Skip to main content

Full text of "Ireland under the Commonwealth : being a selection of documents relating to the government of Ireland from 1651 to 1659"

See other formats




Publishers to the University of Manchester 

Manchester : 34 Cross Street 
London : 33 Soho Square, W. 

Agents for the United States 

New York: 443-449 Fourth Avenue 




/ r ' ' ** 



FROM 1651 TO 1659 



Lecturer in Irish History 
Author of "Life of Daniel O'Cmnell," etc. 






- - - r . t: 




PREFACE .; . . . . . . vii 







THE documents printed in these two volumes form part of a 
collection I made many years ago, when I had it in mind to 
write a history of the Commonwealth in Ireland. That in- 
tention was never realised for several reasons ; but chiefly 
because I felt that the knowledge I possessed of Irish history was 
insufficient to enable me to deal with the subject adequately. 
At the time I was of opinion that the view taken by Prendergast 
in his well-known book The Cromwellian Settlement of Ireland 
was not an entirely impartial one. I thought it possible to 
present the Cromwellian policy in a more favourable light than 
either he or Carte, with his royalist predilections, had done. My 
position was that taken up by Cromwell himself viz. that the 
conquest and confiscation of Ireland was the divine retribution 
for the horrid and unprovoked massacre by the Irish Catholics 
of the English and Scottish settlers in Ireland in the first year 
of the Rebellion. In this spirit I made these transcripts, and 
nothing that I read in them tended to alter that view. From 
the Records of the Commonwealth I turned to a study of the 
Depositions relating to the Massacres. It was then that I first 
began to experience an uncomfortable feeling that my evidence 
was not so strong as I would have liked it to be. True the De- 
positions were very explicit and apparently incontrovertible ; 
but I was living in Dublin at a time when the power of the Land 
League was at its height, and I could not help asking what value 
depositions taken by a body of Orange magistrates as to national- 
ist outrages were likely to possess for an impartial estimate of 
the state of Ireland during the government of Earl Spencer. 
Was the state of affairs in 1642 more favourable for an impartial 
inquiry than it was in 1882 ? Were the seven dispossessed clergy- 
men of the Established Church, with Dr Henry Jones (for 
whom I had ceased to feel much respect) at their h^id, more 
likely to measure out equal justice to Catholic insurgents than 
a commission composed entirely of Orange magistrates to 

viii Preface 

Catholic nationalists ? If not, what value could these Deposi- 
tions have for the historian ? 

It was not, however, this doubt alone, which led me to throw 
over the Depositions as historical evidence, but the fact that 
had come to light during my study of the period, that it was not 
on them that the confiscