  reaching  the 
Muskingum  River  he  decided  to  proceed  no  farther 
until  spring,  and  therefore  halted  there  and  erected  a 
defensive  work,  which  he  named,  in  honor  of  the  pres- 
ident of  the  Continental  Congress,  Fort  Laurens. 
It  was  a  weak  stockade,  located  on  the  west  bank  of 
the  river,  near  the  site  of  the  present  town  of  Bolivar, 
Tuscarawas  Co.,  Ohio.  Having  decided  on  a  suspen- 
sion of  operations  for  the  season,  he  left  in  the  fort  a 
garrison  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  men,  under  com- 
mand of  Col.  John  Gibson,  and  returned  with  the 
main  body  of  his  force  to  Fort  Pitt. 

In  January  following  Gen.  Mcintosh's  return  to 
Fort  Pitt,  Col.  Gibson  at  Fort  Laurens  suddenly 
found  himself  besieged  by  a  body  of  about  eight 
hundred  and  fifty  Indians,  who  reached  the  vicinity 
of  the  fort  in  the  evening  after  dark.  During  the 
first  night  of  the  presence  of  the  savages  they  caught 
the  horses  which  were  outside  the  fort,  took  off  their 
bells,  and  led  them  some  distance  into  the  woods, 
then  concealing  themselves  in  the  grass  that  bordered 
the  path  to  the  woods,  and  at  about  daybreak  a  party 
of  them  commenced  rattling  the  bells  at  a  point  be- 
yond the  ambush.  The  people  in  the  fort  supposed 
the  horses  were  there,  and  sixteen  men  were  sent  to 
bring  them  in.  When  they  had  been  drawn  suffi- 
ciently into  the  amljushment  the  concealed  Indians 
fired  on  them  in  front  and  rear,  killing  all  but  two, 
who  were  taken  prisoners.  In  the  afternoon  of  the 
same  day  the  whole  Indian  force  marched  within  full 
view  of  the  garrison  to  an  elevated  piece  of  ground 
on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river,  where  they  made 
their  encampment.  The  siege  of  the  fort  continued 
for  six  weeks,  at  the  end  of  which  time  the  garrison 
became  greatly  straitened  for  provisions,  but  it  proved 
that  the  savages  were  still  more  so.  During  the  time 
of  their  stay  frequent  conversations  were  held  be- 
tween the  besiegers  and  besieged,  the  former  telling 
Col.  Gibson  that  they  did  not  want  war,  but  they 
were  determined  that  the  white  man  should  not  come 
and  occupy  their  country  and  build  forts  within  it. 
With  Col.  Gibson's  garrison  there  was  a  Delaware 
Indian  called  John  Thompson,  who  during  the  in- 
vestment had  been  permitted  by  both  parties  to  go  to 
and  fro  between  the  Indian  camp  and  the  fort  at  will. 
Finally  the  savages  sent  word  by  this  Thompson  to 
the  white  commandant  that  they  wanted  peace,  and 
would  make  a  treaty  and  leave  the  place  if  he  would 
send  them  a  barrel  of  flour  and  some  tobacco.  The 
garrison  were  terribly  reduced  for  provisions,  but  Col. 
Gibson  acceded  to  the  request  of  the  Indians,  and 
sent  them  the  articles  demanded,  whereupon  the  sav- 
ages raised  the  siege  and  marched  away  through  the 
woods,  but  did  not  keep  their  promise  to  make  a 
treaty  of  peace. 

Col.  Gibson  had  a  large  number  of  (tick  men  in  hig 
garrison,  and  soon  afUjr  the  Indians  had  apparently 
left  the  vicinity,  he  detached  Col.  Clarke  with  fifleco 
men  to  escort  these  invalids  to  Fort  Mclot'wh,  bat 
they  had  not  proceeded  far  from  the  fort  when  they 
fell  into  an  amimsli  of  the  treacherous  Indiunt,  and 
all  were  killed  or  taken  prisoners  except  Col.  Clarke 
and  three  others  who  succeeded  in  making  their  es- 
cape to  the  fort.  This  act  of  perfidy  so  incensed  Col. 
Gibson  that  he  at  once  sallied  out  with  the  main  part 
of  his  force,  determined  to  attack  and  punish  the  In- 
dians for  their  treachery,  Ijut  the  savage  forces  had 
disappeared  and  were  not  again  seen. 

During  the  continuance  of  the  siege,  Col.  Gibson 
had  managed  to  send  a  friendly  Delaware  with  a 
message  to  Gen.  Mcintosh  at  Fort  Pitt,  notifying  him 
that  unless  men  and  provisions  were  promptly  sent 
him  he  would  be  compelled  to  surrender.  The  gen- 
eral sent  messengers  in  ha.ste  to  the  settlers  up  the 
Monongahela,  acquainting  them  of  the  situation  of  af- 
fairs at  Fort  Laurens,  and  asking  instant  aid  in  men 
and  provisions.  The  settlers  promptly  responded, 
many  volunteering  for  the  expedition  of  relief,  and 
others  furnishing  pack-horses,  with  an  abundant  sup- 
ply of  provisions.  With  these  and  a  part  of  the  gar- 
rison of  Fort  Pitt  (making  an  entire  force  of  about 
seven  hundred  men).  Gen.  Mcintosh  set  out  without 
delay,  and  marched  rapidly  to  Fort  Laurens,  which 
was  reached  a  few  days  after  the  departure  of  the  be- 
sieging force  of  Indians  When  the  relief  force  ap- 
peared in  sight  at  the  fort  the  joy  of  the  garrison  was 
great,  and  found  expression  in  the  firing  of  a  salute 
of  musketry,  which,  however,  cost  them  dear,  for  it 
frightened  the  pack-horses  and  caused  them  to  break 
loose  and  run  into  the  woods  with  their  loads,  by 
which  accident  a  great  part  of  the  flour  was  lost,  the 
sacks  being  broken  open,  and  their  contents  scattered 
among  the  trees  and  bushes  so  that  it  could  not  be 
recovered.     The  meats  of  course  were  not  injured.  - 

A  new  garrison  under  Maj.  Frederick  Vernon  was 
left  at  Fort  Laurens,  and  Gibson's  command,  with  the 
main  force  under  Gen.  Mcintosh,  returned  to  Fort 
Pitt.  During  the  stay  of  Maj.  Vernon  at  Fort  Lau- 
rens the  garrison  under  his  command  was  reduced  to 
the  verge  of  starvation,  and  finally,  in  the  spring  of 
1779,  the  fort  was  evacuated  and  abandoned.  The 
evacuation  of  Fort  Mcintosh  followed  soon  after- 
wards. The  withdrawal  of  the  troops  from  these 
forts  was  the  final  abandonment  of  the  proposed  ex- 
peditions of  Gen.  Mcintosh  against  the  British  post 
of  Detroit  and  the  Wyandot  towns  on  the  Sandusky. 
The  troops  with  which  he  had  prosecuted  his  oper- 
ations at  Forts  Mcintosh  and  Laurens  in  1778  and 
the  early  part  of  1779  were,  with  the  exception  of 
the  small  Continental  force  which  he  brought  with 
him  from  the  East,  made  up  almost  exclusively  of 
men  from  the  country  between  the  Laurel  Hill  and 
the  Ohio  River,  the  territory  which  afterwards  be- 
came Washington  County  furnishing  its  full  share. 


Through  all  the  Monongahela  country  and  west- 
ward to  the  Ohio  River  there  was  great  consternation 
and  alarm  and  no  little  indignation  at  the  with- 
drawal of  the  garrisons  of  the  frontier  forts,  Mcintosh 
and  Laurens,  and  public  meetings  were  held  to  me- 
morialize Congress  and  pray  for  the  re-occupation  of 
the  posts.  But  Congress  could  do  nothing,  for  the 
operations  of  the  armies  in  the  East  called  for  all,  and 
more  than  all.  the  men  and  means  at  command.  So 
the  borders  were  of  necessity  left  for  the  time  to  take 
care  of  themselves  and  protect  their  exposed  frontiers 
from  savages,  white  outlaws,  and  the  British. 

Gen.  Mcintosh  had  retired  from  the  command  of 
the  Western  Department  in  1779,  and  was  succeeded 
by  Col.  Daniel  Brodhead,  who,  as  it  appears,  was 
invested  with  power  to  order  out  the  militia  of  the 
western  counties  through  the  several  county  lieuten- 
ants. Early  in  1780  the  Indians  commenced  their 
work  of  devastation  in  the  frontier  settlements.  On 
the  18th  of  March,  Col.  Brodhead,  in  a  communica- 
tion to  the  president  of  the  Council,'  said,  "  I  am 
sorry  to  inform  you  that  the  Savages  have  already 
begun  their  hostilities.  Last  Sunday  morning  at  a 
Sugar  Camp  upon  Raccoon  Creek  five  Men  were 
killed  &  tliree  lads  &  three  girls  taken  prisoners.  It 
is  generally  conjectured  that  the  Delawares  ^  have 
struck  this  blow,  and  it  is  probable  enough,  but  it  is 
possible  it  may  have  been  done  by  other  Indians.  If 
the  Delawares  are  set  against  us,  with  their  numerous 
alliances,  they  will  greatly  distress  the  frontier,  as 
my  Force  is  quite  too  small  to  repell  their  invasions. 
I  have  wrote  to  the  Commander-in-Chief  for  a  rein- 
forcement from  the  main  army,  but  I  fear  it  will  not 
be  in  his  power  to  detach  any  of  the  troops.  .  .  You 
may  rely  on  my  giving  every  possible  protection  & 
countenance  to  our  settlements,  but  I  have  very  little 
in  my  power  without  calling  out  the  Militia,  and  for 
them  I  have  no  provisions.  What  Col.  Geo.  Morgan 
[congressional  Indian  agent]  has  been  doing  this 
two  years  past  I  know  not,  but  I  conceive  that  if  he 
had  been  where  his  employment  required  we  should 
have  been  much  better  provided." 

On  the  27th  of  April  the  commandant  said,  in  a  letter 
to  the  president  of  the  Council,  "  I  am  glad  to  hear 
of  the  four  Companies  voted  to  be  raised  by  the 
authority  of  the  State  for  the  Defense  of  the  frontier, 
and  as  I  flatter  myself  the  Eastern  parts  of  the  State 
are  at  present  freed  from  apprehensions  of  Danger, 
so  I  hope  these  Companies,  when  raised,  will  be  or- 
dered to  this  District,  where  the  Enemy  are  remark- 
ably hostile.  Between  forty  and  fifty  men,  women, 
&  Children  have  been  killed  &  taken  from  what  are 
now  called  the  Counties  of  Yoghogania,  Monongalia, 
&  Ohio  since  the  first  of  March  [meaning  the  country 
west  of  the  Monongahela  River],  but  no  damage  has 

'  Penn.  Arch.,  1779-81,  p.  140. 

2  It  was  afterwards  proved  that  the  Delawares  had  no  hand  in  or 
knowledge  of  this  bloody  business,  and  it  was  so  announced  by  Col. 

yet  been  done  in  the  County  of  Westmoreland.  It 
is  to  be  lamented  that  our  treasury  is  low,  but  as  I 
always  avoid  an  anticipation  of  evil,  so  I  hope  for 
better  accounts  from  thence."  On  the  13th  of  May 
he  again  wrote  the  president,^  saying,  "  The  Mingoes 
are  again  prevailed  on  by  English  Goods  &  address 
to  disturb  our  repose.  They  have  lately  killed  and 
wounded  several  people  in  Westmoreland  County,  & 
the  Tracks  of  four  parties  have  been  discovered  on 
that  frontier  within  the  last  four  Days,  and  two  par- 
ties of  Indians  have  crossed  the  Ohio  between  Logs- 
town  and  this  place  [Fort  Pitt]  since  Morning.  I 
have  only  the  Cullings  of  the  last  year's  men  left, 
and  can  do  but  very  little  to  prevent  their  incursions, 
but  do  all  I  can. 

"  The  Delaware  Indians  continue  their  professions 
of  Friendship,  and  some  of  them  are  now  with  my 
Scouts ;  but  having  nothing  but  fair  words  to  give 
them,  I  expect  they  will  soon  be  tired  of  this  Service. 
For  heaven's  sake  hurry  up  the  Companies  voted  by 
the  Hon'ble  Assembly,  or  Westmoreland  County  will 
soon  be  a  wilderness." 

In  view  of  this  alarming  situation  of  affairs.  Col. 
Brodhead  conceived  that  offensive  operations  against 
the  Indians  west  of  the  Ohio  would  be  the  surest 
means  of  securing  peace  and  safety  for  the  frontier 
settlements,  and  accordingly  he  at  once  commenced 
the  fitting  out  and  organizing  of  such  an  expedition, 
to  be  composed  chiefly  of  troops  drafted  from  the 
militia  of  the  western  counties.  Reference  to  this 
proposed  expedition  is  made  in.the  following  letter, 
addressed  by  Brodhead  to  Col.  Joseph  Beelor,*  county 
lieutenant  of  Yohogania  County,  Va.,  it  being  a  cir- 
cular letter  addressed  also  to  the  lieutenants  of  the 
Virginia  counties  of  Monongalia  and  Ohio,  viz. : 

"Head-Quaetees,  Foet  Pitt,  May  9th,  1780. 

"  Dear  Sir, — I  find  it  will  not  be  in  my  power  to 
provide  for  the  number  of  men  I  have  ordered  to  be 
called  into  service  so  soon  as  I  expected.  Besides,  I 
have  heard  that  a  number  of  Artillery  and  Stores 
and  two  Regiments  of  Infantry  are  now  on  their 
march  to  reinforce  my  command.  The  account  of 
Artillery  and  Stores  I  have  received  officially,  and  I 
believe  the  other  may  be  credited. 

"  It  will  be  essentially  necessary  for  the  leading 
officers  of  your  County  to  excite  the  greatest  industry 
in  planting  and  sowing  the  Summer  crop,  and  to  have 
your  troops  at  Fort  Henry  (Wheeling,  Va.)  by  the 
4th  day  of  next  month.  The  Militia  should  be 
drafted  for  two  months,  although  the  expedition  will 
probably  end  in  one,  and  let  them  be  well  armed  and 
accoutred  as  circumstances  will  admit.  Encourage 
them  to  bring  two  weeks'  allowance  of  provisions  lest 
there  should  be  a  deficiency. 

3  Pa.  Arch.,  1779-81,  p.  246. 

*  Col.  Beelor  was  a  resident  on  Chartiers  Creek,  in  what  is  now  Peters 
township,  Washington  Co.  Therefore  the  letter  has  reference  to  the 
drafting  of  troops  from  the  militia  in  the  region  now  Washington 



"  I  have  no  doubt  but  you  and  all  the  good  People 
of  your  County  are  convinced  of  the  necessity  there 
is  for  prosecuting  some  offensive  operations  against 
the  Savages,  and  I  trust  that  by  a  well-timed  move- 
ment from  the  new  settlements  down  the  river  to 
favour  our  Expedition  we  shall  be  enabled  to  strike 
a  general  panic  amongst  the  hostile  tribes.  I  am 
averse  to  putting  too  much  to  hazard,  as  a  defeat 
would  prove  fatal  to  the  settlements,  and  therefore  I 
expect  the  full  quota  of  men  will  be  furnished,  which 
with  the  blessing  of  Divine  Providence  will  insure 
success.  Indeed,  I  expect  besides  the  Militia  many 
will  turn  out  volunteers  to  secure  to  themselves  the 
blessings  of  peace. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be  with  great  respect, 
"  Yours, 

"  Daniel  Beodhead, 
"  Col.  Com'd'g  W.  D." 

In  reference  to  the  same  matter  the  following  cir- 
cular letters  were  addressed  to  Cols.  Joseph  Beelor, 
lieutenant  of  Yohogania,  John  Evans,  of  Monongalia, 
Archibald  Lochry,  of  Westmoreland,  and  David 
Shepherd,  of  Ohio  County,  Va.,  viz. : 

"  Heab-Q'r's,  Fobt  Pitt,  May  20, 1780. 

"  Deae  Sir, — I  find  it  impossible  to  procure  a  suf- 
ficient quantity  of  provisions  to  subsist  the  Troops 
which  were  intended  to  be  employed  on  an  expedi- 
tion against  the  Indians  in  alliance  with  Great  Britain ; 
therefore  you  will  be  pleased  to  give  immediate  no- 
tice to  such  as  are  warned  not  to  march  until  you  re- 
ceive further  notice  from  me.  In  the  mean  time  I 
shall  endeavor  to  give  every  possible  protection  to  the 
settlements  and  amuse  the  Indians  by  speeches.  I 
am  sorry  for  having  given  you  the  trouble  of  drafting 
the  militia,  but  the  disappointments  with  regard  to 
the  means  of  getting  supplies  are  very  embarrassing, 
and  must  apologize  for  the  alteration  in  our  measures." 

Another  addressed  by  Col.  Brodhead  to  the  county 
lieutenants  was  as  follows : 

*' Headquartebs,  Fort  Pitt,  July  31, 1780 

"  Dear  Sir, — I  am  informed  by  Col'nl  Beeler  that 
he  has  had  a  meeting  of  his  Officers,  and  that  it  is  the 
general  opinion  fifteen  days'  allowance  of  salt  pro- 
visions cannot  be  furnished  by  the  Volunteers  who 
were  expected  to  aid  the  Regular  Troops  in  the  pro- 
posed Expedition  against  the  hostile  Indians,  and 
that  fresh  provisions  cannot  be  pr&served  for  so  many 
days  at  this  warm  season  of  the  year.  I  believe  the 
generality  of  the  inhabitants  in  these  new  settlements 
have  not  meat  of  their  own  at  this  season  of  the  year 
sufficient  to  spare  for  their  subsistence  on  the  expedi- 
tion. And  I  have  the  mortification  to  assure  you  that 
the  public  magazines  are  quite  empty,  and  that  I  can- 
not yet  see  a  prospect  of  obtaining  a  sufficient  supply 
for  the  sustenance  of  the  Troops  already  in  service. 
Under  these  circumstances  I  find  it  indispensably 
necessary  to  postpone  the  rendezvousing  the  troops 
until  our  affairs  wear  a  more  favorable  aspect.     And 

as  I  wish,  in  matters  of  such  great  Pubiick  weight 
and  concern,  to  have  tiie  advice  and  concurrence  of 
the  principal  Officers,  I  must  request  you  t«  meet 
your  Brother  Lieut«nant<iof  the  otlicr  Counties  at  my 
quarters  on  the  Kith  day  of  next  month,  in  order  that 
mea-sures  to  be  adopted  for  the  annoyance  of  the 
enemy  and  the  defense  of  the  Frontier  Settlementii 
may  be  well  weighed  and  understood;  at  which  time, 
too,  it  will  be  in  my  power  to  inform  you  what  Pub- 
lick  Supplies  can  be  procured  for  the  numbers  that 
may  be  deemed  necessary  to  employ." 

These  letters  from  the  commandant  at  Fort  Pitt 
show  the  principal  cause  (lack  of  supplies)  that  com- 
pelled him  to  postpone  from  time  to  time  his  proposed 
expedition  into  the  Indian  country,  a  cause  which, 
more  than  any  other,  delayed  the  execution  of  the 
project  until  the  following  year.  At  the  time  in 
question  the  officers  commanding  the  few  American 
troops  west  of  the  Alleghenies  had  great  difficulty  in 
obtaining  the  supplies  necessary  for  the  subsistence  of 
their  men.  On  the  7th  of  December,  1780,  Gen. 
Brodhead  said  in  a  letter  of  that  date  addressed  to 
Richard  Peters,'  "  For  a  long  time  past  I  have  had 
two  parties,  commanded  by  field-officers,  in  the  coun- 
try to  impress  cattle,  but  their  success  has  been  so 
small  that  the  troops  have  frequently  been  without 
meat  for  several  days  together,  and  as  those  com- 
mands are  very  expensive,  I  have  now  ordered  them 
in."  He  also  said  that  the  inhabitants  on  the  west 
side  of  the  mountains  could  not  furnish  one-half 
enough  meat  to  supply  the  troops,  and  that  he  had 
sent  a  party  of  hunters  to  the  Little  Kanawha  River 
to  kill  buffaloes,  "  and  to  lay  in  the  meat  until  I  can 
detach  a  party  to  bring  it  in,  which  cannot  be  done 
before  spring." 

The  two  parties  mentioned  by  Col.  Brodhead  as 
having  been  sent  out  by  him,  and  kept  for  a  long 
time  in  the  country  for  the  purpose  of  impressing 
cattle,  were  undoubtedly  the  commands  of  Capts. 
Samuel  Brady'  and  Uriah  Springer,  of  Weetmore- 

1  In  the  same  letter  to  Peters,  Brodliead  made  allusion  to  the  furnish- 
ing of  spirits  for  the  use  of  the  troops,  and  indicated  pretty  plainly  his 
preference  for  imported  liiiuor  over  the  whiskey  of  Monongiihela,  viz. : 
"  In  one  of  your  former  lettei-s  you  did  me  the  honor  to  inform  me  that 
his  Excellency  the  commander-in-chief  liad  demanded  of  our  State 
seven  thousand  gallons  of  rum,  and  now  the  commissioner  of  Westmore- 
land informs  me  that  he  has  verlwl  instructions  to  purchase  tliat  quan- 
tity of  whiskey  on  this  side  of  the  mountains.  I  hop<>  we  shall  be  fui^ 
nished  with  a  few  hundred  gallons  of  liquor  fit  to  be  drank." 

2  Capt.  Brady  had  then  recently  returned  fivim  an  expeilition  to  the 
Indian  towns  in  the  Northwest.  In  a  letter  written  by  Col.  Brodhead, 
at  Fort  Pitt,  to  President  Beed,  in  the  first  part  of  the  preceding  June, 

he  said,  "Capt»  Brady,  w 
for  Sandusky,  with  a  vie\ 
Scalps.  One  of  his  India 
cowardly.  He  has  been  o 
back  again,  if  he  is  fortu 
to  the  notice  of  the  Hon' 

ill)  five  men  v*^  two  Delaware  Indians,  set  out 
V  to  bring  off  a  british  Prisoner  or  some  Indian 
ns  left  him  and  returned  to  this  place,  sick  or 
lut  ten  days,  and  in  as  many  more  I  expect  him 
nate.  I  beg  leave  to  recommend  Cap"  Brady 
ble  Kxecutive  Council  as  an  excellent  officer, 
for  want  of  the  pro- 
er  since  the  resi^na- 

atid  I  sincerely  wish  he  may  not  leave  the  servi< 
motion  he  has  merited  and  is  justly  entitled  to, 
tion  of  Captain  Moore." 

Ciipt.  Lieut.  Brady's  return  from  his  expedition  was  Dotice<l  by  Ool. 
Brodhead  in  a  letter  addressed  to  President  Beed,  dated  Fort  Pitt,  June 



land,  the  former  a  resident  of  that  part  which  after- 
wards became  Washington  County,  and  the  latter  of 
that  which  became  Fayette.  Brady's  party  was  sent 
up  the  west  side  of  the  Monongahela,  and  Springer's 
to  the  east  side  of  that  river  and  up  the  valley  of 
the  Redstone.  The  following  letters,  addressed  by 
the  commandant  to  those  officers,  show  something  of 
the  nature  of  the  service  in  which  they  were  engaged, 
and  the  difficulties  they  encountered  in  performing  it, 
viz. :' 

"  Head  Qrs.,  Foet  Pitt,  Sept.  21, 1780. 

"  Sir — As  Money  is  not  yet  sent  to  this  Department 
to  pay  for  the  Provisions  necessary  to  subsist  the 
Troops,  &  they  have  already  suffered  ;  And  a.s  our 
endeavors  to  obtain  a  temporary  supply  from  the 
Inhabitants  upon  the  credit  of  the  United  States 
have  not  proved  effectual,  I  am  Instructed  by  the 
hon'ble  Board  of  War  prudently  to  avail  myself  of  a 
license  given  by  the  hon'ble  Executive  Council  of 
the  State  of  Pen"  in  the  words  following,  viz. :  [words 
not  given]  in  the  mean  time  we  can  have  no  objection 
to  the  using  necessary  Compulsion,  rather  than  the 
Troops  should  suffer;  I  sincerely  lament  the  necessity 
of  using  this  mode  of  supplying  the  Troops  under  my 
command,  &  wish  it  could  be  avoided,  but  I  hope  the 
virtuous  Inhabitants  will  judge  rightly  of  the  measure 
and  chearfully  submit  to  a  temporary  compulsion,  for  to 
gain  an  everlasting  Right  to  dispose  of  their  property, 
not  only  by  their  own  consent  in  the  Legislature,  but 
by  Inclination  as  Individuals.  And  I  desire  you  will 
assure  them  that  I  have  just  reason  to  expect  they  will 
be  generously  &  speedily  paid  the  full  value  of  such 
articles  of  Provisions  as  may  be  taken  for  supplying 
the  Troops. 

"  An  As't  Purchasing  Commissary  is  to  attend  you, 
and  previous  to  your  making  useof  Compulsory  means 
you  are  to  make  the  Inhabitants  acquainted  with  your 
Instructions;  after  which,  if  they  are  of  ability  to  spare 
Cattle  or  sheep  to  the  Commissary  upon  public  Credit, 
agreeable  to  the  terms  mentioned  in  his  Instructions, 
&  shall  refuse  to  do  so,  then,  &  not  otherwise,  you  will 
proceed  to  take  from  such  of  them  refusing  as  afore- 
said as  many  Cattle  &  sheep  as  they  can  spare  with- 
out Injury  to  their  Families  &  further  encrease ;  and 
all  such  Cattle  &  Sheep  are  to  be  immediately  marked 
for  the  Public  &  drove  to  some  Field,  to  be  taken  in 

30, 1780,  as  follows:  ".  .  .  Captain  Brady  is  just  returned  from  Sandusky. 
He  toolt  Prisoners  two  young  Squaws  within  a  mile  of  their  principal 
Village ;  one  of  them  effected  her  escape  after  six  Days'  niarcli,  the  other 
he  brought  to  Cuskusky,  where  lie  met  seven  warriors  who  had  taken 
a  womau  &  Child  off  Cliartiers  Creek.  He  fired  at  the  Captain  and 
killed  him,  and  have  brought  in  the  woman  &  the  Indian's  Scalp,  but 
the  Squaw  made  her  escape  at  the  same  time.  When  Captain  Brady 
fired  at  the  Indians,  he  had  only  three  men  with  him  &  but  two  rounds 
of  powder.  He  was  out  thirty-two  Days,  six  of  which  he  was  quite  des- 
titute of  Provisions  of  any  kind,  but  he  has  brought  his  party  safe  to 
this  place.  Capt.  Lieut.  Brady's  zeal,  perseverance,  &  good  Conduct  cer- 
tainly entitles  him  to  promotion;  there  has  been  a  vacancy  for  him  since 
the  Death  of  Captain  Dawsou,  which  happened  in  last  September,  and  I 
must  beg  leave  to  recommend  him  to  the  Hon'ble  Executive  Council 
as  an  officer  of  meiit."— Pa.  Arch.,  1779-81,  pp.  378,  379. 
1  Pa,  Arch.,  1779-81,  pp.  566,  666. 

a  convenient  part  of  the  Settlement  for  Collecting  & 
herding  them  until  a  sufficient  number  be  collected 
for  the  present  exigency.  For  all  which  you  are  to 
pass  Receipts  agreeable  to  the  valuation  or  appraise- 
ment of  the  Commissary  &  one  reputable  Inhabitant, 
which  you  will  cause  to  be  made.  You  are  to  acquaint 
me  frequently  by  letter  of  your  success,  inclosing  re- 
turns of  the  Cattle  and  Sheep  taken  and  procured  by 

"  You  are  upon  no  pretence  to  take  Cattle  or  Sheep 
from  the  poorer  sort  of  Inhabitants,  or  from  such  as 
have  been  great  suflTerers  by  the  Enemy  ;  but  you  are 
to  take  them  from  such  as  have  lived  more  secure. 
The  good  Inhabitants  are  to  be  treated  with  the  ut- 
most Civility,  &  you  shall  inflict  immediate  punish- 
ment on  Soldiers  guilty  of  Marauding  or  insulting 
the  Inhabitants  who  conduct  themselves  inoffensively 
towards  them. 

"  You  are  to  consider  these  Instructions  as  confined 
to  those  Inhabitants  only  who  have  uniformly  consid- 
ered themselves  as  Cityzens  of  Pen',  as  the  license  of 
the  Hon'ble  Executive  Council  cannot  at  present  be 
understood  to  extend  to  such  as  in  the  unsettled  .state 
of  the  boundaries  have  acknowledged  another  juris- 

"  I  wish  you  great  success  and  hope  you  will  be 
enabled  to  obtain  the  necessary  supplies  for  immediate 
Consumption  by  agreement  &  Consent. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c., 
"  Daniel  Brodhead, 
"  Colo.  Command'g  W.  D. 

"  Capt'n  Saml.  Brady." 

"  Head  Qhaetees,  Pitt,  Oct.  11, 1780. 

"  Dear  Sir, — I  am  favored  with  j'ours  of  the  9th 
inst.,  and  am  much  distressed  on  account  of  the  ap- 
parent aversion  of  the  people  to  afford  us  supplies, 
and  the  more  so  as  I  see  no  alternative  between  using 
force  and  suffering.  .  .  .  Under  our  present  circum- 
stances, we  cannot  admit  a  modest  thought  about 
using  force  as  the  ultimate  expedient;  and  in  case 
you  are  likely  to  meet  with  opposition,  you  must  send 
notice  to  Captain  Springer,  near  Little  Redstone,  who 
will  doubtless  detach  a  party  to  your  assistance.  The 
commander-in-chief's  thanks  to  you  are  now  in  my 
pocket,  and  will  publish  them  when  you  return.  At 
present  it  will  not  suit  to  relieve  you. 
"  I  am,  &c., 

"  Daniel  Brodhead. 

"  Capt.  Samuel  Brady." 

"  Head  Quarters,  Fort  Pitt,  Oct.  20, 1780. 

"Dear  Sir, — I  have  this  moment  received  your 
favor  of  yesterday,  and  am  sorry  to  find  the  people 
above  Redstone  [vicinity  of  Brownsville,  Fayette 
County]  have  intentions  to  raise  in  arms  against  you. 
I  believe  with  you  that  there  are  amongst  them  many 
Disaffected,  and  conceive  that  their  past  and  present 
conduct  will  justify  you  in  defending  yourself  by 
every  means  in  your  power.     It  may  yet  be  doubtful 



whether  these  Fellows  attempt  anything  against  you ; 
but  if  you  find  they  are  Determined,  you  will  avoid, 
as  much  as  your  safety  will  admit,  in  coming  to  action 
until  you  give  me  a  further  account,  and  you  may  de- 
pend upon  your  receiving  succour  of  Infantry  and 
Artillery.  I  have  signed  your  order  for  ammunition 
and  have  the  honor  to  l)e,  &c. 

"  Daxiel  Brodheap. 
"  Capt.  Uriah  Springer." 

The  tenor  of  these  instructions  to  his  subordin- 
ate officers  clearly  indicates  that  in  the  opinion  of 
Col.  Brodhead  at  least  the  sentiment  of  patriotism, 
which  at  the  commencement  of  the  war  was  almost 
universal  among  the  people  west  of  the  Laurel  Hill, 
had  now  become  greatly  diminished  if  not  extinct 
with  regard  to  a  large  proportion  of  the  inhabitants 
of  this  frontier  region.  This  belief  on  his  part  was 
emphasized  by  him  in  a  letter  written  at  Fort  Pitt 
on  the  7th  of  December  following,  in  which  he  said, 
"I  learn  more  and  more  of  the  disaffection  of  the  in- 
habitants on  this  side  of  the  mountains.  The  king  of 
England's  health  is  often  drank  in  company."  And 
he  gave  as  his  opinion,  gathered  from  the  observa- 
tion of  many  of  his  officers,  including  Col.  John  Gib- 
son, that  "  Should  the  enemy  approach  this  frontier 
and  offer  protection,  half  the  inhabitants  would  join 
them."  Afterwards  Gen.  Irvine  (who  succeeded  Brod- 
head as  commandant  at  the  fort)  wrote,  "  I  am  confi- 
dent that  if  this  post  was  evacuated  the  bounds  of 
Canada  would  be  extended  to  the  Laurel  Hill  in  a 
few  weeks." 

Col.  Brodhead,  although  he  did  not  abandon  the  pro- 
ject of  an  expedition  against  the  Indian  towns  west  of 
the  Ohio,  found  it  impossible  to  carry  it  out  during 
the  year  1780,  not  only  for  lack  of  provisions  but 
from  the  difficulty  (particularly  in  the  latter  part  of 
the  year)  of  procuring  men  from  the  settlements  will- 
ing to  volunteer  for  the  campaign.  This  unwilling- 
ness was,  perhaps,  caused  by  the  fact  that  the  Indians 
had  made  several  incursions  into  the  Monongahela 
country,  which  alarmed  the  inhabitants  and  made  them 
particularly  unwilling  to  absent  themselves,  leaving 
their  homes  unprotected.  One  of  these  incursions 
was  announced  by  Brodhead  to  President  Reed  in  a 
letter  of  September  16th,  in  which  he  said,  "  Intel- 
ligence is  just  received  of  Seven  persons  being  killed 
and  taken  on  Ten-Mile  Creek  by  the  Savages;  but 
under  our  present  circumstances  I  have  not  provisions 
to  furnish  a  party  for  pursuit."  Afterwards  the  In- 
dians made  another  attack  on  the  Ten-Mile  settlers, 
but  with  less  bloody  results. 

On  the  17th  of  October,  Col.  Brodhead  wrote  the 
president  of  the  Council,'  narrating  the  obstacles 
which  he  had  encountered  in  his  attempts  to  organize 
and  carry  out  the  Indian  campaign,  as  follows: 

"  In   full    confidence   that  a   sufficient  supply   of 

1  Pa.  Archives,  1779-81,  p.  586. 

Provision-s  would  sooner  or  later  be  furnlHhed  for 
the  Troops  in  this  District,  as  well  m  for  Huch 
number  of  Militia  as  policy  or  the  exigencio!  of 
affairs  might  render  it  necessary  to  call  into  action, 
I,  with  view  to  cut  off  the  Wyandott-s,  and  other  In- 
dian Towns  that  were  very  troublesome  to  our  Set- 
tlements, called  for  a  Draught  from  the  Militia  at 
three  different  times,  and  wa.s  as  often  disappointed 
in  obtaining  Provisions,  which,  with  the  unsettled 
state  of  the  boundary  between  Pennsylvania  and  Vir- 
ginia, has  greatly  discouraged  the  Inhabitants,  and  I 
apprehend  given  a  handle  to  the  disaffected.  I  take 
the  liberty  to  inclose  coi)ies  of  letters  lately  received 
from  Cols.  Beelcr^  and  McCleery,  purporting  some  of 
the  above  facts. 

2  The  letter  here  referred  to  was  from  Col.  Joseph  R -elar,  lieutonaal 
of  Yohogania  County,  Va.  (resideut  on  Chartlers  Creek,  in  what  la  flow 

Washington  County),  and  ran  us  follows  : 

•'  Oclolier  loth,  1780. 
"  Dear  Sir,— 1  received  yours  of  the  71h  Inst,  this  niorning,  but  if  ii 
not  in  my  power  to  give  you  a  just  returu,  as  you  request,  until  the  lait 
of  tliis  week,  for  I  have  been  obliged  to  issue  orders  to  press  hones  auil 
draught  men,  as  I  could  not  get  Volunteers  enough,  of  which  I  have  not 
got  a  return  as  yet.  I  urn  sorry  to  inform  you  that  I  am  afraid  we  shall 
come  but  little  speed;  I  find  that  the  Government  of  Virg«  will  not 
protect  me  in  any  thing  I  do  by  vertue  of  the  laws  of  Virg*  since  their 
last  KesoUition  &  the  lawsof  PensI*  have  notasyet  taken  us  under  their 
protection  ;  all  this  the  Country  is  acquainted  with,  so  that  every  thing 
I  do  is  at  the  Risque  of  my  Fortune,  unless  protected  by  the  States.  If 
it  had  not  been  to  forward  an  E.xpedition,  I  should  have  declined  acting 
a  good  while  ago ;  as  no  man  ever  had  a  more  disagreeable  time  of  it 
than  I  have  at  present,  having  no  law  to  defend  me.  We  are  assured  of 
your  good  intentions  for  the  safety  of  the  Countrey,  and  are  very  sorry 
that  we  cannot  act  with  that  spirit  that  we  ought  to.  But  hope  the  laws 
of  Pen"  will  either  be  e.xtended  in  a  few  Days  from  this  time,  or  the  laws 
of  Virg«bekept  in  force.  It  is  very  unhappy  for  this  Countrey  Unit  the 
two  contending  States  has  not  provided  a  better  way  for  the  defence  of 
tills  Countrey  than  to  let  it  fall  between  them  both  until  matters  are  set- 
tled between  them. 

"  I  have  the  houor  to  be,  with  the  greatest 

"  Respect,  Dear  Sir,  your  most  obed*  Hble  Servt, 

"Joseph  Beklrr, 
"  without  Law  to  protect  me." 

The  letter  which  Col.  Brodhead  refers  to  as  from  William  MvOleSly 
was  written  by  that  gentleman  as  acting  in  place  of  Col.  J.ihp  Kvans, 
lieutenant  of  Mouougalia  County^  Va.,  and  a  re«$ident  in  what  is  now 
Greene  County.  After  stating  tliat  he  writes  for  Col.  Evans,  who  was 
absent,  McCleery  continues:  "I  went  to  the  Officers  of  the  Second  Bat- 
talion of  our  County  Militia,  wlio  happened  to  be  then  assembled  in 
General  Muster,  &  made  the  matter  known  to  tliem,  at  the  s;ime  time 
call'd  upon  them  for  a  Copy  of  their  Returna  made  to  Col"  Evans,  that  I 
might  as  near  as  possilde  comply  with  your  request,  A  they  (aftersome 
consultation  held  on  the  matter)  gave  it  me  for  answer,  That  a^  they  found 
all  their  hopes  of  Relief  from  a  Campaign  being  this  fall  carrieii  out 
against  their  Indian  Euemies  abortive,  and  knowing  that  their  frontiers 
were  at  00  to  70  Mile  in  Length,  were  infested  with  the  savages  killing 
their  People,  have  at  last  obliged  theui  to  say  they  can't  spare  any  men  J 
further  adding  tliat  they  are  heartily  sorry  that  there  should  be  the 
least  seeming  Jarr  or  descenting  Voice  from  the  onlers  of  Col.  Brodhead 
as  a  Commanding  Officer  for  the  defence  of  this  Countrey ;  but  from  his 
never  having  it  in  his  power  for  want  (as  we  conceive)  of  the  necessary 
Supplies  to  put  his  Schemes  in  e.\ecntion  during  the  whole  course  of  last 
Summer  .t  Fall,  A  our  unhappy  People  daily  falling  an  easy  pniy  to  the 
Enemy,  obliges  them  to  throw  off  all  dependence  on  any  natural  aid  on 
this  side  of  the  Mountains  this  Fall  hut  that  of  themselves  foi-  their  re- 
lief, and  therefore  they  mean  to  embody  and  take  the  most  plausible 
methods  for  tlieir  defense,  and  under  these  circumstances  they  think 
their  number  i-*  already  too  small  without  any  division.  Notwithstanding 
they  were  ready  twice  last  summer,  both  with  Men,  Horees,  and  Provis- 
ons,  to  haveconiply'd  with  your  requisition  fully  had  you  putyourplan 



"  The  Troops  are  again  without  Provisions ;  my 
parties  in  the  Country  [meaning  his  foraging  parties 
under  Capts.  Brady  and  Springer]  are  as  Industrious 
as  Circumstances  will  admit,  but  the  Inhabitants  dis- 
appoint them  by  driving  their  Cattle  into  the  Moun- 
tains ;  and  they  now  threaten  to  rise  in  arms  against 
them  whilst  others  threaten  with  Writs  and  Passes,  I  do 
not  however  despair  of  obtaining  a  quantity  of  Flour; 
But  conceive  it  will  be  next  to  an  impossibility  to  pro- 
cure any  considerable  quantity  of  Beef  or  Pork  on 
this  side  the  mountains  to  lay  up  for  the  Winter  Sea- 
son, and  it  is  but  too  likely  that  the  prosecution  of 
compulsory  means  will  be  productive  of  Bloodshed 
amongst  our  own  citizens. 

"  The  Delaware  chiefs  with  upwards  of  thirty  war- 
riors are  come  to  aid  me  upon  an  Expedition,  but  as 
I  have  neither  Bread  nor  Meat  to  give  them,  they 
will  discover  that  it  is  not  in  my  power  to  act  offen- 
sively. They  appear  much  dejected  on  account  of 
the  total  want  of  goods,  which  they  were  promised  in 
exchange  for  their  peltry." 

Each  one  of  the  commandants  at  Fort  Pitt  from 
the  time  of  the  commencement  of  the  war — Neville, 
Hand,  Mcintosh,  and  Brodhead — had  been  especially 
desirous  of  retaining  for  the  American  cause  the 
friendship  of  the  Delaware  tribe  of  Indians,  and  had 
used  all  available  means  to  accomplish  that  end.  The 
reason  for  these  efforts  to  conciliate  the  Delawares  in 
particular  was  thus  explained  by  Col.  Brodhead  ■} 
"  I  am  not  ignorant,"  he  said,  in  a  letter  to  President 
Reed,  "  of  the  influence  of  the  Delaware  Councils  over 
near  twenty  different  Nations,  and  it  is  for  that  rea- 
son only  why  so  much  notice  has  been  taken  of  them. 
There  are  villains  amongst  them  as  well  as  other 
People,  but  it  must  be  confest  that  their  Councils 
have  been  steady,  and  their  young  men  serviceable." 
He  was  very  desirous,  and  often  urged  upon  the  Su- 
preme Executive  Council,  that  the  principal  Delaware 
chiefs  should  receive  commissions  in  the  American 
forces,  just  as  it  was  reported  the  higher  chiefs  of  the 
Wyandots  and  other  hostile  tribes  had  been  commis- 
sioned to  grades  below  field-officers  in  the  British 
army.  He  also  recommended,  frequently  and  earn- 
estly, that  liberal  amounts  of  Indian  goods,  trinkets, 

in  execution.  I  have  (as  I  look  upon  it  my  doty,  lest  any  deception 
bhould  talie  place)  elated  the  matter  truly  as  I  took  it  from  the  OflBcers' 
^loutbs.  And  now  permit  nie  to  observe  to  you  that  tlie  state  of  our 
frontiers  is  really  deplorable,  to  see  helpless  Women  and  Children  flying 
before  the  ravages  of  the  Sayage,  and  that  even  while  part  of  us  is  en- 
gaged in  burying  of  our  Neighboi-s  [referring  to  the  then  recent  Indian 
massacre  on  Ten-Mile  Creek]  that  have  been  butchered  by  tbcm.  Others 
of  us  falling  a  sacrifice  to  tlieir  Hellish  inventions,  those  and  many  other 
matters  that  have  come  under  your  Cognizance,  I  hope  you  will  (as  a 
Friend  to  human  nature)  state  in  a  proper  light  to  the  Board,  from  the 
which  proper  relief  can  be  had.  I  have  the  Honor  to  be,  with  due  re- 

"  Dr  Sir,  Y'  most  Obed'.  Hble  Serv'. 

'*  Wm.  McCleery." 
—Pemi.  Arch.,  1779-81,  pp.  083-85. 

I  Pennsylvania  Archives,  1779-81,  p.  250. 

paints,  strouds,  gay  blankets,  and  watch-coats  be 
promptly  sent  out  to  be  distributed  as  presents  among 
the  Delawares  as  the  surest  way  of  retaining  their 
friendship  and  alliance."^ 

Col.  Brodhead  was  (as  is  made  apparent  by  his 
letter  of  October  17th,  already  quoted)  much  encour- 
aged by  the  accession  of  the  Delaware  war  party, 
embracing  nearly  forty  chiefs  and  warriors,  to  his 
forces,  believing  that  it  only  needed  the  distribution 
of  presents  among  them  to  insure  a  continuance  of 
their  friendliness  to  the  Americans.  But  the  desired 
goods  were  not  forthcoming,  and  this  fact  had  a  very 
depressing  influence  on  the  enthusiasm  of  the  Dela- 
ware chiefs  and  warriors.  Still  worse  than  this  was 
the  effect  produced  by  a  base  attempt  on  the  part  of 
some  of  the  officers  and  men  of  the  Westmoreland 
County  militia  to  murder  these  same  Delawares,  an 
outrage  which  Brodhead  reported  to  President  Reed 
in  a  letter  dated  Nov.  2,  1780,  as  follows: 

"  In  my  last  I  informed  you  that  near  forty  of  the 
friendly  Delaware  Indians  had  come  to  aid  me  against 
the  Hostile  Tribes.  Their  number  has  since  exceeded 
forty,  and  I  believe  I  could  have  called  out  near  an 
hundred.  But  as  upwards  of  forty  men  from  the 
neighborhood  of  Hannah's  Town  have  attempted  to 
destroy  them  whilst  they  consider  themselves  under 
our  Protection,  it  may  not  be  an  easy  matter  to  call 
them  out  again,  notwithstanding  they  were  prevented 
from  executing  their  unmanly  intention  by  a  guard 
of  regular  Soldiers  posted  for  the  Indians'  protection. 
I  was  not  a  little  surprised  to  find  the  late  Captains 
Irwin  &  Jack,  Lieu'  Brownlee  &  Ensign  Guthrey 
concern''  in  this  base  attempt.  I  suppose  the  women 
&  children  were  to  suffer  an  equal  Carnage  with  the 
men."  In  other  communications  Brodhead  intimated 
that  a  proclamation  which  had  been  issued  by  the  au- 
thorities offering  a  reward  or  bounty  on  Indian  scalps' 
and  prisoners  had  much  to  do  with  the  barbarous 
attempt  against  the  lives  of  the  friendly  Delawares, 
though  he  had  himself  advocated  the  adoption  of  this 
measure  of  retaliation  as  against  the  hostile  Indians. 

Soon  after  the  occurrences  above  narrated  the  Del- 
awares began  to  give  evidence  of  decided  disaffection, 
a  symptom  that  was  more  especially  manifest  when 

2  "The  Indian  captains  appointed  by  the  British  commandant  at  De- 
troit," said  Brodhead,  in  a  letter  to  the  Council,  "  are  cloHied  in  the  most 
elegant  manner,  and  have  mjiny  valuable  presents  made  to  them.  The 
Captains  1  have  Commissioned  by  authority  of  Congress  are  naked,  and 
receive  nothing  but  a  little  whiskey,  for  which  they  are  reviled  by  the 
Indians  in  general.  So  that,  unless  a  change  of  System  is  introduced,  I 
must  expect  to  see  all  Indians  in  favor  of  Britain,  in  spite  of  every  ad- 
dress in  my  power." 

3  The  presidentof  the  Supreme  Executive  Council,] 
head,  dated  Philadelphia,  April  29,  1780,  says,— 

"  After  many  Consultations  &  much  Deliberation  w 
to  offer  a  Reward  for  Scalps,  &  hope  it  will  serve  as 
the  young  Fellows  of  the  County  &  others  to  turn  o 
dians.  I  herewith  send  you  several  of  them.  We  are 
attended  with  Inconveniences,  hut  it  occurred  to  u 
Necessity  &  the  only  effectual  Weapon  against  the  Savages ;  we  hope  it 
is  so  guarded  that  many  abuses  will  not  happen." — Penn.  Archives^ 
1779-81,  p.  218. 

1  a  letter  to  Brod- 


:  against  the  In- 
ensible  it  may  be 
as  a  Measure  of 



they  were  under  the  influence  of  the  liquor  which 
was  dealt  out  to  them  at  the  fort.  "  Two  Delaware 
Indians  who  in  their  cups  spoke  contemptuously  of 
our  service,"  said  Brodhead  in  a  letter  to  Gen.  Wash- 
ington, "I  have  them  confined  in  irons,  but  am  at  a 
loss  what  further  to  do  with  them  until  I  see  what 
number  join  us,  and  hear  what  their  general  conduct 
has  been."  His  allusion  to  the  number  of  Delawares 
who  might  join  him  had  reference  to  an  order  which  j 
had  been  sent  to  their  towns  west  of  the  Ohio  re- 
quiring all  Delawares  disposed  to  continue  friendly 
to  remove  without  loss  of  time  to  the  vicinity  of  Fort 
Pitt,  where  they  eould  be  kept  under  the  eye  of  the 
commandant.'  This  order  brought  the  matter  to  a 
conclusion,  and,  together  with  the  other  causes  which 
have  been  noticed,  resulted  soon  after  in  an  open 
espousal  of  the  British  cause  by  the  Delawares,  though 
a  few  of  them  still  continued  friendly  to  the  Ameri- 

On  learning  of  the  final  defection  of  the  Delawares, 
Col.  Brodhead  determined  to  push  forward  liis  expe- 
dition into  the  Indian  country  immediately  and  at  all 
hazards.  Being  unable  to  obtain  any  troops  by  draft 
from  the  militia  of  Westmoreland  County,^  he  called 
for  volunteers,  and  the  call  was  responded  to,  princi- 
pally by  men  from  the  territory  of  the  newly-erected 
(though  not  organized)  county  of  Washington.  The 
force  amounted  to  a  little  over  three  hundred  men,  of 
whom  about  one-half  were  volunteers.  From  the 
place  of  rendezvous  at  Wheeling  (Fort  Henry)  they 

1 "  A  number  of  Delaware  ludiaus  from  Coochockiug  have  been  here 
since  my  la«t,  and  appear  to  be  as  friendly  as  ever.  I  am  persuaded  that 
a  few  are  well  affected,  but  they  are  now  put  to  the  trial  by  being  ordered 
to  remove  hither  without  loss  of  time  and  remain  under  our  protection, 
where  their  daily  transactions  will  be  seen  and  known." — Letter  o/  Col. 
Brodhead  lo  Gen.  WasMuglon,  dated  Fort  PiU,  March  27,  1781 ;  Pa.  Arch., 
1781-8.'!,  p.  39. 

2  The  county  lieutenant  of  Westmoreland,  Col.  Archibald  Lochry,  in 
a  letter  to  Col.  Brodhead,  dated  Twelve-Mile  Run,  April  2, 1781,  said, 
"  I  collected  the  principal  oflBcers  of  the  county  together  to  send  the  an- 
swer you  requested  of  me.  I  was  not  able  to  attend  their  meeting,  but 
requested  Col.  Cook  to  send  an  express  to  you,  with  what  encouragement 
you  might  depend  on,  which  I  hope  you  have  received  by  this  time.  I 
am  just  returned  from  burying  a  man  killed  and  scalped  by  the  Indians 
at  Col.  Ponieroy's  house ;  one  other  man  is  missing  and  all  Pomeroy's 
effects  carried  off.  I  have  been  attempting  to  get  some  Militia  to  cover 
our  Frontier  until  some  other  succourarrives,  which  lliope  will  be  soon. 
I  am  afraid  from  the  Disposition  of  the  people  you  have  little  to  e.\pect 
from  us.  If  the  Cumberland  Militia  arrive  in  time  for  our  intended 
Expedition  they  shall  go  with  you,  and  your  humble  servant  to  Boot." 
\..  On  the  same  date  James  Perry,  sub-lieutenant  of  Westmoreland,  wrote 
Tto  Brodhead,  saying,  "We  sent  instruction*  to  the  Second  and  Third 
Battalions  of  Westmoreland  Militia,  agreeable  to  your  orders,  to  raise 
voluuleers  for  the  Expedition.  The  Major  of  the  Third  Battalion  came 
to  me  on  Saturday  last  and  informed  me  that  he  could  not  raise  one  vol- 
unteer for  the  Expedition.  The  Second  has  made  no  return  yet,  but  I 
am  doubtful  they  have  done  nothing. 

"I  have  not  yet  heard  what  Col.  Lochry  has  done  in  the  First  Battal- 
ion; but,  upon  the  whole,  I  believe  you  need  not  depend  on  any  men 
from  this  county,  as  the  people  in  the  interior  part  of  the  county  live  in 
a  state  of  indifferent  security,  and  the  frontiers  dare  not  well  leave  their 
families."— Pa.  Arch.,  17S1,  pp.  61-62. 

The  failure  of  Brodhead  to  obtain  any  troops  from  the  militia  of  West- 
moreland County  appears  to  have  been  the  result  of  ill  feeling  (amount- 
ing to  a  quarrel)  between  him  and  County  Lieutenant  Lochry,  us  is  evi- 
dent from  an  examination  of  the  correspondence  between  them,  and 
between  each  and  the  president  of  the  Council,  in  178t>-81. 


crossed  the  Ohio,  and  marched  an  rapidly  oh  [Mwitible 
and  by  the  most  direct  route  U>  the  principal  village 
of  the  hostile  Delawares,  which  wa-s  located  on  the 
Muskingum  Kiver,  on  the  lower  part  of  the  site  of 
the  present  town  of  Coshocton,  Ohio. 

When  the  expedition  readied  a  point  near  to 
Salem,  which  was  one  of  the  three  principal  vil- 
lages of  the  peaceful  Moravian  Indians,  Home  of 
the  undiscriminating  volunteers  manifested  the  same 
murderous  spirit  which  afterwards  accomplished  its 
bloody  purpose  in  the  campaign  of  Col.  Williamson. 
They  seemed  determined  to  move  upon  the  town  and 
destroy  it,  but  were  finally  prevented  from  doing  so 
by  the  eftbrts  of  the  officers,  chiefly  by  Col.  Brodhead. 
The  commander  sent  forward  a  message  to  the  Rev. 
John  Heckewelder  (a  Moravian  missionary  who  re- 
sided with  the  Indians  in  the  town),  informing  him  of 
the  object  of  the  expedition,  and  requesting  him  to 
send  a  small  supply  of  provisions,  and  also  to  accom- 
pany the  messenger  on  his  return  to  the  camp.  The 
old  missionary  complied  with  the  request,  sent  the 
provisions,  and  reported  in  person  to  Col.  Brodhead 
at  the  camp.  The  colonel  inquired  of  him  if  any  of 
his  Christian  Indians  were  away  from  the  village, 
engaged  in  hunting  or  other  business  in  the  country 
lying  on  his  line  of  march,  as  in  that  case  the  troops 
might  do  them  injury,  not  being  able  to  distinguish 
between  them  and  hostile  Indians,  a  result  which  he 
was  most  anxious  to  prevent.  Heckewelder  .assured 
him  that  none  of  his  people  were  out,  and  thereupon 
the  force  was  again  put  in  motion,  and  the  missionary 
returned  to  his  village  after  receiving  the  thanks  of 
the  commander. 

Brodhead's  expedition  reached  its  first  objective 
point,  the  Delaware  village  of  "  Coochocking,"  in  the 
evening  of  the  19th  of  April,  and  etfected  a  complete 
surprise  of  the  place,  as  the  Indians  had  not  heard 
of  the  march  of  any  white  force  against  them.  The 
town  was  destroyed,  fifteen  warriors  killed,  about 
twenty  prisouers  taken,  and  all  the  crops  planted 
by  the  Indians  in  the  vicinity  devastated.  Another 
town,  called  Indaochaie,  was  also  destroyed,  its  site 
being  about  two  and  a  half  miles  below  that  of  the 
other  villages  and  on  the  east  bank  of  the  Jluskin- 
gum  River.  After  accomplishing  these  results  the 
expeditionary  force  marched  up  the  valley  to  a  half- 
deserted  village  called  Newcomers'  Town  (at  or  near 
the  site  of  the  present  village  of  that  name  in  Ohio), 
where  there  were  a  few  Delawares  who  still  remained 
friendly.  These  placed  themselves  under  protection 
of  Col.  Brodhead,  and  the  force  flien  took  up  its  line 
of  march  on  the  return  to  Fort  Pitt.  The  official 
report  of  the  campaign,  made  by  Col.  Brodhead  in 
a  communication  to  the  president  of  the  Council, 
was  as  follows : ' 

"  Phila.,  May  22d,  1781. 

"Sir, — In  the  last  letter  I  had  the  Honor  to  ad- 
dress to  your  Excellency  I  mentioned  my  intention 

3  Pa.  Arch.,  1781-83,  p.  161. 



to  carry  an  expedition  against  tlie  revolted  Delaware 
Towns.  I  have  now  the  pleasure  to  inform  you  that 
with  about  three  hundred  men  (nearly  half  the 
number  Volunteers  from  the  country)  I  surprised 
the  Towns  of  Cooshasking  and  Indaochaie,  killed 
fifteen  Warriors,  and  took  upwards  of  twenty  old 
men,  women,  and  children.  About  four  miles  above 
the  Town  I  detached  a  party  to  cross  the  river  Mus- 
kingum and  destroy  a  party  of  about  forty  warriors 
who  had  just  before  (as  I  learnt  by  an  Indian  whom 
the  advanced  Guard  took  prisoner)  crossed  over  with 
some  prisoners  and  Scalps  and  were  drunk,  but  ex- 
cessive hard  rains  having  swell'd  the  river  bank  high 
it  was  found  impracticable.  After  destroying  the 
Towns  with  great  quantities  of  poultry  and  other 
stores,  and  killing  about  forty  head  of  Cattle,  I 
marched  up  the  River  about  seven  miles  with  a  view 
to  send  for  some  craft  from  the  Moravian  Towns  and 
cross  the  river  to  pursue  the  Indians.  But  when  I 
proposed  my  plan  to  the  Volunteers  I  found  they 
conceived  they  had  done  enough,  and  were  deter- 
mined to  return,  wherefore  I  marched  to  Newcomers' 
Town,  where  a  few  Indians  who  remained  in  our 
Interest  had  withdrawn  themselves  not  exceeding 
thirty  men.  The  Troops  experienced  great  kindness 
from  the  Moravian  Indians  and  those  at  Newcomers' 
Town,  and  obtained  a  sufficient  supply  of  meat  and 
Corn  to  subsist  the  men  and  Horses  to  the  Ohio 
River.  Captain  Killbuck  and  Captain  Luzerne,  upon 
hearing  of  our  Troops  being  on  the  Muskingum,  im- 
mediately pursued  the  Warriors,  killed  one  of  the 
greatest  Villains  and  brought  his  scalp  to  me.  The 
plunder  brought  in  by  the  Troops  sold  for  about 
eighty  Thousand  pounds '  at  Fort  Henry.  I  had 
upon  this  Expedition  Captains  Mantour  [Montour] 
and  Wilson  and  three  other  faithful  Indians,  who 
contributed  greatly  to  the  success.  The  troops  be- 
haved with  great  Spirit,  and  although  there  was  con- 
siderable firing  between  them  and  the  Indians,  I  had 
not  a  man  killed  or  wounded,  and  only  one  horse 

1  Of  course  Col.  Brodhead  here  hns  refereuce  to  Continental  money, 
which  at  that  time  was  neai'ly  at  its  lowest  point  of  depreciation. 

!  Withers,  in  his  "  Chronicles  of  Border  Warfare,"  pp.  220-21.  relates 
as  follows  in  reference  to  the  alleged  slaughter  of  prisoners  by  Brod- 
head's  men  after  the  destruction  of  the  town.  In  his  narrative  (which 
by  comparison  with  Col.  Brodhead's  report  seems  to  be  purely  a  fabrica- 
tion) he  says,  "It  remained  then  to  dispose  of  the  prisoners.  Sixteen 
warriois  particularly  obnoxious  for  their  diabolical  deeds  were  pointed 
out  by  Pekillon  [a  friendly  Delaware  chief  who  accompanied  Col. 
Brodhead]  as  fit  subjects  of  retributive  justice  and  taken  into  close  cus- 
tody. A  council  of  war  was  then  held  to  determine  their  fate,  and 
which  doomed  them  to  death.  They  were  taken  some  distance  from 
town,  dispatched  with  tomahawks  and  spears  and  then  scalped.  The 
other  captives  were  committed  to  the  care  of  the  militia  to  be  conducted 
to  Fort  Pitt. 

"On  the  morning  after  the  taking  of  Coshocton,  an  Indi.Tn  making 
his  Hppearanceon  the  opposite  bank  of  the  river  called  out  for  the  '  Big 
Captain.'  Col.  Brodhead  demanded  what  he  wished.  '  I  want  peace,' 
replied  the  savage.  'Then  send  over  some  of  your  chiefs,'  said  the  col- 
onel. '  May  be  you  kill,' responded  the  Indian.  'No,' said  Brodhead; 
'they  shall  not  be  killed.'  One  of  the  chiefs,  a  fine-looking  fellow,  then 
came  over,  and  wliile  he  aud  Col,  Brodhead  were  engaged  in  conversation 

While  Brodhead's  campaign  against  the  Delaware 
towns  on  the  Muskingum  was  in  progress,  another 
and  a  more  formidable  expedition  was  being  raised 
and  organized,  having  for  its  object  the  capture  of 
the  British  post  of  Detroit  and  the  destruf  tion  of  the 
Wyandot  towns  on  the  Sandusky  River.  The  expedi- 
tion was  to  be  composed  of  infantry,  cavalry,  and  ar- 
tillery, and  to  be  led  by  Gen.  George  Rogers  Clarke, 
who  had  achieved  considerable  renown  by  his  suc- 
ce-sful  campaign  against  the  British  posts  in  the  Illi- 
nois country  in  1778,  as  has  been  mentioned.  The 
expedition  which  he  was  now  to  command  against 
Detroit  was  to  be  organized  principally  at  Fort  Pitt, 
to  rendezvous  at  Fort  Henry  (Wheeling),  and  to  pro- 
ceed thence  down  the  Ohio  River  to  the  Great  Falls 
(at  Louisville,  Ky.),  and  from  there  to  march  north- 
wardly through  the  wilderness  to  its  objective-points. 

The  project  seems  to  have  been  originated  by  the 
government  of  Virginia,  although  it  afterwards  re- 
ceived the  sanction  of  Gen.  Washington  for  the  United 
States,  and  was  also  promoted  by  the  Executive 
Council  of  Pennsylvania.  As  early  as  Jan.  22,  1781, 
Col.  Brodhead,  in  a  letter  written  at  Fort  Pitt  and 
addressed  to  President  Reed,  of  the  Pennsylvania 
Council,^  said,  "  I  sincerely  wish  there  was  no  occa- 
sion to  trouble  you  with  a 'further  tale  of  misfortune. 
But  as  the  United  States  in  general,  and  our  State  in 
particular,  are  immediately  interested  in  retaining  in 
this  District  all  the  Grain  that  has  been  raised  in  it,  it 
might  appear  criminal  in  me  were  I  to  remain  silent  re- 
specting certain  Instructions  lately  sent  by  Governor 
Jefferson  (of  Virginia)  for  the  purchase  of  200,000  Ra- 
tions on  this  side  the  mountains,  for  the  use  of  the  Troops 
under  Col.  Clark  ;  for  which  purpose  he  has  already 
advanced  300,000  pounds,  and  promises  to  furnish, 
upon  the  first  notice,  any  further  Sum  that  may  be 
necessary  to  compleat  the  payment  of  that  purchase. 
Because  this  contract,  together  with  the  Consumption 
of  multitudes  of  emigrants  arrived  and  expected  in 
this  District  (chiefly  to  avoid  militia  Duty  and  Taxes), 
will  scarcely  leave  a  pound  of  flour  for  the  Regular 
or  other  Troops  which  it  may  be  necessary  to  employ, 
either  offensively  or  defensively,  against  the  Enemy 
for  the  Defence  of  this  part  of  the  Frontier  Settle- 

"  It  seems  the  State  of  Virginia  is  now  prepar- 
ing to  acquire  more  extensive  territory  by  send- 
ing a  great  body  of  men  under  Col.  (whom  they  in- 
tend to  raise  to  the  rank  of  Brigadier)  Clark  to  at- 
tempt the  reduction  of  Detroit.  I  have  hitherto  been 
encouraged  to  flatter  myself  that  I  should  sooner  or 

in  the  bosom  of  his  hi 
hinder  part  of  his  head. 
"  This  savage  deed  wa 
enormities.  The  army  c 
a  mile  from  Coshocton  v 
menced  murdering  then 

id  with  a  tomahawk  \ 
nting-shirt  struck  bin 
The  poor  Indian  fell  a 
the  precursor  of  otbe 

hich  he  bad  concealed 
I  a  severe  blow  on  the 
id  immediately  eKpired. 
•  and  equally  atrocious 

n  its  return  bad  not  proceeded  more  than  half 

'hen  the  militia  guarding  the  prisoners  com- 

1.     In  a  short  space  of  time  a  few  women  and 

children  alone  remained  alive.    These  were  taken  to  Fort  Titt,  and  after 

awhile  exchanged  for  an  equal  number  of  white  captives." 

s  Pa.  Archives,  1779-81,  p.  707. 



later  be  enabled  to  reduce  that  place.     But  it  seems  I 
the  United  States  cannot  furnish  either  Troops  or 
resources  for  the  purpose,  but  the  State  of  Virginia 

In  February  following,  Gen.  Washington  issued 
orders  to  Gen.  Clarke  to  proceed  in  the  raising  and 
organizing  of  his  force  for  the  purpose  mentioned ; 
and  on  the  25th  of  that  month  Gen.  Brodhead  re- 
ported to  President  Reed:'  "I  have  just  received 
instructions  from  his  Excellency  the  commander-in- 
chief  directing  me  to  detach  all  the  field-pieces,  Howit- 
zers, and  train,  also  apartof  my  small  force,underCol. 
Clark,  who  I  am  told  is  to  drive  all  before  him  by  a 
supposed  unbounded  influence  he  has  amongst  the  in- 
habitants of  the  Western  country.  I  sincerely  wish  his 
Excellency's  expectations  may  be  fully  answered  .  . . ." 
Again,  on  the  10th  of  March,  he  wrote  the  presi- 
dent of  the  Council :  ^  "  I  have  likewise  received  in- 
structions from  his  Excellency  the  Commander-in- 
Chief  to  order  the  Maryland  Corps  to  Richmond  in 
Virginia,  and  to  detach  with  the  artillery  and  field- 
pieces  under  Brig.-Gen.  Clark  a  major  or  Capt's  Com- 
mand from  my  small  remaining  number  of  Troops. 
.  .  .  Gen'.  Clark  is  come  over  the  mountain,  and  his 
commissaries  are  purchasing  great  quantities  of  flour 
and  Indian  corn ;  but  he  appears  to  be  doubtful  of 
carrying  his  grand  object,  and  I  shall  not  be  surprised 
to  see  his  Expedition  fall  through,  for  it  is  clear  to 
me  that  wise  men  at  a  great  distance  view  things  in 
the  Western  country  very  differently  from  those  who 
are  more  immediately  acquainted  with  circumstances 
and  situations." 

Although  Clarke  was  a  Virginian  oflicer  and  had 
entirely  favored  the  claims  of  that  State  in  its  territo- 
rial controversy  with  Pennsylvania,  he  was  not  averse 
to  enlisting  men  from  the  latter  State  to  make  up  the 
force  necessary  for  his  expedition,  and  accordingly 
he  at  once  entered  into  correspondence  with  the  Ex- 
ecutive Council  to  obtain  its  consent  to  the  project. 
The  letter  which  he  addressed  to  President  Reed'  on 
the  subject  was  as  follows : 

"  March  23,  1781. 

"  D.  Sir, — Though  unacquainted,  I  take  the  liberty 
of  writing  to  your  Excellency  on  a  subject  I  hope 
will  Consern  you  so  much  as  to  Honour  my  propo- 
sition. I  make  no  doubt  but  that  you  are  fully  ac- 
quainted with  the  design  of  the  enterprise.  I  am 
order'd  to  Com''  of  the  greatest  consequence  to  the 
Frontiers  of  Pennsylvania  and  Virginia,  if  our  Re- 
sources should  not  be  such  as  to  Inable  us  to  Remain 
in  the  Indian  Country  during  the  fair  season,  I  am 
in  hopes  they  will  be  suflicient  to  Visit  the  Shaw- 
anees,  Delawares,  and  Sandusky  Town,  defeating  the 
Enemy  and  laying  those  Cuntrees  waste,  would  give 
great  Ease  to  the  Frontiers  of  both  States,  whom  I 
think  equally  Interested.  But  Sir  nothing  great  can 
be  expected  without  the   assistance   of  numbers   of 

1  Pa.  Arch.,  1779-81,  p.  743.      2  Ibid.,  p.  766.      s  Ibid.,  1761-83,  p.  23. 

men  from  the  Country  on  tliis  Bide  of  the  Ijav/reU 
Hill,  many  living  within  the  boundary  of  Pennnyl- 
vania  are  willing  to  go  on  the  Expedition,  many  more 
would  go  if  it  was  not  for  a  timid,  Him[>le  diM(xwition, 
fearing  it  would  disoblige  y'  Excellency  &  Council!, 
at  least  they  make  use  of  sucli  argunienls  sui  an  Ex- 
cuse, others  alternately  shifting  from  <ine  sUite  to  the 
other,  to  screen  themselves  from  any  Military  Duty 
that  might  be  Required  of  them,  hut  as  I  am  Con- 
fident from  the  nature  of  the  intended  Expedition 
you  would  wish  to  give  it  every  aid  in  your  power,  I 
hope  sir  that  you  will  inform  the  Inhabitants  on  this 
side  of  the  M'  that  such  is  your  sentiments.  They 
are  fully  able  to  spare  five  hun''  men,  I  don't  think 
they  could  be  better  imployed  to  the  advantage  of 
themselves  or  Country,  I  should  have  solicited  y* 
governor  of  Virg°  to  have  made  this  Request  of  you, 
but  the  want  of  time  for  it  to  go  through  that  Chan- 
nel, and  Confident  of  its  meeting  with  your  approba- 
tion Induced  nie  to  do  it  myself  I  hope  S'  that  you 
will  Honour  me  with  an  immediate  answer  P'  Ex- 
press, as  it  is  of  the  greatest  Consequence  to  us  &  that 
the  fate  of  the  Indians  at  present  appears  to  depend 
on  the  Resolutions  you  may  take. 

"  With  esteem  I  beg  leave  to  subscribe  myself, 
Y'  very  Ob.  Serv', 

"  G.  Clark,  Brig.  G." 
To  this  communication  of  Gen.  Clarke  President 
Reed  replied  under  date  of  May  1.5th  as  follows :  * 

"  Sir, — I  received  your  Letter  of  the  23d  March  a 
considerable  Time  after  its  Date.  The  Enterprise  you 
refer  to  has  never  been  officially  communicated  to  us, 
but  from  common  Report  we  learn  that  an  Expe- 
dition under  your  Command  is  destined  ag'  Detroit. 
We  are  very  sensible  of  its  Importance  to  this  State 
as  well  as  Virginia,  &  there  is  no  Gentleman  in  whose 
Abilities  &  good  Conduct  we  have  more  Confidence 
on  such  an  occasion.  After  this  it  seems  unnecessary 
to  add  that  it  will  give  us  great  Satisfaction  if  the 
Inhabitants  of  this  State  cheerfully  concur  in  it;  & 
we  authorize  you  to  declare  that  so  far  from  giving 
Ofl'ence  to  their  Government,  we  shall  consider  their 
Service  with  you  as  highly  meritorious.  At  the  same 
Time  we  must  add  that  from  the  exhausted  State  of 
our  Treasury — from  the  great  Demands  made  upon 
us  by  the  Congress  &  Gen.  Washington  and  other 
Contingencies,  we  are  in  no  condition  to  answer  any 
Demands  of  a  pecuniary  kind,  and  therefore  do  not 
mean,  by  any  Thing  we  have  said,  to  raise  an  Ex- 
pectation which  we  cannot  answer.  We  have  above 
two  Mouths  ago  wrote  to  Col.  Brodhead,  most  earn- 
estly requesting  him  to  forward  your  Views,  inform- 
ing him  that  they  are  highly  approved  by  us — we 
shall  be  most  concerned  if  we  should  be  disappointed 
in  this  respect.  We  have  had  a  correspondence  with 
Gov'  Jeflerson  on  the  Subject  &  explained  our  Sen- 
timents to  him  very  fully.     We  have  also  sent  for- 


ward  by  our  member  from  Westmoreland,  Encourage- 
ment to  the  People  there  to  co-operate  with  you  in  all 
Respects,  &  hope  it  will  be  attended  with  good  effect. 
Wishing  you  Success  equal  to  your  Merit  and  good 
Intentions  I  remain,"  etc. 

The  member  of  the  Council  from  Westmoreland 
referred  to  in  the  above  communication  was  Chris- 
topher Hays,  and  it  was  understood  to  have  been 
largely  through  his  influence  that  the  Council  decided 
favorably  to  Clarke's  views.  Under  the  authority 
conferred  by  the  President's  communication,  Gen. 
Clarke,  on  the  3d  of  June,  addressed  the  "  Council 
of  Officers"  of  Westmoreland  to  secure  their  con- 
currence and  assistance.  The  result  was  that  the 
matter  was  laid  before  the  people  of  that  county  at  a 
public  meeting  held  for  that  purpose  on  the  18th  of 
June,  at  which  meeting  it  was : 

"  1".  Resoleed,  That  a  Campaign  be  carried  on  with  QenI  Clark. 

"  a*.  Resolved,  Tliat  Genl  Clark  be  furniBhed  with  300  men  out  of  Pom- 
roy's,  Beai'd's,  and  Davises  Battalion. 

"S'i'y.  Jfesoiiiei',  That  Coll.  Arcli^  Lochry  gives  orders  to  sil  CoUa.  to 
raise  their  quota  by  Volunteers  or  Draught. 

t'4ihly.  Eesolved,  That  £6  be  advanced  to  every  volunteer  that  marches 
under  the  command  of  Genl  Clark  on  the  propos''  Campaign. 

"St*".  And  for  the  further  Incouragement  of  Voluntiers,  that  grain  be 
raised  by  subscription  by  the  Different  Companies. 

"  6"i'y.  That  Coll.  Lochry  coucil  with  the  Officers  of  Virginia  respecting 
the  manner  of  Draughting  those  that  associate  in  that  State  and  others. 

"  1^^.  Resolved,  That  Coll.  Lochry  meet  Geul  Clark  and  other  ofgcers 
and  Coll.  Crawford  on  the  23"^  Inst.,  to  confer  with  them  the  day  of  Ken- 

"Sign*  by  or*^  of  Committee, 

"John  Proctor,  PresC^ 

It  was  not  Clarke's  purpose  or  desire  to  recognize 
the  Pennsylvania  county  of  Washington  (which  had 
then  recently  been  erected  but  not  organized)  or  its 
officers,  so  he  applied  to  the  officers  in  command  of 
the  militia  of  the  so-called  Virginia  counties  of  Yo- 
hogania,  Monongalia,  and  Ohio  to  aid  him  in  securing 
men  for  the  expedition.  The  result  in  Yohogania  was 
a  meeting  of  the  officers'  of  that  county,  June  5th,  at 
the  old,  near  Andrew  Heath's,  on  the  west 
Bide  of  the  Mouongahela,  above  and  in  sight  of  the 
present  town  of  Elizabeth,  at  which  meeting  a  draft 
of  one-fifth  of  the  militia  of  said  county  (which,  ac- 
cording to  the  Virginia  claim,  included  the  north  half 
of  Washington  County,  Pa.,  and  all  of  Westmoreland 
as  far  south  as  the  centre  of  the  present  county  of  Fay- 
ette) was  made  for  the  expedition.  The  people,  how- 
ever, believing  that  the  territory  claimed  by  Virginia 

1  This  meeting  and  its  proceedinfis  were  mentioned  in  a  letter  from 
James  Marshel  (county  lieutenant  of  Washington)  to  President  Reed,  as 

"  Washington  Cotintt,  June  27, 1781. 

"  S',— Since  I  had  the  honour  of  Addressing  your  Excellency  last,  the 
old  Enemies  of  this  government  and  their  adherents  have  exerted  them- 
gelves  to  the  Utmost  to  prevent  this  County  being  organized.  On  the  5tti 
Inst,  a  Council  of  the  Militia  officers  of  Yohagena  County  was  held  at 
their  Court-house,  and  in  Consequence  of  siJ  Council,  the  fifth  part  of  the 
^Militia  of  s^  County  was  drafted  for  General  Clark's  Expedition,  but  the 
people  did  not  Conceive  they  were  Under  the  Jurisdiction  of  Virginia, 
therefore  they  denied  their  Authority,  and  almost  Universally  Refused 
doing  duty  under  any  government  whatever  untill  the  line  between  the 
States  is  actually  run."— P<[.  Arch.,  1781-83,  p.  233. 

as  Yohogania  County  was  really  in  the  jurisdiction  of 
Pennsylvania,  denied  the  authority  of  the  Virginia 
officers,  and  refiised  to  submit  to  the  draft  until  the 
question  of  jurisdiction  was  definitely  settled.  But 
the  public  notice  given  by  Christopher  Hays  to  the 
people  of  Westmoreland  and  Washington  that  he 
held  in  his  hands  money  from  the  Executive  Council 
to  be  expended  for  the  protection  of  the  frontier  had 
the  effect  to  quiet  to  a  great  extent,  though  uot  en- 
tirely to  allay,  the  dissatisfaction,  and  the  work  of 
raising  men  iu  the  two  Pennsylvania  counties  (or,  as 
Gen.  Clarke  expressed  it,  in  Yohogania,  Monongalia, 
and  Ohio  Counties,  Va.)  was  allowed  to  proceed, 
though  not  without  strong  and  bitter  protest. 

The  main  part  of  the  force  destined  for  Gen. 
Clarke's  expedition  (that  is  to  say,  nearly  all  except 
about  one  hundred  and  fifty  men  furnished  by  West- 
moreland, under  Col.  Lochry  and  Capt.  Benjamin 
Whaley,  as  will  be  mentioned  hereafter)  was  raised  in 
Washington  County,  but  it  appears  evident  from  cer- 
tain correspondence  of  that  time  that  this  was  accom- 
plished, not  by  the  action  of  the  Washington  County 
military  authorities,  but  by  the  officers  of  iJie  so- 
called  Virginia  counties  which  covered  the  territory 
of  Washington.  That  there  was  a  bitter  quarrel  at 
that  time  between  James  Marshel,  lieutenant  of  the 
newly-erected  (but  unorganized)  county  of  Washing- 
ton, and  Dorsey  Pentecost  (successor  of  Col.  Joseph 
Beeler  in  the  office  of  county  lieutenant  of  Yohoga- 
nia, Va.)  is  evident  from  the  recriminating  letters 
written  by  both  these  gentlemen  to  the  president  of 
the  Supreme  Executive  Council.  Pentecost  declared 
(and  no  denial  of  the  assertion  is  found  in  Marshel's 
correspondence)  that  it  was  chiefly  through  his  energy 
and  efforts  that  Gen.  Clarke's  main  force  was  raised. 
And  that  the  force  was  raised  by  some  means,  and 
placed  in  camp  in  a  short  space  of  time  after  the 
meeting  of  officers  at  "the  Yohogania  court-house 
and  subsequent  refusal  of  the  people  to  submit  to  the 
draft  there  ordered,  is  made  apparent  in  a  letter 
written  by  Col.  Pentecost  to  President  Keed,  dated 
"  Washington  County,  July  27,  1781."'^  In  that  letter 
he  says, — 

"  While  Mr.  Marshel  was  at  Philadelphia,  Gen'l 
Clark  came  here  with  an  Intent  to  carry  an  Expedi- 
tion against  the  Savages,  which  was  principally  in- 
tended to  have  been  aided  by  Volunteers  from  this 
County.  He  consulted  myself  with  many  others  on 
the  most  probable  Plan  for  Success.  Every  Effort 
was  tried,  but  to  no  effect;  the  Frontiers  were  mur- 
dered every  Day  &  the  Militia  could  not  be  got  out. 
The  Field  Officers  for  Yohogania  County  called  on 
me  &  requested  that  I  would  take  the  Command  of 
the  same,  &  endeavor  to  save  it  from  utter  Destruc- 
tion. I  accordingly  swore  into  a  Commission  for  that 
Purpose  which  had  been  in  the  County  upwards  of 
a  Year,  &  which  I  had  neglected  to  qualify  to,  on  ac- 

2  Pa.  Archives,  1781-8 J,  pp.  316-19. 



count  of  the  apparent  Probability  tliere  was  for  a 
Change  of  Government.  Soon  after  this,  Gen'l  Clark 
had  a  meeting  of  the  Principal  People  to  consult  on 
the  most  Plausible  Plan  to  raise  the  Militia  for  his 
Expedition.  They,  after  long  Deliberation,  Resolved 
that  nothing  could  effect  so  desirable  a  Plan  save  my 
Exertions  as  County  Lieu'  of  Yohogania,  and  in  the 
most  pointed  Terms  (in  an  address  to  me)  requested 
that  I  would  put  my  Command  in  Force,  and  use 
every  Exertion  to  facilitate  the  Expedition.  The 
Day  following,  I  was  furnished  with  a  Demand  from 
Gen'l  Clark  for  the  Quota  of  the  County.  I  went  into 
the  Business  with  Resolution,  conducted  myself  with 
a  steady  Firmness,  and  with  a  great  Deal  of  Fatigue, 
Trouble,  &  Perplexity,  have  accomplished  that  Busi- 
ness, and  the  Militia  are  now  encampt."  In  another 
part  of  the  same  communication  he  says,  "I  am  now 
in  General  Clarke's  Camp,  about  three  miles  below 
Fort  Pitt,  and  am  about  to  leave  this  Country  on  the 
Expedition  under  that  Gentleman's  Command."  And 
he  further  says,  with  regard  to  the  course  which  had 
been  pursued  by  Col.  Marshel  with  reference  to  the 
raising  of  men  for  Clarke's  expedition  :  "  And  he  ac- 
cordingly did  all  he  could  to  perplex  the  People,  and 
advised  them  to  pay  no  obedience  to  Draughts  that  I 
had  ordered  for  Gen'l  Clark's  assistance,  &  has  actu- 
ally offered  Protection  to  some  of  'em,  though  he  be- 
fore, on  a  Request  of  Gen'l  Clark's,  declared  he  could 
do  nothing  as  an  officer,  wish'd  well  to  the  Expedi- 
tion, &  as  a  Private  Person  would  give  every  assist- 
ance to  promote  it." 

There  is  no  doubt  that  in  the  enforcement  of  the 
draft  ordered  from  the  militia  by  the  lieutenants  of 
Yohogania  and  Monongalia  Counties  Gen.  Clarke 
pursued  the  business  with  great  vigor,  and  showed 
very  little  leniency  toward  those  (and  they  were 
many)  who  were  inclined  to  deny  the  jurisdiction 
of  Virginia.'  Many  bitter  complaints  were  made 
against  him  for  his  stern  methods  of  enforcing  the 
draft,  among  which  complaints  in  that  particular  are 
the  charges  made  against  him  (as  also  against  Dorsey 
Pentecost)  in  the  following  letter,  addressed  by  Col. 
James  Marshel  to  the  president  of  the  Council,^  viz. : 

"Washington  County,  gth  August,  1781. 

"  S',— When  I  began  to  organize  the  Militia  of  this 
County,  I  expected  the  line  between  the  States  would 
have  been  run  (at  least  by  the  Commissioners  of  this 
State)  in  May  last;  but  Finding  they  did  not  arrive 
at  neither  of  the  periods  given  us  to  expect  them,  I 
thought  it  my  duty  to  take  the  most  favourable  Op- 
portunity that  would  Offer  to  form  the  Militia. 
About  the  fifteenth  of  June  last,  I  apprehended 
Appearances  favourable  and  accordingly  advertised 

1  Many  of  those  people  who  had  been  willing  and  anxious  for  the  es- 
tablisbmeut  of  Virginia's  claim,  80  that  they  might  purchase  their  lands 
from  her  at  one-tenth  part  of  the  price  demanded  by  the  Pennsylvania 
Land-Office,  were  now  quite  as  ready  to  deny  her  right  to  demand  mili- 
tary service  from  them. 

2  Pa.  Arch.,  1781-83,  pp.  343-45. 

two  Battalion  Klections,  but  soon  found  that  fJen- 
eral  Clark's  preparations  for  hi8  Expedition  and  the 
Extraordinary  Freedom  with  whicli  he  and  bin  party 
of  the  old  Virginia  (Jflicors  u.>!ed  with  the  people  of 
this  County  stood  greatly  in  the  way  ;  they  were  In- 
defatigable in    propagating   reports  of  the  General 
being  a   Continental    Officer,  having  extraordinary 
Countenance  and  Authority  from  the  State  of  Penn- 
sylvania, in  pulling  down   my  Advertisements,  dis- 
suading the   people   from   attending  the   Elections, 
crying  out  that  I  wa.s  everything  that  was  bad,  and 
was  doing  all  this  to  hurt  the  Expedition,  &c. ;  all 
which,  however  false,  produced  a  Visible  Indisposi- 
tion in  the  people  towards  attending  the  Elections; 
and  altho'  I  was  not  atlempling  anything  with  design 
to  Injure  his  Expedition,  I  could  not  do  anything  to 
fill  up  the  General's  troops  out  of  the  Militia  of  this 
frontier  County,  not  having  Council's  orders  for  that 
purpose.  ...  I  can  only  say  at  present  I  have  acted 
such  a  part  as  I  thought  a  faithful  Officer  ought  to  do 
in  similar  cases ;  and  that  I  Ever  Conceived  I  had  no 
right  so  much  as  to  say  any  of  the  people  of  this 
County  had  a  right  to  go  with  general  Clark  without 
your   Excellency's  Orders  for  that  purpose  ;    much 
less  that  I  should  ly  still  on  purpose  that  the  Vir- 
ginia Ofiicers  should  draft  the  Militia  of  this  County 
for  that  service.     If  any  complaint  of  what  kind  so- 
ever should  be  lodged  against  me,  I  hope  your  Excel- 
lency will  favour  me  with  a  Coppy  thereof,  that  I 
may  have  an  Opportunity  of  doing  myself  Justice ; 
and  as  the  Manner  in  which  the  Genl  and  his  Un- 
derlings have  treated  the  people  of  this  and  West- 
moreland Counties  has  been  so  arbitrary  and  unpre- 
cedented, I  think  it  my  duty  to  inform  your  Excellency  i 
the  particulars  of  a  few  facts.    The  first  instance  was  \ 
with  one  John  Harden,  in  Westmoreland,  who,  with 
a  number  of  others,  refused  to  be  drafted  under  the 
government  of  Virginia,  alleging  they  were  undoubt- 
edly in  Pennsylvania,  and  declared  if  that  govern- 
ment ordered  a  draft  they  would  obey  cheerfully,  and 
accordingly  elected  their  ofiicers  and  made  returns 
thereof  to  Col.  Cook.     After  this  the  general,  with  a 
party  of  forty  or  fifty  horsemen,  came  to  Harden's  in 
quest  of  him  to  hang  him,  as  the  general  himself  de- 
clared ;  but  not  finding  the  old  gentleman  took  and 
tied  his  son,  broke  open  his  mill,  fed  away  and  de- 
stroyed upwards  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  bushels  of 
wheat,  rye,  and  corn,  killed  bis  sheep  and  hogs,  and 
lived  away  at  Mr.  Harden's  expense  in  that  manner 
for  two  or  three  days  ;  declared  his  estate  forfeited, 
but  srraciously  gave  it  to  his  wife ;  formed  an  article 
in  which  he  bound  all  the  inhabitants  he  could  lay 
hands  on  or  by  any  means  prevail  upon  to  come  in 
to  him  ;  under  the  penalty  of  ten  months  in  the  reg- 
ular army,  not  to  oppose  the  draft.     Another  man  in 
Westmoreland,  being  in  Company  with  Clark's  troops, 
happened  to  say  the  draft  was  Illegal,  upon  which  he 
was  Immediately  Confined,  and  Ordered  to  be  hanged 
I  by  the  General.    Col.  Penticost,  being  willing  to  assist 



the  General,  Issued  Orders  to  the  Commanding  officers 
of  the  old  Militia  Companys,  to  Raise  an  armed  force 
and  Collect  the  Delinq"  ;  and  altho  these  orders  were 
Chiefly  disobeyed,  yet  there  has  been  several  armed 
Banditties  in  this  County  under  command  of  a  cer- 
tain Col.  Cox  and  others,  who  have  acted  nearly  in 
the  same  manner  as  the  general  himself  has  done. 

"They  being  in  Quest  of  John  Douglas  (a  Gent. 
Elected  one  of  our  Justices  for  this  County)  and  not 
finding  him  the  first  attempt,  broke  open  his  house  in 
the  night  time.  Fed  away  and  destroyed  such  a  part 
of  Rye  and  Corn  (his  property)  as  they  thought 
proper ;  Drew  their  swords  upon  his  wife  and  Chil- 
dren in  order  to  make  them  Discover  where  he  was  ; 
the  s''  Cox  and  his  party  have  taken  and  confined  a 
Considerable  number  of  the  Inhabitants  of  this 
County,  amongst  which  were  Hugh  Scott  (one  of  the 
acting  trustees  of  the  County),  altho'  he  was  not 
drafted ;  in  a  word  the  Instances  of  high  treason 
against  the  State  are  too  many  to  be  Enumerated, 
therefore  shall  not  trouble  your  Excellency  any  more 
on  the  subject  at  present." 

President  Reed,  in  his  reply'  (dated  Aug.  25,  1781) 
to  Col.  Marshel's  letter,  said,  "...  As  General 
Clark's  proceedings  have  been  the  Occasion  of  so 
much  Dissatisfaction  in  the  Country,  &  it  is  given  out 
that  he  has  extraordinary  Countenance  from  us,  we 
think  it  necessary  to  state  our  Sentiments  &  the  Facts 
respecting  his  Command.  We  were  informed  early 
last  Spring  that  a  Plan  of  an  Expedition  under  Gen. 
Clark  against  the  Western  Indians  was  approved  by 
Gen.  Washington.  Our  Opinion  of  the  Gentleman, 
from  his  former  Successes  and  acknowledged  Abili- 
ties, as  well  as  our  Belief  that  his  Expedition  would 
be  beneficial  to  our  Frontier,  led  us  to  give  it  our 
Countenance  so  far  as  to  write  to  the  Gentlemen  of 
Westmoreland  County,  with  a  View  that  it  should  be 
communicated  to  you,  that  it  was  our  Wish  that  Gen. 
Clark  might  be  assisted  so  far  as  to  encourage  Volun- 
teers to  go  with  him  &  to  supply  him  with  Provisions, 
If  he  should  have  Occasion  to  apply  for  them,  he 
paying  their  Value.  We  also  wrote  to  Gen.  Clark 
himself,  a  Copy  whereof  is  inclosed,  by  which  you 
will  see  the  Extent  of  the  Countenance  &  Support  he 
has  derived  from  us.  But  while  we  utterly  disprove 
the  irregularities  and  hardships  which  have  been  ex- 
ercised by  him  [Gen.  Clarke]  towards  the  inhabitants, 
we  cannot  help  fearing  that  too  many,  in  consequence 
of  the  unsettled  state  of  boundaries,  avail  themselves 
of  a  pretense  to  withhold  their  services  from  the  pub- 
lick  at  a  time  when  they  are  most  wanted,  and  when 
an  exertion  would  not  only  serve  the  country,  but  pro- 
mote their  own  security.  We  cannot  help  also  ob- 
serving that,  by  letters  received  from  the  principal 
gentlemen  in  Westmoreland,  it  seems  evident  they 
approve  of  Gen.  Clark's  expedition,  and  that  the  lieu- 
tenants of  both  States  united  in  the  plan  of  raising 

1  Ph.  Arch.,  1781-83,  pp.  367-69. 

three  hundred  men  for  that  service.  As  the  state  of 
publick  affairs  had  not  admitted  your  forming  the 
militia  sufliciently  to  concur  in  these  measures,  we 
concluded  that  these  resolutions  would  also  include 
your  county,  and  even  now  are  at  a  loss  to  account 
for  the  different  opinions  entertained  on  the  point 
by  the-  people  of  Westmoreland  and  Washington 

In  a  letter  by  Christopher  Hays,  of  Westmoreland, 
and  Thomas  Scott,  of  Washington  County,  to  Presi- 
dent Reed,  dated  "  Westmoreland,  August  15,  1781," 
they  said,  "...  The  truth  of  the  matter  is,  the 
General's  Expedition  has  been  wished  well,  and  vol- 
unteers to  the  service  have  been  Incouraged  by  all 
with  whom  we  corispond ;  but  we  have  heartily  repro- 
bated the  General's  Standing  over  these  two  counties 
with  armed  force,  in  order  to  dragoon  the  Inhabitants 
into  obedience  to  a  draft  under  the  laws  of  Virginia, 
or  rather  under  the  arbitrary  orders  of  the  officers  of 
that  Government,  without  any  orders  from  Virginia 
for  that  purpose,  and  this  is  really  the  part  the  Gen- 
eral hath  acted,  or  rather  the  use  which  has  been 
made  of  him  in  this  country." 

"  With  respect  to  Gen.  Clarke's  Proceedings,"  said 
President  Reed,  in  his  reply  to  the  above,  "  we  can 
only  say  that  he  has  no  authority  from  us  to  draft 
Militia,  much  less  to  exercise  those  acts  of  Distress 
which  you  have  hinted  at,  and  which  other  letters 
more  particularly  enumerate.  His  Expedition  ap- 
pears to  us  favorable  for  the  Frontiers,  as  carrying 
Hostilities  into  the  Indian  Country,  rather  than  rest- 
ing totally  on  the  defensive.  We  find  the  Gentlemen 
of  Westmoreland,  however  diflTerent  in  other  Things, 
to  have  agreed  in  Opinion  that  his  Expedition  de- 
served encouragement.  .  .  ." 

Gen.  Clarke  on  his  part  accused  several  officials 
of  Washington  and  Westmoreland  Counties  of  using 
every  means  in  their  power,  fair  and  unfair,  to  pre- 
vent the  raising  of  men  for  the  expedition  and  ruin 
its  chances  of  success.  In  a  communication  dated  at 
Wheeling,  August  4th,-  and  addressed  to  the  president 
of  the  Council,  he  said,  "  I  thank  you  for  the  favor- 
able sentiments  and  the  Requisition  to  this  country  to 
give  all  possible  aid  to  the  Enterprise  I  am  ordered 
on.  Had  they  have  done  so,  as  their  Interest  loudly 
call'd  for,  I  believe  there  would  have  been  no  Reason 
to  doubt  but  our  most  Sanguine  Expectations  would 
have  been  answered.  But  so  far  from  compleating 
your  wishes,  that  part  of  them  have  taken  every  step 
in  their  power  to  frustrate  the  design  (at  a  time  when 
their  neighbours  were  daily  massacred)  by  confusing 
the  Inhabitants  and  every  other  device  their  abilities 
would  admit  of,  though  small,  are  too  apt  to  eff'ect  the 
minds  of  such  persons  as  Inhabit  this  frontier.  What 
put  it  more  in  their  power  was  the  unsettled  Terri- 
tory, and  no  orders  of  yours  appearing  you  mention 
you  had  sent  by  one  of  your  members  (meaning  Chris- 

2  Ibid.,  pp.  331-32. 



topher  Hays,  of  Westmoreland)  with  Encouragement 
for  the  people  to  co-operate  with  me  in  all  respects. 
But  he  appears  to  have  taken  every  step  to  disappoint 
the  good  Intentions  of  Col.  Lochry'  and  many  other 
Gentlemen  of  Westmoreland  County  who  have  used 
every  Effort  to  Raise  men.  But  disappointed  by  those 
alluded  to,  I  have  Endeavored  to  make  myself  ac- 
quainted with  the  different  persons  who  appeared  to 
be  busy  in  Ruining  the  sentiments  of  the  Inhabitants 
and  think  it  my  duty  as  a  citizen  and  officer  to  ac- 
quaint you  with  the  principals,  Believing  that  you  are 
Imposed  on  as  those  bodies  gain  their  Influence  by 
opposing  Every  measure  proposed  for  the  publick 
good  in  the  Military  Department,  strange  that  such 
Conduct  should  have  those  Effects  among  any  class 
of  People  in  This  Dep'.  Every  commanding  officer 
has  Experienced,  and  I  think  I  can  Venture  to  say 
you  never  will  be  able  to  have  anything  of  Import- 
ance done  in  this  Quarter  until  many  of  them  are  re- 
moved from  their  respective  ofSces.  The  Inhabitants 
on  my  arrival  was  so  Buoyed  up  at  the  thought  of  my 
carrying  out  an  Expedition  that  promised  them  peace 
that  it  has  Required  all  their  little  artifices  to  disap- 
point, which  is  too  likely  to  be  the  case  at  present. 
Mr.  M.  [Col.  Marshel],  of  Washington  County,  Lt.- 
Colos.  C  and  D,  I  believe  to  be  the  perpetrators  of 
these  Evils.  I  fear  this  country  will  feel,  after  giving 
you  my  honor  that  I  am  not  influenced  by  prejudice 
to  point  out  those  Gentlemen.  I  can  assure  you  they 
are  persons  that  will  for  Ever  disgrace  this  part  of  the 
country  while  in  power.  As  for  Mr.  M.,  he  has,  I 
learn,  lived  in  Obscurity  until  lately;  his  promotion 
has  so  confused  him  that  his  Conduct  is  Contradic- 
tory in  his  own  publick  writing,  and  as  wavering  as 
the  minds  of  that  class  of  mortals  he  has  had  the 
Honour  to  Influence  ...  I  learn  that  it  is  generally 
believed  that  the  Inhabitants  of  the  western  country 
are  disaflTected.  I  do  not  think  it  to  be  the  case,  and 
was  the  line  between  the  two  states  Established,  and 
the  whole  well  officered,  they  might  in  a  short  time 
be  made  Valuable  Citizens,  and  any  necessary  force 
call'-d  to  the  field  on  the  shortest  notice.  But  at  pres- 
ent scarcely  a  week  passes  but  you  hear  of  some 
massacre.  Sufficient  stores  of  necessaries  provided  to 
Enable  them  to  Reduce  the  Indians,  and  yet  those 
Inducements  are  not  sufficient  to  draw  them  to  action, 
owing  to  those  principles  before  Recited." 

The  troops  of  Gen.  Clarke's  expedition,  embracing 
infantry,  mounted  men,  and  several  pieces  of  light 
artillery  (but  not  including  the  Westmoreland  County 
men  under  Col.  Lochry,  who  were  not  ready  to  move 
with  the  main  force),  were  gathered  in  camp  on  the 
Ohio  River,  most  of  them  at  Fort  Henry  (Wheeling), 
but  a  part  encamped  about  three  miles  below  Fort 

1  It  is  a  fact  beyond  dispute  that  Hays,  who  was  at  first  extremely  fav- 
oralile  to  the  furnishing  uf  men  for  the  expedition,  afterwards  turned 
bitterly  against  it,  the  reason  for  this  change  being  that  he  came  to  be- 
lieve (as  did  also  Col.  Marshel  and  others)  tliat  It  was  a  project  for  the 
advancement  of  Virginia  interests  and  the  extension  of  the  territory  of 
that  State  in  the  West.     (See  his  letter  to  President  Reed,  ibid.,  p.  369.) 

Pitt,  where  they  lay  on  the  27th  of  July,  as  is  uhown 
by  the  letter  of  Col.  Doreey  Pentecost  of  that  date, 
before  quoted.  From  that  point  they  moved  down 
the  river  and  joined  the  main  body  at  the  rendezvous 
at  Fort  Henry,  where  they  were  in  camj)  on  the  4th 
of  August.  It  was  the  purpose  of  the  commander  to 
remain  at  that  point  until  the  arrival  of  the  West- 
moreland detachment,  but  this  wa-s  found  to  be  im- 
practicable on  account  of  the  desertion  of  his  men. 
Accordingly  he  broke  camp  at  Fort  Henry  and  pro- 
ceeded down  the  river  about  the  10th  of  August. 

At  the  mouth  of  the  Kanawha  River  the  forces 
were  landed,  with  the  intention,  on  the  part  of  Gen. 
Clarke,  to  wait  there  for  the  arrival  of  the  rear  de- 
tachment. But  here,  although  so  far  away  from  their 
homes,  the  men  evinced  even  more  determination  to 
desert  than  they  had  at  Fort  Henry,  having  begun  to 
realize  more  fully  than  before  the  dangerous  nature 
of  the  service  in  which  they  were  engaged.  There- 
upon Gen.  Clarke,  finding  that  if  he  should  remain 
there  any  considerable  time  he  would  find  him- 
self without  a  following,  ordered  an  immediate  re- 
embarkation  of  the  troops,  and  went  on  down  the 
river,  but  even  while  on  the  passage  the  desertions 
continued,  though  they  were  of  course  less  numerous 
than  from  the  encampments. 

The  passage  from  Fort  Henry  to  the  point  of  des- 
tination consumed  about  three  weeks.  The  banks  of 
the  river  down  which  the  expedition  passed  were 
occupied  at  various  points  by  hostile  Indians,  but 
these  dared  not  offer  any  attack  on  the  forces  because 
of  the  cannon  which  Clarke  had  with  him,  artillery 
being  always  greatly  dreaded  by  savages  of  all  tribes. 
After  a  journey  which  was  especially  tedious  on  ac- 
count of  the  low  water  in  the  river,  the  troops  reached 
their  destination  at  the  Falls  of  the  Ohio  about  the 
end  of  the  month  of  August.  There  they  waited  for 
reinforcements  from  Kentucky,  which  never  came, 
and  for  the  arrival  of  the  detachment  under  Col 
Lochry,  but  the  waiting  was  in  vain  (for  reasons  here- 
after given),  and  the  commander,  having  now  no 
hope  of  reinforcement,  and  finding  his  force  so  much 
weakened  by  desertion  that  it  would  be  madness  for 
him  to  march  with  it  in  any  expectation  of  being 
able  to  reduce  the  post  of  Detroit,  or  even  of  the 
Indian  towns  on  the  Sandusky,  he  reluctantly  aban- 
doned the  enterprise.  This  disastrous  ending  of  the 
expedition  was  the  result  of  the  desertion  of  the  men, 
not  only  by  reducing  the  strength  of  the  main  force, 
but  by  compelling  the  commander  to  move  on  from 
Fort  Henry,  and  again  from  the  mouth  of  the  Kan- 
awha, without  waiting,  as  he  wished  and  intended  to 
do,  for  the  arrival  of  the  detachment  under  Col. 
Lochry,  thereby  leaving  that  brave  officer  and  his 
command  to  proceed  on  their  way  alone  and  unsup- 
ported to  meet  the  terrible  fate  which  overtook  them, 
and  which  is  now  to  be  narrated. 

The  force  raised  in  Westmoreland  County  (includ- 



ing  men  from  Washington  County)  for  Clarke's  ex- 
pedition, about  one  hundred  and,ten  strong,  as  before 
mentioned,  and  under  tlie  command  of  Col.  Arcliibald 
Lochry,  proceeded  to  the  rendezvous  at  Fort  Henry, 
where  the  commanding  officer  expected  to  join  the 
main  body  under  Gen.  Clarke.  But  on  arriving  there 
he  found  that  the  general  had  gone  down  the  river  the 
day  before,  leaving  a  Maj.  Craycroft  with  a  few  men 
and  a  boat  for  the  transportation  of  the  horses,  but 
without  either  provisions  or  ammunition,  of  which 
they  had  but  a  very  insufficient  supply.  Clarke  had, 
however,  promised  to  await  their  arrival  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Kanawha ;  but  on  reaching  that  point  they 
found  that  he  had  been  obliged,  in  order  to  prevent 
desertion  (which  his  men  were  more  than  ever  de- 
termined on),  to  proceed  down  the  river,  leaving 
only  a  letter  affixed  to  a  pole  directing  them  to  follow. 
Their  provisions  and  forage  were  nearly  exhausted  ; 
there  was  no  source  of  supply  but  the  stores  conveyed 
by  Clarke  ;  the  river  was  very  low,  and  as  they  were 
unacquainted  with  the  channel,  they  could  not  hope 
to  overtake  the  main  body.  Under  these  embarrassing 
circumstances  Col.  Lochry  dispatched  Capt.  Shearer 
with  four  men  in  a  small  boat,  with  the  hope  of  over- 
taking Gen.  Clarke  and  of  securing  supplies,  leaving 
his  (Shearer's)  company  under  command  of  Lieut. 
Isaac  Anderson.  Before  Shearer's  party  had  pro- 
ceeded far  they  were  taken  prisoners  by  Indians,  who 
also  took  from  them  a  letter  to  Gen.  Clarke,  informing 
him  of  the  condition  of  Lochry's  party. 

About  the  same  time  Lochry  captured  a  party  of 
nineteen  deserters  from  Clarke's  force.  These  he 
afterwards  released,  and  they  immediately  joined  the 
Indians.  The  savages  had  before  been  apprised  of 
the  expedition,  but  they  had  supposed  that  the  forces 
of  Clarke  and  Lochry  were  together,  and  as  they  knew 
that  Clarke  had  artillery,  they  had  not  attempted  an 
attack.  But  now,  by  the  capture  of  Shearer's  party, 
with  the  letters,  and  by  the  intelligence  brought  to 
them  by  the  deserters,  they  for  the  first  time  learned 
of  the  weakness  and 'exposed  situation  of  Lochry's 
command,  and  they  at  once  determined  on  its  de- 

Collecting  in  force  some  miles  below  the  mouth 
of  the  Great  Miami  River,  they  placed  their  prison- 
ers (Shearer's  party)  in  a  conspicuous  position  on  the 
north  shore  of  the  Ohio,  near  the  head  of  Lochry's 
Island,  with  the  promise  to  them  that  their  lives 
should  be  spared  if  they  would  hail  Lochry's  men  as 
they  came  down  and  induce  them  to  land.  But  in 
the  mean  time.  Col.  Lochry,  wearied  by  the  slow 
progress  made,  and  in  despair  of  overtaking  Clarke, 
landed  on  the  24th  of  August,  at  about  ten  o'clock  in 
the  morning,  on  the  same  shore,  at  an  inlet  which 
has  since  borne  the  name  of  Lochry's  Creek,'  a  short 

1  This  creek  empties  into  the  Oliio,  Dineor  ten  miles  below  the  mouth 
of  the  Miami.  Lochry's  Island,  near  the  head  of  which  the  prisoners 
were  placed  by  the  Indians  to  decoy  tlieir  friends  on  shore,  is  three  miles 
below  the  creek. 

distance  above  the  place  where  the  Indians  were  await- 
ing them.  At  this  point  the  horses  were  taken  on  shore 
and  turned  loose  to  feed.  One  of  the  men  had  killed 
a  buffiilo,  and  all,  except  a  few  set  to  guard  the 
horses,  were  engaged  around  the  fires  which  they 
had  kindled  in  preparing  a  meal  from  it.  Suddenly 
a  volley  blazed  forth  on  them  from  a  wooded  bluff, 
and  simultaneously  a  large  force  of  Indians  appeared 
and  rushed  to  attack  them.  The  men,  thus  surprised, 
seized  their  arms  and  bravely  defended  themselves  as 
long  as  their  ammunition  lasted.  Then  they  attempted 
to  escape  by  their  boats,  but  these  were  unwieldy,  the 
water  was  very  low,  and  the  party,  too  much  weakened 
to  avail  themselves  of  this  method  of  escape,  and 
being  wholly  unable  to  make  further  resistance,  sur- 
rendered to  the  savages,  who  at  once  proceeded  to  the 
work  of  massacre.  They  killed  Col.  Lochry  and  sev- 
eral others  of  the  prisoners,  but  were  restrained  from 
further  butchery  by  the  timely  arrival  of  their  chief,'' 
who  declared  that  he  disapproved  of  their  conduct, 
but  said  he  was  unable  wholly  to  control  his  men, 
who  were  eager  to  revenge  the  acts  of  Col.  Brodhead 
against  the  Indians  on  the  Muskingum  a  few  months 

The  party  which  Col.  Lochry  surrendered  to  the 
Indians  consisted  of  but  sixty-four  men,  forty-two 
having  been  killed.  The  Indians  engaged  numbered 
over  three  hundred  of  various  tribes,  but  principally 
those  of  the  Six  Nations.  They  divided  the  plunder 
among  them  in  proportion  to  the  numbers  of  each 
tribe  engaged. 

On  the  next  day  the  prisoners  were  marched  to 
the  Delaware  towns,  where  they  were  met  by  a 
party  of  British  and  Indians,  who  said  they  were 
on  their  way  to  the  Falls  of  the  Ohio  to  attack 
Gen.  Clarke.  The  prisoners  were  separated  and 
taken  to  different  places  of  captivity  at  the  Indian 
towns,  and  there  they  remained  (excepting  a  few  who 
escaped)  until  the  close  of  the  Revolutionary  strug- 
gle. After  the  preliminary  articles  of  peace  had  been 
signed  (Nov.  30,  1782)  they  were  ransomed  by  the 
British  officers  in  command  of  the  Northern  posts 
and  were  sent  to  Canada,  to  be  exchanged  for  British 
prisoners   in  the  hands   of  the  Americans.^     In  the 

2  It  has  been  stated  that  the  chief  in  command  of  this  Indian  party 
was  the  famous  Capt.  Brant,  and  that  he, afterwards  professed  much  re- 
gret for  the  massacre  of  Lochry  arid  his  men. 

3  The  following  memorial  of  escaped  prisoners  belonging  to  Col.  Loch- 
ry's command  was  presented  to  the  Supreme  Executive  Council,  ad- 
dressed to  President  Moore,  and  indorsed  July  3, 17S2,  viz.: 

"  Sir, — We,  the  subscribers,  inhabitants  of  the  County  of  Westmore- 
land, beg  leave  to  represent  to  your  Excellency  and  Council  that  we  had 
the  misfortune  to  be  made  prisoners  of  by  the  Indians  on  the  24th  of 
August  last  and  carried  to  Montreal,  and  there  kept  in  close  confine- 
ment till  the  26th  of  May  last,  when  we  were  so  fortunate  as  to  make  our 
escape,  and  after  a  long  and  fatigueing  march  through  the  Wilderness 
we  got  to  this  city  yesterday  at  three  o'clock.  As  we  are  at  present 
destitute  of  both  Money  and  Cloathes,  without  which  we  cannot  go 
home.  We  pray  your  Kxc'y  and  Council  to  take  our  case  into  Considera- 
tion, and  order  us  our  pay  from  the  time  we  were  made  prisoners  to 
this.  We  were  under  the  command  of  Colo.  Lougltei'y  wlien  taken,  and 
have  a  list  of  all  those,  both  officers  and  privates,  who  are  now  prisoners 



spring  of  1783  they  sailed  from  Quebec  to  New  York, 
and  from  there  returned  home  by  way  of  Philadel- 
phia, having  been  absent  twenty-two  months.  But 
more  than  one-half  of  who  went  down  the 
Ohio  with  Col.  Lochry  never  again  saw  their  homes. 

Upon  the  abandonment  of  the  expedition  by  Gen. 
Clarke  at  the  Falls  of  the  Ohio,  the  men  composing 
the  force  made  their  way  as  best  they  could  through 
the  wilderness  to  their  homes,  encountering  many 
perils  and  hardships,  and  being  more  than  two 
months  on  the  weary  homeward  journey.  The  ar- 
rival of  a  part  of  them,  as  also  the  terrible  disaster 
to  Col.  Lochry's  command,  was  announced  by  Gen. 
Irvine  (who  had  in  the  mean  time  succeeded  Col. 
Brodhead  in  the  command  of  the  Western  Depart- 
ment) in  a  letter  to  Gen.  Washington,  dated  Fort 
Pitt,  Dec.  2,  1781,  as  follows : 

"...  Capt.  Craig,  with  the  detachment  of  artillery, 
returned  here  on  the  26th  inst.  [ult?]  ...  A  Col. 
Lochry,  of  Westmoreland  County,  Pa.,  with  about  one 
hundred  men  in  all,  composed  of  volunteers  and  a 
company  raised  by  Pennsylvania  for  the  defense  of 
that  county,  started  to  join  Gen.  Clarke,  who,  it  is 
said,  ordered  him  to  unite  with  him  (Clarke)  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Miami,  up  which  river  it  was  previously 
designed  to  proceed  ;  but  the  general,  having  changed 
his  plan,  left  a  small  'party  at  the  Miami,  with  direc- 
tions to  Lochry  to  follow  him  to  the  mouth  of  the 
Falls.'  Sundry  accounts  agree  that  this  party,  and  all 
of  Lochry's  troops  to  a  man,  were  waylaid  by  the  In- 
dians and  British  (for  it  is  said  they  had  artillery), 
and  all  killed  or  taken,  not  a  man  escaping,  either  to 
join  Gen.  Clarke  or  to  return  home.  When  Capt. 
Craig  left  the  general  he  would  not  be  persuaded  but 
that  Lochry  with  his  party  had  returned  home.  These 
misfortunes  throw  the  people  of  this  county  into  the 
greatest  consternation,  and  almost  despair,  particularly 
Westmoreland  County,  Lochry's  party  being  all  the 
best  men  of  their  frontier.     At  the  present  they  talk 

of  that  party,  which,  together  with  such  information  as  ia  in  our  power, 
we  are  ready  to  give  for  the  satisfaction  of  your  Exc'y  and  Council. 
"  We  have  the  Honour  to  be 

*'  Your  Excellency's  Hble  Serves, 

"  Isaac  Andekson, 
"  Lieut,  Ciipt.  Sheerer^e  Company  Rangers. 

"  Richard  Wallace, 
"  Late  Quartermaster  to   Colonel  Lochry.^^ 
A  similar  petition  was  presented  to  Council  Jan.  6, 1783,  by  prisoners 
from  Lochry's  command,  then  returning  (not  escaped)  from  Canada,  as 
follows : 

"We,  the  Subscribers,  would  beg  leave  to  represent  the  situation  of 
Henery  Dnngan,  Serg'  of  Captn  John  Boyd's  Company,  and  "Robert  Wat- 
son, John  Marrs,  and  Mich.  Hare,  of  Capt.  Thos.  Stokely's  Com'y  of 
Bangers  of  this  State,  that  they  have  been  Captured  by  the  Savages  in 
the  Summer  of  Eighty-one,  and  are  now  on  their  return  from  Canada, 
being  Destitute  of  Money,  and  allmost  Cloatbing,  would  beg  that  Coun- 
cil would  take  th«ir  Situation  under  Consideration,  and  grant  them  such 
supply's  as  they  in  their  wisdom  shall  think  necessary.  • 
^Signed)  "John  Boyd, 

"  C<ipt'n  of  Bangers  S.  P. 
'*  Thomas  Stokelt, 

"  Ca;i(.  of  Rangers  S.  P." 
—Pexn.  Arcli.,  1781-83,  pp.  738-31. 

of  flying  early  in  the  spring  to  the  eatitern  Hide  of  the 
mountains,  and  are  daily  flocking  to  mc  to  inquire 

what  support  they  may  expect." 

While  Gen.  Clarke'.s  expedition  was  in  progrewH, 
and  long  before  the  intelligence  had  been  received 
of  its  disiistrous  termination,  another  expedition  was 
projected,  its  object  being  identical  witli  a  part  of 
Clarke's  plan,  viz.,  the  capture  and  destruction  of 
the  Indian  towns  on  the  Sandusky  Kiver.  The  en- 
terprise was  conceived  and  fostered  by  Cols.  Brod- 
head and  Gibson  at  Fort  Pitt,  and  by  Hays,  Marshel, 
and  other  officials  of  the  Pennsylvania  counties  on 
both  sides  of  the  Monongahela.  Undoubtedly  mili- 
tary jealousy  had  much  to  do  with  the  advocacy  of 
the  plan  by  Col.  Brodhead  and  other  officers  at  Fort 
Pitt,  but  they,  as  well  as  Marshel,  Hays,  and  other 
Pennsylvania  officials,  also  believed,  or  artiected  to  be- 
lieve, that  Clarke's  campaign  was  prosecuted  wholly 
in  the  interest  of  Virginia,  and  with  the  ulterior  ob- 
ject of  establishing  the  claims  of  that  State  to  territory 
in  the  West. 

As  early  as  the  23d  of  August,  Col.  Brodhead  men- 
tioned the  proposed  enterprise  in  a  letter  of  that  date 
addressed  to  the  president  of  the  Council,  viz. :  "  An 
Expedition  against  the  Sanduskies  is  in  Contempla- 
tion, and  I  wish  to  promote  it,  but  what  can  be  done 
with  naked  and  starved  men,  unless  the  Country  will 
aftbrd  a  generous  supply,  you  will  easily  Determine." 
The  expedition  was  to  be  under  the  command  of  Col. 
Gibson,  of  the  Seventh  Virginia  Regiment,  and  the 
rendezvous  was  ordered  at  Fort  Mcintosh  on  the  5th 
of  September.  A  considerable  number  of  volunteers 
were  recruited,  including  many  of  the  leading  citizens 
of  Washington  County.  But  the  same  difficulties  were 
encountered  in  the  raising  of  supplies  which  Brodhead 
had  previously  met  in  the  prosecution  of  his  campaign 
against  the  Delaware  towns,  and  he  made  little  if  any 
progress  towards  the  desired  result  during  the  short 
time  that  he  afterwards  remained  as  commandant  at  . 
Fort  Pitt. 

On  the  24th  of  September,  1781,  Brig.-Gen.  William 
Irvine  received  orders  to  supersede  Col.  Brodhead  in 
the  command  of  Fort  Pitt  and  the  Western  Depart- 
ment. He  at  once  repaired  to  his  post  of  duty,  and 
began  the  arduous  task  of  having  the  work  put  in  a 
tolerable  condition  for  defense,  and  of  bringing  the 
troops  under  his  command  there  up  to  as  near  a  state 
of  efficiency  as  was  practicable.  The  Eighth  Penn- 
sylvania and  Seventh  Virginia  Regiments  at  Fort 
Pitt  had  been  reduced  to  a  mere  remnant,  sufficient 
men  remaining  in  each  to  form  two  full  companies, 
but  no  more,  and  they  were  reorganized  in  that  way, 
and  the  supernumerary  officers  sent  elsewhere.  Of 
the  condition  of  the  soldiers  at  the  fort  Irvine  wrote 
Gen.  Washington  :  "  I  never  saw  troops  cut  so  truly 
deplorable  a  figure.  No  man  would  believe  from  their 
appearance  that  they  were  soldiers  ;  nay,  it  was  diffi- 
'  cult  to  determine  whether  they  were  white  men." 



Under  such  circumstances  and  in  view  of  the  al- 
most impossibility  of  obtaining  supplies,  Gen.  Irvine 
did  not  encourage  the  projected  expedition  to  the 
Sandusky  towns,  and  it  was  accordingly  abandoned 
for  that  year.  He  ascertained  that  the  post  at  Wheel- 
ing (Fort  Henry)  was  occupied  by  a  garrison  of  one 
Continental  officer  and  fifteen  privates,  but  he  could 
not  spare  any  of  the  soldiers  from  Fort  Pitt  for  their 
relief,  and  he  found  some  difficulty  in  obtaining  else- 
where even  the  small  number  of  men  necessary.  On 
the  14th  of  November  he  wrote  James  Marshel,  county 
lieutenant  of  Washington,  asking  him  to  furnish  vol- 
unteers for  the  relieving  party.  Marshel  replied,  two 
days  later,  "  I  cannot  comply  with  your  requisition 
of  engaging  a  number  of  men  for  the  defense  of  Fort 
Wheeling,  as  I  am  heartily  tired  out  with  volunteer 
plans;"  but  he  added,  "  I  shall  order  out,  according 
to  class,  the  number  of  militia  you  have  demanded, 
and  order  the  officer  to  wait  on  you  for  instructions." 
He  did  so,  sending  Lieut.  John  Hay  in  command  of 
one  sergeant  and  fifteen  privates  of  the  Washington 
County  militia.  The  officer  waited  on  Gen.  Irvine  as 
ordered,  and  on  the  28th  of  November  received  his 
instructions  "  to  proceed  to  Wheeling  with  the  de- 
tachment under  his  command,  there  to  relieve  the 
garrison  of  Continental  troops,  taking  upon  himself 
the  charge  of  the  post."  Lieut.  Hay  and  his  detach- 
ment occupied  Fort  Henry  until  the  2d  of  February 
following,  when  the  officer  and  garrison  were  relieved 
by  anotlier  lieutenant  and  a  detachment  of  equal  num- 
bers from  the  Washington  County  militia,  and  these 
remained  garrisoning  the  post  until  about  the  1st  of 
April  following. 

Williamson's  Expeditions.— In  November,  1781, 
after  the  proposed  campaign  against  Sandusky  had 
been  given  up  for  that  year,  a  small  expedition  was 
sent  against  the  Moravian  towns  on  the  Muskingum 
River.  The  reason  for  this  movement  against  the  peace- 
ftil  Moravians  was  that  many  of  the  borderers  believed, 
or  professed  to  believe,  that  they  (the  Christian  In- 
dians) were  secretly  in  league  with  the  warlike  savages 
who  lived  farther  to  the  northwest,  that  even  if  they  did 
not  take  active  part  in  the  frequent  raids  and  butcher- 
ies, they  did  at  least  at  their  isolated  towns — situated 
midway  between  the  Ohio  River  frontier  and  the  hos- 
tile villages  on  the  Sandusky — give  shelter,  subsist- 
ence, and  information  to  the  Shawanese  and  Wyan- 
dot warriors  when  engaged  in  their  bloody  forays  ; 
and  some  even  believed  that  the  Moravians  them- 
selves mingled  with  the  war  parties  and  wielded  the 
knife  and  tomahawk.  It  was  not  intended,  however, 
in  this  expedition  to  use  fire  and  sword  against  the 
Indians  of  the  Moravians  towns,  but  to  induce  them, 
if  possible,  to  remove  farther  away  from  the  Ohio,  or, 
failing  in  this,  to  take  them  as- prisoners  to  Fort  Pitt. 

The  expedition  numbered  between  seventy-five  and 
one  hundred  men,  and  was  made  up  of  volunteers 
from  the  country  west  of  the  Monongahela  River, 
principally   from   Washington   County.      The   com- 

manding officer  (Col.  David  Williamson)  was  of  the 
same  county  and  one  of  its  prominent  citizens. 

The  organization  of  the  expedition  was  effected 
with  but  little  delay,  for  the  enterprise  was  one  in- 
volving little  danger  to  deter  volunteers,  and  it  was  not 
necessary  for  its  probably  short  term  of  service  to 
accumulate  a  large  amount  of  provisions.  Having 
no  artillery,  camp  equipage,  or  supply  trains  to  im- 
pede his  progress.  Col.  Williamson  moved  his  force 
rapidly  to  the  Ohio,  and  thence  to  the  towns  on  the 
Muskingum  ;  but  in  the  mean  time  he  had  been  fore- 
stalled in  his  projected  work  by  a  large  force  of  hos- 
tile savages,'  who  charged  the  Moravians  with  being 
in  league  with  the  whites,  and  on  this  plea  had  visited 
their  towns,  broken  them  up,  driven  the  people  away 
to  Sandusky,  and  carried  the  white  Moravian  mis- 
sionaries residing  among  them  prisoners  to  Detroit. 

On  his  arrival  at  the  towns,  William.son  found 
them  deserted,  except  by  a  small  party  of  the  Mora- 
vians, who  had  been  driven  away,  but  who  had  been 
allowed  by  their  captors  to  return  for  the  purpose  of 
gathering  some  corn  which  had  been  left  standing  in 
the  fields  near  the  villages.  This  party  he  took  pris- 
oners and  marched  them  to  Fort  Pitt,  where,  however, 
they  were  soon  after  set  at  liberty  by  Gen.  Irvine,  the 

During  the  winter  of  1781-82  the  people  of  the 
frontier  settlements  looked  forward  with  dread  and 
painful  foreboding  to  the  time  of  melting  snows  and 
springing  grass,  the  time  when  the  lifting  of  winter's 
embargo  would  permit  the  Western  savages  to  come 
out  from  the  shelter  of  their  towns  and  carry  devas- 
tation across  the  border  from  the  Ohio  to  the  Monon- 
gahela. The  months  of  December  and  January  were 
exceedingly  and  continuously  cold,  but  at  the  begin- 
ning of  February  the  weather  became  unusually 
mild ;  and  this  sudden  and  remarkable  change  proved 
to  be  the  opening  of  spring.  In  a  few  days  the  snow 
had  disappeared,  and  the  season  seemed  like  April 
rather  than  February.  The  savages  on  the  Sandusky 
at  once  availed  themselves  of  the  unusual  circum- 
stance, and  took  the  war-path.     A  party  of  them  en- 

^  The  hostile  Indians  and  BritiHli,  being  suspicions  thattlie  Moravians 
had  been  secretely  working  in  tlie  interests  of  the  Americans,  resolved 
to  drive  tliem  from  their  towns  on  the  Mnskingnm.  An  Indian  force 
was  therefore  gathered  for  this  purpose,  composed  of  Wyaudots,  Dela- 
wares,  and  Shawanese,  in  all  amounting  to  more  than  three  hundred 
warriors.  Tlie  first  of  the  Indian  parties — a  body  of  one  hundred  and 
forty  Wyandots  under  their  Half-King,  and  accompanied  by  Matthew 
Elliot,  a  Tory,  holding  a  captain's  commission  in  the  British  service — 
reached  the  Muskingum  on  the  10th  of  August,  1781.  The  Upper  San- 
dusky Pelawares,  under  Capt.  Pipe  and  Wingenund,  came  in  soon  after, 
and  by  the  14th  the  whole  force  was  gathered  at  the  Moravian  towns,  where 
they  remained  for  nearly  a  month.  On  the  11th  of  September  they  left 
on  their  return  to  Sandusky,  forcing  the  Moravian  Indians  to  accompany 
them,  abandoning  their  villages,  cattle,  and  crops.  The  war  parties  also 
made  prisoners  of  Heckewelder,  Zeisberger,  and  other  missionaries  found 
at  the  villages,  and  sent  them  to  the  British  at  Detroit,  where  tliey  were 
tried  as  spies,  charged  with  hohling  correspondence  with  the  Americans. 
They  were  soon  afterwards  acquitted  by  the  British  court-martial  at 
Detroit,  and  allowed  to  rejoin  their  Indian  converts  in  the  vicinity  of 



tered  Virginia  as  early  as  the  8th  of  the  month,  and 
murdered  a  young  man  named  John  Fink  at  the  Bu- 
chanan settlement.  This  was  the  opening  act  of  the 
Indian  hostilities  of  the  memorable  year  1782. 

On  the  10th '  of  February  a  war  party  of  Shawanese 
attacked  the  house  of  Robert  Wallace,  on  the  waters 
of  Raccoon  Creek,  in  the  present  township  of  Han- 
over, Washington  County.  The  husband  and  father 
was  away  from  home  at  the  time  of  the  attack,  and 
the  Indians  having  killed  his  cattle  and  hogs,  and 
committed  all  the  depredations  possible  except  that 
of  burning  the  house,  took  Mrs.  Wallace  and  her 
three  children  prisoners,  and  moved  as  rapidly  as 
possible  with  them  towards  the  Ohio,  evidently  an- 
ticipating a  prompt  pursuit.  When  Wallace  returned 
in  the  evening  and  saw  the  desolation  of  his  home 
he  at  once  understood  the  cause,  and  during  the 
night  roused  the  neighboring  settlers,  and  formed  a 
party  to  start  at  dawn  on  the  trail  of  the  savages,  and 
rescue  the  prisoners  from  their  hands  if  possible. 
The  party,  determined  on  revenge,  set  out  as  pro- 
posed, but  there  came  a  light  fall  of  snow  which  con- 
cealed the  trail,  and  compelled  them  to  return  with- 
out having  accomplished  their  object. 

Within  a  few  days  of  the  time  when  the  Shawanese 
attacked  Wallace's  house,'  another  party  of  Indians 
appeared  in  the  west  part  of  Washington  County,  and 
captured  a  man  named  John  Carpenter,  who  lived  on 
the  waters  of  the  Dutch  Fork  of  Buffalo  Creek.' 
They  also  took  his  two  horses,  and  with  these  and 
their  prisoners  they  made  their  way  to  and  across  the 
Ohio,  swimming  the  somewhat  swollen  river,  and 
nearly  losing  the  horses  in  doing  so,  and  proceeded 
rapidly  to  the  Muskingum.  At  the  end  of  the  first 
day's  journey  beyond  that  river  the  horses  were  hob- 
bled and  turned  loose  to  feed.  In  the  morning  Car- 
penter was  sent  to  bring  them  in,  and  finding  them 
attempting  to  make  their  way  back  over  the  trail  of 
the  previous  day,  he  suddenly  resolved  that  he  too 
would  make  the  attempt,  though  he  well  knew  that 
his  fate  would  be  a  terrible  one  if  he  should  fail. 
Freeing  the  horses  from  their  hobbles  he  mounted 
one  of  them,  and  made  his  way  as  rapidly  as  possible 
to  the  Ohio,  which  he  reached  in  safety  near  Fort 
Mcintosh.  Thence  he  went  to  Fort  Pitt,  reported 
the  events  of  his  captivity  to  Col.  Gibson,  and  came 
back  to  his  home  in  Washington  County. 

Upon  his  return  Carpenter  reported  in  the  settlement 
that  his  savage  captors  were  six  in  number,  and  that 
among  them  were  two  who  called  themselves  Mora- 
vian Indians  and  spoke  in  good  Dutch.  These  two, 
he  said,  had  appeared  particularly  vindictive  towards 
the  whites,  and  treated  him  much  more  severely  than 

1  Butterfield's  and  some  other  accounts  erroneously  give  the  17th  as 
the  date  of  tlie  attack  on  Wallace's  house. 

2  It  was  about  the  15th  of  February  that  Carpenter  was  captured. 
Some  accounts  have  it  "  early  in  March,"  but  this  is  a  mistake.  He  had 
escaped  and  returned  to  the  settlements  before  the  2oth  of  February. 

3  Doddridge  in  his  "  Notes"  says  Carpenter  lived  in  Virginia,  not  far 
from  Wellsburg. 

did  the  others.    The  settlers  had  already   become 

aroused,  and  were  preparing  to  form  an  expedition 
to  inva<le  the  Indian  country  a.s  tlieir  only  means  of 
safety  and  peace.  Hut  when  they  received  the  intel- 
ligence brought  by  Carpenter,  they  at  once  concluded 
that  the  atrocities  then  recently  committed  were  the 
work  of  the  Moravians.  Even  before  this  they  had 
been  strongly  inclined  to  hold  the  so-called  Christian 
Indians  responsible  for  the  atrocities  which  had  been 
committed,  for  it  was  known  that  some  of  the  Mora- 
vians had  returned  from  their  enforced  exile  and 
were  reoccupying  their  former  homes  ;*  and,  as  the 
frontiersmen  said,  it  was  not  likely  that  the  hostile 
savages  from  far-off"  Sandusky  would  have  reached 
the  border  settlements  so  early  in  the  season  ;  or  if  in 
fact  they  were  the  perpetrators  of  the  outrages,  they 
must  have  made  the  Muskingum  villages  the  base  of 
theiroperations,andin  such  case  the  blame  was  charge- 
able on  the  Moravians.  There  were  some  who  dis- 
sented from  this  view  of  the  case,  but  when  the  story 
of  Carpenter's  capture  and  captivity  was  told,  it  was 
agreed  by  nearly  all  that  the  Moravians  had  at  least 
given  aid  to  the  murdering  savages  by  furnishing 
them  with  a  refuge  and  subsistence,  if  indeed  they 
had  not  also  actually  accompanied  the  war  parties 
and  taken  active  part  in  their  work  of  massacre  and 
devastation.  It  was  therefore  the  general  sentiment 
of  the  people  that  an  expedition  should  be  sent  at 
once  to  the  Moravian  towns  to  compel  their  final  and 
permanent  evacuation  by  the  Moravians,  to  burn  the 
houses  so  that  the  place  could  no  longer  be  used  as  a 
shelter  and  base  of  operations  for  war  parties,  and  to 
take  bloody  vengeance  on  all  hostile  savages  who 
might  be  found  there  ;  but  it  does  not  appear  that  in 
the  inception  of  the  enterprise  there  was  any  inten- 
tion (at  least  among  the  leading  men)  to  kill  any  of 
the  really  peaceable  Moravians,  or  to  do  them  any 
violence  beyond  compelling  them  (by  force  if  need 
be)  to  vacate  the  villages  and  remove  either  to  a  re- 
mote part  of  the  Indian  country  or  to  the  vicinity  of 
Fort  Pitt,  where  they  could  be  kept  under  the  sur- 
veillance of  the  military  authorities. 

So  unanimous  among  the  settlers  was  the  senti- 
ment in  favor  of  such  an  expedition  that  its  ranks 
could  have  been  easily  and  quickly  tilled  with  volun- 
teers, but  Col.  James  Marshel,  who  as  county  lieu- 
tenant of  Washington  had  entire  control  of  the  mili- 
tary of  the  county,  was  entirely  opposed  to  that 
method  of  raising  men,  being— as  he  had  previouslv 
expressed  himself  in  an  oflBcial  letter  to  Gen.  Irvine — 
"  heartily  tired  out  with  volunteer  plans."  He  had  re- 
ceived authority  from  the  Supreme  Executive  Council 
of  Pennsylvania  (in  circular  instructions  to  lieuten- 
ants of  the  western  counties,  dated  Jan.  8,  1782)  to 

«  "  Having  received  intelligence  that  the  Indian  towns  on  the  Mus- 
kingum had  not  moved,  as  was  supposed,  a  number  of  men,  properly 
provided,  collected  and  rendezvoused  on  the  Ohio  opiwsite  the  Mingo 
Bottom,  with  a  design  to  surprise  the  above  [Moravian]  towns." — Pen»- 
tj/lvcmia  GazelU,  -Vpril  17,  1782. 



call  out  the  militia  of  his  county  at  will  on  any 
emergency  which  in  his  opinion  rendered  it  necessary, 
and  he  now  promptly  exercised  that  authority  by 
calling  out  from  the  militia  of  the  county  the  number 
of  men  which  he  thought  necessary  for  the  success- 
ful accomplishment  of  the  object  in  view.  The  force, 
which  consisted  of  about  one  hundred  and  sixty 
men,'  all  of  Washington  County,  and  all,  or  very 
nearly  all,  of  whom  were  mounted,  was  placed  under 
command  of  Col.  David  Williamson.  It  left  the 
county  on  the  3d  of  March,  and  in  the  morning  of 
the  4th  crossed  the  Ohio  River  to  the  Mingo  Bottom, 
which  was  on  the  western  bank  of  the  stream,  about 
two  and  a  half  miles  below  the  present  town  of  Steu- 
ben ville. 

When  the  Shawanese  war  party  who  destroyed  the 
home  of  Robert  Wallace,  on  Raccoon  Creek,  made 
their  rapid  retreat  to  the  Ohio  with  their  prisoners,  in 
the  night  of  the  10th  of  February,  they  found  Mrs. 
Wallace  and  her  infant  child  to  be  serious  impedi- 
ments to  the  rapidity  of  their  march,  and  so,  soon 
after  crossing  the  river,  these  two  helpless  ones  were 
ruthlessly  murdered,'^  the   mother  scalped,  and   her 

1  Butterfield,  in  his  "  Historical  Account  of  the  Expedition  Against 
Sandusky  under  Ool.  WiUiain  Crawford  in  1782,"  gives  the  strength  of 
this  force  as  ninety  men  only  ;  and  Doddridge  (page  248)  places  it  at 
"  between  eighty  and  ninety  men  ;"  but  this  is  undoubtedly  an  error. 
Most  of  the  accounts  which  bear  the  appearance  of  authenticity  state 
the  number  to  have  beeu  one  hundred  and  sixty.  One  of  the  apparently 
most  reliable  of  these  accounts  is  the  "  Kelation  of  Frederick  Linebach," 
which  is  found  in  the  Pennsylvania  Archives  of  1781-83,  page  624,  and 
is  given  farther  on  in  this  narrative.  It  embraces  the  account  given  of 
the  expedition  by  two  persons  living  near  Easton,  Pa ,  but  who  were 
present  on  the  frontier  at  the  time  Williamson's  party  returned  from 
the  campaign.  In  a  few  days  thereafter  they  left  the  frontier  and  re- 
turned to  Eastern  Pennsylvania,  where  they  related  the  facts  as  given. 
The  number  of  Williamson's  men  was  stated  by  them  as  one  hundred 
and  sixty.  The  statement  of  men  who  were  on  the  border  at  the  time, 
who  heard  all  the  facts  related,  and  very  likely  saw  the  forces  of  the  ex- 
pedition, is  of  more  value  than  any  account  written  years  afterward 
from  recollection  or  tradition.  It  is  true  that  Dr.  Doddridge  was  also 
living  on  the  frontier  at  the  time,  but  as  he  was  then  only  about  twelve 
years  old,  it  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  he  would  of  his  own  knowledge 
have  any  definite  information  as  to  the  number  of  men  composing  the 

Stone,  in  his  "Life  of  Brant,"  ii.  220,  says,  "  A  band  of  between  one 
and  two  hundred  men  from  the  settlements  of  the  Monougahela  turned 
out  in  quest  of  the  marauders  [those  who  had  committed  atrocities  on 
the  frontier  east  of  the  Ohio,  and  part  of  whom  were  supposed  to  be  the 
Moravians],  thirsting  for  vengeance,  under  the  command  of  Col.  David 

On  page  143  of  "Contributions  to  American  History,"  published  by 
the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania,  is  found  the  following :  "  In 
March,  1782,  one  hundred  and  sixty  militiamen  living  upon  the  Monou- 
gahela set  off  on  horseback  to  the  Muskingum,  in  order  to  destroy  three 
Moravian  Indian  settlements." 

Col.  Whittlesey,  in  the  "American  Pioneer,"  vol.  ii.  p. 428,  says,  "  Tliey 
were  principally  from  the  Monougahela  region,  and  appointed  William- 
son to  the  command." 

Gen.  Irvine,  who  was  in  the  East  at  the  time  the  expedition  set  out, 
and  who  arrived  back  at  Fort  Pitt  a  few  days  after  the  forces  came  back 
from  their  bloody  work  on  the  Muskingum,  wrote  to  Gen.  Washington 
on  the  20th  of  April  following,  in  which  letter  he  said  that  upon  his 
arrival  at  Fort  Pitt  he  found  that  "  about  three  hundred  men  had  just  re- 
turned from  the  Moravian  towns." 

2  The  two  other  Wallace  children— Robert,  aged  two  and  a  half  years, 
and  his  brother,  ten  years  of  age— were  taken  to  Sandusky,  where  the 
elder  one  died.  Robert  was  sold  to  the  Wyandots,  and  remained  with 
that  tribe  nearly  three  years.    His  father  heard  of  his  being  there,  and 

body  impaled  on  the  sharpened  trunk  of  a  sapling 
standing  directly  on  the  path  which  led  from  the 
Mingo  Bottom  to  the  villages  on  tlie  Muskingum. 
On  their  arrival  at  the  Moravian  town  of  Gnaden- 
hiitten  they  announced  the  bloody  work  on  which 
they  had  been  engaged  and  exhibited  the  plunder 
they  had  secured.  The  Christian  Indians  at  once  saw 
how  their  own  safety  might  be  endangered  by  this 
visit  of  the  hostile  party.  They  reproached  the  Shawa- 
nese for  having  compromised  them  by  stopping  at 
their  town,  and  begged  them  to  proceed  on  their 
homeward  journey  without  delay.  The  warriors  com- 
plied with  this  request,  but  not  until  they  had  cun- 
ningly induced  the  simple  Moravians  to  purchase 
from  them  some  of  the  household  utensils  they  had 
brought  from  the  ravaged  home  on  Raccoon  Creek, 
and  had  disposed  of  the  blood-stained  dress  of  Mrs. 
Wallace  to  some  of  the  foolish  young  squaws  of  Gna- 
denhiitten.  These  were  dear  purchases  to  the  unsus- 
pecting Moravians,  for  they  soon  after  paid  for  them 
with  their  lives.  It  has  been  the  opinion  of  many 
that  the  scheme  was  preconcerted  on  the  part  of  the 
hostile  Indians,  who  knew  of  the  preparations  which 
were  being  made  in  the  white  settlements  for  an  expe- 
dition against  the  Muskingum  towns,'  and  left  these 
articles  at  Gnadenhiitten,  expecting  that  the  white 
men  would  find  them  there,  and  regarding  the  fact 
as  positive  proof  that  the  Moravians  had  committed 
the  outrages  on  Raccoon  and  Buffalo  Creeks,  would 
murder  them  and  destroy  their  towns  in  retaliation. 
The  hostile  Indians  suspected  that  the  Moravians 
were  in  secret  alliailce  with  the  Americans,*  and 
therefore  might  have  wished  to  have  them  destroyed, 
or  at  least  permanently  driven  from  their  towns,  so 
that  the  war  parties  might  pass  to  and  fro  between 

after  the  close  of  the  Revolution  sent  for  him,  and  having  succeeded  in 
obtaining  hie  release  from  captivity  brought  him  back  to  his  home  in 
Washington  County. 

3  The  story  was  afterwards  current  among  the  inhabitants  that  the 
infamous  renegade,  Siuiou  Girty,  was  present  in  the  settlements  in  dis- 
guise when  tlie  expedition  was  being  formed,  and  that  he  did  all  in  his 
power  to  promote  it.  That  the  Indians  wished  to  have  the  blame  of  their 
outrages  thrown  on  the  Christian  Indians  is  evident  from  the  fact  that 
two  of  the  most  savage  of  the  captors  of  John  Carpenter  pretended  to  be 
Moravians,  though  they  were  but  warriors  in  that  disguise. 

■*"The  peaceable  Indians  [Moravians]  first  fell  under  suspicion  with 
the  Indian  warriors  and  the  English  commandant  at  Detroit,  to  whom  it 
was  reported  that  their  teachers  [the  missionaries]  were  in  close  confed- 
eracy with  the  American  Congress  for  preventing  not  only  their  own 
people  but  also  the  Delawares  and  some  other  nations  from  associating 
their  arms  with  those  of  the  British  forcarryiug  on  the  war  against  the 
American  colonies.  The  frequent  failures  of  the  war  expeditions  of  the 
Indians  was  attributed  to  the  Moravians,  who  often  sent  runners  to  Fort 
Pitt  to  give  notice  of  their  approach.  This  charge  against  them  was 
certainly  not  without  foundation.  In  the  spring  of  1781  the  war  chief 
of  the  Delawares  fully  apprised  the  missionaries  and  their  followers  of 
their  danger  both  from  the  whites  and  Indians,  and  requested  them  to 
remove  to  a  place  of  safety  from  both.  This  request  was  not  complied 
with.  The  almost  prophetic  predictions  of  this  chief  were  literally  ful- 
filled."— Ijoddridge^s  Eitrlij  Settlement  and  Indian  Wars^  page  257. 

The  same  advice  which  was  given  to  the  Moravian  Indians  by  the 
Delaware  chief,  as  mentioned  by  Doddridge,  was  also  pressed  on  them  by 
Col.  Brodhead  at  the  time  he  was  marching  with  his  expedition  to  the 
Delaware  towns  in  April,  1781,  but  they  persisted  in  their  determination 
to  remain,  seeming  to  court  their  own  destruction. 



the  Sandusky  and  the  Ohio  without  liaving  their  move- 
ments watched  and  reported  to  the  frontiersmen.  If 
such  was  their  wisli  and  intention  it  was  natural  that 
rather  than  do  the  bloody  work  themselves  they 
should  prefer  to  have  it  done  by  the  whites,  because  in 
that  event  it  would  be  sure  to  rouse  a  universal  spirit 
of  revenge  among  the  Northwestern  savages,  and  to 
unite  all  the  tribes  and  bands  (some  of  which  were 
still  wavering  and  neutral)  in  a  general  Indian  league 
against  the  Pennsylvania  and  Virginia  settlers.  If 
such  was  their  plan  it  was  a  deep-laid  one,  which  was 
adroitly  executed,  and  only  too  successful  in  its  results. 

Col.  Williamson's  forces  moved  from  the  Mingo 
Bottom '  and  passed  up  the  valley  of  Cross  Creek,  on 
the  direct  trail  to  the  Moravian  towns.  Before  they 
had  advanced  far  from  the  river  they  passed  the  spot 
where  the  Indian  murderers  of  Mrs.  Robert  Wallace 
had  impaled  her  mutilated  body.  Naturally  the  rage 
of  the  volunteers  was  raised  to  the  highest  pitch  by 
the  giiastly  sight,  and  many  and  deep  were  the  impre- 
cations launched  against  the  Moravians  as  the  perpe- 
trators of  the  bloody  deed.  If  they  had  reasoned 
more  coolly  they  must  have  regarded  the  presence  of 
the  corpse  at  that  place  as  evidence  in  favor  of  the 
innocence  of  the  Christian  Indians,  for  if  they  had 
done  the  murder,  they  would  hardly  have  advertised 
the  fact  by  placing  the  body  in  that  position  on  the 
direct  path  to  their  settlements ;  but  the  men  were  too 
higlily  excited  and  incensed  to  reason  in  this  way,  and 
so  they  marched  on,  full  of  wrath  and  vengeful  feel- 
ings against  the  peaceful  inhabitants  of  the  villages 
on  the  Muskingum. 

Late  in  the  evening  of  the  6th  of  March  the  expe- 
dition arrived  within  less  than  a  mile  of  Gnadenhiitten, 
and  the  men  bivouacked  so  near  the  village  that  their 
advanced  scouts  could  faintly  hear  the  shouting  of  the 
Indian  children,  yet  none  of  the  doomed  people  in  the 
town  knew  of  their  approach.  The  place  had  not  been 
permanently  reoccupied  by  the  Moravians  since  their 
expulsion  by  the  hostile  Indians  in  the  preceding  Sep- 
tember; but  a  body  of  about  one  hundred  and  fifty 
of  the  exiles  (including  many  women  and  children) 
had  come  back  from  the  place  to  which  they  had  been 
driven,  and  were  then  engaged  at  their  old  settlement, 

1 "  Mingo  Bottom  is  a  rich  plateau  on  the  immediate  hank  of  the  Ohio, 
in  the  south  lialf  of  section  27  of  towusliip  two,  range  one,  of  tlie  govern- 
ment survey,  extending  south  to  a  small  affluent  of  the  Ohio  known  as 
Cross  Creek.  Opposite  the  upper  portion  of  Mingo  Bottom  is  Mingo 
Island,  containing  about  ten  acres,  although  much  larger  in  1782.  It 
supports  a  scanty  growth  of  willow  bushes  only,  but  within  the  recol- 
lection of  many  now  living  it  was  studded  with  trees  of  large  size,  par- 
ticularly the  soft  maple.  Cross  Creek,  on  the  Virginia  side,  flows  into 
the  Ohio  about  three-fourths  of  a  mile  below.  Before  the  great  Hood  of 
1832  the  island  contained  not  less  than  twenty  acres.  The  usual  place 
of  crossing  was  directly  from  shore  to  shore,  across  the  head  of  the 
island.  At  tlie  landing  on  the  west  bank  tlie  vagrant  Mingoeshad  once 
a  village,  deserted,  however,  as  early  as  1772.  Their  town  gave  name 
to  the  locality.  The  Ohio  has  been  forded  at  this  crossing  in  very  low 
water.  The  bluffs  of  the  river  are  below  the  island  on  the  Virginia  side, 
above  on  the  Ohio  side.  Mingo  Bottom  contains  about  two  hundred  and 
fifty  acres."— jButtcr/ieWs  Expedition  againtt  Sandttshy,  p.  63. 

gathering  corn  of  the  previous  year's  crop  to  carry  to 
their  suffering  brethren  on  the  A  part  of 
them  were  at  Gnadenhiitten  and  the  remainder  at  the 
two  other  villages,  engaged  in  the  same  work. 

Early  in  the  morning  of  the  7th  the  forces  moved 
from  their  bivouac  of  the  previous  night,  and  advanced 
towards  the  town  in  two  divisions.  Tlie  left  division 
was  divided  into  three  parties,  one  to  move  through 
the  woods  to  the  river-bank  below  the  town,  one  to 
march  in  the  same  way  to  the  stream  at  the  upperend 
of  the  town,  and  the  third  to  move  at  the  proper  time 
directly  on  the  village.  The  right  division  was  to 
move  under  cover  to  the  river  at  a  point  about  a  mile 
above  the  town,  and  there  to  cross  to  the  other  .shore 
for  the  purpose  of  capturing  a  body  of  the  Indians 
who,  as  the  commander  had  learned  from  his  scouts, 
were  on  the  west  side  of  the  river. 

When  the  right  division  reached  the  river  above  the 
town  they  found  the  stream  filled  with  floating  ice 
and  too  much  swollen  to  ford.  They  had  neither  the 
time  nor  the  means  necessary  to  build  rafts  for  cros.s- 
ing,  and  no  canoes  or  other  craft  were  to  be  seen  along 
the  east  bank.  On  the  west,  however,  they  saw  what 
appeared  to  be  a  canoe,  and  a  young  man  named 
Sloughter  volunteered  to  swim  across  and  bring  it 
over.  This  was  done,  but  it  proved  to  be,  not  a  ca- 
noe, but  a  trough  intended  for  holding  sugar-water. 
Though  large  for  that  use,  it  would  only  carry  two 
men  at  a  time,  and  in  that  manner  they  crossed  the 
river,  some  of  the  men,  however,  stripping  ofl'  their 
clothes,  placing  them  in  the  trough,  and  then  swim- 
ming by  its  side  across  the  stream.  When  some  fif- 
teen or  twenty  of  the  party  had  gained  the  west  bank 
of  the  river,  one  of  the  scouts,  who  had  been  posted  a 
short  distance  in  advance,  discovered  an  Indian. 
Two  shots  were  instantly  fired  at  him,  breaking  his 
arm.  He  proved  to  be  a  young  half-breed,  named 
Joseph  Shabosh,  who  had  been  sent  out  to  catch  a 
horse.  After  breaking  his  arm  the  scouts  rushed 
upon  him,  killed  ''  and  scalped  him,  he  the  while 
begging  piteously  for  his  life,  telling  them  that  he  was 
a  Christian,  and  that  his  father  was  a  white  man  and  a 
minister.  The  firing  of  the  shots  at  young  Shabosh 
of  course  put  an  end  to  all  hopes  of  further  couceal- 
ment,  and  word  was  at  once  sent  to  the  parties  of  the 
left  division  to  move  instantly  on  Gnadenhiitten, 
while  the  men  of  the  right  division  who  had  gained 
the  west  bank  of  the  river — that  is  to  say  the  party 
who  had  killed  Shabosh — marched  as  rapidly  as  pos- 
sible to  the  capture  of  the  Moravians  who  were  on  that 
side  of  the  stream.  These  were  found  in  a  field,  gath- 
ering corn  to  take  to  Sandusky.  The  white  men  told 
them  they  had  come  to  take  them  all  to  Fort  Pitt  for 

2  The  name  of  Charles  Bilderback  has  been  preserved  as  that  of  the 
man  who  killed  and  scaliied  young  ShaK^sh,  and  who  seven  yeare  after- 
wards was  captured  by  an  Indian  party,  taken  to  the  very  place  where 
Shabosh  was  mui-dered,  and  there  killed  and  scalped.  This  is  the  tra- 
dition.   The  most  that  can  be  said  of  it  is  that  it  may  be  true. 




"  The  Indians  surrendered,'  delivered  up  their  arms, 
and  appeared  highly  delighted  with  the  prospect  of 
their  removal,  and  began  with  all  speed  to  prepare 
victuals  for  the  white  men,  and  Indians  were  imme- 
diately dispatched  to  Salem,  a  short  distance  from 
Gnadenhiitten,  where  the  Indians  were  gathering  in 
their  corn,  to  bring  them  into  Gnadenhiitten.  The 
party  soon  arrived  with  the  whole  number  of  Indians 
from  Salem.  In  the  mean  time  the  Indians  at  Gnaden- 
hiitten were  confined  in  two  houses  some  distance 
apart  and  placed  under  guards,  and  when  those  from 
Salem  arrived  they  were  divided  and  placed  in  the 
same  houses  with  their  brethren  from  Gnaden- 

While  these  scenes  were  being  enacted  Williamson's 
men  in  Gnadenhiitten  ransacked  the  village,  and 
found  there  what  they  considered  damning  proof  of 
the  treachery  and  guilt  of  the  Moravians.  They 
seized  the  Indian  horses  and  pointed  to  the  brands  on 
them  as  proof  that  they  had  been  stolen  from  the 
settlements.  The  Indians  in  reply  said  they  were  in 
the  habit  of  branding  their  horses  for  identification, 
and  offered  to  produce  the  branding  irons  they  used 
for  the  purpose.  Tea-kettles,  pots,  basins,  pewter 
plates,  and  a  variety  of  other  articles  were  found 
which  the  white  men  alleged  to  have  been  taken  from 
the  houses  of  settlers  east  of  the  Ohio.  The  Indians 
replied  that  nearly  all  these  things  had  been  brought 
by  the  missionaries  from  the  missions  on  the  Susque- 
hanna, though  some  had  been  purchased  by  them 
from  traders.  But  then  came  the  fatal  evidence  that 
there  were  among  these  articles  some  household  uten- 
sils which  had  been  taken  from  the  house  of  Eobert 
Wallace,  and  that  the  dress  which  his  wife  wore  when 
she  received  the  death-blow  was  found  upon  the  per- 
son of  one  of  the  young  Moravian  women,  and  these 
were  fully  identified  by  Wallace  himself,  who  was 
present  with  the  expedition.  In  the  face  of  these 
facts  all  protestations  of  innocence  on  the  part  of  the 
Indians  were  unavailing.  Their  doom  was  already 
fixed  in  the  minds  of  the  incensed  borderers,  who  at 
once  demanded  of  Col.  Williamson  that  they  should 
be  put  to  death. 

Under  the  pressure  of  these  demands  the  com- 
mander called  a  council  of  war  to  decide  what  should 
be  done,  but  the  oflicers  composing  it  evaded  the  re- 
sponsibility of  making  a  decision,  and  in  fact  they 
knew  they  would  be  powerless  to  enforce  it  if  made 
against  the  wishes  of  the  men.  Williamson  there- 
upon ordered  that  the  question  be  referred  to  a  vote 
of  the  volunteers,  which  vote  should  be  final.  The 
men  were  then  formed  in  line  and  the  question  for- 
mally put  to  them,  "  Shall  the  Moravian  Indians  be 
taken  as  prisoners  to  Fort  Pitt,  or  put  to  death  here?" 
All  those  in  favor  of  sparing  their  lives  were  directed 
to  advance  three  paces  to  the  front.  At  the  order  all 
stood  fast  in  the  line  save  eighteen  brave  men  who 

1  From  the  Rev.  Joseph  Doddridge's  "Notes  on  the  Settle: 
ludiau  Ware  of  the  Wi-stern  Parts  of  Virginia  and  Pennsylvai 

advanced  to  the  front,  and  stood  there  in  hopeless 
minority  until  the  commander  announced  the  result, 
then  withdrew,  and,  as  tradition  says,  called  on  God 
to  witness  that  they  were  guiltless  of  participation  in 
the  awful  tragedy  about  to  be  enacted. 

It  was  evening  on  the  7th  of  March  when  the  dread 
decision  was  communicated  to  the  unhappy  Moravian 
prisoners.  They  had  already  abandoned  all  hope  of 
mercy  from  man,  and  when  asked  if  they  were  pre- 
pared to  die  answered  that  they  were  Christians,  and 
had  no  fear  of  death.  They  were  then  told  that  they 
must  make  all  preparations  during  the  night,  and 
die  on  the  following  morning. 

The  work  of  butchery  was  done  in  the  forenoon  of 
the  8th  of  March.^  The  victims  were  dragged  by 
ropes  placed  about  their  necks,  some  singly  and 
others  in  pairs,  to  the  place  of  slaughter,  where  they 
were  knocked  down  like  beasts  with  a  cooper's  mallet, 
and  then  tomahawked  and  scalped.  The  partic- 
ulars are  too  dreadful  to  dwell  upon.  The  tale  of 
Wyoming's  massacre  is  less  soul-sickening  than  the 
record  of  that  day's  work  done  by  Christian  white 

"  The  prisoners,"  says  the  Rev.  Dr.  Doddridge, 
"  from  the  time  they  were  placed  in  the  guard-house 
foresaw  their  fate,  and  began  their  devotions  of  sing- 
ing hymns,  praying,  and  exhorting  each  other  to 
place  a  firm  reliance  in  the  mercy  of  the  Saviour  of 
men.  When  their  fate  was  announced  to  them  these 
devoted  people  embraced,  kissed,  and  bedewing  each 
others'  faces  and  bosoms  with  their  mutual  tears, 
asked  pardon  of  the  brothers  and  sisters  for  any  of- 
fense they  might  have  given  them  through  life.  Thus 
at  peace  with  God  and  with  each  other,  on  being 
asked  by  those  who  were  impatient  for  the  slaughter 
whether  they  were  ready  to  die,  they  answered  that 
they  had  commended  their  souls  to  God  and  were 
ready  to  die.  The  particulars  of  the  dreadful  catas- 
trophe are  too  horrid  to  relate.  Suffice  it  to  say  that 
in  a  few  minutes  these  two  slaughter-houses,  as  they 
were  then  called,  exhibited  in  their  ghastly  interior 
the  mangled,  bleeding  remains  of  these  poor  unfor- 
tunate people  of  all  ages  and  sexes,  from  the  aged, 
gray-headed  parents  down  to  the  helpless  infant  at 
its  mother's  breast,  dishonored  by  the  fatal  wounds  of 
the  tomahawk,  mallet,  war-club,  spear,  and  scalping- 

An  account  of  the  operations  of  Williamson's  forces 
from  the  time  of  their  setting  out  on  the  expedition 
to  that  of  their  return  to  the  settlements,  including 

2  The  manner  in  which  Dr.  Doddridge  and  some  others  tell  the  story 
of  the  massacre  would  lead  to  the  inference  that  the  Moravian  prisoners 
were  slaughtered  on  the  7th  of  March,  commencing  immediately  after 
their  doom  was  decided  by  the  vote  of  the  volunteers.  That  such  was 
not  the  case,  but  that  the  killing  was  postponed  until  the  morning  of 
the  8th,  is  shown  by  the  Rev.  David  Zeisberger's  narrative  of  (he  trans- 
action, as  also  by  the  "  Relation  of  Frederick  Linebach,"  which  is  given 
in  these  pages.  Gen.  Irvine,  however,  in  a  letter  to  Gen.  Washington, 
dated  April  20,1782,  said  the  report  there  was  that  Williamson's  men 
had  killed  the  Moravians  "  after  cool  deliberation  and  considering  the 
matter  for  three  days." 



the  slaughter  of  the  Moravians,  is  found  in  the  Penn- 
sylvania Archives  of  1781-83,  page  524,  as  follows : 

*'  Relation  of  what  Frederick  Liiiebach  wiis  told  ijy  two  of  Iiih  Nelgh- 
boui-8  living  near  Delaware  River,  above  Eaatoii,  who  were  juat  returned 
from  the  Munongaliela. 

"That  9'-me  time  in  February  one  hundred  &  sixty  Men,  living  upon 
Monaungrthela  set  off  on  Horaeback  to  the  MusUinguin,  in  order  to  do- 
Btroy  Three  Indian  Settlements,  of  which  they  seemed  to  bo  sure  of 
being  the  Touns  of  some  Enemy  Indiana.  After  coming  nigh  to  one  of 
the  Touns  they  discovered  some  Indians  on  both  aides  of  the  River  Mus- 
kingum. They  then  concluded  to  divide  themselves  in  Two  imities,  the 
one  to  cross  the  River  and  the  other  to  attack  those  Indiims  on  this  side. 
When  the  party  got  over  the  River  they  saw  one  of  the  Indians  coming 
up  towards  them.  They  laid  themselves  flat  on  the  ground  waiting  till 
the  Indian  was  nigb  enough,  then  one  of  them  shot  the  Indian  and 
broke  his  arm ;  then  three  of  the  Militia  ran  towards  him  with  Toma- 
hawks; when  they  were  yet  a  little  distance  from  him  be  ask'd  them 
why  they  had  fired  at  him ;  be  was  Minister  Sheboshch's  [John  Bull's] 
Son,  but  they  took  no  notice  of  what  he  said,  but  killed  him  on  the 
Spot.  They  then  surrounded  the  field,  aud  took  all  the  other  ludians 
Priaonere.  The  Indians  told  them  that  they  were  Christiana  and  made 
no  resistance,  when  the  Militia  gave  them  to  understand  that  they  must 
bring  them  as  Prisoners  to  Fort  Pitt  they  seemed  to  be  very  glad.  They 
were  ordered  tu  prepare  themselves  for  the  Journey,  and  to  take  all 
their  Effects  along  with  them.  Accordingly  they  did  so.  They  were 
asked  how  it  came  they  had  no  Cattle?  They  answered  that  the  small 
Stock  that  was  left  them  had  been  sent  to  Sandusky. 

"In  the  Evening  tlie  Militia  held  a  Council,  when  the  Commander  of 
the  Militia  told  his  men  that  he  would  leave  it  to  their  choice  either  to 
carry  the  Indians  as  Prisoners  to  Fort  Pitt  or  to  kill  them  ;  when  they 
agreed  that  they  should  be  killed.  Of  this  Resolution  of  the  Council 
they  gave  notice  to  the  Indians  by  two  Messengers,  who  told  them  that 
as  they  had  said  they  were  Christians  they  would  give  them  time  tliis 
night  to  prepare  themselves  accordingly.  Hereupon  the  Women  met 
together  and  sung  Hymns  &  Psalms  all  Night,  and  so  likewise  did  tlie 
Men,  and  kept  on  singing  as  long  as  there  were  three  left.  In  the  morn- 
ing the  Militia  chose  Two  houses,  which  they  called  the  Slaughter 
Houses,  and  then  fetched  the  Indians  two  or  three  at  a  time  with  Ropes 
about  their  Necks  and  dragged  them  into  the  Slaughter  houses,  where 
they  knocked  them  down;  then  tbey  set  these  Two  houses  on  Fire,  as 
likewise  all  the  other  houses.  This  done  they  went  to  the  other  Towns 
and  set  fire  to  the  Houses,  took  their  plunder,  and  returned  to  the  Mo- 
naungahela,  where  they  held  a  Vendue  among  themselves.  Before  these 
Informants  came  away  it  was  agreed  that  60U  men  should  meet  on  the 
18th  of  March  to  go  to  Sandusky,  which  is  about  100  Miles  from  the 

1  Linebach  (or  Leimbach)  was  an  inhabitant  of  Northampton  County, 
Pa.,  living  not  far  from  the  Moravian  headquarters  at  Bethlehem,  in  that 
county.  On  receipt  of  the  intelligence  of  the  massacre,  he  communi- 
cated it  to  the  Moravian  Bishop  Seidel,  who  requested  that  he  would 
make  the  sbitement  to  Congress,  which  he  did,  carrying  with  him  a  let- 
ter from  L.  Weiss  to  Charles  Thomson,  secretary  of  Congress,  as  follows 
(see  Penn.  Archives  of  1781-83,  p.  523): 

"  SiB,— I  received  this  afternoon  a  letter  of  the  Reverend  Nathaniel 
[Seidel],  Bishop  of  the  United  Churches  of  the  Brethren,  residing  at 
Bethlehem,  dated  the  5th  instant.  He  informs  me  that  the  same  day  a 
melancholy  report  was  brought  to  him  by  one  Mr.  Leimbach,  relative  to 
a  murder  committed  by  white  Men  upon  a  number  of  Cliristian  Indians 
at  a  place  called  Muskingum.  He  continues  in  his  Letter  that  the  same 
Mr.  Leimbach  ia  to  proceed  the  next  day  to  Philad^^in  order  to  give 
Congress  information  how  he  came  to  the  knowledge  of  that  Event,  so 
that  Congress,  unless  it  had  already  a  better  accuunt  of  the  affair  than 
he  can  give,  might,  upon  his  Repoif,  take  some  measures,  as  well  of  the 
mischief  already  done,  as  more  which  might  be  done,  and  tluis  prevent 
the  total  extirpation  of  a  Congregation  of  Indians  converted  to  the 
Faith  of  Jesus  Christ,  and  the  Judgments  of  Almighty  God  against  our 
dear  Country,  which  stands  much  in  need  of  his  divine  Protection-  The 
Bishop  desires  me  to  give  attention  to  Mr.  Leimbach's  Report  (I  have 
done  it),  and  to  direct  him  where  he  should  make  hia  addresses.  I  make 
bold,  Sir,  to  address  him  to  you,  and  to  begg  the  Favour  that  you  intro- 
duce hira,  if  possible  this  night,  with  the  Delegates  of  the  State  of  Vir- 
ginia, from  whence  it  is  said  the  mischief  originated,  and  to-morrow 
morning  with  Congresa.  Your  Humanity,  Sir,  gives  me  Confidence  to 
use  the  Freedom  to  trouble  you  this  day,  the  day  set  apart  for  the  Ser- 

Of  the  whole  party  of  ahout  one  hundred  and  fifty 
Indians  of  all  ages  who  were  present  at  the  three  vil- 
lages when  Wiiliunison's  forceH  made  theirappearance, 
about  one-third  the  number  were  at  work  at  the 
upper  village.  These  heard  the  shot^  that  were  fired 
at  Young  Shabosh,  and  one  or  two  of  them  cautiously 
advancing  down  the  river  to  ascertain  the  cause  Hoon 
found  the  body  scalped  and  mutilated.  No  further 
warning  was  necessary.  The  alarm  was  instantly 
given  to  the  people  at  the  upper  town,  who  fled  in 
terror  to  the  woods,  and  thus  made  their  escape, 
leaving  their  corn  and  implemenUs  behind  them. 
Soon  after  the'fr  flight  a  jiurty  of  William.son's  men 
came  to  the  village,  but  finding  it  deserted  made  no 
attempt  to  pursue,  though  the  horsemen  could  easily 
have  overtaken  the  fugitives.  The  white  men  having 
set  fire  to  the  village,  then  returned  to  Guadcnhiitten. 
After  the  massacre  that  town  was  also  set  on  fire  and 
entirely  consumed,  including  the  two  slaughter-houses 
and  the  bodies  of  the  slain  Moravians. 

The  number  of  Indians  slaughtered  was  reported  as 
eighty-eight,  but  Heckewelder,  the  white  Moravian 
missionary,  in  his  account  gave  the  number  of  the 
murdered  ones  as  ninety-six, — sixty-two  adults,  male 
and  female,  and  thirty-four  children.  All  these,  he 
says,  were  killed  in  the  two  slaughter-houses  except 
four,  who  being  supposed  to  be  warriors  were  taken 
some  distance  away  on  the  open  ground,  there  to  be 
tomahawked  and  scalped.  One  of  them  in  being 
taken  to  the  fatal  spot  escaped  from  his  captors  by  cut- 
ting the  rope  which  bound  him  aud  then  dashing  away 
towards  the  woods.  He  was,  however,  soon  overtaken 
by  the  horsemen,  who  cut  him  down  and  scalped  him. 

vice  of  Men  to  their  God,  about  a  Cause  which  is  most  properly  his  own 
The  Tragic  scenes  of  erecting  two  Butcher-Houses  or  Sheds,  and  killing 
in  cold  blood  95  browne  or  tawny  sheep  of  Jesus  Christ,  one  by  one,  is 
certainly  taken  notice  of  by  the  Shephei-d,  their  Creator  and  Redeemer. 
"  I  am,  with  particular  respect,  Sir, 

"  Your  most  obed.  humble  Servant, 

"  L.  AVcisa. 

"  Sunday,  7  April,  1782." 

It  appears  by  the  letter  of  Weiss  that  be  supposed  the  outrage  to  have 
been  committed  by  Virginians,  and  every  effort  was  made  at  the  lime  to 
encourage  that  belief  and  make  it  general.  It  is  not  strange  that  the 
Moravian  bishop  at  Bethlehem  should  have  readily  accepted  this  idea 
for  he  knew  that  the  feeling  of  enmity  was  particularly  bitter  between 
the  Virginians  and  Indians,  and  he  knew  of  the  kindness  which  had 
been  shown  by  Gen.  Irvine,  a  J'ennsylvanian.  to  the  Christian  Indians 
on  the  Muskingum,  and  of  the  services  which  the  latter  had  rendered 
to  the  general  in  notifying  him  iu  advance  of  pi-oposed  irruptions  by 
the  hostile  tribes.  An  attempt  was  also  made  to  fasten  the  odium  of  the 
crime  distinctively  upon  the  Scotch  settlers.  Among  the  papers  trans- 
mitted by  Secretary  Thomson  to  the  Executive  Council  of  Pennsylvania 
with  a  copy  of  Linebncb's  statement  was  a  letter  from  George  Niser* 
dated  York  Town,  April  4, 178'2,  in  which  he  said,  *•  I  have  seen  a  Letter 
wrote  by  a  Woman  at  Pittsburgh,  dated  the  21st  March,  which  contains 
these  particulars:  'The  Militia  have  killed  99  of  the  Moravian  Indians, 
Viz.,  33  Men  and  6G  Women  and  Children.'  In  another  Letter  from  the 
same  of  the  5th  April,  '  Tlie  Moravian  Indian  Congregation  is  butchered 
as  it  is  reported,  by  the  Scotch.  They  came  and  told  them  Ihoy  must  pre- 
pare directly  for  Death.  The  Indians  requested  but  an  hour's  Time  for 
this  Purpose,  which  was  granted.  They  went  to  their  Meeting-house  to 
join  in  Prayers  to  the  Lord.  After  an  hour  had  passed  they  fell  upon 
them  and  butchered  all  of  them  in  cold  Blood  in  Uu  nieeimg-hott^e^  and 
then  set  fire  to  the  House.""— Po.  Archioes^  17S1-S3,  p.  5^. 



Only  two  of  all  those  taken  in  the  lower  towns  es- 
caped the  slaughter.  These  were  two  Indian  boys  of 
about  fifteen  years  of  age.  One  of  them,  who  was 
called  Thomas,  was  knocked  down  with  a  tomahawk 
and  scalped,  but  being  only  stunned  recovered  after  a 
time,  and  on  looking  round  him  saw  another  boy 
named  Abel  lying  near,  wounded  and  scalped  but  still 
alive.  Thomas  had  the  presence  of  mind  to  lie  down 
again,  i'eigning  death,  and  it  was  well  for  him  that  he 
did  so,  for  in  a  few  minutes  a  white  man  came  near, 
and  seeing  Abel  still  living  dispatched  him  with  his 
tomahawk.  After  a  while  Thomas  crept  slowly  and 
painfully  along  over  the  dead  bodieS,  succeeded  in 
getting  out  of  the  house  unobserved,  and  gained  the 
shelter  of  the  woods,  afterwards  making  his  way  in 
salety  to  Sandusky.  The  other  boy  who  escaped  had 
managed  to  hide  himself  away  in  the  cellar  of  the 
house  where  the  women  were  imprisoned,  and  just 
before  the  building  was  fired  crept  out  through  a 
narrow  window  or  hole  in  the  foundation.  Another 
boy  had  been  concealed  with  him  in  the  cellar,  and 
attempted  to  follow  his  companion  through  the  win- 
dow, but  being  of  larger  size  found  it  impossible  to 
get  through,  and  so  was  compelled  to  remain  and 
perish  in  the  flames.  It  is  stated  in  some  accounts 
that  another  Indian  boy,  eight  years  of  age,  was 
brought  away  by  one  of  the  volunteers,  who  took  him 
to  his  home  in  the  settlements,  where  he  remained 
until  nearly  grown  to  manhood,  when  he  left  his 
white  master  and  rejoined  the  Delawares  in  the  West. 

When  the  work  of  massacre  was  finished,  and  the 
destruction  of  the  Moravian  towns  made  complete, 
the  forces  of  Col.  Williamson  started  on  their  return, 
taking  with  them  more  than  eighty  Indian  horses, 
partly  laden  with  plunder  from  the  devastated  vil- 
lages on  the  Muskingum.  On  the  10th  of  March 
they  reached  and  crossed  the  Ohio  and  marched 
thence  to  their  homes,  but  they  did  not  immediately 
disband.  It  does  not  appear  that  they  had  yet  begun 
to  feel  any  shame  or  compunction  for  the  frightful 
crimes  they  had  committed ;  on  the  contrary,  they 
were  exultant,  and  (as  is  shown  by  Linebach's  ac- 
count) at  once  set  on  foot  a  plan  for  a  new  expedition 
to  number  six  hundred  men  to  invade  the  Indian 
country.  If  their  only  object  was  to  proceed  against 
the  hostile  savages,  it  was  a  legitimate  and  praise- 
worthy enterprise ;  but  it  seems  as  if  they  had  resolved 
on  nothing  less  than  the  extermination  of  all  Indians. 

On  a  little  island  in  the  Allegheny,  known  as  Smoky 
or  Killbuck's  Island,  lying  opposite  Fort  Pitt,  there 
were  encamped  a  small  band  of  friendly  Delawares, 
among  whom  were  several  who  actually  held  com- 
missions in  the  service  of  the  United  States.  The 
name  of  the  island — Killbuck's — was  derived  from 
Captain  Killbuck,'  who  had  more  than  once  received 

1  Captaiu  KUlbuck  had  at  that  lime  a  son  in  the  college  at  Prioceton, 
N.  J.  who  was  placed  there  by  authority  of  Congreas,  and  being  edu- 
cate* »t  the  expense  of  the  government. 

commendation  from  Gen.  Brodhead  in  his  ofBcial 
communications  for  bravery,  efficiency,  and  steadfast 
fidelity  to  the  American  cause.  This  little  island  was 
visited  with  fire  and  sword  on  the  24th  of  March  by  a 
body  of  the  men  from  Chartiers  Creek,  some  of  whom 
had  accompanied  Williamson  on  the  Moravian  ex- 
pedition, though  the  colonel  was  not  with  them  in 
this  new  raid,  nor  is  it  probable  that  he  approved  or 
knew  of  their  intentions.  They  killed  several  of 
these  friendly  Indians,  including  two  who  held  com- 
missions in  the  service  of  the  government,  and  would 
have  killed  all  if  they  had  been  able  to  accomplish 
it;  but  the  remainder  succeeded  in  making  their  es- 
cape to  the  fort,  except  two,  who  swam  to  the  other 
shore  and  took  to  the  woods.  One  of  the  latter  was 
a  chief  called  the  Big  Cat,  who  narrowly  escaped 
death  at  the  hands  of  the  assailants.  He  had  always 
been  found  among  the  most  steadfast  of  the  Indian 
allies  of  the  United  States,  but  from  this  time  his 
friendship  ceased,  and  he  never  again  trusted  the 

The  marauding  party,  after  killing  all  who  came 
within  their  reach  upon  the  island,  crossed  over  with 
their  plunder  to  the  fort.  They  were  enraged  that 
the  fugitives  from  the  island  had  eluded  their  ven- 
geance and  found  shelter  within  the  work,  and  they 
were  particularly  incensed  against  Col.  Gibson  (the 
temporary  commandant)  for  his  known  friendship  for 
the  murdered  Moravians  and  his  outspoken  con- 
demnation of  their  own  villany.  They  sent  a  mes- 
sage to  him  saying  that  they  would  scalp  him  if  he 
came  in  their  way,  but  they  could  not  gain  admit- 
tance to  the  fort,  and  were  compelled  to  return  to 
their  homes  without  the  opportunity  of  committing 
any  further  outrages  against  the  friendly  Delawares 
or  of  scalping  the  commandant. 

In  some  accounts  of  the  Gnadenhiitten  massacre 
it  is  stated  that  Col.  Gibson,  being  apprised  in  advance 
of  the  murderous  intentions  of  Williamson's  men, 
had  sent  a  runner  to  the  Moravian  villages  to  inform 
the  people  of  their  danger,  but  that  the  runner  did 
not  reach  the  towns  in  time  to  make  the  information 
of  any  avail.  Col.  Gibson  would  undoubtedly  have 
done  this  if  he  had  had  the  opportunity,  but  the 
statement  that  he  did  actually  send  such  a  messenger 
is  rendered  improbable  by  a  letter  written  by  him  to 
the  Moravian  bishop  at  Bethlehem,  Pa.,  dated  May 
9,  1781,^  a  copy  of  the  material  parts  of  which  is  here 
given,  viz. : 
"To  THE  Right  Key.  Nathaniel  Seidel: 

"Sir, — Your  letter  by  Mr.  Shebosh,^  of  the  11th 
ult.,  came  safe  to  hand.  I  am  happy  to  find  that  the 
few  small  services  I  rendered  to  the  gentlemen  of 
your  Society  in  this  quarter  meets  with  the  approba- 
tion of  you  and  every  other  worthy  character.  Mr. 
Shebosh  will  be  able  to  give  you  a  particular  account 

-  Heckewelder's  Indian  Nations,  p.  81. 
.  ^  The  father  of  young  Shebosh,  the  first  victim  of  Gnadenhiitten, 



of  the  late  horrid  massacre  perpetrated  at  the  towns 
on  Muskingum  by  a  set  of  men,  the  most  savage  mis- 
creants that  ever  degraded  liuman  nature.  Had  I 
have  known  of  their  infentions  before  it  was  too  late  I 
should  have  prevented  it  by  informinx)  the  poor  sufferers 
of  it.  I  am  in  hopes  in  a  few  days  to  be  able  to  send 
you  a  more  particular  account  than  any  that  has  yet 
transpired,  as  I  hope  to  obtain  the  deposition  of  a 
person  who  was  an  eye-witness  of  the  whole  trans- 
action and  disapproved  of  it.  Should  any  accounts 
come  to  hand  from  Mr.  Zeisberger,  or  other  gentle- 
men of  your  Society,  you  may  depend  on  my  trans- 
mitting them  to  you.  .  .  .  Believe  me,  with  esteem, 
your  most  obedient  Servant, 

"John  Gibson, 
"  Col.  7th  Virginia  Regt." 

Gen.  Irvine,  who  had  been  for  some  time  at  Phila- 
delphia and  Carlisle,  returned  to  Fort  Pitt  and  re- 
sumed command  on  the  day  following  the  attack  on 
the  Delawares  at  Killbuck's  Island.  He  found  af- 
fairs in  the  department  in  a  bad  condition,  the  troops 
at  the  fort  demoralized,  and  the  country  in  general  in 
a  state  bordering  on  anarchy.  Some  of  the  people 
applauded  the  dark  deeds  done  on  the  Muskingum, 
while  many  were  loud  in  their  condemnation.  The 
Supreme  Executive  Council  of  Pennsylvania  having 
received  from  Congress  Linebach's  account  of  the 
massacre,  addressed  to  Gen.  Irvine  the  following  let- 
ter of  inquiry,'  viz. : 

"  In  Council. 
"  Pbilada.,  April  13, 1782. 

"Sir, — -The  Council  having  received  information 
thro'  various  channels  that  a  party  of  Militia  have 
killed  a  number  of  Indians  at  or  near  Muskingham, 
and  that  a  certain  Mr.  Bull  [young  Shebosh|  was 
killed  at  the  same  time,  the  Council,  being  desirous 
of  receiving  full  information  on  a  subject  of  so  much 
importance,  request  you  will  obtain  and  transmit  to 
them  the  facts  relative  thereto,  authenticated  in  the 
clearest  manner." 

Though  Gen.  Irvine  had  always  been  the  fest  friend 
of  the  Moravian  Indian  congregation,  and  of  the 
white  missionaries  who  had  them  in  charge,  it  is  evi- 
dent that  he  was  induced  by  considerations  of  policy 
to  prevent  a  thorough  investigation  and  exposition  of 
the  facts  connected  with  the  massacre.'  On  the  9th 
of  May,  1782,  he  wrote  from  Fort  Pitt  to  the  presi- 
dent of  the  Council,  saying, — 

"  Sir,— Since  my  letter  of  the  3'*  instant  to  your 
Excellency,  Mr.  Penticost  and  Mr.  Canon  have  been 
with  me;  they  and  every  intelligent  person  whom  I 
have  conversed  with  on  the  subject  are  of  the  opinion 

1  Pa.  Arch.,  1781-83,  p.  525. 

2  In  ft  letter  which  Oen.  Irvine  wrote  to  his  wife  about  that  time  con- 
cerning the  Moravian  butchery  he  said,  "  Whatever  your  private  opin- 
ion of  these  matters  may  be,  I  conjure  you,  by  all  the  ties  of  affection, 
and  as  you  value  my  reputation,  that  you  will  keep  your  mind  to  youi^ 
self,  and  that  you  will  not  express  any  sentiment  for  or  against  these 
deeds."— Co»(rau(ioiis  to  Amtrican  HUlory,  p.  1*8. 


that  it  will  be  almost  im|)0».sible  ever  to  obtain  a  just 
account  of  the  conduct  of  the  Militia  at  Muskingum. 
No  man  can  give  any  account  except  some  of  the 
.party  themselves.  If,  therefore,  an  inquiry  should 
appear  .serious,  they  are  not  obliged,  nor  will  they 
give  evidence.  For  thi.s  and  other  rea-'ons  I  am  of 
opinion  further  inquiry  into  the  matter  will  not  only 
be  fruitless,  but  in  the  end  may  be  attended  with 
disagreeable  consequences." 

On  the  8th  of  May  Dorsey  Pentecost,  of  Washing- 
ton County,  wrote  from  Pittsburgh  to  William  Moore, 
president  of  the  E.xecutive  Council,  on  the  same  sub- 
ject, as  follows  : 

"  D'  Sir, — I  arrived  home  last  Thursday  without 
any  particular  accident ;  yesterday  I  came  to  this 
place,  have  had  a  long  conference  with  Gen.  Irwin 
and  Col.  Gibson  on  the  subject  ot  public  matters, 
Perticularly  respecting  the  late  excurtion  to  Kushac- 
ton,'  that  affair  is  a  subject  of  great  speculation  here, 
some  condemning,  others  a])plauding  the  measure; 
but  the  accounts  are  so  various  that  it  is  not  only 
Difficult  but  almost  Indeed  Intirely  Impossible  to 
learn  the  real  truth  ;  no  person  can  give  Intelligence 
but  those  that  were  along,  and  notwithstanding  there 
seems  to  have  been  some  difference  amongst  them- 
selves about  that  business  yet  they  will  say  nothing, 
but  this  far  I  believe  may  be  depended  on,  that  they 
killed  the  Innocent  with  the  guilty,  and  its  likely  the 
majority  was  the  former.  I  have  heard  it  Insinuated 
that  about  thirty  or  forty  only  of  the  party  gave  their 
Consent  or  assisted  in  the  Catastrofy.  .  .  .  It's  said 
here,  and  I  believe  with  truth,  that  Sundr>-  articles 
were  found  amongst  the  Indians  tliat  was  taken  from 
the  Inhabitants  of  Washington  County,  and  that  the 
Indians  Confessed  themselves  that  when  they  set  out 
from  S'  Duskie,  Ten  warriors  came  with  them  who 
had  went  into  the  Settlements,  and  that  four  of  them 
were  then  in  the  Towns  who  had  returned.  If  those 
Indians  that  were  killed  were  really  friends,  tliey 
must  have  been  very  Imprudent  to  return  &  settle  at 
a  place  they  knew  the  white  peop  e  had  been  at  and 
would  go  to  again,  without  giving  notice  &  besides  to 
bring  warriors  with  them  who  had  come  into  the  Set- 
tlements &  after  murdering  would  return  to  their 
Towns  and  of  course  draw  people  after  them  filled 
with  revenge.  Indignation  &  Sorrow  for  the  loss  of 
their  friends  their  wives  &  their  Children.  .  .  ." 

On  the  following  day.  May  9th,  Pentecost  again 
wrote  the  president  of  the  Council,  viz.: 

"  D'  Sir, — Since  writing  the  letter  that  accompanys 
this,  I  have  had  another  and  more  particular  conver- 
sation with  Gen.  Irwin  on  the  subject  of  the  late  ex- 
curtion to  Kushacton,  and  upon  the  whole  I  find  that 
it  will  be  Impossible  to  git  an  Impartial  and  fare 
account  of  that  affair,  tor  although  sundry  persons 

3  Meaning  the  Moravian  settlements,  which  were  frequently  called 
by  that  name  among  the  settlers  from  the  old  Delaware  town  of  Ku- 
shacton or  Coshocton,  that  was  destroyed  by  Col.  Brudhead,  and  which 
was  also  located  on  the  Muskingum,  in  the  same  region. 



that  were  in  Comp''  may  disapprove  of  tlie  whole  or 
every  part  of  the  Conduct,  yet  from  their  Connection 
they  will  not  be  willing,  nor  can  they  be  forced  to 
give  Testimony,  as  it  effects  themselves,  and  the 
people  here  are  greatly  divided  in  Sentiment  about 
it,  and  an  Investigation  may  produce  serious  effects, 
and  at  least  leave  us  as  Ignorant  as  when  we  began, 
and  instead  of  rendering  a  service  may  produce  a 
Confusion  and  Ilwill  amongst  the  people,  yet  I  think 
it  necessary  that  Council  should  take  some  Cog- 
nizance or  notice  of  the  matter,  and  in  such  a  Time 
as  may  demonstrate  their  disapprobation  of  such 
parts  of  their  conduct  as  are  Censurable,  otherwise 
it  may  be  alleged  that  Goverm'  (Tacitly  at  least) 
have  Incouraged  the  killing  of  women  and  children  ; 
and  in  a  proclamation  of  this  kind  it  might  be  well 
not  only  to  recommend  but  to  forbid  that  in  future 
Excursions  that  women,  children,  and  Infirm  persons 
should  not  be  killed,  so  contrary  to  the  Law  of  arms 
as  well  as  Christianity.  I  hope  a  mode  of  proceeding 
something  like  this  would  produce  some  good  effects, 
and  perhaps  soften  the  minds  of  the  people,  for  it  is 
really  no  wonder  that  those  who  have  lost  all  that  is 
near  and  Dear  to  them,  go  out  with  determined  re- 
venge and  Exterpation  of  all  Indians." 

These  letters  disclose  a  determination  on  the  part  of 
Pentecost  (though  he  was  in  uo  way  implicated  in  the 
affair)  and  others  to  suppress  the  facts  connected  with 
the  massacre  and  to  prevent  investigation  ;  and  they 
were  enabled  to  accomplish  this  result  through  the 
.concurrence  of  Gen.  Irvine,  who,  as  is  evident,  took 
that  course  for  policy's  sake,  though  he  was  deeply 
mortified  and  grieved  at  the  result  of  Williamson's 
expedition.  By  those  who  were  engaged  in  the  bloody 
work,  and  by  their  friends,  it  was  vehemently  asserted 
that  their  action  was  generally  approved  by  the  people 
of  the  frontier  settlements,  but  it  is  certain  tliat  this 
assertion  was  unfounded.  Col.  Edward  Cook,  the 
county  lieutenant  of  Westmoreland  (who  had  suc- 
ceeded the  unfortunate  Col.  Lochry  in  that  office  in 
December,  1781),  in  a  letter  addressed  by  him  to  Presi- 
dent Moore,  dated  Sept.  2, 1782,  thus  expressed  his  de- 
testation of  the  murderous  deeds  of  the  Washington 
militiamen :  "...  I  am  informed  that  you  have  it 
Reported  that  the  massacre  of  the  Moravian  Indians 
Obtains  the  Approbation  of  Every  man  on  this  side 
of  the  Mountains,  which  I  assure  your  Excellency  is 
false ;  that  the  better  part  of  the  Community  are  of 
Opinion  the  Perpetrators  of  that  wicked  Deed  ought 
to  be  Brought  to  Condein  Punishment;  that  without 
something  is  Done  by  Government  in  the  Matter  it 
will  Disgrace  the  Annals  of  the  United  States,  anc  be 
an  Everlasting  Plea  and  Cover  for  British  Cruelty." 
And  the  testimony  of  a  man  of  the  character  and 
standing  of  Col.  Edward  Cook  is  above  and  beyond 
the  possibility  of  impeachment. 

As  the  expedition  of  Col.  Williamson  was  hastily 
made  up,  and  held  together  but  a  few  days,  it  is  not 
probable  that  there  were  ever  any  muster-rolls  of  its 

organization,  if,  indeed,  it  could  have  been  termed  an 
organization  at  all.  It  is  known,  however,  that  there 
is  in  existence  a  list  (called  a  roll)  of  the  names  of  the 
'men  who  composed  the  expedition,  made  up,  no 
! doubt,  soon  after  their  return  from  the  Muskingum, 
I  when  tlie  affair  began  to  be  one  of  wide-spread  public 
[notoriety.  But  this  list  is  in  hands  from  which  it 
cannot  be  obtained,  nor  can  any  access  be  had  to  it, 
for  obvious  reasons.  Probably  there  is  no  person 
now  living,  other  than  the  custodian  of  this  list,  who 
knows  the  names  of  a  dozen  persons  who  were  with 
Col.  Williamson  at  Gnadenhiitten  on  the  memorable 
8th  of  March,  1782.  Various  accounts  have  been 
given,  naming  the  person  who  first  used  the  fatal 
mallet,'  and  of  fiendish  remarks  said  to  have  been 
made  by  the  butchers  while  doing  their  work,  but 
these  accounts  have  not  about  them  sufficient  of  proof 
or  strong  probability  to  entitle  them  to  perpetuation. 
Nor  does  any  one  at  the  present  day  know  the  names 
of  any  of  the  humane  eighteen  who  advanced  to  the 
front  from  the  long  line  that  stood  fast  for  murder. 

Whether  Col.  Williamson  voted  or  not  is  not 
known.  It  is  not  likely  that  he  did,  knowing  that 
his  vote  could  not  affect  the  dread  result.  It  would 
be  gratifying  to  be  able  to  say  with  certainty  that  he 
did  give  his  voice  for  mercy  ;  and  it  is  a  pleasant  task 
to  record  the  favorable  opinion  of  him  which  is  ex- 
pressed by  one  who  knew  him,  the  Rev.  Dr.  Dod- 
dridge, who  says,-  "  In  justice  to  the  memory  of  Col. 
Williamson  I  have  to  say  that,  although  at  that  time 
very  young,  I  was  personally  acquainted  with  him,  and, 
from  my  recollection  of  his  conversation,  I  saw  with 
confidence  that  he  was  a  brave  man,  but  not  cruel. 
He  would  meet  an  enemy  in  battle  and  fight  like  a 
soldier,  but  not  murder  a  prisoner.  Had  he  possessed 
the  authority  of  a  superior  officer  in  a  regular  army, 
I  do  not  believe  that  a  single  Moravian  Indian  would 
have  lost  his  life,  but  he  possessed  no  such  authority. 
He  was  only  a  militia  officer,  who  could  advise  but 
not  command.  His  only  fault  was  that  of  too  easy 
a  compliance  with  popular  opinion  and  popular  prej- 
udice. On  this  account  his  memory  has  been  loaded 
with  unmerited  reproach." 


THE    REVOhVTlOJfl.— (Continued.) 

Crawford's  ExpediUon  against  Sandusky — Proposed  Second  Kxpedition 
—Washington  Militia  in  1784. 

It  has  already  been  mentioned  that  even  before  Col. 
Williamson's  forces  disbanded  themselves,  after  their 
return  from  the  Moravian  campaign,  a  project  had  been 

'  "  Very  few  of  our  men  iniVirued  their  hands  in  the  blood  of  the  Mo- 
ravians. Even  those  who  liad  not  voted  for  saving  their  lives  retired 
from  the  scene  of  slaughter  with  horror  and  disgust." — Doddridge' »  Early 
Settlemeuls  and  Indian  Wars,  page  261. 

2  Early  Settlements  and  Indian  Wars,  page  260. 



formed  to  raise  a  new  and  more  formidable  expedition 
to  march  against  the  Indian  towns  at  Sandusky,  the 
headquarters  of  the  hostile  tribes  that  were  so  con- 
stantly and  persistently  depredating  the  frontier  settle- 
ments east  of  the  Ohio.  Notice  of  such  a  project  is 
found  in  the  "  Relation  of  Frederick  Llnebach"  (be- 
fore quoted),  where  he  says,  "  It  was  agreed  that  six 
hundred  men  should  meet  on  the  18th  of  March  to 
go  to  Saudusky.  .  .  ."  The  plan  was  not  carried  out 
at  the  time,  nor  in  the  manner  then  contemplated, 
but  it  was  not  abandoned,  and  it  is  certain  that  from 
the  first  the  project  against  the  hostile  towns  on  the 
Sandusky  found  favor  among  the  people  of  the  settle- 
ments. It  was  only  as  to  the  manner  in  which  it 
should  be  executed  that  they  disagreed,  the  majority 
being  of  the  opinion  that  it  should  be  carried  on 
under  the  direction  of  the  commandant  at  Fort  Pitt, 
and,  if  practicable,  led  by  him  in  person. 

The  first  step  to  be  taken,  then,  was  to  secure  the 
countenance  and  approbation  of  Gen.  Irvine,  and  to 
that  end,  James  Marshel,  lieutenant  of  Washington 
County,  wrote  the  commandant,  advising  liim  of  the 
existence  of  the  project,  intimating  a  desire  for  his 
approval  of  it,  and  introducing  as  the  bearer  of  the 
communication  Col.  David  Williamson  as  a  proper 
commanding  ofiicer  of  the  expedition,  unless  the  gen- 
eral should  see  fit  to  assume  the  command  in  person. 
In  this  letter,  which  was  dated  April  4,  1782,  Col. 
Marshel  said, — 

"  The  bearer  hereof,  Colonel  Williamson,  is  now 
prepared  for  a  voyage  down  the  river  with  about 
thirty  thousand  weight  of  flour.  But  from  a  real 
love  to  his  country,  he  proposes  not  only  to  carry  an 
expedition  against  Sandusky  with  the  militia  of  this 
county,  together  with  what  volunteers  might  be  raised 
in  Westmoreland,  but  offers  to  advance  such  part  of 
the  flour  as  might  be  necessary  for  the  occasion.  .  .  . 
The  people  in  general  on  the  frontiers  are  waiting 
with  anxious  expectation  to  know  whether  an  expe- 
dition can  be  carried  against  Sandusky  early  this 
spring  or  not.  I  could  therefore  wish  that  Colonel 
Williamson  would  be  countenanced  in  this  plan  if 
with  propriety  it  can  be  done."  By  this  letter  from 
the  proper  authority,  the  county  lieutenant,  the  pro- 
ject of  the  Sandusky  expedition  was  first  brought 
ofiicially  to  the  notice  of  the  commander  of  the  West- 
ern Department.  The  general  was  disinclined  (as  will 
hereafter  be  seen)  to  place  Col.  Williamson  in  com- 
mand of  such  an  expedition,  for  he  abhorred  the 
work  done  under  command  of  that  oificer  at  Gnaden- 
hiitten,  but  he  was  favorably  disposed  towards  the 
carrying  on  of  an  offensive  campaign  against  the 
hostile  Indians  at  Sandusky,  and  although  he  did 
not  give  an  immediate  answer  to  the  proposition,  he 
took  the  matter  under  consideration. 

One  week  prior  to  the  date  of  Marshel's  letter  Gen. 
Irvine  had  written  to  him  and  also  to  Col.  Edward 
Cook,  county  lieutenant  of  Westmoreland,  asking 
them  to  meet  him  at  Fort  Pitt  for  general  consulta- 

tion on  the  military  matters  of  the  department.  In  liift 
letter  to  Col.  Cook  (which  was  in  eflfect  identical  with 
that  addressed  to  Col.  Marshel)  the  general  naid, 
"You  are  already  acquainted  with  the  resolution  of 
Congress  and  orders  of  the  Prenident  and  Council  of 
Pennsylvania  respecting  my  command  in  this  quar- 
ter, in  addition  to  which  I  liave  received  instructions 
from  his  Excellency  General  Washingt'>n.  Ah  mak- 
ing arrangements  to  cover  and  protect  the  country  is 
the  main  object,  and  an  it  is  to  be  done  by  a  combina- 
tion of  Regulars  and  Militia,  the  business  will  be  com- 
plicated. And,  further,  as  there  will  be  a  diversity  of 
interests,  I  think  it  of  the  utmost  Importance  that, 
whatever  plan  may  be  adopted,  it  should  be  as  gen- 
erally understood  as  the  nature  of  the  Service  will 
admit.  .  .  .  You  will  conceive  that  I  shall  stand  in 
need  of  the  Counsels  and  lussistance  on  this  occasion 
of  some  of  the  principal  people  of  the  country.  .  .  . 
I  wish,  therefore,  to  see  you  and  at  least  one  field- 
officer  of  every  Battalion  in  your  County ;  for  which 
purpose  I  request  you  will  be  pleased  to  warn  such  as 
you  may  think  proper  to  attend  at  this  post  on  Friday, 
the  5th  of  April  next.  Punctuality  to  the  Day  will 
be  necessary,  as  I  have  written  to  Col°  Marshal  and 
others  in  Washington  county  also  to  attend  on  that 
day.  .  ."  Similar  requests  to  attend  were  sent  to  the 
lieutenants  of  the  Virginia  counties,  which  under 
the  previous  claims  of  that  State  covered  the  territory 
of  Westmoreland  and  Washington. 

The  conference  was  held  at  Fort  Pitt,  agreeably  to 
Irvine's  appointment.  Col.  Mai'shel,  of  Washington 
County,  was  obliged  to  be  absent,  but  in  the  letter 
which  he  wrote  to  the  general,  informing  him  of  his 
probable  non-attendance,  he  said,  "  I  shall  most 
heartily  concur  in  any  plan  that  may  be  adopted  for 
the  good  of  the  country."  In  his  place  he  sent  Col. 
Vallandigham,  sub-lieutenant,  and  there  were  also 
present  from  Washington  County  Judge  James  Ed- 
gar, Col.  Williamson,  Col.  Thomas  Crook,  and  Maj. 
John  Carmichael,  the  last  three  being  officers  of  the 
county  militia.  From  Westmoreland  there  were 
Cols.  Cook  and  Campbell,  respectively  lieutenant 
and  sub-lieutenant  of  the  county  ;  and  Ohio  County, 
Va.,  was  represeuted  by  Col.  David  Shepherd  and 
Maj.  McCulloch. 

When  Gen.  Irvine  was  appointed  by  Congress  to 
the  command  of  the  Western  Department,  in  Septem- 
ber, 1781,  he  was  empowered  to  call  on  the  county 
lieutenants  to  furnish  him  from  time  to  time,  from 
the  militia  of  their  respective  counties,  such  numbers 
of  troops  as  he  might  consider  necessary  for  the  de- 
fense of  the  post  of  Fort  Pitt,  and  for  the  general 
protection  of  the  country,  and  at  the  same  time  the 
president  of  the  Supreme  Executive  Council  of  Penn- 
sylvania and  the  Governor  of  Virginia  were  requested 
by  Congress  to  direct  the  county  lieutenants  and  militia 
officers  of  the  counties  in  their  respective  States 
within  the  Western  Department  to  obey  orders  given 
by  Gen.  Irvine  for  that  purpose.     President  Moore,  of 



Pennsylvania,  thereupon  promptly  gave  the  necessary 
directions  to  the  lieutenants  of  Washington  and  West- 
moreland Counties  to  furnish  troops  from  the  militia 
of  their  counties  upon  the  requisition  of  Gen.  Irvine. 
But  Governor  Harrison,  of  Virginia,  had  not  com- 
plied' with  the  request  of  Congress  in  that  particular, 
and  so  that  department  commander  could  only  de- 
pend on  the  troops  under  his  immediate  command, 
and  such  as  could  be  furnished  by  Westmoreland  and 
Washington  Counties.  But,  after  all,  it  made  little 
difference  that  the  lieutenants  of  the  Virginia  counties 
were  not  empowered  to  honor  his  requisition,  for  Col. 
David  Shepherd,  lieutenant  of  Ohio  County,  reported 
to  the  general  at  the  conference  that  nearly  all  the 
men  in  his  district  liable  to  military  duty  were  en- 
rolled in  Pennsylvania,  and  Cel.  John  Evans,  lieuten- 
ant of  Monongalia  County  (who  was  not  present  at 
the  meeting),  wrote  to  Irvine,  saying  that  he  had  in 
his  district  not  more  than  three  hundred  effective  men, 
with  a  frontier  of  eighty  miles  in  extent,  and  instead 
of  being  able  to  furnish  any  troops  for  general  defense 
(even  if  he  had  the  authority),  be  implored  that  the 
case  might  be  reversed,  and  men,  arms,  and  ammuni- 
tion be  sent  to  him  for  purposes  of  defense. 

At  the  conference  at  Fort  Pitt  the  principal  question 
discussed  was  that  of  the  general  defense  of  the  fron- 
tier settlements.  All  present  at  the  meeting  pledged 
to  the  commander  all  the  support  and  assistance  in 
their  power  to  give.  The  decision  arrived  at  was  to 
form  parties  of  rangers,  and  to  keep  these  constantly 
on  duty  (by  tours)  and  in  motion  from  point  to  point 
along  the  frontiers.  For  this  purpose  it  was  agreed 
that  Washington  County  should  keep  a  total  force  of 
one  hundred  and  sixty  men  in  actual  service  under 
two  field-officers,  constantly  ranging  along  the  frontier 
of  the  Ohio  River  "  from  Montour's  Bottom  to  Wheel- 
ing, and  thence  some  distance  along  the  southern 
line,"  ^  and  that  Westmoreland  County  should  furnish 
two  companies,  aggregating  sixty-five  men,  to  be  con- 
tinually on  duty,  guarding  the  northern  frontier  from 
the  Laurel  Hill  to  the  Allegheny  River.  Nothing 
definite  was  done  or  proposed  at  the  conference  with 
regard  to  the  projected  expedition  against  the  Indians 
at  Sandusky. 

Meanwhile  the  savages  in  the  Northwest  had  (as  had 
been  foreseen)  grown  still  more  fiercely  hostile  since 
the  massacre  of  the  Moravians,  and  more  active  than 
ever  on  the  war-path.  In  the  space  of  a  few  weeks,  fol- 
lowing the  return  of  Williamson's  expedition  to  the 
Muskingum,  several  Indian  forays  were  made  into 
Washington  County.  A  Mrs.  Walker,  whose  home 
was  on  Buffalo  Creek,  was  taken  prisoner  on  the  27th 
of  March,  but  succeeded  in  escaping  from  her  savage 
captors.     On  the  1st  of  April  an  entire  family  named 

1  He  did,  however,  issue  such  directions  in  tlie  following  May,  but  it 
was  then  of  no  avail  because  of  an  existing  law  of  Virginia  prohibiting 
the  sending  of  her  militia  troops  outside  the  boundaries  of  the  State. 

2  Butterfield's  "  Crawford's  Campaign  Against  Sandusky." 

Boice,  consisting  of  eight  persons,  were  captured 
by  the  savages^  and  taken  away  to  the  Indian  towns 
west  of  the  Ohio,  and  on  the  following  day  another 
party  of  marauders  killed  a  man  within  the  present 
limits  of  the  borough  of  Washington. 

A  few  days  after  the  capture  of  the  Boice  family. 
Miller's  block-house,  situated  on  the  Dutch  Fork  of 
Buffalo  Creek,  in  the  present  township  of  Donegal, 
Washington  County,  was  attacked  on  a  Sabbath  morn- 
ing by  a  party  of  about  twenty  Shawanese  warriors, 
who  had  arrived  during  the  previous  night,  but  re- 
mained hidden  near  by  until  early  in  the  morning. 
Two  men  came  out  of  the  inclosure  and  started  along 
the  path  to  search  for  a  colt  which  had  strayed. 
When  they  had  passed  the  ambushment,  the  savages 
fell  upon  and  killed  them,  and  having  torn  off  their 
scalps  the  entire  party  leaped  from  their  place  of  con- 
cealment and  surrounded  the  block-house.  The 
inmates  were  now  only  one  old  man  and  several 
women  and  children,  but  there  were  rifles  and  am- 
munition, and  these  were  used  by  the  women  with 
so  good  effect  that  the  savage  assaulters  were  kept  at 
bay  until  there  came  a  relieving  party  of  three  white 
men,  who  rushed  past  the  Indians,  effected  an  en- 
trance into  the  block-house,  and  defended  it  so  ef- 
fectively that  the  red-skinned  besiegers  finally  with- 
drew and  disappeared.*  A  number  of  other  attacks 
were  made  in  this  county  and  in  Westmoreland  during 
the  month  of  April  and  in  the  early  part  of  May. 
In  a  letter  written  on  the  8th  of  the  latter  monfli  by 
Dorsey  Pentecost  to  President  Moore '  he  said, 
"  The  Indians  are  murdering  frequently.  Last  Fri- 
day night  two  men  were  killed  on  the  frontiers  of  this 
County,  and  about  a  week  before  I  got  home  fourteen 
persons  were  killed  and  Captured  in  Different  parts, 
and  last  week  some  mischief  was  done  near  Hanna's 
Town,*  but  have  not  learned  the  particulars." 

It  was  evident  that  the  ranging  parties  of  Wash- 
ington and  Westmoreland  County  militia  could  not 
efl^ectually  guard  the  frontier  against  Indian  incur- 
sions.    It  began  to  be  seen   more  clearly  than  ever 

3  One  account  erroneously  places  this  event  in  the  spring  of  17S3,  one 
year  too  late. 

<  The  men  killed  were  John  Hupp,  Sr.,  and  Jacob  Miller,  Sr.  The 
persons  left  in  the  block-house  were  old  Mr.  Matthias  Ault,  Ann  Hupp, 
wife  of  the  murdered  John,  their  four  children, — Margaret,  Mary,  John, 
and  Elizabeth  Hupp,— the  family  of  Edgar  Gaither,  Frederick  Miller, 
an  eleven-year-old  son  of  Jacob,  who  was  killed  outside  the  fort,  and 
two  or  three  other  members  of  the  same  family.  The  successful  defense 
of  the  block-house  until  the  ariival  of  help  was  principally  due  to  the 
heroism  and  undaunted  courage  of  the  widowed  Ann  Hupp.  The  boy, 
Frederick  Miller,  was  started  from  the  house  to  go  to  Rice's  fort,  about 
two  miles  away,  for  aid,  but  the  Indians  saw  him,  and  he  was  driven 
back  wounded,  narrowly  escaping  with  his  life.  But  the  firing  of  the 
Indians  when  they  killed  Hupp  and  Miller  had  been  heard  at  Rice's, 
and  the  rescuing  party  referred  to,  consisting  of  Jacob  Rowe,  only  about 
si.xteen  years  of  age,  Jacob  Miller,  Jr.,  and  Piiilip  Hupp  (all  of  whom 
belonged  at  the  Miller  block-house,  but  chanced  to  be  absent  at  Rice's 
at  the  time  of  the  attack),  came  with  all  speed  to  the  assistance  of  the 
besieged  ones,  and  gained  an  entrance  as  stated.  The  Indians  kept  up 
the  siege  through  the  day,  but  disappeared  during  the  following  night. 

6  Pa.  Archives,  1781-83,  p.  541. 

»  Hanna's  Towu  was  the  old  county-seat  of  Westmoreland  County. 



that  a  merely  defensive  line  of  operations  could  not 
afford  security  to  the  border  settlements,  and  that 
this  much-desired  object  could  be  accomplished  only 
by  a  successful  campaign  against  the  Indian  strong- 
holds iu  the  heart  of  their  own  country.  This  be- 
lief had  been  expressed  by  Gen.  Irvine  five  months 
before  (Dec.  2,  1781),  in  a  letter  to  tien.  Washing- 
ton, in  which  he  said,  "  It  is,  I  believe,  univer- 
sally agreed  that  the  only  way  to  keep  Indians  from 
harassing  the  country  is  to  visit  them.  But  we  find 
by  experience  that  burning  their  empty  towns  has 
not  the  desired  effect.  They  can  soon  build  others. 
They  must  be  followed  up  and  beaten,  or  the  British 
whom  they  draw  their  support  from  totally  driven 
out  of  their  country." 

The  sentiment  of  the  people  (particularly  those  of 
Washington  County)  in  favor  of  an  invasion  of  the 
Indian  country  became  more  positive  day  by  day. 
No  such  enterprise  could  have  been  carried  forward 
without  the  aid  of  Washington  County,  but  its  peo- 
ple were  especially  earnest  (it  may  be  said  clamorous) 
for  the  movement  against  the  Indian  towns.  On 
the  1st  of  May  Col.  Marshel  said  in  a  letter  to  Gen. 
Irvine,  "'  Since  I  had  the  Honour  of  consulting  with 
you  on  the  expediency  of  an  Expedition  against  San- 
dusky I  have  met  with  the  Officers  and  principal 
People  of  this  County,  and  find  that  in  all  probability 
we  shall  be  able  to  carry  forward  the  Enterprise." 
Six  days  later  a  delegation  of  the  leading  inhabitants, 
principally  of  Washington  County,  and  among  them 
Dorsey  Pentecost,  then  a  member  of  the  Supreme 
Executive  Council  of  Pennsylvania,  called  on  Gen. 
Irvine  at  Fort  Pitt,  and  urged  upon  him  the  expedi- 
ency of  giving  his  consent  and  aid  to  the  expedition, 
on  which  the  minds  of  so  large  a  number  of  the  peo- 
ple west  of  the  Laurel  Hill  (especially  those  living  west 
of  the  Monongahela)  were  fixed  in  approval. 

It  seems  that  this  pronounced  expression  of  the 
popular  feeling  decided  Gen.  Irvine  to  consent  to 
and  promote  the  expedition.  He  had  been  suspi- 
cious that  one  of  the  objects  of  the  enterprise  was  to 
establish  a  new  and  independent  State  or  govern- 
ment of  some  kind  west  of  the  Ohio,  but  upon  re- 
ceiving full  and  satisfactory  assurances  that  such  was 
not  the  case,  and  upon  mature  consideration  which 
resulted  in  the  conviction  that  such  an  idea  if  really 
entertained  could  not  be  successfully  executed,  he 
finally  gave  a  definite  consent  to,  and  a  promise  to 
support  and  carry  out,  the  expedition.  On  the  9th  of 
May  he  said  in  a  letter  to  the  president  of  the  Execu- 
tive Council,  "  A  volunteer  expedition  is  talked  of 
against  Sandusky,  which,  if  well  conducted,  may  be 
of  great  service  to  this  country  ;  if  they  behave  well 
on  this  occasion  it  may  also  in  some  measure  atone 
for  the  barbarity  they  are  charged  with  at  Muskingum. 
They  have  consulted  me,  and  shall  have  every  coun- 
tenance in  my  power  if  their  numbers,  arrangements, 
etc.,  promise  a  prospect  of  success."  There  appears 
in  the  tone  of  this  letter  an  evident  resolve  on   the 

part  of  Gen.  Irvine  that  the  new  expedition  hIiouUI 
be  very  different  in  character  from  that  which  had 
80  recently  and  so  barbarously  executed  its  bloody 
work  at  Gnadenhiitten,  and  this  was  afterwards  made 
still  more  apparent  by  his  determined  opposition  to 
Col.  Williamson  as  commander. 

Tlie  plan  of  the  expedition  was  made  by  Gen. 
Irvine,  and  of  course  the  projected  campaign  was  to 
be  under  his  direction  and  control,  as  commander  of 
the  department.  He  decided  that  no  force  of  less 
than  three  hundred  men  could  march  to  attack  the 
Indians  on  the  Sandusky  with  any  hope  of  success 
against  the  numbers  that  might  be  there  concentrated; 
that  to  move  a  smaller  body  than  that  to  the  invasion 
of  the  Indian  country  would  be  but  to  invite  disaster; 
therefore  under  no  circumstances  would  he  permit 
the  advance  of  an  expedition  numbering  less  than  the 
number  mentioned,  while  he  wished  and  hoped  to  be 
able  to  make  it  considerably  above  that  strength. 

To  raise  the  necessary  force  the  general  had  un- 
questioned authority  to  direct  a  draft  from  the  militia 
of  Washington  and  Westmoreland  Counties,  yet  he 
resolved  to  not  adopt  that  course,  but  to  fill  the  ranks 
entirely  with  volunteers.  They  were  not,  however, 
to  be  irrespoiisible,  but  were  to  be  in  all  respects 
subject  to  military  rule  and  discipline,  precisely  as  if 
they  had  been  drafted  from  the  militia  for  service  in 
a  regularly  organized  regiment  or  battalion.  Rapid- 
ity 01  movement  being  indispensable  to  the  success 
of  such  an  exj)edition,  it  was  decided  that  all  the  men 
must  be  mounted ;  but  no  horses  could  be  furnished 
by  the  department  quartermaster,  nor  any  supplies  by 
the  commissary,  therefore  each  volunteer  was  required 
to  provide  himself  with  a  horse,  arms,  and  equipments 
(ammunition  being  furnished  from  Fort  Pitt) ;  and 
they  or  the  people  of  Washington  and  Westmoreland 
were  to  provide  supplies  sufficient  for  a  campaign  of 
thirty  days'  duration. 

The  volunteers  were  to  be  allowed  to  elect  their  own 
officers,  even  to  the  commander  of  the  expedition. 
Each  man  was,  in  consideration  of  services  on  this, 
campaign,  and  of  furnishing  horse,  arms,  and  supplies, 
to  receive  credit  for  two  full  tours  of  military  duty  ; 
and  in  ease  he  should  find  in  the  camps  or  villages  of 
the  enemy  any  articles  which  had  been  stolen  by  the 
Indians  from  his  home  in  the  settlements,  he  was  to 
receive  them  back  upon  proving  property.  Gen. 
Irvine  could  not  promise  that  the  government  would 
pay  for  horses  or  equipments  lost  in  the  service,  but 
it  was  announced  by  Doi-sey  Pentecost,  member  of  the 
Council  from  Washington  County,  and  also  by  the 
member  from  Westmoreland,  that  the  State  of  Penn- 
sylvania would  reimburse  all  who  might  sustain  losses 
in  the  campaign.  This  semi-official  promise  was  not 
doubted  by  the  volunteers  or  the  people  of  the  two 
counties,  and  it  was  afterwards  made  good. 

The  time  fixed  for  the  assembling  of  the  expe- 
ditionary forces  was  the  20th  of  May.  The  place 
designated  for  the  rendezvous  was  the  Mingo  Bottom, 



on  the  west  bank  of  the  Ohio  River,  a  short  distance 
below  the  present  town  of  Steubenville.'  Great  ex- 
ertions were  made  to  induce  men  to  volunteer,  and 
the  result  was  a  rapid  recruitment.  Many  who  were 
willing  to  serve  in  the  expedition  were  unable  to 
equip  themselves  for  a  campaign  in  the  Indian 
country,  but  in  nearly  all  such  cases  some  friend  or 
neighbor  was  found  who  would  loan  a  horse  or  fur- 
nish supplies.  The  dangerous  and  desperate  nature 
of  the  enterprise  was  fully  understood,  yet  so  much 
of  enthusiasm  was  exhibited  in  all  the  settlements 
that  as  early  as  the  15th  of  May  the  number  of 
volunteers  obtained  was  regarded  as  suiHcient  for  the 
successful  accomplishment  of  the  purposes  of  the 
campaign,  and  three  days  later  a  great  proportion  of 
them  had  made  all  their  arrangements ''  and  were  on 
their  way  to  the  place  of  meeting.  But  they  did  not 
all  arrive  at  the  time  appointed,  and  it  was  not  until 
the  morning  of  the  24th  that  the  last  of  the  volun- 
teers had  crossed  from  the  Virginia  side  of  the  Ohio 
to  the  rendezvous.  When,  on  the  same  day,  the 
forces  were  mustered  on  the  Mingo  Bottom  it  was 
found  that  four  hundred  and  eighty^  mounted  men 
were  present,  ready  and  eager  for  duty.*  Of  this 
number  fully  two-thirds  were  volunteers  from  Wash- 
ington County,^  and  the  remainder  from  Westmore- 

1  In  a  letter  written  on  the  8th  of  May  by  Dorsey  Pentecost  to  Presi- 
dent Moore  (Pa.  Arch.,  1781-83,  p.  540)  he  said,  "  I  hoar  there  is  great 
preparation  making  for  a  Desent  on  S*.  Duslcie,  to  setouttlie  20*^  of  this 
month  (the  former  plan  having  failed),  which  will  be  conducted  by  Gen- 
tlemen of  Experience  4  Verasity.  I  am  Doubtful  of  the  men's  being 
raised,  as  those  Kind  of  Expeditious  have  generally  failed  for  the  want 
of  Men,  and  I  am  further  Doubtful  on  ace*,  of  Provisions,  as  great 
numbers  will  not  be  able  to  furnish  themselves,  and  no  money  in  the 
hands  of  any  person  Equal  to  that  business." 

-  Butterfield,  in  his  "  Expedition  against  Sandusky,"  says,  '*  It  is  a  tra- 
dition— nay,  an  established  fact — that  many,  aside  from  the  ordinary  ar- 
rangements neceasarj'  for  a  month's  absence  (not  so  much,  however, 
from'a  presentiment  of  disaster  as  from  that  prudence  which  careful  and 
thoughtful  men  are  prone  to  exercise),  executed  deeds 'in  consideration 
of  love  and  affection,'  and  many  witnesses  were  called  in  to  subscribe 
to  'last  wills  and  testaments.'  "  The  commander  of  the  expedition.  Col. 
Crawford,  executed  his  will  before  departing  on  the  fatal  journey  to  the 
Wyandot  towns, 

3  Lieut.  John  Rose  (usually  mentioned  in  accounts  of  the  expedition 
as  Maj.  Rose),  an  aide-de-camp  of  Gen.  Irvine,  who  had  been  detailed  for 
the  same  duty  M'ith  the  commander  of  this  expedition,  wrote  to  the  gen- 
eral on  the  evening  of  the  24th  from  Mingo  Bottom,  and  in  the  letter  he 
said,  "Our  number  is  actually  four  hundred  and  eighty  men."  This  was 
a  more  favorable  result  than  had  been  anticipated,  as  is  shown  by  a  let- 
ter written  three  days  before  (May  2l8t)  to  Gen.  Washington  by  Gen.  Ir- 
vine, in  which  the  latter  said,  "The  volunteers  are  assembling  this  day 
at  Mingo  Bottom,  all  on  horseback,  with  thirty  days'  provisions.  ...  If 
their  number  exceeds  three  hundred  I  am  of  opinion  they  may  succeed, 
nB  their  march  will  be  so  rapid  they  will  probably,  in  a  great  degree, 
effect  a  surprise." 

*  All  were  in  high  spirits.  Everywhere  around  there  was  a  pleasur- 
able excitement.  Jokes  were  bandied  and  sorrows  at  parting  with  loved 
ones  at  home  quite  forgotten,  at  least  could  outward  appearances  be  re- 
lied upon.  Neveitheless  furtive  glances  up  the  western  hillsides  into 
the  deep  woods  kept  alive  in  the  minds  of  some  the  dangerous  purpose 
of  all  this  bustle  and  activity."— BiiHer/ieH's  Historical  Accmml  of  the  Ex- 
pedition against  Sandtitktj  undT  Col.  William  Crawford. 

^  Col.  James  Marshel,  in  a  letter  addressed  to  Gen.  Irvine,  dated  May 
29,  1782,  said  that  of  the  480  men  composing  the  forces  of  the  expedi- 
tion 320  were  from  Washington  CouEity,  about  130  from  Westmoreland, 
and  20  from  Ohio  County,  Va. 

land,  excepting  a  very  few  from  the  Pan-Handle  of 

It  was  in  the  afternoon  of  the  24th  of  May  that  the 
force  was  mustered  and  divided  into  eighteen  com- 
panies, their  average  strength,  of  course,  being  about 
twenty-six  men.  They  were  made  thus  small  on  ac- 
count of  the  peculiar  nature  of  the  service  in  which 
they  were  to  engage, — skirmishing,  firing  from  cover, 
and  practicing  the  numberless  artifices  and  strata- 
gems belonging  to  Indian  warfare.  Another  object 
gained  in  the  formation  of  these  unusually  small 
companies  was  the  gathering  together  of  neighbors 
and  acquaintances  in  the  same  command.  For  each 
company  there  were  then  elected  a  captain,  a  lieu- 
tenant, and  an  ensign.  "  Among  those  [captains] 
chosen,"  says  Butterfield  in  his  narrative  of  the  expe- 
dition, were  "McGeehan,  Hoagland,  Beesou,  Munn, 
Ross,  Ogle,  John  Biggs,  Craig  Ritchie,  John  Miller, 
Joseph  Bean,  and  Andrew  Hood."  Two  other  captains 
not  mentioned  by  Butterfield  were  John  Hardin  and 
Joseph  Huston,  These  two,  as  well  as  Capt.  John 
Beeson  (of  Uniontown),  commanded  companies  raised 
in  that  part  of  Westmoreland  County  which  after- 
wards became  Fayette.  A  large  part  of  the  com- 
pany commanded  by  Capt.  John  Biggs  was  also  of 
the  same  county.  Eleven  or  twelve  of  the  companies 
were  from  Washington  County,  but  their  captains 
cannot  be  placed,  except  Craig  Ritchie,  of  Canons- 

After  the  several  companies  had  been  duly  formed 
and  organized,  the  line-officers  and  men  proceeded  to 
elect  field-oflicers  and  a  commandant  of  the  expedi- 
tion. For  the  latter  office  there  were  two  candidates. 
One  of  these  was  Col.  David  Williamson,  and  his 
chances  of  election  seemed  excellent,  because  he  was 
a  citizen  of  Washington  County,  which  had  furnished 
two-thirds  of  the  men  composing  the  forces,  and  also 
because  he  was  still  undeniably  popular  among  the 
volunteers,  notwithstanding  the  odium  which  had 
fallen  on  the  acts  of  the  then  recent  Moravian  expe- 
dition, of  which  he  was  the  commander.  His  com- 
petitor for  the  command  of  the  new  expedition  was 
Col.  William  Crawford,  whose  home  was  at  Stewart's 
Crossings  of  the  Youghiogheny  River,  in  Westmore- 
land (afterwards  Fayette)  County.  He  was  a  regular 
army  officer  of  the  Continental  establishment,  was 
well  versed  in  Indian  modes  of  fighting,  and  had 
already  made  an  enviable  military  record.  He,  as 
well  as  Williamson,  enjoyed  much  personal  popu- 
larity, and  was  also  the  one  whom  Gen.  Irvine  wished 
to  have  selected  for  the  command.* 

Upon  counting  the  votes  it  was  found  that  four 

^  Gen.  Irvine  wrote  to  Gen.  Washington  on  the  2l8t  of  May,  "  I  have 
taken  some  pains  to  get  Col.  Crawford  appointed  to  command,  and  hope 
lie  will  be."  Irvine  was  evidently  determined  that  Williamson  should  not 
be  elected,  and  there  is  little  doubt  that  he  had  used  such  means  as  made 
Iiini  certain  of  the  result  beforehand.  If  Williamson  had  been  elected, 
it  is  not  likely  that  the  general  would  have  allowed  him  to  assume 



hundred  and  sixty-five  had  been  cast,  of  which 
Williamson  had  received  two  hundred  and  thirty, 
against  two  hundred  and  thirty-five  for  Col.  Craw- 
ford, who  thereupon  became  commandant  of  the 
forces  of  the  expedition.^  Four  majors  were  then 
elected,  viz.:  David  Williamson,-  of  Washington 
County,  Thomas  Gaddis^  and  John  McClelland,  of 
Westmoreland  (now  Fayette),  and  Joseph  Brinton, 
of  what  is  now  East  Pike  Run  township,  Washington 
County,  their  rank  and  seniority  being  in  the  order 
as  above  named.  The  brigade-major  elected  was 
Daniel  Leet,  whose  residence  was  near  the  present 
borough  of  Washington.  Jonathan  Zane,  John 
Slover,  and  Thomas  Nicholson  were  designated  as 
guides  or  pilots  to  the  advancing  column.  Dr. 
John  Knight,^  post  surgeon  at  Fort  Pitt,  had  been 
detailed  by  Gen.  Irvine  as  surgeon  to  the  expedition. 
Instructions  addressed  "  To  the  officer  who  will  be 
appointed  to  command  a  detachment  of  volunteer 
militia  on  an  expedition  against  the  Indian  town  at 
or  near  Sandusky"  had  been  forwarded  by  Gen. 
Irvine  from  Fort  Pitt  on  the  21st  of  May.  In  these 
instructions  the  general  expressed  himself  as  follows: 

1  Doddridge,  in  his  "  Notes"  (page  265),  says  of  Crawford  that  "  when 
notified  of  his  appointment  it  is  said  that  be  accepted  it  with  apparent 
reluctance."  Concerning  this  Butterfield,  in  his  narrative  of  the  expe- 
dition, says, — 

*'  It  hasbeen  extensively  circulated  that  Crawford  accepted  the  office  of 
commander  of  the  expedition  with  apparent  reluctance,  but  Rose  (Maj. 
Rose,  of  Gen.  Irvine's  staff)  settles  that  question.  His  reluctance  was  not 
in  taking  command  of  the  troops  after  the  election,  but  in  joining  the  ex- 
pedition. He  left  his  home  with  the  full  understanding  that  he  was  to 
lead  the  volunteers.  Gen.  Irvine,  it  is  true,  allowed  the  troops  to  choose 
their  own  commander,  but  he  was  not  backward  in  letting  it  be  known 
that  he  desired  the  election  of  Crawford." 

2  Williamson  received  the  entire  vote  of  the  force  for  first  major.  "  I 
cannot  but  give  Col.  Williamson,"  said  Maj.  Rose  in  a  letter  to  Gen. 
InMne,  "  the  utmost  credit  for  exhorting  the  whole  to  be  unanimous  after 
the  election  had  been  made  known,  and  cheerfully  submitting  to  be 
second  in  command.  I  think  if  it  had  been  otherwise  Crawford  would 
have  pushed  home,  and  very  likely  we  should  have  dispersed,  which 
would  likewise  have  been  the  case  if  Williamson  had  not  behaved  with 
so  much  prudence." 

8  The  opposing  candidate  for  second  field-major  was  Col.  James  Mar- 
Bhel,  county  lieutenant  of  Washington,  who  came  within  three  or  four 
votes  of  an  election.  He  was  an  exceedingly  popular  man,  and  highly 
thought  of  by  Gen.  Irvine. 

■*  Dr.  John  Knight  was  a  resident  of  Bullskin  township,  Westmoreland 
County.  In  1776  he  had  enlisted  in  the  West  Augu.sta  Regiment  (Thir- 
teenth Virginia)  as  a  private  soldier.  Soon  after  enlisting  he  was  made 
a  sergeant  by  Col.  Ci-awford,  the  commanding  officer  of  the  regiment. 
On  the  9th  of  August,  1778,  he  was  appointed  surgeon's  mate  in  the 
Kinth  Virginia.  Afterwards  he  was  promoted  to  surgeon  of  the  Seventh 
Virjiinia  (under  command  of  Col.  John  Gibson),  and  held  that  position 
in  the  same  regiment  at  the  time  the  Sandusky  expedition  was  fitted  out. 
He  was  then  detached  by  order  of  Gen.  Irvine,  and  at  the  request  of  Col- 
Crawford,  to  act  as  surgeon  of  that  expedition.  On  the  21st  of  May  he 
left  Fort  Pitt  to  join  the  expeditionary  forces,  and  reached  the  rendez- 
vous at  Wingo  Bottom  on  the  22d.  After  encountering  all  the  dangers 
and  hardships  of  the  campaign,  fiom  which  he  narrowly  escaped  with  his 
life,  he  returned  to  his  regiment,  and  remained  on  duty  as  its  surgeon  at 
Fort  Pitt  till  the  close  of  the  war,  when  he  left  military  life.  On  the 
14th  of  October,  1784,  he  married  Polly,  daughter  of  Col.  Richard  Steven- 
son, who  was  a  half-brother  uf  Col.  Crawford.  Subsequently  Dr.  Knight 
removed  to  Shelby ville,  Ky.,  where  he  died  March  12,  ISaS.  His  widow 
died  July  31,  1839.  Tbey  were  the  parents  of  ten  children.  One  of 
their  daughters  married  John,  a  son  of  Presley  Carr  Lane,  a  prominent 
public  man  of  Fayette  County.  Dr.  Eniglit  was  the  recipient  of  a  pen- 
sion from  government,  under  the  act  of  May  15, 1828. 

"The  object  of  your  command  Is  to  deitroy  with  fir*  and  iwonl.  If 
practicable,  the  Indian  town  and  Hottlement  at  Sanduiky,  by  which  wa 
hope  to  give  ease  and  Kafety  to  the  InhabiUnU  of  tbL«  country;  but  If 
impracticahle,  then  you  will  doubt!«H«  perform  Buch  other  Mrvlco  In 
your  ijoweras  will  In  their  consequences  hare  a  loudencj  loun»wer  tbif 
great  end. 

'*  Previous  to  taking  up  your  Hue  of  march  It  will  b«  highly  expedient 
that  all  matters  respecting  rank  or  command  »hou1d  be  well  underatood, 
us  far  at  least  as  first,  second,  and  third.'  This  precaution.  In  case  of 
accident  ormisfortune,  may  be  of  great  importaure.  Indeed,  I  think 
whatever  grade  or  rank  may  be  fixed  on  to  have  command,  their  rela- 
tive rank  should  be  determined.  And  it  Is  indlHpensably  noceenary  that 
subordination  and  discipline  should  be  kept  up;  the  whole  ought  toon- 
derataiid  that,  notwithstanding  they  are  volunteers,  yet  by  this  tour 
they  are  lo  get  credit  for  it  in  their  toure  of  military  duty,  and  that  for 
this  and  other  good  reasons  ihey  must,  while  out  on  thid  duty,  connlder 
themselves,  to  all  intent,  subject  to  the  military  lawn  and  regulations 
for  the  government  of  the  militia  when  in  actual  service. 

"  Your  best  chance  of  success  will  be,  if  possible,  to  effect  a  nirprws, 
and  though  this  will  be  dilficult,  yet  by  forced  and  rapid  marchee  It 
ntay,  in  a  great  degree,  be  accomplished.  I  am  clearly  of  opinion  that 
you  should  regulate  your  last  day's  march  so  as  to  reach  the  town  about 
dawn  of  day,  or  a  little  before,  and  that  the  march  of  this  day  should 
be  as  long  as  win  well  be  peiformed. 

"  I  need  scarcely  mention  to  so  virtuous  and  disinterested  a  set  of 
men  as  you  will  have  the  honor  to  comnmud  that  though  the  main 
ottject  at  present  is  for  the  purpose  above  set  forth,  viz.,  the  protection 
of  this  country,  yet  you  are  to  consider  yourselves  as  acting  in  behalf 
of  and  for  the  United  States,  that  of  course  it  will  be  incumbent  on  you 
especially  who  will  have  the  command  to  act  in  every  instance  in  such 
a  manner  as  will  reflect  honor  on,  and  add  reputation  to,  the  American 
arms,  of  nations  or  independent  States.*} 


i  dire 

were  observed,  Col.  Williamson  being  designated  as 
second,  and  Maj.  Gaddis  as  third  in  command. 

^  Yet  the  Moravian  historians  and  their  imitators  have  heaped  no- 
measured  abuse  on  the  brave  men  who  composed  this  expedition. 
Heckewelder,  in  his  "  History  of  the  Indian  Nations,"  calls  them  a 
"  gang  of  banditti;"  and  Loskiel,  writing  in  the  same  vein  in  his"  His- 
tory of  Indian  Missions."  said,  '*  The  same  gang  of  murderers  who  had 
committed  the  massacre  on  the  Muskingum  did  not  give  up  their  bloody 
design  upon  the  remnant  of  the  Indian  congregation,  though  it  was  de- 
layed for  a  season.  They  marched  in  May,  1782,  to  Sandusky,  where 
they  found  nothing  but  empty  huts."  The  Rev.  Joseph  Doddridge, 
D.D.,  following  the  lead  of  these  Moravian  defamers,  in  his  *' Notea  on 
the  Settlement  and  Indian  Wars  of  the  Western  Parts  of  Virginia  and 
Pennsylvania,"  says  (page  264)  of  Crawford's  expedition,  "This,  in  one 
point  of  view  at  least,  is  to  be  considered  as  a  second  Moravian  cam- 
paign, as  one  of  its  objects  was  that  of  finisliing  the  work  of  murder 
and  plunder  with  the  Christian  Indians  at  their  new  establishment  on 
the  Sandusky.  The  next  object  was  that  of  destroying  the  Wyandot 
towns  on  the  same  liver.  It  was  the  resolution  of  all  those  concerned 
in  this  expedition  not  to  spare  the  life  of  any  Indians  that  might  fall 
into  their  hands,  whether  friends  or  foes.  ...  It  would  seem  that  the 
long  continuance  of  the  Indian  war  had  debased  a  considerable  i^ortion 
of  our  population  to  the  savage  state  of  our  nature.  Having  lost  so 
many  relatives  by  the  Indians,  and  witnessed  their  horrid  murders  and 
other  depredations  on  so  extensive  a  scale,  they  became  subjects  of  that 
indiscriminaling  thii-st  for  revenge  which  is  such  a  prominent  feature  in 
the  savage  character,  and  having  had  a  taste  of  blood  and  plunder, 
without  risk  i.r  loss  on  their  part,  they  resolved  to  go  on  and  kill  every 
Indian  they  could  find,  whether  friend  or  foe."  Does  not  the  tenor  of 
Gen.  Irvine's  instructions  to  Col.  Crawford  completely  disprove  the  alle- 
gations of  Loskiel,  Heckewelder,  and  Doddridge  ?  If  further  testimony 
is  necessary  it  is  found  in  a  "History  of  Centre  Church,"  written  by 
Robert  A.  Slierrard,  of  Ohio,  whose  father,  Johu  Sherrard,  was  a  volun- 
teer in  Crawford's  expedition,  and  present  with  it  in  its  operations  from 
the  Ohio  to  the  Sandusky  and  back  to  the  Ohio.  Mr.  Sherrard  says, 
"In  my  young  days  I  was  acquainted  with  six  or  seven  of  the  men  who 
were  out  in  Crawford's  campaign.  They  were  volunteers  from  the 
neighborhood  where  I  was  raised,  within  four  or  five  miles  of  Connells- 
ville,  close  to  which  place  Col.  Crawford  dwelt.  John  Sherrard,  Col. 
James  PauM,  John  Rodgers,  Daniel  Cannon,  Alexander  Carson,  and  sev- 
eral others  of  that  neighborhood  arrived  safe  home.  I  have  ht^ard  my 
father  converse  freely  on  that  subject,  and  at  a  much  later  dale  I  hate 
conversed  with  Col.  Paul!  and  John   Rodgere  about  Crawford's  defeat. 



"  Should  any  person,  British,  or  in  the  service  or  pay  of  Britain  or 
their  allies,  fall  into  your  hands,  if  it  sliould  prove  inconvenient  for  you 
to  bring  them  off,  you  will,  nevertheless,  take  special  care  to  liberate 
them  on  parole,  in  such  manner  as  to  insure  liberty  for  an  equal  num- 
ber of  people  in  their  hands.  There  are  individuals,  however,  who  I 
think  should  be  brought  off  at  all  events  should  the  fortune  of  war 
throw  tbem  into  your  hands.  I  mean  such  as  have  deserted  to  the 
enemy  since  the  Declaration  of  Independence." 

The  forces  of  Col.  Crawford  commenced  their  march 
from  Mingo  Bottom  early  in  the  morning  of  Saturday, 
the  25th  of  May.  There  was  a  path  leading  from 
the  river  into  the  wilderness,  and  known  as  "  Wil- 
liamson's trail,"  because  it  was  the  route  over  which 
Col.  Williamson  had  previously  marched  on  his  way 
to  the  Moravian  towns.  This  trail,  as  far  as  it  ex- 
tended, offered  the  easiest  and  most  practicable  route, 
but  Col.  Crawford  did  not  adopt  it,'  because  it  was  a 
principal  feature  in  his  plan  of  the  campaign  to  avoid 
all  traveled  trails  or  routes  on  which  they  would  be 
likely  to  be  discovered  by  lurking  Indians  or  parties 
of  them,  who  would  make  haste  to  carry  intelligence 
of  the  movement  to  the  villages  which  it  was  his  pur- 
pose to  surprise  and  destroy.  So  the  column,  divided 
into  four  detachments,  each  under  immediate  com- 
mand of  one  of  the  four  field-majors,  moved  up  from 
the  river-bottom  into  the  higher  country,  and  struck 
into  the  trackless  wilderness,  taking  a  course  nearly 
due  west.  The  advance  was  led  by  Capt.  Biggs'  com- 
pany, and  piloted  by  the  guides  Zane,  Nicholson,  and 

On  through  the  dark  forest  the  troops  moved  rap- 
idly but  warily,  preceded  by  scouts,  and  observing 
every  precaution  known  to  border  warfare  to  guard 
against  ambuscade  or  surprise,  though  no  sign  of  an 
enemy  appeared  in  the  unbroken  solitude  of  the 
woods.  No  incident  of  note  occurred  on  the  march 
until  the  night  of  the  27th  of  May,  when,  at  their 
third  camping-place,  a  few  of  the  horses  strayed  and 
were  lost,  and  in  the  following  morning  the  men  who 
had  thus  been  dismounted,  being  unable  to  proceed 
on  foot  without  embarrassing  the  movements  of  the 
column,  were  ordered  to  return  to  Mingo  Bottom, 
which  they  did,  but  with  great  reluctance. 

On  the  fourth  day  they  reached  and  crossed  the 
Muskingum  River,  and  then,  marching  up  the  western 
side  of  the  stream,  came  to  the  ruins  of  the  upper 
Moravian  village,  where  they  made  their  camp  for 
the  night,  and  found  plenty  of  corn  remaining  in  the 

and  I  can  assert  positively  that  1  never  heard  from  either  of  these  three 
the  intimation  that  to  kill  otf  the  remainder  of  the  Christian  Mo- 
ravian Indians  was  at  all  tlie  object  of  Crawford  and  his  men  ;  but  on 
the  contrary  I  have  frequently  heard  these  men  say  the  main  object 
was  to  chastise  the  Wyandots  by  killing  as  many  as  they  could,  burn 
their  towns,  and  destroy  their  corn.  This,  and  this  only,  was  the  object 
of  these  men  in  undertaking  this  campaign,  and  by  that  means  to  check 
the  Indians  from  murdering,  scalping,  and  plundering  the  white  inhab- 
itants on  the  frontier  settlements,  as  had  been  the  case  for  two  months 

1  Dr.  Doddridge,  in  his  "  Notes,"  says,  "  The  army  marched  along 
Williamimi'8  Imil,  as  it  w;i8  then  called,  until  they  arrived  at  Hie  upper 
Moravian  town."  In  this,  as  in  many  other  parts  of  his  narrative, 
Doddridge  was  entirely  mistaken. 

ravaged  fields  of  the  Christian  Indians.  This  en- 
campment was  only  sixty  miles  from  their  starting- 
point  on  the  Ohio,  yet  they  had  been  four  days  in 
reaching  it.  During  the  latter  part  of  their  journey 
to  this  place  they  had  taken  a  route  more  southerly 
than  the  one  originally  contemplated,  for  their  horses 
had  become  jaded  and  worn  out  by  climbing  the 
hills  and  floundering  through  the  swamps,  and  so  the 
commander  found  himself  compelled  to  deflect  his 
line  of  march  so  as  to  pass  through  a  more  open  and 
level  country;  but  he  did  this  very  unwillingly,  for  it 
led  his  army  through  a  region  in  which  they  would 
be  much  more  likely  to  be  discovered  by  Indian 
scouts  or  hunting-parties. 

Up  to  this  time,  however,  no  Indians  had  been 
seen  ;  but  while  the  force  was  encamped  at  the  ruined 
village,  on  the  evening  of  the  28th  of  May,  Maj. 
Brinton  and  Capt.  Bean  went  out  to  reconnoitre  the 
vicinity,  and  while  so  engaged,  at  a  distance  of  about 
a  quarter  of  a  mile  from  the  camp,  they  discovered 
two  skulking  savages  and  promptly  fired  on  them. 
The  shots  did  not  take  effect  and  the  Indians  fled, 
but  the  circumstance  gave  Col.  Crawford  great  un- 
easiness, for,  although  he  had  previously  supposed 
that  his  march  had  been  undiscovered  by  the  enemy, 
he  now  believed  that  these  scouts  had  been  hovering 
on  their  flanks,  perhaps  along  the  entire  route  from 
Mingo  Bottom,  and  it  was  certain  that  the  two  savages 
who  had  been  fired  on  would  speedily  carry  intelli- 
gence of  the  hostile  advance  to  the  Indian  towns 
on  the  Sandusky. 

It  was  now  necessary  to  press  on  with  all  practica- 
ble speed  in  order  to  give  the  enemy  as  little  time  as 
possible  to  prepare  for  defense.  Early  in  the  morning 
of  the  29th  the  column  resumed  its  march,  moving 
rapidly,  and  with  even  greater  caution  than  before. 
From  the  Muskingum  the  route  was  taken  in  a 
northwesterly  course  to  the  Killbuck,  and  thence  up 
that  stream  to  a  point  about  ten  miles  south  of  the 
present  town  of  Wooster,  Ohio,  where,  in  the  even- 
ing of  the  30th,  the  force  encamped,  and  where  one 
of  the  men  died  and  was  buried  at  a  spot  which  was 
marked  by  the  cutting  of  his  name  in  the  bark  of  the 
nearest  tree. 

From  the  lone  grave  in  the  forest  they  moved  on  in 
a  westerly  course,  crossing  an  affluent  of  the  Mohican, 
passing  near  the  site  of  the  present  city  of  Mansfield, 
and  arriving  in  the  evening  of  the  1st  of  June  at  the 
place  which  is  now  known  as  Spring  Mills  Station, 
on  the  Pittsburgh,  Fort  Wayne  and  Chicago  Eailroad. 
There  by  the  side  of  a  fine  spring  they  bivouacked 
for  the  night.  In  the  march  of  the  2d  they  struck  the 
Sandusky  River  at  about  two  o'clock  p.m.,  and  halted 
that  night  in  the  woods  very  near  the  eastern  edge  of 
the  Plains,  not  more  than  twenty  miles  from  the 
Indian  town,  their  point  of  destination.  They  had 
seen  no  Indian  since  their  departure  from  the  night 
camp  at  the  Moravian  Indian  village  on  the  Muskin- 
gum, though  they  had  in  this  day's  march  unknow- 



ingly  passed  very  near  the  cam|)  of  the  Dchuvarc  chief 

On  the  morning  of  the  3d  of  June  the  horsemen 
entered  the  open  country  known  as  the  Sandusky 
Plains,  and  moved  rapidly  on  through  waving  grasses 
and  bright  flowers,  between  green  belts  of  timber  and 
island  groves  such  as  i'ew  of  them  had  ever  seen 
before.  Such  were  the  scenes  which  surrounded 
them  during  all  of  that  day's  march,  and  at  night 
they  made  their  fireless  bivouac  on  or  near  the  site  of 
the  present  village  of  Wyandot,  not  more  than  ten 
miles  from  their  objective-point,  where  (as  they  be- 
lieved) the  deadly  and  decisive  blow  was  to  be  struck. 

Two  hours  after  sunrise  on  the  4th  the  men  were 
again  in  the  saddle,  and  the  four  squadrons  began 
their  march,  moving  with  greater  caution  than  ever. 
A  march  of  six  miles  brought  them  to  the  mouth 
of  the  Little  Sandusky  ;  thence,  having  crossed  the 
stream,  they  proceeded  in  a  direction  a  little  west  of 
north,  past  an  Indian  sugar-camp  of  the  previous 
spring  (which  was  all  the  sign  that  they  had  seen  of 
Indian  occupation),  and  passed  rapidly  on  towards 
the  Wyandot  town,'  the  objective-point  of  the  expe- 
dition, which,  as  the  guide  Slover  assured  the  com- 
mander, lay  immediately  before  them  within  striking 
distance.  Suddenly,  at  a  little  after  noon,  the  site  of 
the  town  came  in  full  view  through  an  opening  in 
the  timber,  but  to  their  utter  amazement  they  found 
only  a  cluster  of  deserted  huts  without  a  single  in- 
habitant! The  village  appeared  to  have  been  de- 
serted for  a  considerable  time,  and  the  place  was  a 
perfect  solitude.  This  was  a  dilemma  which  Col. 
Crawford  had  not  foreseen  nor  anticipated,  and  he  at 
once  ordered  a  halt  to  rest  the  horses  and  give  time 
for  him  to  consider  the  strange  situation  of  affairs, 
and  to  decide  on  a  new  plan  of  operations. 

The  guides  and  some  others  in  Crawford's  com- 
mand were  well  acquainted  with  the  location  of  the 
Indian  town.  John  Slover  had  previously  been  a 
prisoner  with  the  Miamis,  and  during  his  captivity 
with  that  tribe  had  frequently  visited  the  Wyandot 
village  on  the  Sandusky.  In  guiding  the  expedition 
there  he  had,  of  course,  expected  to  find  the  village 
as  he  had  before  seen  it,  and  was,  like  the  rest,  as- 
tonished to  find  it  deserted.  The  fact,  as  after- 
wards learned,  was  that  some  time  before  Crawford's 
coming,  but  how  long  before  has  never  been  definitely 
ascertained,  the  Indians,  believing  that  their  upper 
village  was  peculiarly  exposed  to  danger  from  the  in- 
cursions of  the  whites,  had  abandoned  it  and  retired 
down  the  river  about  eight  miles,  where  they  gathered 
around  the  village  of  the  Half-King,  Pomoacan,  and 
that  was  their  location  when  the  columns  of  Col. 
Crawford  descended  the  Sandusky. 

1  The  location  of  the  old  Wyandot  town  wa8  three  miles  southeHSt  of 
the  present  town  of  Upper  Sandusky,  or  five  miles  below  by  the  course 
of  the  river,  and  on  its  opposite  bank. 

Contrary  to  the  belief  of  the  PeiinHylvania  and 
Virginia  settlers  that  the  mustering  of  their  forces 
and  the  march  of  their  expedition  wax  unknown  to 
the  Indians,  the  latter  had  been  apprised  of  it  from 
the  incei)tion  of  the  project.  I'rowling  spies  eaut  of 
the  Ohio  had  watched  the  volunteers  as  they  left  their 
homes  in  the  Monongahela  Valley  and  moved  west- 
ward towards  the  rendezvous ;  they  had  seen  the 
gathering  of  the  borderers  at  Mingo  IJottom,  and  had 
shadowed  the  advancing  column  along  all  iU  line  of 
march  from  the  Ohio  to  the  Sandusky.  Swift  runners 
has  sped  away  to  the  northwest  with  every  item  of 
warlike  news,  and  on  its  receipt  the  chiefs  and  war- 
riors at  the  threatened  villages  lost  not  a  moment  in 
making  the  most  energetic  preparations  to  repel  the 
invasion.  Messengers  were  dispatched  to  all  the  Wy- 
andot, Delaware,  and  Shawanese  bands,  calling  on 
them  to  send  in  all  their  braves  to  a  general  rendez- 
vous near  the  Half-King's  headquarters,  and  word 
was  sent  to  De  Peyster,  the  British  commandant  at 
Detroit,  notifying  him  of  the  d;inger  threatening  his 
Indian  allies,  and  begging  that  he  would  send  them 
aid  without  delay.  This  request  he  at  once  acceded 
to,  sending  a  considerable  force  of  mounted  men,  with 
two  or  three  small  pieces  of  artillery.  These,  however, 
did  not  play  a  prominent  part  in  the  tragedy  which 

The  Indian  scouts  who  had  watched  the  little  army 
of  Crawford  from  the  time  it  left  Mingo  Bottom  sent 
forward  reports  of  its  progress  day  by  day,  and  from 
these  reports  the  chiefs  at  the  lower  towns  on  the  San- 
dusky learned  in  the  night  of  the  3d  of  June  that  the 
invading  column  was  then  in  bivouac  on  the  Plains, 
not  more  than  eighteen  miles  distant.  The  war  par- 
ties of  the  Miamis  and  had  not  come  in 
to  the  Indian  rendezvous,  nor  had  the  expected  aid 
arrived  from  the  British  post  at  Detroit,  but  the  chiefs 
resolved  to  take  the  war-path  without  them,  to  harass 
and  hold  the  advancing  enemy  in  check  as  much  as 
possible  until  the  savage  forces  should  be  augmenteds 
sufliciently  to  enable  them  to  give  battle  with  hope  of 
success.  Accordingly,  in  the  morning  of  the  4th  of 
June,  at  about  the  same  time  when  Col.  Crawford 
was  leaving  his  camp-ground  of  the  previous  night 
to  march  on  the  deserted  Indian  town,  the  great  Dela- 
ware chief,  Capt.  Pipe,  set  out  from  his  town  with 
about  two  hundred  warriors,  and  marched  to  the  ren- 
dezvous, where  his  force  was  joined  by  a  larger  party 
of  Wyandots  under  their  chief  Ghaus-sho-toh,__With 
them  was  the  notorious  white  renegade,  Simon  Girty, 
mounted  on  a  fine  horse  and  decked  out  in  full  Indian 
costume.  The  combined  Delaware  and  Wyandot 
forces  numbered  in  all  more  than  five  hundred  braves, 
— a  screeching  mass  of  barbarians,  hideous  in  their 
war-paint  and  wild  with  excitement.  After  an  orgie 
of  whooping,  yelling,  and  dancing  such  as  savages 
were  wont  to  indulge  in  before  taking  the  war-path, 
the  wild  crowd  relapsed  into  silence,  filed  out  from  the 
place  of  rendezvous,  and  glided  away  like  a  huge  ser- 




pent  across  the  grassy  plain  towards  the  cover  of  the 
distant  belt  of  forest. 

In  the  brief  halt  at  the  deserted  village  Col.  Craw- 
ford consulted  with  his  guides  and  some  of  the  officers 
as  to  the  most  advisable  course  to  be  adopted  under 
the  strange  circumstances  in  which  he  found  himself 
placed.  John  Slover  was  firm  in  the  opinion  that  the 
inhabitants  of  the  village  had  removed  to  a  town  situ- 
ated a  few  miles  below.  He  also  believed  that  other 
villages  would  be  found  not  far  away  from  the  one 
which  had  been  abandoned,  and  that  they  might  be 
surprised  by  a  rapid  forward  movement.  Zane  was 
less  confident,  and  not  disposed  to  advise,  though  he 
did  not  strongly  oppose  a  farther  advance  into  the 
Indian  country.  The  commander,  after  an  hour's 
consideration  of  the  embarrassing  question,  ordered 
the  column  to  move  forward  towards  the  lower  towns. 
Crawford's  army  and  the  combined  Indian  forces 
under  Pipe  and  Ghaus-sho-toh  were  now  rapidly  ap- 
proaching each  other. 

Crossing  the  river  just  below  the  abandoned  village, 
the  Pennsylvania  horsemen  pressed  rapidly  on  in  a 
northerly  direction  to  the  place  which  afterwards 
became  the  site  of  Upper  Sandusky.  There  was  no 
indication  of  the  presence  of  the  foe,  but  the  very 
silence  and  solitude  seemed  ominous,  and  the  faces  of 
officers  and  men  grew  grave,  as  if  the  shadow  of  ap- 
proaching disaster  had  begun  to  close  around  them. 
A  mile  farther  on,  a  halt  was  ordered,  for  the  gloom 
had  deepened  over  the  spirits  of  the  volunteers,  until, 
for  the  first  time,  it  found  expression  in  a  demand  from 
some  of  them  that  the  advance  should  be  abandoned 
and  their  faces  turned  back  towards  the  Ohio  River. 
At  this  juncture  Col.  Crawford  called  a  council  of 
war.  It  was  composed  of  the  commander,  his  aide- 
de-camp,  Rose,  the  surgeon.  Dr.  Knight,  the  four  ma- 
jors, the  captains  of  the  companies,  and  the  guides. 
Zane  now  gave  his  opinion  promptly  and  decidedly 
against  any  farther  advance,  and  in  favor  of  an  im- 
mediate return  ;  for  to  his  mind  the  entire  absence  of 
all  signs  of  Indians  was  almost  a  sure  indication  that 
they  were  concentrating  in  overwhelming  numbers  at 
some  point  not  far  off.  His  opinion  had  great  weight, 
and  the  council  decided  that  the  march  should  be  con- 
tinued until  evening,  and  if  no  enemy  should  then 
have  been  discovered,  the  column  should  retire  over 
the  route  by  which  it  came. 

During  the  halt  Capt.  Biggs'  company,  deployed  as 
scouts,  had  been  thrown  out  a  considerable  distance 
to  the  front  for  purposes  of  observation.  Hardly  had 
the  council  reached  its  decision  when  one  of  the 
scouts  came  in  at  headlong  speed  with  the  thrilling 
intelligence  that  a  large  body  of  Indians  had  been 
discovered  on  the  plain,  less  than  two  miles  away. 
Then,  "in  hot  haste,"  the  volunteers  mounted,  formed, 
and  moved  forward  rapidly  and  in  the  best  of  spirits, 
the  retiring  scouts  falling  in  with  the  main  body  of 
horsemen  as  they  advanced.      They  had   proceeded 

nearly  a  mile  from  the  place  where  the  council  was 
held  when  the  Indians  were  discovered  directly  in 
their  front.  It  was  the  war  party  of  Delawares,  under 
their  chief,  Capt.  Pipe,  the  Wyandots  being  farther 
to  the  rear  and  not  yet  in  sight. 

When  the  Americans  appeared  in  full  view  of  the 
Delawares,  the  latter  made  a  swift  movement  to  oc- 
cupy an  adjacent  wood,  so  as  to  fight  from  cover,  but 
Col.  Crawford,  observing  the  movement,  instantly 
dismounted  his  men,  and  ordered  them  to  charge  into 
the  grove,  firing  as  they  advanced.  Before  this  vigor- 
ous assault  the  Delawares  gave  way  and  retreated  to 
the  open  plain,  while  Crawford's  men  held  the  woods. 
The  Indians  then  attempted  to  gain  cover  in  another 
grove  farther  to  the  east,  but  were  repulsed  by  Maj. 
Leet's  men,  who  formed  Crawford's  right  wing.  At 
this  time  the  Wyandot  force  came  up  to  reinforce  the 
Delawares,  and  with  them  was  Capt.  William  Cald- 
well, of  the  British  army,  dressed  in  the  full  uniform 
of  an  officer  in  the  royal  service.'  He  had  come  from 
Detroit,  and  arrived  at  the  Indian  rendezvous  a  little 
in  advance  of  the  main  British  force,  but  after  Pipe 
and  Ghaus-sho-toh  had  set  out  with  their  braves  to 
meet  Crawford.  He  now  came  up  to  the  scene  of 
conflict,  and  at  once  took  command  of  both  Indian 
parties.  On  his  arrival  he  immediately  ordered  the 
Delaware  chief  to  flank  the  Americans  by  passing 
to  their  left.  The  movement  was  successfully  exe- 
cuted, and  they  held  the  position  much  to  the  dis- 
comfort of  the  frontiersmen,  who,  however,  could  not 
be  dislodged  from  their  cover.  But  they  had  no  great 
advantage  of  position,  for  the  Indians  were  scarcely 
less  sheltered  by  the  tall  grass  of  the  plains,  which 
almost  hid  them  from  view  and  afforded  a  consider- 
able protection  against  the  deadly  fire  of  the  white 

The  fight  commenced  at  about  three  o'clock,  and 
was  continued  with  unabated  vigor,  but  with  varying 
success,  through  the  long  hours  of  that  sultry  June 
afternoon.  Through  it  all  the  villanous  Simon  Girty 
was  present  with  the  Delawares,  and  was  frequently 
seen  by  Crawford's  men  (for  he  was  well  known  by 
many  of  them),  riding  on  a  white  horse,  giving  orders 
and  encouraging  the  savages,  but  never  within  range 

I  Capt.  Caldwell  was  the  commanding  officer  of  the  entire  force  which 
De  Peyster  had  sent  from  Detroit  in  aid  of  tUeir  Indian  allieii,  viz.,  the 
niount'.'d  detachment  known  as  Butler's  Rangers  and  a  company  of 
infantry  from  the  garrison  at  Detroit.  Naturally,  it  would  be  supposed 
that  the  mounted  Eaugers  woulii  arrive  first  on  the  ground,  and  why 
they  did  not  is  not  clearly  explained,  but  tliey  were  yet  several  miles  in 
the  rear  during  the  flglit  of  the  4tli  of  June.  Capt.  Matthew  Elliott,  of 
the  British,  was  also  present  with  the  Indians  in  this  battle,  but  he  was 
only  a  Tory  officer  iu  the  royal  service,  and  could  have  no  command  in 
presence  of  Caldwell,  who  was  a  captain  in  the  regular  British  army. 

-  "  Some  of  the  borderers  climbed  trees,  and  from  their  bushy  tops  took 
deadly  aim  at  the  heads  of  tlie  enemy  as  they  arose  above  the  grass. 
Daniel  Canon  {brother  of  Col.  John  Canon,  of  Canonsburg)  was  conspic- 
uous in  this  novel  mode  of  warfare.  He  was  one  of  the  dead  shots  of 
the  army,  and  from  his  lofty  hiding-place  the  reports  of  his  unerring 
rifle  gave  unmistakable  evidence  of  the  killing  of  savages.  *  I  do  not 
know  how  many  Indians  I  killed,'  said  he,  afterwards, '  but  I  never  saw 
the  same  head  again  above  the  graas  after  I  shot  at  it.'  " — Bntterfield. 



of  the  white  men's  rifles.  The  combined  forces  of  the 
Wyandots  and  Delawares  considerably  outnumbered 
the  command  of  Col.  Crawford,  but  the  latter  held 
their  own  and  could  not  be  dislodged  by  all  the  arti- 
fices and  fury  of  their  savage  assailants.'  When  the 
shadows  of  twilight  began  to  deepen  over  grove  and 
glade  the  savage  hordes  ceased  hostilities  and  retired 
to  more  distant  points  on  the  plains. 

The  losses  in  Col.  Crawford's  command  during  the 
afternoon  were  five  killed  and  twenty-three  wounded, 
as  reported  by  the  aide-de-camp.  Rose,  to  Gen.  Irvine. 
One  of  the  killed  was  Capt.  Ogle,  and  among  the 
oflicers  wounded  were  Maj.  Brinton,  Capt.  Ross,  Capt. 
Munn,  Lieut.  Ashley,  and  Ensign  McMasters. 

The  losses  of  the  Indians  were  never  ascertained. 
Tliough  doubtless  greater  than  those  of  the  whites, 
they  were  probably  not  very  heary,  because  the  sav- 
age combatants  were  to  a  great  extent  hidden  from 
view  by  the  tall  grass  which  grew  everywhere  in  the 
openings.  A  number  of  Indian  scalps  were  taken  by 
Crawford's  men,  but  no  prisoners  were  captured  on 
either  side.  The  British  captain,  Caldwell,  was 
wounded  in  both  legs,  and  was  carried  back  to  Lower 
Sandusky  in  the  night  succeeding  the  battle.  Upon 
this  the  command  of  the  British  force  that  was  on 
the  way  seems  to  have  passed  to  liis  lieutenant,  John 
Turne}',  as  a  report  of  their  subsequent  operations  in 
the  campaign  was  made  by  him  to  De  Peyster,  the 
commandant  at  Detroit. 

At  the  close  of  the  conflict  of  the  4th  of  June  the 
advantage  seemed  to  be  with  the  white  men,  for  the 
foe  had  retired  from  their  front  and  they  still  kept 
possession  of  the  grove,^  from  which  the  red  demons 
had  tried  persistently  but  in  vain  for  more  than  four 
hours  to  dislodge  them.  The  oflicers  and  men  of 
Col.  Crawford's  command  were  in  good  spirits,  and 
the  commander  himself  felt  confident  of  ultimate 
victory,  for  his  volunteers  had  behaved  admirably, 
exhibiting  remarkable  steadiness  and  bravery  during 
the  trying  scenes  of  the  afternoon.  But  the  Indians 
were  by  no  means  dispirited,  for  they  had  sufliered  no 

1  Butterfield  relates  the  foUowing  incident  concerning  Francis  Dun- 
levy,  one  of  tlie  volunteers  in  the  expedition,  whose  home  at  that  time 
was  on  Chartiers  Creeli,  in  what  is  now  Peters  township,  Wasliiopton 
Connty,  viz. ;  *'  Francis  Dunlevy,  who  belonged  to  Captain  Ci-aig  Ritchie's 
company,  had  during  the  fight  been  engaged  with  an  Indian  of  huge 
proportions.  The  latter,  as  evening  approached,  crept  carefully  and 
cautiously  towards  Dunlevy  through  the  top  of  a  tree  lately  blown 
down,  which  was  full  of  leaves,  when  getting  near  enough  as  he  sup- 
posed lie  threw  his  tomahawk,  but  missed  his  aim  and  then  escaped. 
This  Indian  was  afterwards  recognized  by  Dunlevy  as  he  believed  in 
'  Big  Captain  Johnny,'  who,  in  the  war  of  1812,  was  with  the  friendly 
Shawanese  at  Wapakoneta." 

2  "Tlie  battle  of  Sandusky  was  fought  in  and  around  the  grove  since 
well  known  as  '  Battle  Island,'  in  what  is  now  Crane  township,  Wyan- 
dot County,  three  miles  north  and  half  a  mile  east  of  the  court-house  in 
Upper  Sandusky.  The  spot  has  always  been  readily  identified  by  reason 
of  the  scars  upon  the  trunks  of  the  trees,  made  l>y  the  hatchets  of  the 
Indians  in  getting  out  the  bullets  after  the  action.  But  the 'island' may 
now  be  said  to  have  disappeared.  Cultivated  fields  mark  the  site  where 
the  contest  took  place.  Occasionally  an  interesting  relic  is  turned  up 
by  the  plow-share,  to  be  preserved  by  the  curious  as  a  memento  of  the 
battle."— Bu/toyieW. 

actual  defeat,  and  they  knew  that  their  numbera 
would  soon  be  augmented  by  the  Shawanexeand  other 
war  parties  who  were  already  on  their  way  to  join 
them,  as  was  also  the  British  <ietachment  which  had 
been  sent  from  Detroit.'  The  night  bivouac  of  the 
Wyandots  was  made  on  the  plains  to  the  north  of  the 
battle-field,  and  that  of  the  DelawareH  at  about  the 
same  distance  south.  Far  to  the  front  of  the  Indian 
camps,  lines  of  fires  were  kept  burning  through  the 
night  to  prevent  a  surprise,  and  the  same  precaution- 
ary measure  was  taken  by  Col.  Crawford.  Out- 
lying scouts  from  both  forces  watched  each  other  with 
sleepless  vigilance  through  the  hours  of  darknes.s, 
and  frontiersmen  and  .savages  slept  on  their  arms. 

It  was  the  wish  of  Col.  Crawford  to  make  a  vigor- 
ous attack  on  the  Indians  at  daylight  on  the  morning 
of  the  5th,  but  he  was  prevented  from  doing  so  by  the 
fact  that  the  care  of  his  sick'  and  woundeil  wa.s  very 
embarrassing,  requiring  the  services  of  a  number  of 
men,  and  so  reducing  the  strength  of  his  fighting 
force.  It  was  determined,  however,  to  make  the  best 
preparations  possible  under  the  circumstances,  and  to 
attack  with  every  available  man  in  the  following 
night.  The  Indians  had  commenced  firing  early  in 
the  morning,  and  their  fire  was  answered  by  the 
whites  ;  but  it  was  merely  a  skirmish  at  long  range 
and  in  no  sense  a  battle.  It  was  kept  up  during  the 
greater  part  of  the  day,  but  little  harm  was  done,  only 
four  of  Crawford's  men  being  wounded,  and  none 
killed.  Col.  Crawford,  as  we  have  seen,  was  not  pre- 
pared for  a  close  conflict,  but  he,  as  well  as  his  oflicers 
and  men,  felt  confident  of  their  ability  to  defeat  the 
enemy  when  the  proper  time  should  come,  attributing 
the  apparent  unwillingness  of  the  Indians  to  come  to 
close  quarters  to  their  having  been  badly  crippled  in 
the  fight  of  the  4th.  But  the  fact  was  that  the  sav- 
ages were  content  with  making  a  show  of  fight  suffi- 
cient to  hold  their  white  enemies  at  bay  while  wait- 
ing for  the  arrival  of  their  reinforcements,  which  they 
knew  were  approaching  and  near  at  hand.  v 

The  day  wore  on.  The  red  warriors  kept  up  their 
desultory  firing,  and  the  white  skirmishers  replied, 
while  their    comrades   were  busily   and   confidently 

3  The  British  force  from  Detroit,  including  Bntter*s  Bangera,  had  ai^ 
rived  on  the  evening  of  the  4th  at  a  point  only  six  miles  north  of  the 
battle-ground,  and  there  encamped  for  the  night.  The  Indians  knew 
of  this,  and  as  they  had  also  begun  to  receive  reinforcements  by  small 
parties  of  Shawanese,  they  knew  that  they  had  only  to  hold  Crawforxi's 
force  at  bay  until  all  their  succors  should  arrive,  when  victory  would  be 
certain.  Col.  Crawford  was  entirely  ignorant  of  the  proximity  of  any 
body  of  white  troops,  though  he  had  no  doubt  that  Indian  reinforce- 
ments were  on  their  way.  Had  he  known  all  the  facts  his  feeling  of 
confidence  must  have  been  changed  to  the  most  gloomy  forebodings  of 

*  A  considerable  nnmber  of  his  men  had  been  made  sick  by  the  great 
fatigue  and  excessive  heat  of  the  previous  day,  and  by  the  very  bad  water 
which  they  had  been  compelled  to  drink,  the  only  water  which  could 
be  found  in  the  vicinity  of  the  battle-ground  being  a  stagnant  l>ool 
which  had  formed  under  the  roots  of  a  tree  which  had  been  blown  over. 
Maj.  Rose,  in  his  report  to  Gen.  Irvine,  s;iid,  "  We  were  so  much  encum- 
bered with  our  wounded  and  sick  that  the  whole  day  was  spent  in  their 
care  and  in  preparing  for  a  general  attack  the  next  night." 



making  preparations  for  tlie  intended  night  assault; 
but  it  was  a  delusive  and  fatal  confidence.  Suddenly, 
at  a  little  past  noon,  an  excited  scout  brought  word 
to  Col.  Crawford  that  a  body  of  white  horsemen  were 
approaching  from  the  north.  This  was  most  alarming 
intelligence,  but  it  was  true.  The  British  detachment 
from  Detroit — Butler's  Rangers — had  arrived,  and 
were  then  formingajunction  with  the  Wyandot  forces." 
But  this  was  not  all.  Almost  simultaneously  with  the 
arrival  of  the  British  horsemen,  a  large  body  of  Shaw- 
anese  warriors  appeared  in  the  south,  in  full  view  from 
Col.  Crawford's  position,  and  joined  the  Delawares. 

In  this  state  of  affiiirs  the  idea  of  an  attack  on  the 
Indian  camp  could  no  longer  be  entertained.  The 
commandant  at  once  called  a  council  of  war  of  his 
officers  to  determine  on  the  course  to  be  pursued  in 
this  dire  emergency.  Their  deliberations  were  very 
short,  and  the  decision  unanimously  rendered  was  to 
retreat  towards  the  Ohio.  In  pursuance  of  this  de- 
cision, preparations  for  the  movement  were  at  once 
commenced.  The  dead  had  already  been  buried,  and 
fires  were  now  built  over  them  to  prevent  their  dis- 
covery and  desecration  by  the  savages.  Most  of  the 
wounded  were  able  to  ride,  but  for  the  few  who  were 
not,  stretchers  were  prepared.  These  and  other  nec- 
essary preparations  were  completed  before  dark,  and 
the  volunteers  were  ready  to  move  at  the  word  of 
command.  Meanwhile,  war  parties  had  been  hourly 
arriving  to  reinforce  the  Indian  forces,  which  had  now 
become  so  overwhelming  in  numbers  that  any  offen- 
sive attempt  against  them  would  have  been  madness. 

As  soon  as  the  late  twilight  of  June  had  deepened 
into  darkness  all  scouts  and  outposts  were  called  in, 
the  column  was  formed  in  four  divisions,  each  under 
command  of  one  of  the  field-majors,  as  on  the  out- 
ward march,-  and  the  retreat  was  commenced,  the 
command  of  Maj.  John  McClelland  leading,  and  Col. 
Crawford  riding  at  the  head  of  all.  Usually  in  a  re- 
treat the  post  of  honor,  as  of  danger,  is  that  of  the 
rear-guard,  but  in  this  case  the  head  of  the  column 
was  as  much  or  more  exposed  than  the  rear,  as  the 
line  of  march  lay  between  the  positions  held  by  the 
Delawares  and  Shawanese.  That  the  advance  was 
here  considered  to  be  the  post  of  danger  is  shown  by 
the  fact  that  orders  were  given  to  carry  the  badly 
wounded  in  the  rear. 

The  Indians  had  discovered  the  movement  almost 
as  soon  as  the  preparations  for  it  commenced,  and 
hardly  had  the  head  of  the  column  begun  to  move 
when  it  was  fiercely  attacked  by  the  Delawares  and 
Shawanese.  The  volunteers  pushed  on,  fighting  as 
they  went,  but  they  suffered  severely,  and  soon  after 
Maj.  McClelland  was  wounded,  and,  falling  from  his 
horse,  was  left  behind  to  the  tender  mercies  of  the 
savages.     The  division,  however,  fought  its  way  clear 

1  Eeported  by  the  Brilish  lieutenant,  Tuinoy,  at  one  hnndied  and  forty 

2  Excepting  Hiatof  Maj.Brinton,  who  was  wounded.    His  division  was 
now  commanded  hy  Biigade-Maj.  Daniel  Leet. 

of  the  Indians,  who  did  not  then  follow  up  the  pursuit, 
probably  for  the  reason  that  they  felt  doubtful  as  to 
the  actual  intent  of  the  movement,  thinking  it  might 
prove  to  be  but  a  feint,  covering  the  real  design  of  a 
general  assault;  so,  fearful  of  some  unknown  strata- 
gem or  trap,  they  remained  within  supporting  dis- 
tance of  the  Wyandots  and  Rangers,  and  by  failing  to 
pursue  probably  lost  the  opportunity  of  routing,  per- 
haps annihilating,  the  head  division. 

When  the  advance-guard  received  the  attack  of 
the  Delawares  and  Shawanese,  the  other  three  divis- 
ions, which,  although  not  wholly  demoralized,  were 
undoubtedly  to  some  extent  panic-stricken,  most  un- 
accountably abandoned  McClelland's  command,  and 
in  disregard  of  the  orders  to  follow  the  advance  in  a 
solid  column,  moved  rapidly  off  on  a  line  diverging 
to  the  right  from  the  prescribed  route.  They  had  not 
proceeded  far,  however,  before  some  of  the  companies 
became  entangled  in  the  mazes  of  a  swamp,  in  which 
several  of  the  horses  were  lost.  During  the  delay 
caused  by  this  mishap  the  rear  battalion  was  attacked 
by  the  Indians,  and  a  few  of  the  men  were  wounded, 
but  the  enemy  did  not  push  his  advantage,  and  the 
divisions  pushed  on  as  rapidly  as  possible,  and  de- 
flecting to  the  left  beyond  the  swamp,  and  striking 
the  trail  by  which  they  came  on  the  outward  march, 
came  about  daybreak  to  the  deserted  Indian  village 
on  the  Sandusky,  where  they  found  the  men  of  Mc- 
Clelland's division,  who  had  reached  there  an  hour  or 
two  earlier,  disorganized,  panic-stricken,  and  leader- 
less,  for  Maj.  McClelland  had  been  left  for  dead  on 
the  field,  as  before  narrated;  and  during  the  hurried 
march,  or  more  properly  the  flight,  from  the  scene  of 
the  fight  to  the  abandoned  village,  the  commander. 
Col.  Crawford,  had  disappeared,  and  no  one  was  able  to 
give  any  information  concerning  him,  whether  he  had 
been  wounded,  killed,  captured,  or  lost  in  the  woods. 
John  Slover,  the  guide,  and  Dr.  Knight,  the  surgeon, 
were  also  missing.  These  facts,  when  known  by  the  men, 
greatly  increased  their  uneasiness  and  demoralization. 

At  this  point  (the  deserted  Wyandot  village),  Maj. 
Williamson,  as  Col.  Crawford's  second  in  command, 
assumed  the  leadership  of  the  forces,  and  after  a  brief 
halt  the  entire  command,  now  numbering  something 
more  than  three  hundred  and  fifty  men,  continued 
the  retreat  over  the  route  by  wliich  they  had  come  on 
the   outward   march.'    The   new  commander,  never 

3  Soon  after  leaving  the  deserted  village  they  passed  a  sugar  camp 
which  the  Indians  had  used  the  preceding  spring.  Butterfleld  relates 
that,  in  passing  this  place,  "  Isaac  Vance,  one  of  the  volunteers  from 
Washington  County,  espied  a  brass  kettle  that  had  been  used  by  tlie  In- 
dians in  this  camp  to  boil  sap  in,  and  which  had  apparently  been  left  in 
the  bush  through  an  inadvertence.  This  kettle,  in  the  eyes  of  a  back- 
woodsman, was  a  prize  of  too  much  value  to  be  left  in  the  enemy's  coun- 
try ;  so,  dismounting  and  seizing  a  bowlder,  he  soon  had  the  utensil  flat- 
tened, ready  for  transportation.  It  was  then  securely  fastened  to  his 
saddle,  aud  notwithstanding  the  stirring  scenes  through  which  the 
finder  soon  after  passed,  was  transported  all  the  way  to  the  home  of  the 

Isaac  Vance  lived  in  the  township  of  Somerset,  Washington  County, 
as  did  also  his  father,  John  Vance. 

Phnrried  on  his  men  with  all  possible  speed,  keeping 
out  the  most  wary  and  trusty  scouts  on  his  rear  and 
flanks.  The  command  passed  the  mouth  of  the  Little 
Sandusky  without  seeing  any  signs  of  an  enemy,  but 
while  passing  through  the  Plains,  at  about  eleven 
o'clock  in  the  forenoon,  tlie  scouts  discovered  far  in 
their  rear  a  pursuing  party,  apparently  composed  of 
both  Indians  and  white  men.  They  were  afterwards 
found  to  be  Wyandots  and  British  Rangers,  all 
mounted.  It  was  now  the  purpose  of  Maj.  William- 
son to  cross  the  Plain  country  and  reach  the  shelter 
of  the  timber  before  being  overtaken  by  the  pursuers; 
and  the  latter  were  equally  determined,  if  possible,  to 
possess  themselves  of  the  woods  in  advance  of  the 
Americans.  The  race  was  an  eager  and  exciting  one 
on  both  sides,  but  at  last  Maj.  Williamson  found  that 
the  Indians  were  gaining  on  him  so  rapidly  that  he 
W'ould  be  compelled  to  stand  for  battle  before  reach- 
ing the  timber.  Maj.  Rose,  in  his  report  of  these 
operations  to  Gen.  Irvine,  said,  "  Though  it  was  our 
business  studiously  to  avoid  engaging  on  the  Plains, 
on  account  of  the  enemy's  superiority  in  light  cav- 
alry, yet  they  pressed  our  rear  so  hard  that  we  con- 
cluded on  a  general  and  vigorous  attack,  whilst  our 
light-horse'  secured  the  entrance  of  the  woods." 

The  place  where  Maj.  Williamson  found  himself 
compelled  to  stand  at  bay  before  the  pursuing  horde 
of  Wyandots  and  British  Rangers,  in  the  early  after- 
noon of  the  6th  of  June,  was  near  the  creek  called 
Olentangy,'  a  tributary  of  the  Scioto,  near  the  eastern 
edge  of  the  Plains,  where  the  column  of  Col.  Craw- 
ford had  first  debouched  from  the  shades  of  the  forest 
into  the  open  country  on  the  morning  of  the  3d, 
when  moving  towards  the  Wyandot  town,  which  they 
found  deserted.  But  the  aspect  of  affairs  was  materi- 
ally changed  since  that  time.  Then  they  were  ad- 
vancing in  high  spirits  and  confident  of  victory 
over  the  savages;  now,  in  headlong  flight  before  the 
same  barbarous  foe,  they  were  turning  iu  sheer  des- 
peration to  fight  for  their  lives. 

The  battle-line  of  the  borderers  faced  to  the  west, 
and  in  its  rear,  holding  the  edge  of  the  woods,  and 
ready  to  act  as  a  reserve  corps  in  case  of  emergency, 
was  the  company  of  light-horsemen.  The  pursu- 
ing force,  close  upon  thera,  attacked  unhesitatingly 
and  with  fierce  energy,  first  striking  the  iront,  then 
quickly  extending  their  battle-line  around  the  left 
flank  to  the  rear  of  Williamson's  force,  which  was 
thus  compelled  to  meet  the  savage  assault  in  three 
directions.  But  the  panic  and  demoralization  of  the 
volunteers  had  entirely  disappeared,^  and  they  met 

1  Referring  to  one  of  the  eompaniefl,  whicli  Col.  Crawford  had  selected 
and  equipped  for  special  duty  as  skirmishers  and  scouts. 

2  This  battle  of  Olentangy  was  fought  on  a  plain  about  five  miles 
southeast  of  Bucyrus,  Ohio. 

3  Before  the  fight  Maj.  Willianisou  addressed  his  men,  telling  them 
that  the  ouly  possible  chance  they  had  of  escaping  death  and  probably 
torture  was  to  st.and  solidly  together  and  fight  with  tlie  determination 
never  to  yield ;  that  if  they  should  break  and  endeavor  to  save  them- 



eaub  successive  onslauglit  with  such  cool  bravery  and 

steadiness,  and  fought  with  such  desperatiiin,  tbal  at 
the  end  of  an  liour  from  the  conimenceiiicnt  of  the 
battle,  the  enemy  withdrew  discomfited,  and  appa- 
rently with  heavy  loss.  Perhaps  tlie  sudden  cessa- 
tion of  their  firing  wa-s  in  .some  degree  due  to  the  fact 
that  just  then  a  furious  thunder-storm,  which  bad  for 
some  time  been  threatening,  burst  upon  the  combat- 
ants. The  men  were  drenched  and  chilled  to  the 
bone,  while  much  of  their  ammunition  was  rendered 
useless  by  the  rain.  This,  however,  operated  quite  as 
unfavorably  to  the  Indians  as  to  the  whites. 

As  soon  as  the  savages  and  Rangers  withdrew,  Maj. 
Williamson,  without  a  moment's  delay,  caused  the 
dead  to  be  buried  and  the  wounded'  cared  for,  and 
then  the  retreat  was  resumed.  Capt.  Biggs' company, 
which  seems  to  have  always  held  the  post  of  danger, 
leading  the  advance  in  the  outward  march,  now 
formed  the  rear-guard,  though  its  ranks  were  reduced 
to  nine  men  and  all  its  oflicers  were  missing.  It  was 
afterwards  relieved,  however,  and  from  that  time  eacli 
of  the  companies  in  turn  took  position  to  guard  the 
rear  of  the  retreating  column. 

When  Williamson  commenced  his  retreat  from  the 
battle-field,  the  enemy,  who  had  in  the  mean  time 
scattered  over  the  Plains,  soon  concentrated  and  re- 
newed the  pursuit,  firing  rapidly  but  at  long  range. 
Soon,  however,  they  began  to  press  the  rear  more 
closely,  throwing  the  volunteers  into  some  disorder, 
which  must  have  grown  into  a  panic  but  for  the  cool- 
ness and  intrepidity  of  the  commander  and  Maj. 
Rose.  These  officers  were  unceasing  in  their  efforts, 
constantly  moving  along  the  line  entreating  the  vol- 
unteers to  keep  solidly  together  and  preserve  unbroken 
the  order  of  march,  and  warning  them  that  if  any 
should  leave  the  column  and  atteuipt  to  escape  singly 
or  in  squads  they  would  certainly  lose  their  scalps. 
Finally  they  became  steady,  and  the  order  of  march 
was  preserved  unbroken  during  the  remainder  of  the 
day.  The  Indians  kept  up  the  pursuit,  and  occa.sion- 
ally  attacked  w-ith  much  vigor,  though,  as  William- 
son's force  was  now  moving  through  the  timbered 
country,  the  savages  no  longer  held  the  relative  ad- 
vantage which  they  had  possessed  in  fighting  on  the 

The  volunteers  bivouacked  that  night  (June  6th) 
on  the  Sandusky  River,  about  six  miles  from  the 
battle-field  of  the  allernoon;  the  enemy's  force 
camped  about  a  mile  farther  to  the  rear.    Unusual 

selves  by  tliglit  there  would  be  lint  faint  hope  that  any  of  tbem  would 
ever  again  see  their  homes.  The  aide-de-campi  Mjy.  Hose,  rode  aloug 
the  line,  cheering  the  men  by  Ins  own  coolness  and  apparent  C(  nfidence. 
'*  Stand  to  your  ranks,"  he  cried,  iu  clear,  ringing  tunes,  and  with  his 
slightly  foreign  accent;  "take  steady  aim,  fire  low,  aud  wa.ste  not  a 
single  shot !  Be  steady,  steady,  for  all  our  lives  depend  upon  it  I"  These 
admonition<i  from  their  officers,  and  the  evident  hopelessness  of  escape 
by  flight,  caused  them  to  stand  firm,  resolved  to  fight  to  the  last,  with  do 
thouglit  of  surrender. 

»  The  loss  of  the  volunteers  in  this  fight  was  three  killed  and  eiglil 
wounded  ;  that  of  the  enemy  was  not  known,  but  must  hare  been  much 



precautions  were  taken  by  Maj.  Williamson  to  guard 
against  a  surprise  during  the  night,  and  at  the  first 
streakings  of  dawn  on  the  7th  the  men  fell  in  to  re- 
sume the  march  ;  but  hardly  had  the  column  been 
formed  when  the  Indians  came  up  and  opened  fire 
upon  the  rear.  A  lively  skirmish  followed,  in  which 
two  of  the  men  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  savages,  but 
no  disorder  ensued.  The  retreat  was  continued 
steadily  and  in  good  order,  and,  much  to  Maj.  Wil- 
liamson's surprise,  the  Indians  suddenly  abandoned 
the  pursuit.  The  last  shot  from  the  savages  was  fired 
at  a  point  near  the  present  town  of  Crestline.  From 
there  the  column  moved  rapidly  on  in  good  order 
and  without  molestation,  reaching  the  Muskingum  on 
the  10th,  crossing  that  stream  between  the  ruined 
Moravian  villages  of  Schoenbrunn  and  Gnadenhiitten, 
and  on  the  13th  reaching  the  Mingo  Bottom,  where 
they  found  some  of  the  missing,  who  had  arrived 
ahead  of  the  column.  They  crossed  the  Ohio  on  the 
same  day  and  camped  for  the  night  on  the  Virginia 
side  of  the  river.  On  the  14th  they  were  disbanded, 
and  returned  to  their  homes  after  an  absence  of  a  little  than  four  weeks.  Maj.  Williamson  was  indefati- 
gable in  his  attention  to  the  wounded  and  his  eflbrts 
to  alleviate  their  suffering.  On  their  arrival  on  the 
east  bank  of  the  Ohio  he  took  care  that  every  wounded 
man  able  to  ride  should  be  furnished  with  a  horse 
and  an  escort  to  take  him  to  his  home;  while  those 
who  were  too  badly  hurt  to  endure  that  method  of 
removal  were  by  his  orders  carried  on  litters  to  the 
nearest  settlements,  where  they  were  nursed  and  cared 
for.  Through  all  the  trying  scenes  of  the  campaign 
Williamson  proved  himself  a  brave,  efficient,  humane, 
and  prudent  officer.' 

1  On  the  day  when  the  retreating  forces  recrossed  the  Ohio  (June  13th), 
WiUiamson  made  an  official  report  of  the  retreat  from  Battle  Island 
(not  of  the  entire  campaign)  to  Gen.  Irvine,  as  follows: 

*'  I  take  this  opportunity  to  make  you  acquainted  with  onr  retreat 
from  Sandusky  Plains,  June  6th.  We  were  reduced  to  the  necessity  of 
making  a  forced  march  through  the  enemy's  lines  in  the  night,  much 
in  disorder;  but  the  main  body  marched  round  the  Shawanese  camp, 
and  were  lucky  enough  to  escape  their  fire.  They  marched  the  whole 
night,  and  the  next  morning  were  reinforced  by  some  companies,  of 
which  I  cannot  give  a  particular  account,  as  they  were  so  irregular  and 
so- confused.  ...  I  must  acknowledge  myself  ever  obliged  to  Maj.  Rose 
for  his  assistance,  both  in  the  field  of  action  and  in  the  camp.  His  cliar- 
acter  in  our  camp  is  estimable,  and  his  bravery  cannot  be  outdone.  Our 
country  must  ever  be  obliged  to  Gen.  Irvine  for  his  favor  done  on  tlie 
late  expedition.  Maj.  Rose  will  give  you  a  particular  account  of  our 
retreat.  I  hope  your  honor  will  do  us  the  favor  to  call  the  officers  to- 
gether and  consider  the  distress  of  our  brave  men  in  this  expedition, 
and  the  distresses  of  our  country  in  general.  Our  dependence  is  entirely 
upon  you,  and  we  are  ready  and  willing  to  obey  your  commands  wlien 
called  upon." 

Another  and  more  minute  reportof  the  operations  was  made  by  Lieut. 
(other\vise  called  major)  Rose  to  Gen.  Irvine,  who  transmitted  the  two 
reports  to  Gen.  Washington,  with  the  following  letter  written  by  him- 
self, and  dated  June  16th,  viz. : 

"The  inclosed  letters — one  from  Col.  Williamson,  second  in  command, 
and  the  other  from  Lieut.  Rose,  my  aide-de-camp — contain  all  the  par- 
ticulars of  this  transaction  which  have  yet  come  to  my  knowledge.  I 
am  of  opinion  bad  tliey  reached  the  Plains  in  seven  days  (instead  often), 
which  might  have  been  done,  especially  as  they  were  chiefly  mounted, 
they  would  have  succeeded.  They  should  also  have  pushed  the  advan- 
tage evidently  gained  at  the  commencement  of  the  action.    They  failed 

The  fearful  news  of  the  disaster  which  had  befallen 
the  Sandusky  expedition  reached  the  settlements  two 
days  before  the  retreating  force  under  Maj.  William- 
son arrived  at  Mingo  Bottom.  Col.  James  Marshel  ' 
had  it  as  early  as  the  11th  of  June,  by  a  letter  from  a 
fugitive  who  had  left  the  main  body  five  days  before,  i 
He  (Marshel)  at  once  communicated  the  intelligence 
to  Gen.  Irvine.  "  This  moment,"  he  said,  "  came 
to  hand  the  inclosed  letter,  by  which  you  will  learn 
the  unhappy  fate  of  our  little  Army.  What  the  con- 
sequences may  be  God  only  knows.  I  would  fondly 
hope  that  matters  are  not  quite  so  bad  as  they  are 
represented."  And  he  added,  "  I  shall  be  as  expe- 
ditious as  possible  in  raising  a  party  of  men  to  secure 
the  retreat  across  the  river  should  the  pursuit  be 
continued  so  far."  The  same  news  which  Marshel 
received  came  also  to  Dorsey  Pentecost,  who  imme- 
diately rode  to  the  Ohio  to  meet  the  retreating  volun- 
teers. There  he  found  the  main  body  under  Wil- 
liamson, but  there  was  little  of  comfort  in  the  tale 
they  brought.  On  his  return  home  he  wrote  the 
president  of  the  Council  as  follows : ' 

"  Washington  County,  June  IV",  1782. 

"Dr.  Sir, — By  a  person  who  is  now  here  on  his 
way  to  the  head  of  Elk,  I  have  Just  time  to  tell  you 
that  on  the  25""  of  last  month  478,  some  say  488  men, 
mounted  on  Horses,  set  out  under  the  Command  of 
Col.  Crawford  for  S'.  Duskie  ;  they  were  discovered  at 
the  Muskingum,  and  from  there,  all  the  way  out. 
Spies  was  kept  on  them  ;  the  S'.  Duskie  people  col- 
lected the  Shawanese  &  The  Light  dragoons  from  the 
British  posts  between.  S'.  Duskie  and  the  post  at  De 
Trouit,  they  attacked  our  people  in  the  plains  of  S'. 
Duskie,  near  the  S'.  Duskie  River,  on  Tuesday  was  a 
week  last.  The  battle  continued  two  days,  the  first 
day  was  very  close  and  hot  work,  the  second  day  was 
at  long  shot  only.  On  the  night  of  the  2^  day  our 
people  retreated,  &  the  Indians  broke  in  on  them  in 
the  retreat  &  routed  them ;  however,  about  two  Hun- 
dred stuck  together  &  brought  off"  all  the  wounded  ex- 
cept three,  which  was  left  on  the  ground.  The  next 
day  the  Indians  attacked  our  people  in  the  reare,  but 
was  repulsed  with  Considerable  Loss  on  their  side ; 
they  then  pursued  their  retreat  with  Success  &  unmo- 
lested to  the  Ohio.  I  met  the  men  at  the  Mingo  Bot- 
tom last  Wednesday,  about  thirty-five  miles  from  my 
House,  &  Collected  the  Information  I  send  you. 

"  There  is  about  20  wounded  (few  dangerous)  and 
about  half  that  Number  killed  ;  there  is  a  good  many 
missing,  amongst  which  is  Col.  Crawford,  and  a  num- 
ber of  other  valuable  men,  but  as  the  Scattered  party's 

in  another  point  which  they  had  my  advice  and,  indeed,  positive  orders 
for,  viz.,  to  make  the  last  day's  march  as  long  as  possible  and  attack  the 
town  in  the  night.  But  they  lialted  in  the  evening  within  nine  miles, 
and  fired  their  rifles  at  seven  in  tlie  morning  before  they  marched. 
These  people  now  seem  convinced  that  they  cannot  perform  as  much  by 
themselves  as  they  some  time  since  thought  they  could;  perhaps  it  is 
right  that  they  should  put  more  dependence  on  regular  troops.  I  am 
sorry  I  have  not  more  to  afford  them  assistance." 
2  Pa.  Arch.,  1781-83,  p.  666. 



are  Coming  in  daily  I  have  Hopes  of  them.  As  the 
people  was  much  confused  when  I  met  them,  I  could 
not  get  that  Information  requisite  ;  what  little  I  got 
was  from  Maj.  Ross  [Rose],  Aid  De  Campt  to  Gen. 
Irwin  [Irvine],  &  who  went  Aid  to  Crawford,  &  I 
hope  the  General  will  give  you  a  particular  account, 
as  he  will  receive  it  from  the  Major.  I  am  told  that 
the  Indians  were  much  superior  to  our  people  and 
that  in  the  engagement  they  Suffered  greatly,  and 
that  Col.  Crawford  Strongly  recommended  to  return 
before  they  got  to  the  Town,  alleging  that  our  people 
were  too  weak,  as  the  Indians  had  Early  Intelligence 
of  their  Coming,  but  was  overruled  By  the  rest  of  tbe 
Officers.  .  .  ." 

Having  seen  how  Maj.  Williamson  with  the  main 
body  of  the  troops  reached  and  crossed  the  Ohio 
River,  let  us  return  to  trace  the  adventures  and  mis- 
fortunes of  the  brave  Col.  Crawford,  his  faithful 
friend  Dr.  Knight,  and  others  who  had  become  sepa- 
rated from  the  column  and  were  struggling  on  through 
the  wilderness,  with  dangers  surrounding  them  on 
every  side,  in  their   endeavors   to  escape  from  the 

When  the  volunteers  commenced  their  retreat  from 
the  battle-field  of  the  4th  and  5th  of  June,  at  about 
nine  o'clock  in  the  evening  of  the  last-mentioned 
day,  Col.  Crawford  rode  at  the  head  of  the  leading 
division  (McClelland's).  A  very  short  time  after- 
wards they  were  attacked  by  the  Delawares  and 
Shawanese,  and  (as  has  already  been  mentioned)  the 
rear  divisions  left  their  positions  in  the  line  of  march 
and  moved  away  to  the  right,  leaving  the  front  di- 
vision to  extricate  itself  from  its  perilous  situation. 
They  left  in  such  haste  that  no  little  disorder  ensued, 
in  which  some  of  the  sick  and  wounded  were  left  be- 
hind, though  it  is  believed  that  all  but  two  were  finally 
saved  from  the  enemy.  While  the  Indian  attack  on 
the  advance  division  was  in  progress,  Col.  Crawford 
became  anxious  concerning  his  sou  John,  his  nephew, 
William  Crawford,  and  his  son-in-law,  William  Har- 
rison, and  rode  back  to  find  them  or  assure  himself  of 
their  safety,  but  in  this  he  was  unsuccessful.  While 
engaged  in  the  search  he  was  joined  by  the  surgeon, 
Dr.  Knight,  whom  he  requested  to  remain  with  and 
assist  him.  With  this  request  the  doctor  readily  com- 
plied. He  thought  the  missing  men  were  in  the  front, 
but  as  the  colonel  assured  him  they  were  not,  the  two 
remained  behind  a  considerable  time  after  the  last  of 
the  troops  had  passed  on,  the  commander  in  the  mean- 
while expressing  himself  in  terms  of  indignation  at 
the  conduct  of  the  three  battalions  in  disobeying  his 
orders  by  leaving  the  line  of  march  and  pressing  on 
in  their  semi-panic,  forgetting  the  care  of  the  sick  and 
wounded,  and  regardless  of  everything  but  their  own 

After  the  last  of  the  troops  had  passed  on,  and  when 
Crawford  and  the  surgeon  found  it  useless  to  remain 
longer,  they  followed  as  nearly  as  they  could  in  the 
track  of  the  larger  column,  w-hich,  however,  by  this 

time  was  a  considerable  distance  away  and  lost  to  view 

in  the  darkness.  Proceeding  rather  nlowiy  on  (for 
the  colonel's  horse  had  become  jaded  and  nearly  worn 
out  by  the  fatigues  of  the  day),  they  were  soon  after 
overtaken  by  two  stragglers  who  came  up  from  the 
rear,  one  of  them  being  an  old  man  and  the  other  a 
stripling.  Neither  of  had  seen  or  knew  any- 
thing about  the  two  young  Crawfords  and  Harrison. 

The  colonel  and  his  three  companions  had  not  pro- 
ceeded far  when  the  sound  of  fire-arms  was  heard  in 
front  of  them  and  not  very  far  away.  It  was  from  the 
attack  which  the  savages  made  on  the  rear  of  the  re- 
treating column  at  the  time  when  a  part  of  it  became 
entangled  in  the  swamp,  a.s  hius  been  mentioned.  The 
noise  of  the  firing  before  them  caused  Crawford's  party 
to  turn  their  course  in  a  more  northerly  direction,  on 
which  they  continued  for  two  or  three  miles,  when, 
believing  that  they  were  clear  of  the  enemy,  they 
turned  at  nearly  a  right  angle,  now  facing  nearly  east, 
and  moving  in  single  file,  Indian  fashion.  At  about 
midnight  they  reached  and  crossed  the  Sandusky 
River.  Near  that  stream  they  lost  the  old  man,  who 
had  lagged  behind,  and  was  probably  killed  by 

From  the  Sandusky  they  continued  in  an  easterly 
direction,  but  when  morning  came  they  turned  more 
southerly.  Early  in  the  day  the  horses  ridden  by  Col. 
Crawford  and  the  boy  gave  out  entirely  and  were 
left  behind.  Early  in  the  afternoon  they  were  joined 
by  Capt.  Biggs  and  Lieut.  Ashley,  the  latter  mounted 
on  Biggs'  horse,  and  suffering  severely  from  the 
wounds  received  in  the  battle  of  the  4th.  The  captain 
had  bravely  and  generously  stood  by  the  wounded 
lieutenant,  and  was  now  marching  on  foot  by  his  side, 
•resolved  to  save  him  if  possible,  even  at  the  risk  of 
his  own  life.  And  a  fearful  and  fatal  risk  it  proved 
to  be. 

At  almost  precisely  the  time  when  Biggs  and  Ashley 
were  found  by  Col.  Crawford's  party  (about  two  o'clock 
P.M.  on  the  6th  of  June),  the  main  body  of  voluntoer^ 
under  Williamson,  were  facing  to  the  rear,  forming 
line  of  battle  to  meet  the  attack  of  the  pursuing  In- 
dians, as  has  already  been  noticed.  The  distance 
from  the  field  where  the  battle  was  raging  to  the 
place  where  the  party  of  fugitives  were  at  that  time 
was  about  six  miles  in  a  northwest  direction.  After 
being  joined  by  Biggs  and  Ashley,  the  colonel  and  his 
companions  moved  on  slowly  (being  encumbered  by 
the  care  of  the  wounded  officer)  for  about  an  hour, 
when  their  flight  was  interrupted  by  the  same  thunder- 
storm that  burst  over  the  battle-field  of  Olentangy  at 
the  close  of  the  conflict.  Being  now  drenched  with 
the  rain,  and  wearied  by  their  eighteen  hours'  fli>'ht, 
the  commander  thought  it  best  to  halt,  and  accord- 
ingly they  made  their  night  bivouac  here,'  amid  the 
most  cheerless  surroundings,  wet,  shivering,  .and  in 

^  The  place  where  they  < 
of  Bucjrus,  Ohio. 

nped  that  night  is  aliout  tno  miles  north 



constant  dread  of  being  discovered  by  prowling  sav-  I 
ages.  j 

Early  in  the  morning  of  the  7th  the  party  pushed  j 
on  in  nearly  the  same  southeasterly  direction,  recross- 
ing  the  Sandusky  Eiver.  An  hour  or  two  after  their 
start  they  came  to  a  place  where  a  deer  had  been 
killed.  The  best  part  of  the  carcass  had  been  cut  off 
and  wrapped  in  the  skin  of  the  animal,  as  if  the  owner 
liad  intended  to  return  and  carry  it  away.  This  they 
took  possession  of  and  carried  with  them,  as  also  a 
tomahawk  which  lay  on  the  ground  near  by.  A  mile 
or  so  farther  on  they  saw  smoke  rising  through  the 
trees.  Leaving  the  wounded  officer  behind,  in  charge 
of  the  boy,  the  others  advanced  cautiously  towards  the 
fire.  They  found  no  person  there,  but  they  judged, 
from  the  indications,  that  some  of  the  volunteers  had 
been  there,  and  had  left  the  place  only  a  short  time 
before.  Lieut.  Ashley  was  then  brought  up,  and  they 
proceeded  to  roast  the  venison  which  they  had  cap- 
tured. As  thev  were  about  finishing  their  meal  a 
white  man  was  seen  near  by,  who,  on  being  called  to, 
came  up  very  cautiously,  and  was  recognized  by  Col. 
Crawford  as  one  of  his  own  men.  He  said  he  was  the 
slayer  of  the  deer,  and  that  he  had  been  frightened 
away  from  the  carcass  by  the  approach  of  the  colonel 
and  his  companions.  Food  was  given  him,  and  after 
eating  he  moved  on  with  the  party. 

About  the  middle  of  the  afternoon  they  struck  the 
route  of  the  army's  outward  march,  at  a  bend  in  the 
Sandusky,  less  than  two  miles  distant  from  the  place 
where  Williamson's  force  had  bivouacked  the  night 
before,  and  where,  in  the  morning  of  the  same  day, 
the  pursuing  Indians  had  made  their  last  attack  on 
the  retreating  column.  They  were  still  nearer  to  the 
camping-place  occupied  by  the  Indians  during  the 
previous  night,  and  it  is  difficult  to  understand  how 
the  practiced  eye  of  Col.  Crawford  could  have  failed 
to  discover  the  proximity  of  Indians,  but  it  is  cer- 
tain that  such  was  the  case,  for  when  Dr.  Knight  and 
Capt.  Biggs  advised  him  to  avoid  following  the  trace, 
for  fear  of  encountering  the  enemy,  he  replied  with 
confidence  that  there  was  little  danger  of  it,  for  the 
savages  would  not  follow  the  retreating  column  after 
it  reached  the  timbered  country,  but  would  abandon 
the  pursuit  as  soon  as  they  reached  the  eastern  verge 
of  the  Plains. 

From  the  point  where  they  struck  the  trail  at  the 
bend  of  the  river,  then,  they  moved  on  over  the  route 
which  had  been  passed  by  the  troops  in  their  out- 
ward march.  Col.  Crawford  and  Dr.  Knight,  botli 
on  foot,  led  the  way  ;  Capt.  Biggs  (now  riding  the 
doctor's  horse)  followed  some  fifteen  or  twenty  rods 
behind,  and  in  the  rear  marched  the  boy  and  the 
killer  of  the  deer,  both  dismounted.  In  this  manner 
they  proceeded  along  the  south  side  of  the  river  until 
they  came  very  near  the  place  where  Williamson  had 
made  his  camp  of  the  previous  evening.  It  does  not 
appear  that  they  had  yet  detected  the  proximity  of  an 
enemy,  or  that  they  were  using  more  than  ordinary 

precaution  as  they  traveled.  Suddenly,  directly  in 
front  of  Crawford  and  Knight,  and  not  more  than  fifty 
feet  from  them,  three  Indians  started  up  in  full  view. 
Crawford  stood  his  ground,  not  attempting  to  gain 
cover,  but  the  surgeon  instantly  took  to  a  tree  and 
raised  his  piece  to  fire,  but  desisted  from  doing  so  at 
the  peremptory  command  of  the  colonel.  Immedi- 
ately afterwards,  however,  Capt.  Biggs  saw  the  sav- 
ages and  fired,  but  without  effect.  One  of  the  Indians 
came  up  to  Crawford  and  took  him  by  the  hand,  while 
another  in  like  manner  advanced  and  took  the  hand 
of  the  surgeon,  at  the  same  time  calling  him  "  doc- 
tor," for  they  had  previously  been  acquainted  with 
each  other  at  Fort  Pitt. 

The  Indians  told  Crawford  to  order  Biggs  and  Ash- 
ley, with  the  two  other  men  in  the  rear,  to  come  up 
and  surrender,  otherwise  they  would  go  and  kill  them. 
The  colonel  complied,  calling  out  to  them  to  advance, 
but  this  was  disregarded,  and  all  four  of  them  es- 
caped, though  Biggs  and  Ashley  were  afterwards 
taken  and  killed  by  the  savages. 

It  was  a  party  of  the  Delawares  who  captured  Col. 
Crawford  and  Dr.  Knight,  and  they  immediately 
took  their  captives  to  the  camp  of  their  chief,  Winge- 
nund.  The  time  this  occurred  was  in  the  afternoon 
of  the  7th  of  June  (Friday),  only  five  days  after  the 
army  had  passed  by  the  same  place  in  its  outward 
march  in  the  highest  spirits,  and  with  the  brave 
Crawford  riding  at  its  head,  happily  unconscious  of 
the  awful  doom  which  awaited  him. 

Crawford  and  Knight  remained  at  the  camp  of  the 
Delawares  for  three  days.  During  their  stay  there 
(in  the  evening  of  Sunday,  the  9th)  a  party  of  out- 
lying scouts  came  in,  bringing  the  scalps  of  Lieut. 
Ashley  and  Capt.  Biggs,  as  also  the  horses  which  had 
been  ridden  by  those  unfortunate  officers.  Besides 
Crawford  and  Knight,  there  were  nine  other  white 
prisoners  at  the  Delaware  camp,  all  half-starved  and 
guarded  with  the  utmost  vigilance  by  the  seventeen 
warriors  who  composed  the  war  party  at  the  camp. 
Several  of  these  savages  were  personally  known  to 
Crawford  and  Knight. 

On  the  morning  of  the  10th  the  camp  was  broken 
up,  and  the  warriors  set  out  with  their  prisoners  for 
the  Sandusky  towns.  All  of  them  except  Crawford 
were  taken  to  the  old  town  at  Upper  Sandusky  ;  but 
the  colonel  was  taken  by  a  d;fl'erent  route  to  the  head- 
quarters of  Pomoacan,  the  great  sachem  of  the  Wyan- 
dots.  There  were  two  reasons  for  his  being  sent  to 
that  village,  one  of  them  being  to  have  him  guide  his 
captors  over  the  route  by  which  he  and  Knight  had 
come,  so  that  they  might  possibly  find  the  horses 
which  had  been  left  behind,  and  the  other  reason 
being  to  allow  the  colonel  to  see  Simon  Girty,  who 
was  known  to  be  at  the  Half-King's  town.  Girty  was 
an  old  acquaintance  of  Crawford's,  as  has  been  seen, 
and  the  latter  had  a  faint  hope  that  by  a  personal  in- 
terview with  the  renegade  he  might  be  induced  to 



use  his  influence  with  the  Indians  to  save  the  prison- 
er's life,  or  at  least  to  save  him  from  the  torture  by 
fire.  The  hope  was  a  vain  and  delusive  one,  as  thi; 
event  proved,  but  the  doomed  man  in  his  extremity 
clung  to  it  as  drowning  men  catcli  at  straws.  His 
savage  custodians  well  knew  that  he  would  gain 
nothing  by  the  interview  with  Girty,  but  they  granted 
his  request,  apparently  for  the  demoniac  satisfaction 
of  witnessing  the  despair  and  agony  of  his  certain 

The  prisoners  bound  for  the  old  town  arrived  there 
the  same  evening.  Later  in  the  night  Crawford  and 
his  guards  reached  Pomoacan's  village,  where  he  had 
the  desired  interview  with  Girty,  during  which  he 
oflered  the  wretch  one  thousand  dollars  to  interfere 
and  save  his  life.  Girty  promised  to  do  what  he 
could,  though  he  had  not  the  slightest  intention  of 
keeping  his  word.  He  also  told  the  colonel  that  his 
nephew,  William  Crawford,  and  his  son-in-law,  Wil- 
liam Harrison,  had  been  captured  by  Shawanese 
scouts,  but  that  the  chiefs  of  that  tribe  had  decided 
to  spare  their  lives,  the  latter  portion  of  his  statement 
being  false,  as  he  well  knew.  But  the  story,  with 
the  promise  to  intercede  in  his  behalf,  had  the  effect 
to  allay  for  the  time  the  colonel's  worst  fears. 

On  the  following  morning  (June  lltli)  Crawford 
was  informed  that  -he  must  go  to  the  old  town,  to 
join  the  other  prisoners,  so  that  all  could  be  marched 
in  a  body  to  the  village  of  the  Half-King.  Under 
this  order  he  was  taken  to  the  upper  village,  where  he 
arrived  about  the  middle  of  the  forenoon,  and  there 
found  the  main  body  of  the  white  prisoners,  including 
Dr.  Knight,  and  the  Delaware  chiefs.  Pipe  and  Win- 
genund,  who  had  come  there  at  an  earlier  hour  in 
the  morning.  Here  the  hopes  which  had  been  raised 
in  Crawford's  mind  by  the  promise  of  Girty  were  sud- 
denly extinguished  when  Wingenund  approached  him 
and  painted  his  face  black.  The  hypocritical  chief,' 
while  he  was  performing  the  ominous  operation,  pro- 
fessed to  be  extremely  glad  to  see  the  colonel,  and 
assured  him  that  he  was  to  be  adopted  as  an  Indian ; 
but  Crawford  was  not  deceived  by  this  dissimulation, 
for  he  well  knew  that  when  the  Indians  painted  the 
face  of  a  prisoner  black  it  meant  but  one  thing, — that 
the  person  so  marked  had  been  doomed  to  death. 
All  the  other  prisoners,  including  Dr.  Knight,  had 
previously  been  painted  black  by  the  implacable 
Delaware,  Capt.  Pipe. 

A  little  later  in  the  day  the  whole  party  of  pris- 
oners, under  their  Indian  guards,  moved  out  from  the 
old  town  and  took  the  trail  down  the  river.  Col. 
Crawford  and  Dr.  Knight  (who  were  regarded  by  the 
Indians  as  their  principal  prizes)  were  marched  some 
distance  in  the  rear  of  the  others,  and  were  kept  in 
charge  by  no  less  personages  than  the  chiefs  Win- 

1  The  treacherous  Wingenund  was  weU  acquainted  with  Col.  Crawford, 
had  always  professed  great  friendship  for  him,  and  had  more  than  once 
been  entertained  by  the  colonel  at  llis  house  on  llie  Youghiogheny. 
Capt.  Pipe  was  also  acquainted  with  Crawford. 

genund  and  Pipe.    They  had  not  proceeded  far  from 

the  village  before  they  pa.ssed  the  corpse  of  one  of 
the  prisoners  who  preceded  them.  A  little  farther  on 
thoy  saw  another,  then  another  and  another,  four  in 
all,  killed  by  their  guards  only  a  few  minutes  before, 
and  all  bearing  the  bloody  marks  made  by  the  scalp- 

They  had  supposed  that  their  destination  was  the 
town  of  the  Wyandot  sachem,  Pomoacan,  but  their 
hearts  sank  within  them'''  when,  at  the  Big  Springs, 
on  the  present  site  of  Upper  .Sandusky,  the  Indians 
left  the  trail  leading  to  the  Wyandot  headquarters 
and  took  that  leading  to  the  villages  of  the  Delawares. 
On  this  trail  they  proceeded  in  a  northwesterly  course 
until  they  reached  Little  Tymochtee  Creek,  where 
Crawford  and  Knight,  with  their  guards,  overtook  the 
other  surviving  prisoners,  only  five  in  number.  Here 
several  squaws  and  young  Indians  were  met,  and  all 
the  prisoners  were  halted  and  made  to  sit  on  the 
ground.  The  object  of  this  movement  became  appa- 
rent when,  a  few  minutes  later,  the  five  prisoners  were 
set  upon  by  the  squaws  and  boys,  who  tomahawked 
and  scalped  them  all.  One  of  these  five  was  John 
McKinley,  of  Washington  County,  whose  scalped 
head  they  cut  ofl'  and  rolled  about  on  the  ground. 
The  Indian  boys  took  the  warm  and  bloody  scalps 
and  repeatedly  dashed  them  into  the  faces  of  Craw- 
ford and  Knight,  who  had  also  been  seated  on  the 
ground  a  short  distance  away  from,  but  in  full  view 
of,  the  butchery. 

Of  the  prisoners  who  had  set  out  from  the  old 
town  only  Crawford  and  Knight  now  remained.  The 
march  was  resumed  on  the  trail  to  Pipe's  town,  the 
two  prisoners  being  now  separated  and  made  to  walk 
a  hundred  yards  or  more  apart.  On  their  way  they 
were  met  by  Simon  Girty  on  horseback  and  accom- 
panied by  several  Indians.  Girty  spoke  to  Crawford 
and  also  to  Knight,  heaping  upon  the  latter  the  vilest 
epithets  and  abuse.  As  the  party  moved  on  they 
were  met  by  many  Indians,  all  of  whom  maltreated 
the  prisoners,  striking  them  with  clubs  and  beating 
them  with  their  fists.  About  the  middle  of  the  after- 
noon the  party  with  their  dejected  captives  arrived 
at  a  piece  of  bottom-land  on  the  east  bank  of  Ty- 

2  The  Wyandots  had  advanced  much  farther  on  the  road  towards  civ- 
ilization tlian  liad  the  Delawares  or  Shawanese,  and  not  only  had  they, 
long  beforp  that  time,  wholly  aliandoned  the  practice  of  burning  llieir 
prisoners,  but  lliey  discountenanced  the  horrid  custom  among  the  other 
tribes.  The  prisonei-s,  knowing  tliis,  had  consequently  regarded  it  as  a 
sign  in  their  favor  that  Ihey  were  to  be  taken  to  the  home  of  the  Wyan- 
dot sachem,  but  when  they  found  that  they  had  been  deceived,  and  that 
their  real  destination  was  the  towns  of  the  cruel  Delawares,  they  knew 
too  well  that  mercy  was  not  to  be  expected.  The  fact  was  that  Pipe 
and  Wingenund,  being  fully  determined  to  indict  the  fire  torture  on 
Crawford  atid  Knight,  had  recourse  to  stnitngem  and  deceit  to  obtain 
from  the  Half-King,  Pomoacan,  his  consent  to  the  commission  of  the 
barbarity,  for,  as  the  Wyandots  were  more  powerful  than  they,  and  in 
fact  masters  of  that  section  of  the  Indian  country,  they  dared  not 
do  the  dreadful  deed  without  the  consent  of  the  Wyandot  sagamore, 
and  that  consent  they  knew  could  never  be  obtained  if  their  request 
was  accompanied  by  a  straightforward  statement  of  their  real  inten- 



moclitee  Creek,  where  a  halt  was  made,  and  it  became 
at  once  apparent  that  with  this  halt,  the  journeying 
of  one  at  least  of  the  prisoners  was  ended.  Craw- 
ford and  Knight  were  still  separated,  and  were  not 
again  allowed  to  hold  any  conversation  together. 
Knight  was  in  charge  of  a  peculiarly  villanous-look- 
ing  Indian  named  Tutelu,  who  had  been  made  his 
special  guard,  and  who  was  to  take  him  on  the  fol- 
lowing day  to  the  Shawanese  towns,  which  had  been 
decided  on  as  the  place  where  he  was  to  be  put  to 

The  spot  where  the  party  halted  on  the  banks  of 
the  Tymochtee  was  the  jilace '  where  Col.  Crawford 
was  to  die.  It  had  been  fully  and  finally  decided  by 
the  chiefs  that  he  should  sufl'er  death  by  the  torture 
of  fire,  and  as  all  the  barbarous  preparations  had 
been  made  there  was  but  little  delay  before  the  com- 
mencement of  the  infernal  orgie.  The  fatal  stake 
had  already  been  set,  and  fires  of  hickory  sticks  were 
burning  in  a  circle  around  it.  About  forty  Indian 
men  and  twice  that  number  of  squaws  and  young  In- 
dians were  waiting  to  take  part  in  the  torturing  of  the 
unfortunate  prisoners. 

Immediately  on  his  arrival  the  colonel  was  stripped 
naked  and  made  to  sit  on  the  ground,  with  his  hands 
firmly  bound  together  and  tied  behind  him.  Then 
the  yelling,  screeching  crowd  fell  upon  him  and  beat 
him  without  mercy  until  he  was  exhausted  and  cov- 
ered with  blood.  When  they  had  tired  of  this  the 
victim  was  dragged  to  the  centre  of  the  fiery  circle 
preparatory  to  the  last  act  in  the  hellish  drama.  A 
rope  had  previously  been  tied  around  the  stake  near 
its  foot,  and  now  the  other  end  of  it  was  made  fast  to 
the  cord  with  which  his  wrists  were  bound  together. 
The  rope  was  some  six  or  eight  feet  in  length,  allow- 
ing him  to  pass  two  or  three  times  around  the  stake. 
He  could  also  sit  or  lie  down  at  will. 

The  infamous  Simon  Girty  was  present,  and  re- 
mained there  during  all  the  dreadful  proceedings 
which  followed.  When  Crawford  was  led  to  the 
stake  he  called  out  to  the  renegade  (who  stood  among' 
the  foremost  in  the  ring  of  savage  spectators),  asking 
him  if  they  had  determined  to  burn  him  to  death, 
and  upon  Girty's  unfeeling  reply  in  the  affirmative 
he  replied  that  if  so  he  would  try  to  endure  it  with 
patience  and  die  like  a  soldier  and  Christian.  Then 
the  vindictive  Capt.  Pipe  addressed  the  savages  with 
violent  gesticulations,  and  at  the  close  of  his  speech 
the  assembled  barbarians  applauded  with  wild  de- 
light, whilst  some  of  the  crowd  rushed  in  upon  the 
prisoner  and  cut  off  both  of  his  ears.^ 

1  The  Bpot  where  Col.  Crawford  met  his  horrible  death  is  on  a  piece  of 
slightly  rising  ground  in  the  creek  bottom,  as  above  mentioned,  a  short 
distance  northeast  of  the  village  of  Crawfordsville,  Wyandot  Co.,  Ohio. 

2  This  statement  is  made  in  the  narrative  of  Dr.  Knight,  who,  after 
witnessing  thp  dreadful  scenes  of  Col.  Crawford's  mnrder,  made  his  es- 
cape (aa  will  be  mentioned  in  succeeding  pages)  and  wrote  an  account 
of  the  events  of  the  expedition.  That  narrative  and  the  report  of  Blaj. 
Kose,  the  aide-de-camp,  furnish  the  facts  on  which  this  and  other  reliable 
accounts  of  Crawford's  campaign  are  based. 

As  a  prelude  to  the  still  more  terrible  tortures  that 
were  to  follow,  the  Indians  closed  in  on  the  miserable 
man  and  fired  charges  of  powder  into  his  unprotected 
body.  More  than  fifty  times  was  this  repeated,  and 
the  pain  thus  inflicted  could  scarcely  have  been  less 
than  that  produced  by  the  flames.  After  this  satanic 
procedure  was  concluded  the  fires  {which  up  to  this 
time  had  been  burning  but  slowly)  were  replenished 
with  fresh  fuel,  and  as  the  heat  grew  more  intense, 
and  the  sufferings  of  the  victim  became  more  and 
more  excruciating,  the  joy  and  shouting  of  the  red 
devils  rose  higher  and  higher. 

Burning  at  the  stake  is  universally  regarded  as 
among  the  most  terrible  tortures  that  human  cruelty 
'can  inflict.  But  the  Delaware  chiefs  had  prepared  for 
the  brave  Crawford  an  agony  more  intense  and  pro- 
tracted than  that  of  the  licking  flames, — they  roasted 
him  alive  I  The  fires  were  placed  at  a  distance  of 
some  fifteen  feet  from  the  stake,  and  within  that  dread- 
ful circle  for  three  and  a  half  hours  he  suff'ered  an 
almost  inconceivable  physical  torment,  which  death 
would  have  terminated  in  one-tenth  part  the  time  if 
the  fagots  had  been  piled  close  around  him. 

As  the  fires  burned  down  the  Indians  seized  burn- 
ing brands  and  threw  them  at  the  victim,  until  all  the 
space  which  his  tether  allowed  him  was  thickly  strewn 
with  coals  and  burning  embers,  on  which  his  naked 
feet  must  tread  as  he  constantly  moved  around  the 
stake  and  back  in  the  delirium  of  his  pain.  To  in- 
tensify and  prolong  the  torture  the  savages  applied 
every  means  that  their  infernal  ingenuity  could  sug- 
gest, and  which  to  describe  or  even  to  think  of  fills 
the  mind  with  sickening  horror. 

To  Simon  Girty,  who  was  in  prominent  view  among 
the  savage  throng,'  Crawford  called  out  in  the  extrem- 
ity of  his  agony,  begging  the  wretch  to  end  his  misery 
by  sending  a  ball  through  his  heart.  To  this  appeal 
Girty  replied,  sneeringly,  that  he  had  no  gun,  at  the 
same  time  uttering  a  brutal  laugh  of  derision  and 
pleasure  at  the  hideous  spectacle.  If,  as  tradition 
has  it,  he  had  once  been  repelled  in  his  attempted 
addresses  to  the  colonel's  beautiful  daughter,  Sally 
Crawford,  he  was  now  enjoying  the  satisfaction  of  a 
terrible  revenge  on  her  miserable  father,  for  the  in- 

Through  it  all,  the  brave  man  bore  up  with  as  much 
fortitude  as  is  possible  to  weak  human  nature,  fre- 
quently praying  to  his  Heavenly  Father  for  the  mercy 
which  was  denied  him  on  earth.  Towards  the  last, 
being  evidently  exhausted,  he  ceased  to  move  around 
the  stake  and  lay  down,  face  downwards,  upon  the 
ground.  The  fires  being  now  well  burned  down,  the 
savages  rushed  in  on  him,  beat  him  with  the  glowing 
brands,  heaped  coals  upon  his  body,  and  scalped  him. 

3  It  has  been  stated  in  some  accounts  of  the  death  of  Col.  Crawford 
that  the  British  captain.  Mattliew  Elliott,  was  also  present  during  the 
dreadful  scenes  of  the  torture.  It  may  have  been  so,  but  the  statement 
has  never  been  fully  substantiated,  and  there  are  serious  doubts  of  its 



Once  more  he  arose,  bloody,  bliuded,  and  crisped, 
and  tottered  ouce  or  twice  around  tlie  stake,  then  fell 
to  rise  no  more.  Again  the  barbarians  aijplied  burn- 
ing brands,  and  heaped  live  coals  on  his  scalped  head, 
but  he  was  fast  becoming  insensible  to  pain,  his  end 
was  near,  and  after  a  few  more  vain  attempts  by  the 
savages  to  inflict  further  torments,  death  came  to  the 
rescue  and  the  spirit  of  William  Crawford  was  free. 

It  was  on  the  11th  of  June,  at  about  four  o'clock  in 
the  afternoon,  that  the  torture  commenced.  The  end 
came  just  as  the  sun  was  sinking  behind  the  tops  of  the 
trees  that  bordered  the  bottom-lands  of  the  Tymoch- 
tee.  Then  the  savages  heaped  the  brands  together  on 
the  charred  and  swollen  body  and  burned  it  to  a  cin- 
der, dancing  around  the  spot  for  hours,  yelling  and 
whooping  in  a  wild  frenzy  of  demoniac  exultation. 

It  will  be  recollected  that  Dr.  Knight  was  brought 
from  the  Indian  old  town  to  the  place  of  torture  on 
the  Tymochtee  with  Col.  Crawford,  though  the  two 
were  kept  apart  and  not  allowed  to  convei'se  together. 
The  doctor  remained  a  horrified  spectator  of  the 
burning  of  his  superior  officer  until  near  the  time  of 
his  death.  On  his  arrival  at  the  place  Knight  was 
fallen  upon  by  the  Indians  and  cruelly  beaten.  While 
Crawford  was  in  the  midst  of  his  greatest  suffering 
Simon  Girty  came  to  where  Knight  was  sitting  and 
told  him  that  he  too  must  prepare  for  the  same  ordeal, 
and  he  need  have  no  hope  of  escaping  death  by  tor- 
ture, though  he  would  not  suffer  at  the  same  place, 
but  would  be  removed  to  the  Shawanese  towns  to  be 
burned.  Soon  after  an  Indian  came  to  him  and  struck 
him  repeatedly  in  the  face  with  the  bloody  scalp  which 
had  just  been  torn  from  Crawford's  head.  Towards 
the  end  of  the  diabolical  scene,  but  while  Crawford 
was  yet  living.  Knight  was  taken  away  and  marched 
to  Capt.  Pipe's  house,  some  three-fourths  of  a  mile 
distant,  where  he  remained  during  the  night,  securely 
bound,  and  closely  guarded  by  the  Indian  Tutelu,  who 
had  him  in  his  especial  charge. 

In  the  morning  (June  12th)  his  guard  unbound 
him,  and  having  again  painted  him  with  black,  started 
out  on  horseback,  driving  Knight  before  him  on  foot, 
bound  for  the  Shawanese  towns,  where  the  doctor  was 
to  suffer  the  torture.  Passing  by  the  spot  where 
Crawford  had  suffered  on  the  previous  day,  they  saw 
all  that  remained  of  the  colonel,  a  few  burned  bones, 
when  the  Indian  told  his  horrified  prisoner  that  this 
was  his  "  big  captain."  They  moved  on  towards  the 
southwest,  on  the  trail  to  the  Shawanese  town  of 
Wapatomica,  nearly  forty  miles  away. 

Knight  had  not  wholly  abandoned  the  hope  of  es- 
caping the  torture,  though  his  case  looked  wellnigh 
hopeless.  He  carried  as  cheerful  a  countenance  as 
he  could,  concealed  from  his  guard  his  knowledge  of 
the  import  of  the  black  paint  on  his  face,  and  con- 
versed with  him  as  well  as  he  could,  pretending  that 
he  expected  to  be  adopted  into  the  Shawanese  tribe 
on  arrival  at  their  destination.     Tutelu  asked  him  if 

he  knew  how  to  build  a  wigwam,  and  Knight  assured 

him  that  he  was  excellent  at  that  busine«».  All  this 
pleased  the  Indian,  and  to  some  extent  threw  him  off 
his  guard.  The  journey  of  the  first  day  was  about 
twenty-five  miles.  At  the  night  camp  Tutelu  again 
bound  his  captive,  and  watched  him  closely  through 
the  night,  so  that  the  doctor,  although  he  tried  hard 
to  free  himself,  did  not  succeed. 

At  daybreak  Tutelu  rose,  stretched  his  limbs,  un- 
bound his  captive,  and  renewed  the  fire,  but  did  not 
immediately  prepare  to  resume  the  journey.  They 
had  been  greatly  tormented  by  gnats  during  the  night, 
and  the  doctor  asked  him  if  he  should  make  a  smudge 
in  their  rear  to  drive  the  pests  away.  Tutelu  told  him 
to  do  so,  whereupon  Knight  took  two  sticks  (one  of 
them  about  a  foot  and  a  half  in  length,  which  was  the 
largest  he  could  find),  and  holding  a  coal  between 
them  carried  it  behind  the  Indian  as  if  to  start  the 
smudge,  but  as  soon  as  he  had  got  the  right  position 
suddenly  turned  and  dealt  the  savage  a  blow  over 
the  head  with  all  his  strength,  partially  stunning  him 
and  knocking  him  forward  head  first  into  the  fire. 
His  hands  were  badly  burned,  but  he  immediately 
recovered  himself,  rose,  and  ran  away,  uttering  a 
hideous  yell.'  The  doctor  seized  the  Indian's  gun 
and  followed  him,  determined  to  kill  him ;  but  in  hia 
eagerness  he  broke  or  disarranged  the  lock  of  the 
piece,  so  that  he  could  not  fire.  This  being  the  case 
he  followed  only  a  short  distance,  and  then  returned 
to  the  place  where  they  had  pa.ssed  the  night. 

Here  the  surgeon  lost  no  time  in  making  prepara- 
tions for  a  desperate  attempt  to  effect  his  escajie  from 
the  Indian  country.  He  possessed  himself  of  Tutelu's 
ammunition,  his  blanket,  and  an  extra  pair  of  mocca- 
sins, and  without  delay  commenced  his  long  journey, 
taking  a  course  about  east  by  north.  All  day  he 
traveled  without  molestation  or  notable  incident,  and 
at  night  had  emerged  from  the  timbered  country  and 
entered  the  Plains,  where  he  made  his  lonely  bivouac. 
But  he  was  too  uneasy  and  anxious  to  remain  long, 
and  so  after  two  or  three  hours'  rest  resumed  his  way, 
and  traveling  all  night,  guided  by  the  stars,  had  crossed 
the  open  country  and  entered  the  forest  to  the  east 
before  daylight  appeared.  During  this  day  (June 
14th)  he  struck  the  track  of  the  troops  on  their  out- 
ward march,  but  having  already  received  a  severe 
lesson  on  the  danger  of  following  this  he  avoided  it 
and  took  a  north  course,  which  he  kept  during  the 
rest  of  the  day.  That  night  he  camped  in  the  forest 
and  slept  undisturbed. 

The  next  morning  he  shaped  his  course  due  east, 
and  moved  on  with  greatly  lightened  spirits  but  ex- 

1  Tutelu  fled  to  the  village  of  the  Delawares,  and  was  seen  on  his  ar- 
rival by  John  Slover,  who  was  then  a  captive  there.  He  (Tutelu)  re- 
ported the  loss  of  his  prisoner,  with  whom  he  said  he  had  a  hard  battle, 
and  liad  given  the  doctor  fearful  and  proliable  fatal  knife-wounds  in  the 
back  and  stomach,  although  (as  he  said)  Kniglit  was  a  man  of  immense 
proportions  and  physical  power.  Slover  tuld  the  Delawares  that  this 
was  false,  and  that  the  doctor  was  a  weak,  puny  man,  whereat  the  1d- 
dians  ridiculed  Tutelu  without  mercy. 



ceedingly  weak  from  lack  of  food.  He  could  shoot 
no  game,  for  his  utmost  endeavore  failed  to  put  the 
lock  of  his  gun  into  working  condition,  and  finding 
at  last  that  it  was  useless  to  make  further  attempts, 
and  that  the  piece  could  be  only  an  encumbrance  to 
him,  he  threw  it  away.  He  caught  a  small  turtle, 
and  occasionally  succeeded  in  taking  young  birds,  all 
of  which  he  ate  raw.  In  this  way,  and  by  making 
use  of  nourishing  roots  and  herbs,  he  succeeded  in 
sustaining  life  through  all  the  weary  days  of  his  jour- 
ney to  civilization.  As  he  traveled  eastward  he  found 
heavier  timber,  and  saw  everywhere  great  quantities 
of  game,  which  was  very  tantalizing,  as  he  could  not 
kill  or  catch  any,  although  nearly  famished. 

For  twenty  days  from  the  time  of  his  escape  from 
his  guard  Tutelu,  Dr.  Knight  traveled  on  through  the 
wilderness,  unmolested  by  savages,  but  suffering  ter- 
ribly of  hunger  and  cold, — for  he  had  not  the  means 
of  making  a  fire, — and  on  the  evening  of  July  3d 
struck  the  Ohio  River  about  five  miles  below  the 
mouth  of  Beaver.  On  the  5th  he  arrived  safely  at 
Fort  Pitt,'  where  he  remained  as  surgeon  of  the 
Seventh  Virginia  Regiment  until  after  the  declara- 
tion of  peace. 

John  Slover,  one  of  the  guides  of  the  expedition, 
was  one  of  those  who  were  captured  by  the  Indians 
and  condemned  to  the  torture,  but  almost  miraculously 
escaped.  On  the  evening  of  the  5th  of  June,  when 
the  forces  of  Col.  Crawford  commenced  their  retreat 
from  B.attle  Island,  .and  the  combined  Delawares  and 
Shawanese  attacked  the  advanced  battalion  under 
Maj.  McClelland,  it  will  be  recollected  that  the  three 
other  divisions  precipitately  abandoned  the  line  of 
march  and  moved  away  on  a  route  diverging  to  the 
west,  and  that  soon  afterwards  the  head  of  the  column 
marched  by  mistake  into  a  bog  or  swamp,  where  a 
number  of  the  volunteers  lost  their  horses  by  reason 
of  their  becoming  mired  in  the  soft  muddy  soil. 
Among  those  who  were  thus  dismounted  were  the 
guide,  Slover,  James  PauU  (afterwards  sheriff  of  Fay- 
ette County),  and  five  others,  who  then  kept  together 
in  a  party  and  attempted  to  make  their  escape  through 
the  woods.  They  traveled  on  in  safety  until  the  8th, 
when,  at  about  nine  o'clock  in  the  forenoon,  they  fell 
into  an  ambuscade  of  Shawanese  Indians,  who  had 
followed   their  trail  from  the  Plains.     The  savages 

1  In  a  letter  from  Geu.  Irvine  to  President  Moore,  dated  Fort  Pitt, 
July  5, 1782,  he  says,  "This  moment.  Doctor  Knight  has  arrived,  tlie 
surgeon  I  sent  witli  the  volunteers  to  Sandusky  ;  he  was  several  days  in 
the  hands  of  the  Indians,  but  fortunately  made  his  escape  from  his 
keeper,  who  was  conducting  him  to  another  settlement  to  be  bound 
^burned].  He  brings  the  disagreeable  account  that  Col.  Crawford  and 
all  the  rest  (about  twelve,  to  the  doctor's  knowledge)  who  fell  into  his 
[their]  hands  were  burned  to  death  in  a  most  shocking  manner;  the 
unfortunate  colonel  in  particular  was  upwards  of  four  hours  burning. 
The  reason  tliey  assign  for  this  uncommon  barbarity  is  retaliation  for 
the  Moravian  afTair.  Tiie  doctor  adds  that  he  understood  those  people 
bad  laid  aside  their  religious  principles  and  have  gone  to  war ;  that  he 
saw  two  of  tliem  bring  in  scalps  who  he  formerly  knew." — Penn.  Ar- 
cJiioes,  1781-83,  p.  576. 

fired  on  them,  and  two  of  the  men  fell.  Paull  ran  for 
his  life  and  made  his  escape,  but  Slover  and  two  other 
men  were  taken  prisoners  and  conducted  back  to  the 
Shawanese  towns  on  Mad  River,  which  they  reached 
on  the  11th  of  June.  On  their  arrival  they  were  re- 
ceived by  an  Indian  crowd  such  as  always  collected 
on  such  an  occasion,  and  were  made  to  "run  the 
gauntlet"  between  two  flies  of  squaws  and  boys  for  a 
distance  of  some  three  hundred  yards  to  the  council- 
house.  One  of  the  men  had  been  painted  black 
(though  why  the  Indians  had  thus  discriminated 
against  this  man  does  not  appear),  and  he  was  made 
a  special  target  for  the  abuse  and  blows  of  the  bar- 
barous gang.  He  reached  the  door  of  the  council- 
house  barely  alive,  but  was  then  pulled  back  and 
beaten  and  mangled  to  death,  his  body  cut  in  pieces, 
and  these  stuck  on  poles  about  the  village. 

Slover  and  the  other  man  ran  the  gauntlet  without 
fatal  or  very  serious  injury,  but  the  latter  was  sent 
away  the  same  evening  to  another  village,  and  no 
more  was  heard  of  him.  As  to  Slover,  he  was  kept 
at  the  village  for  two  weeks,  during  which  time  coun- 
cils were  held  daily  and  war-dances  every  night,  to  all 
of  which  he  was  invited  and  most  of  which  he  at- 
tended.- The  Indians  also  assigned  to  him  a  squaw 
as  a  companion,  with  whom  he  lived  in  comparative 
freedom  during  his  stay  at  the  village.'  Finally  a 
council  was  held,  at  which  it  was  decided  that  he 

I  should  be  put  to  death  by  torture. 

'  The  next  day  "  about  forty  warriors,  accompanied 
by  George  Girty,  an  adopted  Delaware,  a  brother  of 
Simon  and  James  Girty,*  came  early  in  the  morning 
round  the  house  where  Slover  was.  He  was  sitting 
before  the  door.  The  squaw  gave  him  up.  They 
put  a  rope  around  his  neck,  tied  his  arms  behind  his 
back,  stripped  him  naked,  and  blacked  him  in  the 
usual  manner.  Girty,  as  soon  as  he  was  tied,  cursed 
him,  telling  him  he  would  get  what  he  had  many  years 
deserved.  Slover  was  led  to  a  town  about  five  miles 
away,  to  which  a  messenger  had  been  dispatched  to 
desire  them  to  prepare  to  receive  them.  Arriving  at 
the  town,  he  was  beaten  with  clubs  and  the  pipe-ends 
of  their  tomahawks,  and  was  kept  for  some  time  tied 
to  a  tree  before  a  house-door.  In  the  mean  time  the 
inhabitants  set  out  for  another  town  about  two  miles 
distant,  where  Slover  was  to  be  burnt,  and  where  he 
arrived  about  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon.  They 
were  now  at  Mac-a-chack,  not  far  from  the  present  site 
of  West  Liberty,  in  Logan  County.     Here  there  was 

2  Having  previously  lived  much  among  the  Indians,  Slover  was  well 
acquainted  witii  their  language,  and  spoke  it,  particularly  the  Miami 
and  Shawanese  dialects,  with  great  fluency. 

3  "  There  was  one  council  at  which  Slover  was  not  present.  The  war- 
riors had  sent  for  him  as  usual,  but  the  squaw  with  whom  he  lived  would 
not  suffer  him  to  go,  but  hid  him  under  a  large  quantity  of  skins.  It 
may  have  been  done  that  Slover  might  not  hear  the  determination  she 
feared  would  he  arrived  at,  to  burn  him.'" — BiiUerJield. 

*  James  and  George  Girty,  as  well  as  Capt.  Matthew  Elliott,  of  the 
British  service,  were  present  at  the  Shawanese  town,  and  took  part  in 
the  Indian  councils  before  mentioned. 



a  council-house  also,  as  at  Wapatomica,'  but  only  a 
part  of  it  was  covered.  In  the  part  without  a  roof  was 
a  post  about  sixteen  feet  in  height.  Around  this,  at  a 
distance  of  about  four  feet,  were  three  piles  of  wood 
about  three  feet  high.  Slover  was  brought  to  the  post, 
his  arms  again  tied  behind  him,  and  the  thong  or  cord 
with  which  they  were  bound  was  fastened  to  it.  A  rope 
was  also  put  about  his  neck  and  tied  to  the  post  about 
four  feet  above  his  head.  While  they  were  tying  him 
the  wood  was  kindled  and  began  to  flame.  Just  then 
the  wind  began  to  blow,  and  in  a  very  short  time  the 
rain  fell  violently.  The  fire,  which  by  this  time  had 
begun  to  blaze  considerably,  was  instantly  extin- 
guished. The  rain  lasted  about  a  quarter  of  an 

The  savages  were  amazed  at  this  result,  and  per- 
haps regarded  it  as  an  interposition  of  the  Great 
Spirit  on  behalf  of  the  prisoner.  They  finally  de- 
cided to  allow  him  to  remain  alive  until  morning, 
when,  as  they  said,  they  would  recommence  the  tor- 
ture, and  devote  the  whole  day  to  it.  He  was  then 
unbound,  and  made  to  sit  on  the  ground,  where  he 
was  beaten,  kicked,  and  otherwise  maltreated  by  the 
Indians,  who  continued  dancing  round  him  and  yell- 
ing till  nearly  midnight.  Three  guards  were  then  de- 
tailed to  watch  him  during  the  rest  of  the  night ;  he 
was  again  bound  and  taken  to  a  house,  where  a  rope 
was  fastened  about  his  neck  and  tied  to  a  beam  of  the 
house.  His  guards  kept  awake  taunting  him  about 
the  torture  he  was  to  endure  until  towards  morning, 
when  two  of  them  fell  asleep,  and  not  long  afterwards 
the  other  followed  their  example.  Soon  they  were 
all  asleep,  and  when  he  was  entirely  sure  that  they 
were  so  tilover  commenced  attempts  to  unbind  him- 
self. He  had  comparatively  little  difiiculty  in  slipping 
the  cords  from  one  of  his  wrists,  which  left  him  at 
liberty  to  work  at  the  rope  around  his  neck.  This  he 
found  much  more  securely  tied,  and  he  began  to  de- 
spair of  loosening  it,  as  the  daylight  had  begun  to 
appear  and  the  Indians  would  soon  be  on  the  alert. 
At  last,  however,  he  succeeded  in  untying  the  knots, 
and  rose  from  his  painful  position,  free,  but  still  in 
the  greatest  danger  of  discovery. 

Stepping  softly  over  the  sleeping  warriors,  he 
quickly  left  the  house,  and  ran  through  the  village 
into  a  corn-field.  Near  by  he  saw  several  Indian 
horses  grazing,  and  having  with  no  little  difficulty 
caught  one  of  these,  using  the  rope  with  which  he 
had  been  bound  as  a  halter,  he  mounted  and  rode 
away,  first  slowly,  then  more  rapidly,  and  finally 
with  all  the  speed  of  which  the  animal  was  capable. 
No  alarm  had  yet  been  given  in  the  village,  and  he 
had  therefore  reason  to  believe  that  the  Indians  were 
still  ignorant  of  his  escape. 

Slover  forced  the  horse  to  his  utmost  speed  for  a 
long  time,  but  gradually  his  pace  slackened  and  grew 

^  The  Indian  villHge  to  which  he  had  first  been  take 
2  Butterfield*8  '*  Expedition  against  Sandusky.^* 

slower  and  slower  until  about  two  o'clock  in  the 

afternoon,  when,  finding  it  impo8.siblc  to  urge  him 
beyond  a  walking  gait,  he  dismounted,  left  the  ani- 
mal, and  pushed  on  on  foot.  He  had  heard  the  dis- 
tant hallooing  of  In<lians  behind  him,  showing  him 
that  he  was  pursued,  but  he  kept  on,  using  every 
precaution  to  cover  his  trail  as  he  proceeded.  No 
Indians  appeared,  and  he  traveled  on  without  a 
moment's  stop  until  ten  o'clock  at  night,  when,  being 
very  sick  and  vomiting,  he  halted  to  rest  for  two 
hours.  At  midnight  the  moon  rose,  and  he  pro- 
ceeded on,  striking  a  trail,  which  he  kept  till  day- 
light, and  then,  as  a  measure  of  precaution,  left  it, 
and  struck  through  the  woods  along  a  ridge  at  a  right 
angle  from  his  previous  course.  This  he  continued 
for  about  fifteen  miles,  and  then  changed  to  what  he 
judged  to  be  his  true  course.  From  this  point  he 
met  with  no  specially  notable  adventure.  On  the 
third  day  he  reached  the  Muskingum,  on  the  next  he 
reached  and  crossed  the  Stillwater,  and  in  the  even- 
ing of  the  fifth  day  of  his  flight  he  camped  within 
five  miles  of  Wheeling.  Up  to  this  time  he  had  not 
closed  his  eyes  in  sleep  since  he  left  his  cabin  and 
squaw  companion  at  Wapatomica.  Early  on  the 
following  morning  he  came  to  the  Ohio  River  oppo- 
site the  island  at  Wheeling,  and  seeing  a  man  on  the 
other  side,  called  to  him,  and  finally  induced  him  to 
come  across  and  take  him  over  in  his  canoe,  though 
at  first  he  was  very  suspicious  and  unwilling  to  cross 
to  the  west  shore.  On  the  10th  of  July  Slover  reached 
Fort  Pitt. 

As  the  volunteers  who  marched  with  Col.  Crawford 
to  Sandusky  were  during  the  campaign  regularly  in 
the  service  under  the  orders  of  the  general  command- 
ing the  Western  Department,  there  were  of  course 
muster-rolls  of  the  several  companies  showing  the 
names  of  all  their  members ;  but  no  such  rolls  are 
now  known  to  be  in  existence.  In  the  absence  of 
these  and  of  any  unoflicial  list  of  those  who  composed 
the  force  under  Crawford,  very  few  names  are  now 
known  of  Washington  County  men  who  marched 
with  the  expedition  to  Sandusky.  A  few,  known  as 
residents  of  this  county,  have  been  incidentally  men- 
tioned in  the  preceding  narrative  of  the  campaign, 
and  the  names  of  some  others  (but  not  many)  have 
been  gathered  from  ditl'erent  sources.  Among  them 
are  those  of  John  Canon,  of  Canonsburg,  David 
Steele,  of  Peters  township,  Isaac  Cox,  James  and 
Hugh  Workman,  of  Amwell  township,  and  William 
Huston,  of  Washington,  all  of  whom  returned  from 
Sandusky  in  safety.  In  one  account  it  is  stated  that 
William  Huston  never  returned;  but  this  is  proved 
to  be  incorrect  by  an  affidavit  which  is  found,  made 
by  William  Huston  before  Justice  Samuel  Shannon 
in  ITitS.  John  Cam))bell,  William  Nimmons,  and 
William  Johnson  volunteered  from  this  county,  and 
marched  with  the  expeditionary  forces  from  the  Mingo 
Bottom  to  the  Sandusky  Plains,  but  did  not  comeback 



with  the  fugitives  from  the  sceneof  disaster,  and  were 
never  again  heard  of  in  the  settlements.  The  names 
of  these  men,  as  volunteers  from  Washington  County, 
were  given  by  William  Darby,  whose  statement  has 
been  published  by  De  Hass,  Butterfield,^  and  other 
writers  upon  the  subject  of  Crawford's  ill-starred  en- 

The  names  of  a  few  others  who  enrolled  themselves 
with  the  volunteers  who  marched  from  Washington 
County  in  the  memorable  campaign  of  1782  against 
the  Wyandot  towns  are  found  in  the  minutes  of  the 
Supreme  Executive  Council  of  Pennsylvania,  refer- 
ring to  awards  made  some  years  afterwards  in  reim- 
bursement for  losses  sustained  by  various  persons  in 
that  campaign.  Such  of  the  entries  in  those  minutes 
as  have  reference  to  residents  of  Washington  County^ 
are  given  below  (names  of  such  as  are  known  to  have 
been  residents  of  Westmoreland  being  omitted),  viz. : 

"  In  Council. 

''Philadelphia,  Jan.  7, 1785. 

"The  comptroller-general'B  reports  upon  the  following  accounts 
agaiDBt  the  State  for  losses  sustained,  etc.,  upon  the  Indian  expedition 
of  1782,  under  the  direction  of  Colonel  William  Crawford,  were  read  and 
approved,  viz. : 

"...  Twelve  pounds  to  James  Alexander;  ...  six  pounds  four 
shillings  and  five  pence  to  Noble  Graham;  six  pounds  to  Samuel  Dualls; 
thirteen  pounds  to  John  Dean  ;  seven  shillings  and  sixpence  to  Samuel 

iButterfield,  in  his  "Historical  Account  of  the  Expedition  Against 
Sandusky,"  quotes  Daiby's  account,  as  follows: 

"From  the  fort  [tlie  stockade  incli'sing  the  house  of  Jacob  Wolfe,  in 
whatis  now  Buffalo  township,  Washingtun  County]  my  parents  removed 
to  Catfish  [Washington],  and  upent  the  residue  of  1782,  and  to  April,  1783, 
on  the  farm  of  Alexander  Reynolds,  recently  owned  by  Dr.  F.  J.  Le- 
moyne.  On  this  farm  we  were  living  when  .  .  .  the  militia  aimy  were 
defeated  under  Colonel  William  Crawford  .  .  .  James  and  Hugh  Work- 
man were  both  in  tliat  expedition,  and  I  fancy  I  see  the  two  women  now 
when  James  Reynolds  came  running  to  my  mother,  exclaiming,  '  Jauiy 
"Workman  is  killed  r  James  Workman,  who  was  a  married  man,  was 
not  killed,  but  returned  to  his  family  and  lived  many  years  afterwards. 
A  like  report  came  in  regard  to  Hugh,  and  happily  proved  untrue,  to  the 
great  joy  of  his  betrothed  wife,  Peggy  Bryson,  living  then  with  her 
brother-in-law,  Thomas  Nichol.  John  Campbell,  of  Pigeon  Creek,  was 
killed- in  the  action."     Bntierfield  then  proceeds: 

"The  brothers  Workman  were  in  the  same  company  when  the  army 
on  its  outward  march  left  Mingo  Bottom;  but  when  Crawford  selected 
his  company  of  light-horse,  Hugh  joined  it,  leaving  his  brother  James 
in  the  ranks  of  the  mounted  infantry.  James  was  twenty-five  and  Hugh 
twenty-three  yeai-s  of  age  when  they  juined  the  Sandusky  expedition. 
The  former  applied  for  a  pension  fifty  years  after,  and  was  successful. 
Both  were  then  living  (1833)  in  Amwell  township,  Washington  County." 
James  Workman  was  one  of  those  who  became  separated  from  the  main 
body  of  Crawford's  forces  in  the  night  of  June  5, 1782,  and  while  he  and 
another  man  in  the  same  condition  were  making  their  way  through  the 
TCOods  in  their  attempt  to  escape,  they  met  Nicholas  Dawson,  of  West- 
moreland C<»unty  (one  of  the  volunteei-s),  who  had  mistaken  his  course 
and  was  lieading  towards  Sandusky,  thus  running  directly  into  danger 
instead  of  escaping  from  it.  Tliey  tried  to  convince  him  that  he  was 
wrong,  but  lie  ol-stinately  insisted  that  he  was  not.  Finding  it  impossi- 
ble to  persuade  liim  to  change  his  course,  they  at  last  told  him  that  as 
he  would  certainly  be  taken  by  the  Indians  if  he  kept  on,  and  as  it  was 
better  for  him  to  die  by  tlie  hands  of  white  men  than  to  be  tortured  by 
savages,  tliey  were  determined  to  shoot  him  then  and  there  unless  he 
consented  to  turn  his  couise  and  go  with  them.  This  was  an  unanswer- 
able argument,  and  Dawson  finally  yielded  to  it,  thuugh  with  a  very  bad 
grace.  He  changed  his  route,  joined  company  with  the  two  men,  and 
so  succeeded  in  making  his  escape,  and  arrived  in  safery  at  his  home  be- 
yond the  Monoii;:ahela. 

2  The  greater  pari  of  those  named  are  known  to  have  been  iniiabitJints 
of  the  county  of  Washington.  It  is  not  unlikely  that  some  are  included 
who  were  not  such,  but  they  are  certainly  very  few. 

Cane;  seven  pounds  to  Richard  Clark;  .  .  .  fifteen  pounds  to  Louis 
Heming;  .  .  .  and  sixteen  pounds  to  Joseph  Barker. 

"  Januari'  10, 1785, .  .  .  thirteen  pounds  to  James  Woods;  eightpounds 
ten  shillings  to  Jacob  Van  Kirk  ;  thirty  pounds  to  James  Nicholl;  .  .  . 
four  pounds  nineteen  shillinfrs  and  sixpence  to  Joseph  Parish  ;  .  .  .  six- 
teen pounds  to  Jacob  South  ;  ten  pounds  to  Jacob  Schwartz;  .  .  .  five 
pounds  sixteen  sliillingsand  threepence  to  John  Lucas;  . ,  .  five  pounds 
to  Alexander  McDonald  ;  .  .  .  four  pounds  ten  shillings  to  Roliert  Jack- 
son ;  fifteen  pounds  to  William  Case;  fifteen  pounds  to  Aaron  Rollins; 
eleven  pounds  to  Lewis  Duvall;  three  pounds  eight  shillings  to  Charles 
Burdin;  .  .  .  six  pounds  ten  shillings  to  Denuiff  Stevens. 

"March  2,  17S5.— Accounts  approved  of  Craig  Ritchie  and  Andrew 
Munio,  for  horses  lost  on  the  Sandusky  expedition.  Of  the  aforesaid 
Craig  Ritchie,  four  rations  due  from  the  20th  of  May  to  the  20th  of  June, 

'*  August  30, 1785. — The  comptroller-general's  report  upon  the  accounts 
of  William  Shearer,  of  the  county  of  Washington,  for  a  horse  lost  on 
the  Sandusky  expedition,  was  read  and  approved. 

"September  15, 1785.— Upon  the  account  of  James  Scott,  for  a  horse, 
blanket,  etc.,  lost  on  the  Sandusky  expedition. 

"September  21,  1785— Of  Peter  Peterson,  for  rations  due  on  the  San- 
dusky expedition.  Of  Henry  Taylor,  for  thirty  days'  rations  furnished 
John  Blean  upon  the  aforesaid  expedition.  Note. — All  the  (3)  three  per- 
sons above  named  are  inhabitants  of  Washington  County. 

"  December  31, 1785.— Of  Richard  Graham,  for  a  horse  lost  on  the  San- 
dusky expedition. 

"  April  19,  1786.— Of  Hugh  Sprouls,  of  the  county  of  Washington,  for 
a  horse  lost  cm  the  Samlusky  expedition. 

"Of  Joseph  Brown,  of  said  county,  for  rations  furnished  to  the  militia 
employed  on  the  said  expedition.  Of  Thomas  Brown,  of  said  county, 
for  rations  furnished  as  aforesaid. 

"December  8,  1789.— Of  George  Tompoh,  for  his  proviaioDS,  while 
employed  as  a  militiaman  on  the  frontiera  of  Washington  County,  and 
for  a  blanket,  a  pack-saddle,  and  two  bags  lost  on  the  (said)  expedition 
under  Colonel  Crawford,  in  1782,  amounting  to  two  pounds  seven  shil- 
lings and  sixpence. 

"  Of  John  Hill,  for  a  saddle,  blanket,  two  bags,  and  a  wallet  or  pack 
lost  on  the  said  expedition,  amounting  to  four  pounds  two  shillings  and 

'■  Of  Robert  Taylor,  for  thirty  days'  provisions  due  him  while  em- 
ployed on  said  expedition,  amounting  to  one  pound  two  and  sixpence. 
Of  Richard  Hopkins,  for  a  horse  lost  on  the  said  expedition,  amounting 
to  four  pounds. 

"  Of  John  Turvey,  for  thirty  days'  provisions  due  to  him  while  em- 
ployed on  said  expedition,  amounting  to  one  pound  two  shillings  and 

"December  17, 1789.— Of  Robert  Walker,  Jr.,  of  Washington  County, 
for  provisions  furnished  by  liim  for  the  Sandusky  expedition, under  Col- 
onel Crawford,  in  the  year  1782,  amounting  to  one  pound  two  shillings 
and  sixpence. 

"  Febiuary  18, 1790. — Of  Alexander  Lashley,  for  a  horse  which  was 
taken  into  public  service  and  lost  on  the  Sandusky  expedition  against 
the  Indians,  under  Colonel  Crawford,  in  the  year  1782,  valued  at  twelve 
pounds,  and  allowed. 

"  August  28,  1790.— Of  Moses  Cook,  for  a  horse  which  was  lost  on  the 
Sandusky  expedition  against  the  Indians,  in  1782,  amounting  to  fifteen 

"  September  6, 1790. — Of  the  estate  of  James  Guffee,  for  a  horse  which 
was  lost  on  the  Sandusky  expedition  against  the  Indians,  in  1782,  amount- 
ing to  fourteen  pounds." 

Proposed  Second  Sandusky  Expedition.— It  has 

been  mentioned  that  a  number  of  fugitives  from  the 
disordered  forces  of  Col.  Crawford  reached  the  Ohio 
River  considerably  in  advance  of  the  main  body  in 
its  retreat  under  command  of  Williamson.  These 
stragglers  immediately  returned  to  their  homes,  and 
spread  through  the  frontier  settlements  the  most 
alarming   and   exaggerated   reports^  of  the  disaster 

3  The  earliest  reports  which  obtained  currency  were  to  the  effect  that 
the  army  of  Crawford  was  almost  annihilated,  and  that  the  Indians  were 
pursuing  them  to  the  Ohio,  and  would  doubtless  cross  the  river  and  carry 
rapine  and  desolation  through  tlie  border  settlements.    The  fact  was 



which  had  befallen  the  expedition.  These  reports 
not  only  caused  great  grief  and  extreme  anxiety  for 
the  fate  of  relatives  and  friends  who  were  with  Craw- 
ford's forces,  but  the  wildest  consternation  also,  for  it 
was  feared  and  believed  that  the  victorious  savages — 
red  and  white — would  soon  be  across  the  Ohio,  and 
would  carry  devastation  and  butchery  eastward  to 
the  Monongahela,  if  not  to  the  base  of  Laurel  Hill. 
When  the  grief  and  anxiety  of  the  people  was  to  a 
great  extent  allayed  by  the  return  of  the  volunteers, 
and  the  consequent  discovery  that  the  disaster  was  by 
no  means  as  overwhelming  as  had  at  first  been  re- 
ported, the  dread  of  Indian  invasion  still  remained, 
and  the  bold  frontiersmen,  discarding  the  idea  of 
waiting  for  the  coming  of  the  foe,  and  then  merely 
standing  on  the  defensive,  began  at  once  to  urge  the 
forming  of  a  new  expedition  to  carry  the  war  into  the 
heart  of  the  Indian  country,  and  to  prosecute  it  to 
the  point  of  extermination,  or  at  least  to  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  Wyandot,  Delaware,  and  Shawanese 
towns,  for  they  believed  that  in  no  other  way  could 
security  be  had  for  the  settlements  along  the  border. 
It  was  the  wish  of  the  leading  spirits — such  men  as 
Williamson,  Marshel,  and  Col.  Cook,  of  Westmore- 
land— that  the  proposed  expedition  should  be  made 
as  strong  numerically  as  possible,  that  it  should  in- 
clude besides  volunteers  from  the  militia  of  Wash- 
ington and  Westmoreland  Counties  as  many  regular 
Continental  troops  as  could  be  spared  from  Fort  Pitt, 
and  that  it  should  be  commanded  by  Gen.  Irvine  in 

The  first  proposition  communicated  to  the  com- 
mandant at  Fort  Pitt  for  a  new  Indian  campaign 
appears  to  have  been  that  of  two  captains  of  West- 
moreland militia  (Robert  Beall  and  Thomas  Moore),' 
who  joined  in  a  letter  to  Gen.  Irvine,  dated  June  23d, 
in  which  they  said,  "The  unfortunate  miscarriage  of 
the  late  expedition,  the  common  interest  of  our  coun- 
try, and  the  loss  of  our  friends  induce  us  to  be  thus 
forward  in  proposing  another.  .  .  .  We  do  not  wish 
to  be  understood  as  giving  our  own  private  senti- 
ments, but  of  those  of  the  people  generally  in  our 
quarter,  for  which  purpose  we  are  authorized  to  ad- 
dress you,  and  from  accounts  well  authenticated  we 
assure  you  it  is  the  wish  of  the  people  on  this  side  the 
Monongahela  River"  without  a  dissenting  voice. 

In  his  reply  to  Beall  and  Moore  (dated  June  26th) 
Gen.  Irvine  said,  ''  Inclination  as  well  as  duty  is  a 
continual  spur  to  me  not  only  to  acquiesce  in  but 
to  encourage  every  measure  adopted  for  the  public 
good.  Your  proposals  on  this  occasion  are  so  truly 
patriotic  and  spirited  that  I  should  look  on  myself 

that,  including  all  tliose  killed  in  battle,  those  who  afterwards  died  of 
wounds,  those  who  sutfered  death  at  the  hands  of  their  savage  captors, 
and  those  who  were  missing  and  never  heard  fiom,  the  total  loss  sus- 
tained by  Crawford's  forces  was  less  than  seventy-five  men. 

1  Beall  and  Moore  were  neighbors  of  the  unfortunate  Col.  Crawford. 
This  fact  probably  increased  their  zeal  and  desire  for  retaliation  upoD 
the  Indians. 

unpardonable  were  I  to  pans  them  unnoticed."  In  a 
letter  of  the  same  date,  addremed  to  Col.  Edward 
Cook,  lieutenant  of  Westmoreland  County,  Irvine 
said,  "  Your  people  seem  so  much  in  earnest  that  I 
am  led  to  think,  if  other  parts  of  the  country  are  so 
spirited  and  jtatriotic,  something  may  probably  be 
done,  but  as  it  will  take  some  time  to  come  to  a  proper 
knowledge  of  this  matter,  ami  that  must  be  accu- 
rately done,  there  can  be  no  harm  in  making  the  ex- 
periment. ...  I  have  no  intimation  of  any  plan 
being  on  foot  in  Washington  County  for  this  pur- 
pose, though  it  is  said  the  people  wish  another  expe- 

The  manner  in  which  it  was  proposed  to  form  the 
new  expedition  and  carry  it  to  a  successful  i.ssue  is 
indicated  in  a  letter  written  by  Irvine  to  the  Secretary 
of  War,  Gen.  Lincoln,  on  the  1st  of  July,  from  which 
the  following  extracts  are  made  : 

"  The  disaster  has  not  abated  the  ardor  or  desire  for 
revenge  (as  they  term  it)  of  these  people.-  A  number 
of  the  most  respectable  are  urging  me  strenuously  to 
take  command  of  them,  and  add  as  many  Continental 
officers  and  soldiers  as  can  be  S|)ared,  particularly  offi- 
cers, as  they  attribute  the  defeat  to  the  want  of  expe- 
rience in  their  officers.  They  cannot  nor  will  not  rest 
under  any  plan  on  the  defensive,  however  well  exe- 
cuted, and  think  their  only  safety  depends  on  the  total 
destruction  of  all  the  Indian  settlements  within  two 
i  hundred  miles;  this,  it  is  true,  they  are  taught  by 
dear-bought  experience. 

"  They  propose  to  raise  by  subscription  six  or  seven 
hundred  men,  provisions  for  them  for  forty  days,  and 
horses  to  carry  it,  clear  of  expense  to  the  public,  un- 
less government  at  its  own  time  shall  think  proper  to 
reimburse  them.  The  1st  of  August  they  talk  of  as- 
sembling, if  I  think  proper  to  encourage  them.  I  am 
by  no  means  fond  of  such  commands,  nor  am  I  san- 
guine in  my  expectations,  but  rather  doubtful  of  the 
consequences;  and  yet  absolutely  to  refuse  having 
anything  to  do  with  them,  when  their  proposals  are 
so  generous  and  seemingly  spirited,  I  conceive  would 
not  do  well  either,  especially  as  people  too  generally, 
particularly  in  this  quarter,  are  subject  to  be  clamorous 
and  to  charge  Continental  officers  with  want  of  zeal, 
activity,  and  inclination  of  doing  the  needful  for  their 
protection.  I  have  declined  giving  them  an  immedi- 
ate, direct  answer,  and  have  informed  them  that  my 
going  depends  on  circumstances,  and  in  the  mean  time 
I  have  called  for  returns  of  the  men  who  may  be  de- 
pended on  to  go,  and  th«  subscriptions  of  provisions 
and  horses.  The  distance  to  headquarters  is  so  great 
that  it  is  uncertain  whether  an  express  could  return 
in  time  with  the  commander-in-chief's  instructions. 

s  The  general,  it  seems,  had  somewhat  changed  his  mind  concerning 
the  temper  of  the  people  since  the  16!b  of  June,  when,  in  bis  report  of 
the  Crawford  expedition  to  Gen.  Washington,  he  said,— 

"  These  people  now  seem  convinced  that  they  caniiol  perform  as  much 
by  themselves  as  they  some  time  since  thought  they  could;  perhaps  it 
is  right  that  they  should  put  more  dependence  on  regular  troops.  .  .  ." 



"As  you  must  know  whether  any  movements  will 
take  place  in  this  quarter,  or  if  you  are  of  the  opinion 
it  would  on  any  account  be  improper  for  me  to  leave 
the  post,  I  request  you  would  please  to  write  me  by 
express.  But  if  no  answer  arrives  before  or  about 
the  1st  of  August,  I  shall  take  for  granted  you  have 
no  objections,  and  that  I  may  act  discretionally. 
Should  it  be  judged  expedient  for  me  to  go,  the 
greatest  number  of  troops  fit  to  march  will  not  exceed 
one  hundred.  The  militia  are  pressing  that  I  shall 
take  all  the  Continentals  along,  and  leave  the  defense 
of  the  fort  to  them ;  but  this  I  shall  by  no  means  do. 
If  circumstances  should  seem  to  require  it,  I  shall 
throw  in  a  few  militia  with  those  regulars  left,  but 
under  Continental  officers." 

On  the  same  day,  July  1st,  Gen.  Irvine  wrote  Gen. 
Washington,  informing  him  of  the  plan  for  a  second 
expedition  to  Sandusky,  but  saying  that  he  should 
not  think  of  proceeding  with  the  campaign  without 
express  orders  from  the  commander-in-chief.  "  By  the 
best  information  I  can  obtain,"  he  added,  "  we  may 
lay  out  our  accounts  to  have  to  fight  the  Shawanese, 
Delawares,  Wyandots,  Mingoes,  and  Monseys,  in  all 
about  five  hundred.  They  are  all  settled  in  a  line 
from  Lower  Sandusky  near  Lake  Erie  to  the  head  of 
the  Miami,  not  more  than  seventy-five  miles  from  the 
two  extremes ;  Upper  Sandusky  lies  near  the  centre. 
If  all  these  could  be  beat  at  once,  it  would  certainly 
nearly,  if  not  entirely,  put  an  end  to  the  Indian  war 
in  this  quarter." 

There  were  good  grounds  for  the  alarm  felt  by  the 
people  west  of  the  Monongahela,  for  a  few  days  after 
the  return  of  the  volunteers  from  the  Sandusky  expe- 
dition the  Indians  appeared  in  large  numbers  along 
the  west  bank  of  the  Ohio,  their  main  force  being 
concentrated  at  Mingo  Bottom,  with  smaller  parties  at 
various  points  on  both  sides  of  the  river,  but  closely 
and  constantly  watched  by  detachments  of  the  militia 
of  Washington  County.  The  settlers  between  the 
Ohio  and  Monongahela  Rivers  were  almost  in  a  state 
of  panic.  On  the  30th  of  June  Col.  John  Evans 
(lieutenant  of  the  Virginia  county  of  Monongalia), 
whose  home  was  in  that  part  of  Washington  County 
which  afterwards  became  Greene,  wrote  Gen.  Irvine 
informing  him  of  the  presence  of  Indian  war  parties 
in  his  vicinity,  and  adding,  "  Without  your  assistance 
I  much  fear  our  settlements  will  break.  The  defeat  of 
Col.  Crawford  occasions  much  dread." 

On  the  2d  of  July,  Col.  Marshel  wrote  Gen.  Irvine, 
giving  information  of  the  alarming  situation  of  af- 
fairs on  the  Ohio  border,  and  reporting  to  the  general 
that  he  had  sent  Col.'  Williamson  with  a  detachment 
to  Cox's  fort,  about  four  miles  below  Mingo  Bottom, 

1  In  tlie  preceding  narrative  of  the  march  of  the  expeditionary  force 
to  and  from  Sandusky  tliia  officer  was  mentioned  as  Mirjor  Williamson, 
that  being  the  grade  to  wliich  lie  whs  elected  for  that  campaign.  After 
his  return  from  the  expedition  his  proper  military  title  was  (as  it  had 
been  before)  Co/ojjcl  Williamson,  of  the  Waahingtoi]  County  militia. 

on  the  Virginia  side  of  the  Ohio,  and  that  Col. 
Thomas  Crook  had  marched  with  another  detach- 
ment to  Wheeling,  the  latter  having  Marshel's  orders 
to  form  a  junction  with  Col.  Williamson's  force,  in 
case  he  could  do  so  without  endangering  the  safety  of 
the  post  at  Wheeling.  And  Marshel  continued,  "  To- 
morrow I  intend  marching  whatever  men  may  ren- 
dezvous in  this  quarter  to  Richard  Wells'  fort,  which 
is  within  five  miles  of  Mingo  Bottom,  at  which  place 
I  intend  to  stay,  if  circumstances  will  admit,  until  I 
hear  from  you ;  and  I  shall  expect,  if  you  think  it 
necessary,  that  a  number  of  your  troops  will  march 
to  our  assistance  as  soon  as  possible."  Again,  on  the 
following  day,  he  wrote  Gen.  Irvine  from  Catfish 
(Washington  County  seat),  informing  him  that  the 
inhabitants  were  clamorous  for  assistance.  "  The 
people  declare,"  he  said,  "  they  must  abandon  their 
habitations  unless  a  few  men  are  sent  to.  them  during 
harvest.  They  also  declare  their  willingness  to  sub- 
mit to  and  supply  the  men  on  the  faith  of  the  gov- 

On  the  5th  of  July  Gen.  Irvine  said,  in  a  letter  to 
the  president  of  the  Council,'  "  The  people  generally 
seem  anxious  to  make  another  tryal,  and  urge  me  to 
take  Command  of  them.  Their  proposals  are  to  raise 
Volunteers,  Provisions,  and  Horses  by  subscription, 
at  their  own  Expence,  without  making  any  charge 
against  the  public,  unless  they  should  hereafter  think 
proper  to  reimburse  them  ;  they  also  promise  to  obey 
orders  &c.  The  1st  of  August  is  the  time  talked  of 
to  march.  I  have  not  yet  determined  whether  to  go 
or  not,  but  am  getting  in  Returns  of  Men,  Horses,  & 
Provisions  subscribed." 

Meanwhile  the  people  continued  in  a  state  of  mind 
bordering  on  panic.  Many  of  tliem  moved  from 
their  homes  to  the  shelter  of  the  forts  and  block- 
houses. Nearly  as  much  consternation  prevailed  in 
the  settlements  east  of  the  Monongahela,  and  the 
general  alarm  was  greatly  increased  by  the  sudden 
appearance  of  the  savage  enemy  in  Westmoreland 
County,  where,  on  the  11th  of  July,  they  killed  and 
scalped  three  sons  of  Mr.  Chambers,  and  two  days 
later  attacked  and  burned  Hannastown,  the  old 
county-seat  of  Westmoreland.^     The  party  which  ac- 

=  Pa.  Arch.,  1781-83,  p.  676. 
3  An  account  of  the  destruction  of  Hannastown  i 
Hnffnagle  in  a  letter  to  President  Reed,  as  follows 

3  given  by  Slichael 

"  Fort  Keep,  July,  1782. 
"  Sir, — I  am  sorry  to  inform  your  Excellency  that  Last  Saturday  at 
two  O'clock  in  the  afternoon,  Hanna's  Town  was  attacked  by  about  one 
hundred  Whites  and  Blacks.  We  found  several  Jackets,  the  buttons 
mark'd  with  the  King's  eighth  Eegiment.  At  the  same  Time  tliis  Town 
was  attacked  another  party  attack  d  Fort  Miller,  about  four  Miles  from 
this  Place.  Hanna's  Town  &  Fort  Miller  in  a  short  Time  were  reduced 
to  Ashes,  about  twenty  of  the  Inhabitants  killed  and  taken,  about  one 
hundred  lieadof  Cattle,  a  number  of  horses,  and  hogs  kill'd.  Such  wan- 
ton destruction  I  never  beheld,  burning  and  destroying  as  they  went. 
The  People  of  this  Place  behaved  brave,  retired  to  the  Fortt,  left  their 
all  a  prey  to  the  Enemy,  &  with  twenty  Men  only  &  nine  guns  in  good 
order,  we  stood  the  attack  till  dark.  At  first  some  of  the  Enemy  came 
close  to  the  Pickets,  but  were  soon  oblidg'd  to  retire  farther  off.     I  can- 



complished  this  destruction  was  composed  of  Indians 
and  British  Rangers,  and  came  in  from  the  north,  bj' 
way  of  the  valley  of  the  Allegheny. 

Intelligence  of  the  attack  on  and  destruction  of 
Hannastown  did  not  reach  Gen.  Irvine  at  Fort  Pitt 
until  three  days  after  the  occurrence,  and  of 
it  was  then  too  late  for  the  commandant  to  send  a 
force  in  pursuit  of  the  savages  with  any  hope  of  suc- 
cess. The  Indians  who  made  the  foray  were  from  the 
north,  mostly  Mingoes.  The  surviving  prisoners  cap- 
tured at  Hannastown  and  Miller's  were  taken  to 
Niagara  and  delivered  to  the  British  military  authori- 
ties there.  At  the  close  of  the  war  they  were  deliv- 
ered up  and  returned  to  their  homes. 

A  day  or  two  after  the  destruction  of  Hannastown 
a  party  of  seven  or  eight  Wyandots  made  an  incursion 
in  AVashington  County,  near  its  present  northern  bor- 
der. They  attacked  a  cabin,  in  which  they  found  an 
old  man  alone,  whom  they  murdered  and  scalped. 
Then  they  plundered  the  place  and  made  off  with 
their  booty,  without  having  taken  the  lives  of  any 
more  victims.  The  news  spread  through  the  settle- 
ments, and  a  party  of  eight  frontiersmen  set  out  in 
pursuit  a  few  hours  later.  In  tlie  party  were  the  two 
brothers,  Andrew  and  Adam  Poe,  both  famous  for 
their  prowess  in  Indian  warfare.  It  was  while  on 
this  pursuit  that  the  Poe  brothers  had  the  desperate 
hand-to-hand  fight  which  resulted  in  the  killing  of  the 
noted  Wyandot  chief,  "  Big  Foot,"  the  story  of  which 
is  narrated  more  at  length  in  the  history  of  Hanover 
township.  The  other  members  of  the  pursuing  party 
overtook  the  Indians  and  killed  all  but  one,  but  lost 
three  of  their  own  number,  including  a  young  man 
named  Cherry. 

Before  the  events  above  narrated,  Gen.  Irvine  wrote 
(July  11th)  to  Gen.  Washington,  saying  that  the 
people  were  constantly  growing  more  determined  in 
their  efforts  to  raise  a  new  force  to  operate  against  the 
Sandusky  towns,  that  solicitations  to  him  to  assist  in 
it  and  to  assume  the  command  were  increasing  daily, 
and  that  the  militia  officers  had  actually  commenced 
preparations  for  the  expedition.  The  news  of  the 
descent  of  the  savages  on  Hannastown  caused  these 
preparations  to  be  urged  with  greater  energy  by  the 
bolder  and  more  determined  men,  while  it  increased 
the  general  alarm  and  apprehension  in  a  great  degree. 

!  kiUed,  I 

i  them 

not  iuform  you  what  Number  of  the  Enemy 
from  tlie  Fortt  carrying  off  Beveral8. 

"  The  situation  of  the  Inhabitants  is  deplorable,  a  number  of  them  not 
having  a  Blanket  to  lye  on,  nor  a  Second  Suit  to  put  on  their  Backs. 
Affairs  are  strangely  managed  here;  where  the  fault  lies  I  will  not  pre- 
sume to  say.  This  Place  being  of  the  greatest  consequence  to  the  Fron- 
tiers, to  be  left  destitute  of  Men,  Arms,  &  ammunition  is  surprising  to 
me,  although  frequent  applications  have  been  made.  Your  E,xcellency, 
I  hope,  will  not  be  offended  my  mentioning  that  I  think  it  would  not  be 
amiss  that  proper  inquiry  sliould  be  Diade  about  the  management  of  the 
Public  affairs  in  this  County,  and  also  to  recommend  to  the  Legislative 
Body  to  have  some  provision  made  for  the  Poor  distress'd  People  here. 
Tour  known  humanity  convinces  me  that  you  will  do  everything  in 
your  power  to  assist  us  in  our  distress'd  situation." — Penn.  Archives, 
1781-83,  p.  596. 

Gen.  Irvine,  in  a  letter  written  to  President  Moore,  of 

the  Executive  Council,  on  the  ICth  of  July,  said,  in 
reference  to  the  probable  results  of  this  affair,  "  I  fear 
this  stroke  will  intimidate  the  inliabitantx  so  much 
that  it  will  not  be  possible  to  rally  them  or  persuade 
them  to  make  a  stand.  Nothing  in  my  power  shall 
be  left  undone  to  countenance  and  encourage  tiiera." 

Notwithstanding  Gen.  Irvine's  fears  to  the  con- 
trary, tlie  raising  of  the  new  expedition  was  strenu- 
ously urged  and  pushed  forward  with  all  po.ssible 
vigor  by  the  principal  officers  of  the  militia  in  the 
two  counties.  Other  than  clearly  established  physi- 
cal disability,  or  having  served  in  the  then  recent 
campaign  under  Col.  Crawford,  very  few  pleas  for  ex- 
emption from  service  were  deemed  valid  Men  were 
required  to  perform  regular  tours  of  duty  at  the  sev- 
eral stations  in  anticipation  of  Indian  attacks,  but  were 
excused  from  this  duty  if  disposed  to  volunteer  for  the 
new  expedition.  But  the  continual  alarms  caused  by 
Indian  forays  rendered  it  necessary  to  keep  large 
numbers  of  the  militiamen  constantly  on  duty  at  the 
stations,  and  before  long  it  became  evident  that  the 
requisite  number  of  volunteers  could  not  be  raised  and 
equipped  for  the  proposed  new  campaign  by  the  time 
(August  1st)  originally  set  for  the  general  rendezvous. 

"The  incursions  of  the  Indians  on  the  frontier  of 
this  country,"  said  Gen.  Irvine,  in  a  letter  written  on 
the  2.5th  of  July  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  "  will  un- 
avoidably prevent  the  militia  from  assembling  as  soon 
as  the  1st  of  August.  Indeed,  I  begin  to  entertain 
doubts  of  their  being  able  to  raise  and  equip  the 
proposed  number  this  season."  Under  these  circum- 
stances the  general  thought  it  proper  to  extend  the 
time  of  preparation  for  the  expedition,  and  accord- 
ingly he  directed  that  the  forces  should  assemble  on 
September  20th  (instead  of  August  1st),  at  Fort  Mc- 
intosh, as  a  general  rendezvous,  and  march  thence  to 
the  invasion  of  the  Indian  country.' 

On  the  10th  of  August  Col.  Marshel  received 
orders  from  Gen.  Irvine  to  call  out  from  the  militia 
a  party  of  twenty  men  and  an  officer  to  range  the 
country  lying  on  the  waters  of  Ten-Mile  and  Buffalo 
Creeks,  in  Washington  County,  this  order  being  made 
in  response  to  an  address  to  the  commandant,  signed 
by  the  principal  inhabitants  of  that  region,  and  ask- 
ing him  for  a  force  to  protect  their  homes  against  the 
savages.  Gen.  Irvine,  in  giving  the  desired  order  to 
Col.  Marshel,  said,  "Though  I  do  not  think  there 
is  as  much  danger  as  they  apprehend,  yet  if  they 
run,  the  consequence  is  the-  same,  and  I  do  not  wish 
any  more  breaks  in  the  settlements." 

The  people  of  Washington  County,  even  more  than 
those  of  Westmoreland,  were  firm  in  their  deter- 
mination to  prosecute  the  new  campaign  against  the 
Indians  at  Sandusky.  On  Thursday,  August  22d, 
the  militia  officers  and  principal  citizens  of  the  county 

1  Both  the  State  and  general  government  had  approved  Iho  plan  of  the 
expeditioD,  and  Geu.  Irvine  bad  been  appointed  to  the  command  of  it. 



met  at  Catfish  Camp  (the  present  borough  of  Wash- 
ington) to  consult  together  and  take  measures  "for 
the  purpose  of  carrying  an  expedition  under  the 
command  of  Brigadier  General  Irvine  against  San- 
dusky or  other  Indian  towns  bordering  on  our  fron- 
tier." This  meeting  resulted  in  a  resolution  that  the 
county  would  furnish  its  full  quota  of  men  and  ma- 
terial for  the  expedition,'  and  that  for  this  purpose 
all  delinquents  should  be  assessed,  each  individual  in 
proportion  to  his  property,  an  amount  sufficient  to 
cover  his  share  of  the  necessary  expense  of  the  outfit 
and  equipment.  It  was  also  agreed  that  if  any 
horses  should  be  lost  in  the  proposed  campaign,  and 
the  government  should  fail  or  neglect  to  pay  for  them 
for  one  year  after  such  loss,  then  the  owner  of  the 
animal  should  receive  payment  from  the  other  mem- 
bers of  the  company  to  which  he  belonged,  each 
contributing  in  proportion  to  the  assessed  value  of 
his  estate.  The  quotas  of  wheat  for  the  rations  of 
the  drafts  from  each  battalion  were  to  be  delivered  at 
some  mill  or  mills  within  the  respective  districts  of 
such  battalions  by  September  6th  next  ensuing. 

The  chairman  of  this  meeting  was  the  county  lieu- 
tenant, Col.  James  Marshel,  who  communicated  its 
proceedings  to  Gen.  Irvine,  with  the  assurance  on  his 
part  that  he  had  no  doubt  his  county  would  raise  and 
equip  a  force  of  at  least  five  hundred  men,  to  be  ready 
at  the  appointed  rendezvous  by  the  15th  of  September, 
"  which,"  as  he  said,  "  will  be  as  soon  as  the  people  of 
the  county  can  possibly  be  in  readiness."  The  gen- 
eral was  pleased  with  the  patriotism  of  the  meeting, 
and  of  its  resolutions,  but  he  very  plainly  indicated 
in  his  reply  that  he  doubted  the  ability  of  the  people 
to  execute  what  they  had  promised.  He  had,  how- 
ever, the  grace  to  say  to  Col.  Marshel,  "  I  trust  you 
will  not  be  mistaken  notwithstanding." 

The  Indians  continued  to  grow  bolder  and  more 
aggressive  in  their  raidings  along  the  border.  On  the 
11th  of  September,  in  the  evening,  an  Indian  force  of 
two  hundred  and  sixty  warriors  under  the  renegade 
George  Girty  (brother  of  the  infamous  Simon),  accom- 

1  The  meeting  resolved  that  tlie  county  would  furnish  as  its  quota 
six  hundred  and  seventy-one  men  from  tlie  several  mililia  battalions, 
two  hundred  and  fifty -two  horses,  and  40,200  rations  (to  consist  of  one 
and  one-ftiurth  pounds  of  flour  and  the  same  weight  of  beef  each) ; 
also  that  any  person  furnishing  two  hundred  rations  and  delivering  the 
same  as  directed  by  the  commanding  officer  of  the  battalion  of  his  dis- 
trict, ur  in  lien  of  such  number  of  rations  should  furnish  and  deliver  a 
good  and  serviceable  pack-horse,  with  pack-saddle,  halter,  lashing  rope, 
and  two  kegs  (or  in  their  stead  one  good  bag),  should  receive  therefor 
exemption  from  and  ci'edit  for  a  twc^  months'  tour  of  military  duty.  The 
resolution  of  the  meeting  was  "  that  each  and  every  battalion  of  Washing- 
ton County  militia  shall  furnish  the  quota  of  men,  provisions,  and  pack- 
horses,  equipped  for  transportation,  hereunto  annexed  to  each  and  every 
battalion  respectively,  namely : 

Men.    Horses.    Kitions. 
1st  Batt.  commanded  by  Col.  [Henry]  Enoch,  61  22  3,600 

2d      "        .,     "  "  Col.  [George]   Vallan- 

digham,  16.5  62  9,900 

3d      "  "  "  Col.  [David]  Williamson,  140  53  8,400 

4th     "  "  "  Col  [John]  Marshall,        140  53  8.400 

6th    "  "  "  Col.  [Thomas]  Crooks,      165         Ba         9.900 

671         252        40,200 

panied  by  a  force  of  about  forty  British  Rangers  from 
Detroit  under  Capt.  Pratt,  of  the  royal  service,  at- 
tacked the  fort  (Fort  Henry)  at  Wheeling,"  but  were 
repulsed.  Other  attempts  were  made  by  them  to  carry 
the  place  by  assault  during  the  day  and  night  of  the 
12th,  but  with  no  better  success,  and  in  the  morning 
of  the  13th  they  withdrew  from  Wheeling  with  the 
intention  of  carrying  their  depredations  to  the  inland 
settlements.  Their  attack  on  Wheeling  is  described  by 
Ebenezer  Zane  in  the  following  letter  to  Gen.  Irvine : ' 

"  WmiNG,  14th  September,  1782. 

"  Sir, — On  the  evening  of  the  eleventh  instant  a 
body  of  the  enemy  appeared  in  sight  of  our  garrison. 
They  immediately  formed  their  lines  around  the  gar- 
rison, paraded  British  colors,  and  demanded  the  Fort 
to  be  surrendered,  which  was  refused.  About  12 
o'clock  of  night  they  rushed  hard  on  the  pickets  in 
order  to  storm  but  was  repulsed.  They  made  t\vo 
other  attempts  to  storm  before  day  but  to  no  pur- 
pose. About  8  o'clock  next  morning  there  came  a 
negro  from  them  to  us,  and  informed  us  that  their 
force  consisted  of  a  British  captain  and  40  regular 
soldiers  and  260  Indians.  The  enemy  kept  up  a  con- 
tinual fire  the  whole  day.  About  ten  o'clock  at  night 
they  made  a  fourth  attempt  to  storm  to  no  better  pur- 
pose than  the  former.  The  enemy  continued  round 
the  garrison  till  the  morning  of  the  13th  instant, 
when  they  disappeared.  Our  loss  is  none.  Daniel 
Sullivan,  who  arrived  here  in  the  beginning  of  the 
action,  is  wounded  in  the  foot. 

"  I  believe  they  have  drove  the  greater  part  of  our 
stock  away,  and  might,  I  think,  be  soon  overtaken. 

"  I  am,  with  due  respect,  your  ob't  serv't, 

"  Ebenezer  Zane." 

When  the  Indian  besiegers  found  themselves  com- 
pelled to  withdraw  from  Fort  Henry '  without  having 
effected  its  capture  as  they  had  expected  to  do,  the 
larger  part  of  their  force,  together  with  Capt.  Pratt's 
British  Rangers,  crossed  the  Ohio  with  what  plunder 
they  had  been  able  to  secure,  and  'took  their  way 
through  the  wilderness  towards  the  Sandusky.  The 
remainder  of  the  Indian  force,  some  sixty  or  seventy 
in  number,  took  the  opposite  direction,  striking  east- 

2  John  Slover,  the  guide  in  Crawford's  expedition,  who  made  his  escape 
from  the  Indians  after  having  been  tied  to  the  stake  for  torture,  as  before 
narrated,  had  given  warning  that  the  savages  were  meditating  an  ex- 
tended series  of  operations  against  the  frontier  settlements,  and  that 
among  these  projected  operations  was  an  attack  in  force  on  the  post  at 
Wheeling.  This  information  he  said  ho  gained  by  being  present  at  their 
councils  for  several  days  while  in  captivity,  and  fully  understanding 
every  word  that  was  uttered  by  the  chiefs  on  those  occasions,  as  he  was 
entirely  familiar  with  the  Delaware,  Wyandot,  and  Shawanese  languages. 
The  tale  which  he  brought  of  these  intended  expeditions  by  the  Indians 
against  the  white  settlements  was  not  believed  by  Col.  Cook,  Col.  Marshel, 
and  Gen.  Irvine,  but  the  result  proved  that  Slover  had  neither  misunder- 
stood nor  falsified  the  intentions  of  the  savages  as  expressed  by  their 
chiefs  in  council. 

3  Proceedings  of  West  Virginia  Historical  Society,  Vol,  T.,  Part  I.,  Ap- 
pendix, page  102. 

*It  is  said,  and  with  apparent  ti'uth,  that  the  last  shot  fired  by  a  British 
soldier  in  the  war  of  the  Revolution  was  fired  in  the  last  assault  on  this 
fort  in  the  night  of  Sept.  12-13, 1782. 



ward  towards  the  interior  settlements,  bent  on  mas- 
sacre and  devastation  in  revenge  for  their  disappoint- 
ment at  Fort  Henry.  Their  objective-point  was  Rice's 
fort,  on  the  Dutch  Fork  of  Buffalo  Creek,  in  the 
present  township  of  Donegal,  Washington  County. 

Intelligence  of  the  attack  on  Fort  Henry  was 
brought  to  Col.  James  Marshel  at  Catfish  by  Capt. 
Boggs  immediately  after  the  siege  began,  and  while 
all  the  Indian  and  British  forces  were  collected  round 
the  fort.  On  receipt  of  the  information  Marshel  no- 
tified Gen.  Irvine  by  letter  as  follows  : 

"Thursday,  September  12, 1782. 

"  Dear  Sir, — By  an  express  this  moment  arrived 
from  Wheeling,  I  have  received  the  following  intel- 
ligence, namely:  That  a  large  trail,  by  supposition 
about  two  hundred  Indians,  was  discovered  yesterday 
about  three  o'clock  near  to  that  place.  Capt.  Boggs, 
who  brought  the  account,  says  that  when  he  had  left 
the  fort  about  one  mile  and  a  half  he  heard  the  swivel 
at  Wheeling  fired,  and  one  rifle.  He  further  says 
that  Ebenezer  McCulloch,  from  Van  Meter's  fort,  on 
his  way  to  Wheeling,  got  within  one-half  a  mile  of 
the  place  shortly  after  Boggs  left  it,  where  he  was 
alarmed  by  hearing  a  heavy  and  constant  fire  about 
the  forts,  and  makes  no  doubt  the  fort  was  then 
attacked.  .  .  ." 

Three  days  later  Col.  Marshel  communicated  to 
Gen.  Irvine  further  information  of  the  movements  of 
the  Indians  in  the  following  letter: 

*'  Sunday  Moenino,  15th  September,  1782. 

"  Dear  Sir, — You  may  depend  upon  it,  as  a  mat- 
ter of  fact,  that  a  large  body  of  Indians  are  now  in 
our  country.  Last  night  I  saw  two  prisoners  who 
made  their  escape  from  Wheeling  in  time  of  the 
action,  and  say  the  enemy  consists  of  238  Indians 
and  40  Rangers,  the  latter  commanded  by  a  British 
officer;  that  they  attacked  Wheeling  Fort  on  Wed- 
nesday night,  and  continued  the  attack  until  Thurs- 
day night,  at  which  time  the  above  deserters  '■  left 
them.  That  Fort  they  say  was  the  principal  object 
of  the  enemy ;  but  it  appears,  both  from  their  account 
and  the  enemy's  advancing  into  the  country,  that 
they  have  despaired  of  taking  it.  The  deserters  say 
that  shortly  before  they  left  the  enemy  that  they  had 
determined  to  give  up  the  matter  at  Wheeling,  and 
either  scatter  into  small  parties  in  order  to  distress 
and  plunder  the  inhabitants,  or  attack  the  first  small 
fort  they  could  come  at.  The  latter,  I'm  this  moment 
informed,  isactually  the  case;  that  they  have  attacked 
one  Rice's  Block-House,  on  what  is  called  the  Dutch 
fork  of  Buffaloe,  and  it's  to  be  feared  it  will  fall  into 
their  hands,  as  only  those  have  been  called  upon 
who  are  not  going  upon  the  expedition.     I'm  afraid 

1  The  two  men  whom  Marshel  refers  to  in  this  letter,  first  as  "  pris- 
oners" and  afterwards  as  '*  deserters,"  were,  bo  says  Doddridge,  "  two 
white  men  who  had  been  made  prisoners  when  lads,  raised  among  the 
Indians,  and  taken  to  war  with  tliem.  These  men  deserted  from  them 
soon  after  their  council  at  the  close  of  the  siege  of  Wheeling." 

they  will  not  turn  out  as  well  as  they  ought  to  do. 

If  the  enemy  continues  to  advance  in  one  body  the 
matter  will  become  serious,  and  perhaps  require  our 
whole  strength  to  repel  them.  But  if  it  can  possibly 
be  avoided  1  could  wish  not  to  call  upon  a  man  that'8 
going  upon  the  expedition  against  Sandusky.  Be- 
sides, the  battalion  rendezvous  is  appointed  aa  soon 
as  the  men  could  possibly  be  collected.  Unless  the 
officers  have  made  their  appointments,  as  you  will 
see  by  Col.  McCleery's  -  letter  they  have  done  in  the 
first  battalion,  no  doubt  ammunition  will  be  wanted 
on  this  occasion.  A  small  quantity,  such  as  the 
bearer  can  carry,  will  do.     Excuse  haste. 

"  From,  Sir,  your  most  obt.  humble  serv't, 

'•  JaME.S   MAR.SHEf,." 

The  fact  that  the  Indians  were  advancing  eastward 
from  Wheeling  was  known  at  Rice's  fort  about  half 
an  hour  before  the  savages  made  their  appearance, 
the  intelligence  having  been  brought  by  Jacob  Miller, 
who  learned  the  news  at  the  house  of  Dr.  Moore,  near 
Catfish,  and  rode  with  all  possible  speed  to  notify  the 
people  at  the  threatened  point,  and  to  take  part  in  the 
defense.  Some  of  the  men  from  the  fort  had  gone  to 
Hagerstown  for  supplies,  and  only  five  were  left  to 
defend  it,  viz. :  George  Lefler,  Peter  Fullenwcider, 
Daniel  Rice,  George  Felebaum,  and  Jacob  Lefler,  Jr. 
This  force  was  increased  to  six  by  the  arrival  of  Mil- 
ler. The  Indians  soon  made  their  appearance  and 
surrounded  the  fort.  The  six  defenders  fired,  and 
three  savages  fell.  The  Indians  returned  the  fire 
without  effect,  but  in  their  second  volley  they  killed 
George  Felebaum,  who  was  standing  at  a  port-hole.- 
The  ball  struck  him  in  the  forehead,  and  he  expired 
instantly.  The  firing  was  kept  up  during  the  day, 
but  without  any  further  casualty  to  the  white  men. 

Abraham  Rice,  of  the  fort,  was  absent,  having  set 
out  at  once  on  receipt  of  the  news  brought  by  Miller 
to  go  to  Lamb's  fort,  some  four  miles  away,  for  assist- 
ance. He  had  not  been  gone  long  when  he  heard  the 
firing  at  his  own  fort,  and  at  once  determined  to  re- 
turn and  assist  in  the  defense ;  but  he  failed  in  his 
attempt,  for  he  was  discovered  by  the  Indians,  who 
fired  a  great  number  of  shots  and  wounded  him  badly, 
but  he  made  his  escape,  and  was  able  to  reach  Lamb's, 
whence,  after  his  wounds  had  been  dressed,  he  set  out 
on  his  return,  having  with  him  a  party  of  twelve  men. 
This  was  late  in  the  evening.  On  approaching  the 
besieged  fort  ten  of  the  party  became  alarmed  and 
retreated,  but  Rice  and  the  other  two  went  on.  They 
were  soon  discovered  by  an  Indian,  who  thereuDOu 
gave  the  usual  alarm,  which  passed  around  the  entire 
line  encircling  the  fort.  The  savages  supposed  that 
a  large  party  of  whites  was  approaching,  and  after 
one  more  fierce  but  ineffectual  attempt  to  carry  the 
fort  they  retreated  from  the  place,  having  lost  four 
warriors  by  the  rifles  of  the  defenders.     On  the  fol- 

C!ol.  William  McCleery,  sub-lieutenant  of  Washington  Coontf. 



lowing  morning  a  force  of  about  sixty  frontiersmen 
collected  and  started  in  pursuit  of  the  Indians,  but 
after  proceeding  two  or  three  miles  it  was  found  that 
the  savages  liad  scattered  in  small  parties,  and  the 
pursuit  was  abandoned.  The  Indians,  however,  in 
their  retreat  met  another  party  of  four  white  men,  two 
of  whom  they  killed,  losing  one  of  their  warriors. 

The  Indian  attacks  at  Wheeling  and  at  Rice's  fort 
(showing  that  the  savages  could  make  incursions  in 
force  and  almost  at  will  in  spite  of  the  vigilance  of 
the  "ranging  parties"  of  militia)  materially  damp- 
ened the  ardor  of  the  people  with  regard  to  the  new 
Sandusky  campaign,  notwithstanding  that  the  gov- 
ernment had  ordered  a  considerable  body  of  Conti- 
nental troops  to  accompany  the  expedition,  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  wishes  of  Cols.  Marshel  and  Cook 
and  several  of  the  more  prominent  among  the  militia 
oflScers  of  Washington  and  Westmoreland  Counties. 

On  the  18th  of  September,  two  days  before  the 
time  which  had  beerw  appointed  for  the  rendezvous  at 
Fort  Mcintosh,'  Gen.  Irvine  addressed  communica- 
tions to  Col.  Marshel  and  Col.  Cook,  saying,  "  I  have 
this  moment  received  dispatches  from  the  Secretary 
at  War  informing  me  that  some  regular  troops  are 
ordered  from  below  to  assist  us  in  our  intended  ex- 
pedition. I  am  therefore  to  beg  you  will  immediately 
countermand  the  march  of  the  volunteers  and  others 
of  your  counties  until  further  orders.  As  soon  as  I 
am  positively  assured  of  the  time  the  troops  will  be 
here  I  shall  give  you  the  earliest  notice."  The  time 
for  the  assembling  of  the  volunteers  and  other  forces 
for  the  expedition  was  then  postponed  to  the  6th  of 
October;^  but  before  that  time  Gen.  Irvine  had  re- 
ceived a  letter  from  the  Secretary  of  War  as  follows  : 

"Wae  Office,  September  27, 1782. 

"  Dear  Sie, — From  late  accounts  forwarded  by  his 
Excellency  General  Washington,  we  learn  that  the 
Indians  are  all  called  in  [by  the  British].  This  has 
induced  the  resolution  to  lay  aside  the  expedition  I 
mentioned  in  my  last. 

"  I  am,  dear  sir,  your  ob'.  serv't, 

"  B.  Lincoln." 

This  caused  the  commandant  at  Fort  Pitt  to  aban- 
don all  thoughts  of  the  proposed  campaign,  though 
he  did  not  immediately  notify  the  county  lieutenants 
to  that  effect.     But  on  the  18th  of  October  he  said. 

1  The  letter  (before  quoted)  of  Col.  Marsliel  to  Gen.  Irvine,  dated  Sept. 
15,  1782,  has  the  following  postscript:  "  Should  you  think  of  joining  the 
Militia,  Catfish  Camp  appears  at  present  to  me  to  be  the  most  suitable 
place  to  establish  your  headquarters,  at  which  place  I  shall  order  one 
Battalion  to  rendezvous  on  Tuesday  next.  I  mean  those  that's  going 
on  the  Expedition,  as  Cattish  will  be  in  their  way  to  Fort  Mcintosh." 

2  In  a  letter  written  by  Christopher  Hays  to  President  Moore,  dated 
"  September  y"  20th,  1782,  he  says,  "There  is  a  Campaign  Proposed  to 
Go  against  the  Sanduskey  Towns,  to  start  by  the  6th  Day  of  Next 
Month,  under  the  Command  of  General  Erwine  wherein  these  Counties 
Quoted  themselves  To  find  all  Voluctiers  and  a  Number  of  Regular 
Troops  in  Provision  During  said  Campaign  which  is  Nearly  if  not  alto- 
gether Ready  &  Lies  Prepared  for  that  Purpose." — Penn.Arch.^  1781-83, 
p.  637. 

in  a  letter  to  Col.  Edward  Cook,  of  Westmoreland, 
"  I  received  your  letter  by  Sergt.  Porter,  and  one  last 
night  from  Col.  Marshal,  which  is  full  of  despondency. 
Indeed,  by  all  accounts  I  can  collect,  it  would  be  vain 
to  insist  on  bringing  the  few  willing  people  to  the 
general  rendezvous,  as  there  is  not  the  most  distant 
prospect  that  half  suflScient  would  assemble.  Under 
the  circumstances  I  think  it  will  be  most  advisable  to 
give  up  the  matter  at  once,  and  direct  the  provisions 
and  other  articles  to  be  restored  to  the  owners." 

About  two  weeks  after  Gen.  Irvine  wrote  this  letter 
he  received  official  notification  from  the  Secretary  of 
War  (dated  October  30th)  that  the  Indian  expedition 
had  been  abandoned,  and  thereupon  the  fact  was 
officially  communicated  to  the  lieutenants  of  West- 
moreland and  Washington  Counties.  This  ended  all 
thoughts  of  raising  a  force  to  invade  the  Indian 
country,  and  it  also  closed  the  military  history  of 
this  section  of  country  for  the  period  of  the  war  of 
the  Revolution.  After  the  official  proclamation  of 
peace,  however,  and  as  late  as  the  end  of  the  spring 
of  1783,  Indian  depredations  were  continued  to  some 
extent  along  the  Western  Pennsylvania  and  Virginia 
border,  though  none  of  these  are  found  reported  as 
having  been  committed  within  the  territory  which 
now  forms  the  county  of  Washington. 

Washington  Militia  in  1784. — The  composition 
of  the  Washington  County  militia  immediately  after 
the  close  of  the  Revolution  is  shown  in  a  return  made 
by  Col.  James  Marshel,  county  lieutenant,  dated  July 
7,  1784,5  as  follows : 

Firal  Ballalian. 

Lieutenant-Colonel,  David  Phillips;  Major,  John  Small. 
First  Company. — Number  of  men,  73. 

Captain,  James  Munn. 

Lieutenant,  Henry  Sawings. 

Ensign,  William  Byars. 
Second  Company. — Number  of  men,  74. 

Captain,  Robert  Ritchie. 

Lieutenant,  Jeremiah  Wright. 

Ensign,  Thomas  Sweet. 
Third  Company. — Number  of  men,  68. 

Captain,  William  Conner. 

Lieutenant,  John  Conner. 

Ensign,  Isaac  Williams. 
Fourth  Company. — Number  of  men,  82. 

Captain,  Mabra  Evans, 

Lieutenant,  James  W'ilson. 

Ensign,  William  Goban. 
Fifth  Company.— Number  of  men,  60. 

Captain,  John  Robinson. 

Lieutenant,  Samuel  Heth. 

Ensign,  Thomas  Gibson. 
Sixth  Company. — Number  of  men,  96. 

Captain,  Samuel  Blackniore. 

Lieutenant,  George  Welsh. 

Ensign,  Henry  Morrison. 
Seventh  Company. — Number  of  men,  61. 

Captain,  William  Armstrong. 

Lieutenant,  John  Brackenridge.  ' 

Eusign,  John  Blackburn. 

s  Penn.  Archives,  1783-86,  pp.  287-88. 



Eiglith  Company. — Nuoiber  of  men,  78. 
Captain,  William  Phillipe. 
Lieutenant,  John  Lamb. 
Ensign,  Archibald  Ralston. 

Second  Battalion. 
Lieutenant-Colonel,  Heury  Enoch  ;  Major,  James  Carmichael. 
First  Company.— Number  of  men,  74. 
Captaiu,  John  Guthrey. 
Lieutenaut,  George  Cilsur. 
Eneign,  Matthew  Hannon. 
Seconi  Company. — Number  of  men,  64. 
Captain,  Andrew  Ferley. 
Lieutenant,  James  Blackburn. 
Ensign,  James  Metheney. 
Third  Company.— Number  of  men,  80. 
Captain,  Charles  Swan. 
Lieutenant,  Azurinh  Davis. 
Ensign,  William  Sliepherd. 
Fourth  Company. — Number  of  men,  84. 
Captain,  Thomas  Extile. 
Lieutenant,  Hetiry  Dickiuson. 
Ensign,  John  Lindsley. 
Fifth  Company.— Number  of  men,  56. 
Captain,  Elijah  Mills. 
Lieutenant,  Jacob  Mills. 
Ensign,  Elisha  Perkins. 
Sixth  Company. — Number  of  men,  75. 
Captain,  James  McClelland. 
Lieutenant,  John  Hoit. 
Ensign.  Joseph  Garret. 
Seventh  Company. — Number  of  men,  72. 
Captaiu,  Robert  Sweney. 
Lieutenant,  Everhart  Heef. 
Ensign,  Henry  Hormil. 
Eighth  Company.— Number  of  men,  62. 
Captain,  James  Archer. 
Lieutenant,  John  Fee. 
Ensign,  David  White. 

Third  BaUalion. 
John  Marshal,  lieutenant-colonel;  Peter  Badd,  major. 
First  Company.— Number  of  men,  70. 
Captain,  Henry  Renkon. 
Lieutenant,  Alexander  Kidd. 
Ensign,  Josiah  Scott. 
Second  Company. — No  return. 
Third  Company. — Number  of  men,  65. 
Captain,  Thomas  Wells. 
Lieutenant,  Samuel  Leiper. 
Ensign,  John  Wells. 
Fourth  Company.— Number  of  men,  77. 
Captain,  Samuel  Smith. 
Lieutenant,  Thomas  Marquis. 
Ensign,  William  Wallace. 
Fifth  Company.— Number  of  men,  62. 
Captain,  James  Stevenson. 
Lieutenant,  Arthur  Scott. 
Ensign,  Jesse  Renkon. 
Sixth  Company.— Number  of  men,  66. 
Captain,  Thomas  Renkou  [Rankin?]. 
Lieutenant,  Charles  Campbell. 
Ensign,  William  Hays. 
Seventh  Company.— Number  of  men,  80. 
Captain,  John  Reeri. 
Lieutenant,  William  Herron. 
Ensign,  James  Howld. 
Eighth  Company.— No  return. 

Fourth  DaUalUm. 
Lieutennnt-Colonel,  David  WIIIIamioD;  Tdt^or,  DbdI*!  Leet 
First  Company.— Number  of  men,  60. 

Captain,  Charlea  Bonner. 

Lieut^mint,  R^ibert  Walker. 

Ensign,  Philip  Briscoe. 
Second  Company. — No  return. 
Third  Company.— Number  of  men,  67. 

Captain,  TboninH  Hambleton. 

Lieutenant,  James  Brown. 

Ensign,  Samuel  White. 
Fourth  Company. — Number  of  men,  74. 

Captain,  William  Leet. 

Lieutenant,  Brice  Virgin. 

Ensign,  Obadiah  Holmes. 
Fifth  Company.— Number  of  men,  60. 

Captain,  James  Morrison, 

Ensign, . 

Sixth  Company.— Number  of  men,  65. 

Captain,  Eleazer  Williamson. 

Lieutenant,  John  McWilliams. 

Eusign,  Jacob  Miller. 
Seventh  Company. — Number  of  men,  71. 

Captain,  John  Cotton. 

Lieutenaut,  Samuel  Reddle. 

Ensign,  James  Huston. 
Eighth  Company. — Number  of  men,  81. 

Captain,  Timothy  Downing. 

Lieutenant, Andersou. 

Ensign,  John  Williams. 

Fifth  BaUalion. 
Lieutenant-Colonel,  John  Guthredge;  Major,  James  Craven. 
First  Company. — Number  of  men,  80. 
Captain,  Eleazer  Jenkins. 
Lieutenant,  Thomas  Richeson. 
Ensign,  Kinsey  Davis. 
Second  Company.— Number  of  men,  76. 
Captain,  William  Jackman. 
Lieutenant,  Henry  Gregg. 
Ensign,  James  Thomas. 
Third  Company. — Number  of  men,  56. 
Captain,  David  Ruble. 
Lieutenant.  Darby  Strahan. 
Ensign,  Valentine  Kindor. 
Fourth  Company.— Number  of  men,  56. 
Captain,  Isaac  Ross. 
Lieutenant,  Frederick  Ault. 
Ensign,  John  Hufi'man. 
Fifth  Company.— Number  of  men,  55. 
Captain,  Edward  Seaburn. 
Lieutenant,  Richard  Hogeland. 
Ensign,  Jeremiah  Craven. 
Sixth  Company.— Number  of  men,  60. 
Captaiu,  George  Myera. 
Lieutenant,  Luther  Kerrey. 
Ensign,  Uenry  Conrod. 
Sevrnth  Compauy. — Number  of  man, 73. 
Captain,  John  Worth . 
Lieutenant,  Thomas  Ritchie. 
Ensign,  Nicholas  Johnson,  Jr. 
Eighth  Company.— Number  of  men,  68. 
Cav>tain,  Robert  Jackman. 
Lieutenaut,  Joseph  Brenton. 
Ensign,  Nathan  Powell.  July  7, 17S4. 







The  Wilderness— Tlio  First  SettlementB— Attempted  Kemoval  of  Settlers 
—Council  at  Fort  Pitt,  April,  1768— The  Treaty  of  Fort  Stanwix— 
Settlers  West  of  the  Monongabela— Bedford  County  erected. 

To  write  the  civil  and  legal  history  of  Washington 
County  is  first,  in  a  general  way,  to  discuss  the  origin 
and  progress  of  the  settlements  within  her  borders, 
then  the  establishment  of  municipal  government  and 
the  organization  of  courts  of  justice  for  the  due  and 
orderly  administration  of  the  law. 

The  Wilderness. — The  cabins  of  white  men  were 
first  built  within  the  original  limits  of  Washington 
County  possibly  in  1766,  certainly  in  1767.  In  the 
latter  year,  if  not  in  the  former,  the  Monongabela 
had  been  crossed  and  settlers  had  stopped  on  Dunk- 
ard  Creek,  in  what  is  now  Greene  County,  at  the 
mouth  of  Ten-Mile  Creek,  and  upon  Raccoon  Creek. 
It  is  thought  that,  prior  to  1750,  the  hills  and 
1750.  valleys  of  this  State  west  of  the  Alleghanies 
were  untrodden  by  the  feet  of  white  men,  ex- 
cept of  adventurous  traders  among  the  Indians,  such 
as  Peter  Chartiers  and  others.  Nor  were  our  lands  at 
this  date  occupied  by  the  homes  of  the  Indians. 
These  prior  possessors  of  the  soil  resided  and  had 
their  homes  or  towns  chiefly  along  and  south  of  the 
great  lakes,  though  smaller  villages,  temporary  abid- 
ing-places, and  hunting-camps  were  here  and  there 
along  the  Ohio,  Allegheny,  and  Monongabela.  There 
may  have  been  many  localities  which  were  unknown 
to  the  Indians  at  the  coming  of  the  English.  Within 
the  lands  lying  between  the  Monongabela  and  the 
Ohio,  as  originally  erected  into  Washington  County, 
the  red  men  had  no  permanent  dwelling-places,  al- 
though Catfish,  a  warrior,  and  Shingis,  a  king,  of  the 
Delawares,  had  hunting-lodges,  the  former  where 
Washington  now  stands,'  the  latter  at  the  mouth  of 
Chartiers  Creek. 

Thomas  Hutchins,  the  engineer  of  Bouquet's  expe- 
dition against  the  Western  Indians  in  1764,  in  his  to- 
pographical description  of  Virginia,  Pennsylvania, 
etc.,  wrote  of  the  country  of  which  our  county  forms 
a  part  nearly  a  century  ago : 

"Tlie  whole  country  abounds  in  Bears,  Elks,  Buffaloe,  Deer,  Turkies, 
4c.,— an  unquestionable  proof  of  the  extiaordinary  goodness  of  its  soil. 

"  lu  the  year  1760,  a  small  town,  called  Pittsburgh,  was  built  near  Fort 
Pitt,  and  about  v:00  families  resided  in  it;  but  upon  the  breaking  out  of 
the  Indian  war  (in  the  month  of  May  1763)  they  abandoned  their  houses 
and  retired  into  the  fort. 

"In  the  year  1765,  the  present  town  of  Pittsburgh  was  laid  out.  It  is 
built  on  the  eastern  bank  of  the  Kiver  Monongabela,  about  200  yards 
from  Fort  Pitt.  .  .  . 

1  Judging  from  the  point  marked  '*  Catfish's  Camp"  upon  the  original 
plot  of  the  town,  as  laid  out  on  Oct.  13, 1781,  it  must  have  been  within 
the  present  Trinity  Hall  grounds.  A  later  but  a  still  ancient  draft 
places  the  old  warrior's  camp  in  the  same  locality. 

"  The  country  on  both  sides  of  the  Ohio,  extending  South-Easterly 
and  South-Westerly  from  Fort  Pitt  to  the  Mississippi,  and  watered  by 
the  Ohio  River  and  its  branches,  contains  at  least  a  million  square  miles, 
and  it  may,  with  truth,  be  affirmed,  that  no  part  of  the  globe  is  blessed 
with  a  more  healthful  air  or  climate; — watered  witli  more  navigable 
rivers  and  branches  communicating  with  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  by  the 
Elvers  Potowmac,  James,  Kappahannock,  Mississippi  and  St.  Lawrence, 
or  capable  of  producing  with  less  labor  or  expense  Wheat,  Indian  Corn, 
Buckwheat,  Rye,  Oats,  Barley,  Flax,  Hemp,  Tobacco,  Rice,  Silk,  Potash, 
&c.,  than  the  country  under  consideration.  And  although  there  are 
also  considerable  quantities  of  high  lands  for  about  250  miles,  (on  both 
sides  of  the  River  Ohio,)  Southwardly  from  Fort  Pitt,  yet  even  the  sum- 
mits of  most  of  the  bills  are  covered  witli  a  deep  rich  soil,  fit  for  the 
culture  of  Flax  and  Hemp,  and  it  may  be  also  added,  that  no  soil  can 
possibly  yield  larger  crops  of  Red  and  White  clover,  and  other  useful 
grasses,  than  this  does." 

,    In  a  foot-note  Hutchins  quotes  from  Gordon,  a  still 

"This  country  ma.v,  from  a  proper  knowledge,  be  affirmed  to  be  the 
most  healthy,  the  most  pleasiint,  the  most  commodious,  and  the  most 
fertile  spo|  of  earth  known  to  European  people." 

Francis  Parkman,  writing  of  the  country  west  of 
the  Alleghanies  in  1760,  during  tlie  time  of  the  French 
and  Indian  war,-  says, — 

"  One  vast  and  continuous  forest  shadowed  the  fertile  soil,  covering 
the  lands  as  the  grass  covers  a  garden  lawn,  sweeping  over  hill  and  hol- 
low in  endless  undulation,  burying  mountains  in  verdure,  and  mantling 
brooks  and  rivers  from  the  light  of  day.  Green  iutervals  dotted  with 
browsing  deer,  and  broad  plains  alive  with  buffalo,  broke  the  same- 
ness of  the  woodland  scenery.  Unnumbered  rivers  seamed  the  forest 
with  their  devious  windings.  Vast  lakes  washed  its  boundaries,  where 
the  Indian  Voyager,  in  his  birch  canoe,  could  descry  no  lands  beyond 
the  world  of  waters.  Tet  this  prolific  wilderness,  teeming  with  waste 
fertility,  was  but  a  hunting  ground  and  a  battle-field  to  a  few  fierce 
hordes  of  savages.  Here  and  there  in  some  rich  meadow  opened  to  the 
sun,  the  Indian  squaws  turned  the  black  mould  with  their  rude  imple- 
ments of  boue  and  iron,  and  sowed  their  scanty  stores  of  maize  and 
beans.     Human  labor  drew  no  other  tribute  from  that  e.xhaustless  soil." 

Fort  Pitt  was  built  by  Gen.  Stanwix  in  the  year 
1759,  near  the  ruins  of  Fort  Du  Quesne,  destroyed 
by  Gen.  Forbes  the  preceding  year.  The  same  writer 
just  quoted  says,' — 

"Fort  Pitt  stood  far  aloof  in  the  forest,  and  one  might  journey  east- 
ward full  two  hundred  miles  before  the  English  settlements  began  to 
thicken.  Behind  it  lay  a  broken  and  woody  tract;  then  succeeded  the 
great  harrier  of  the  Alleghanies,  ti-aversiug  the  country  in  successive 
ridges,  and  beyond  these  lay  vast  woods  extending  to  the  Susquehanna. 
.  .  .  Two  roads  led  from  Fort  Pitt  to  the  settlements,  one  of  which  was 
cut  by  General  Braddock  in  bis  disastrous  march  across  the  mountains 
from  Cumberland  in  the  year  1755.  The  otlier,  which  was  more  fre- 
quented, passed  by  Carlisle  and  Bedford,  and  was  made  by  General 
Forbes  in  1758.  Leaving  the  fort  by  this  latter  route,  the  traveler  would 
find  himself,  after  a  jonrne.v  of  fifty-six  miles,  at  the  little  post  of  Ligo- 
nier,  about  a  hundred  miles  from  Fort  Pitt.  It  was  nestled  among  the 
mountains,  and  surrounded  by  clearings  and  log  cabins.  Passing  several 
small  posts  and  settlements  he  would  arrive  at  Carlisle,  nearly  a  hun- 
dred miles  farther  east,  a  place  resembling  Bedford  in  its  general  aspect, 
although  of  greater  extent.  After  leaving  Fort  Bedford  numerous 
houses  of  settlers  were  scattered  here  and  there  among  the  valleys,  on 
each  side  of  the  road  from  Fort  Pitt,  so  that  the  number  of  families  be- 
yond the  Susquehanna  amounted  to  several  hundreds,  thinly  distributed 
over  a  great  space." 

What  is  known  as  the  French  and  Indian  war,  the 
history  of  which  will  appear  in  another  jiart  of  this 
work,  terminated  with  the  definitive  treaty  of  peace 
signed  between   England  and  France  on  Feb.  10, 

2  I.  Conspiracy  of  Pontiac,  147.  ^ 

3  II.  Conspiracy  of  Pontiac,  3. 



the  Advices  lately  brought  to  liiui  by  several  Traders  in  those  parts,  it  | 
appears  that  the  French  have  been  using  Endeavors  to  gain  over  those  1 
Indians  to  their  Interest,"!  etc.  : 

Whereupon  recommendations  were  at  once  made  to 
the  House  of  Representatives  to  prepare  for  a  treaty  i 
to  be  made  witli  the  Five  Nations. 

Pennsylvania  was  thus  warned  as  early  as  1731  that 
a  powerful  continental  nation,  with  which  the  parent 
kingdom  was  then  at  peace,  was  threatening  a  foothold 
upon  fertile  lands  within  her  own  charter  limits,  yet,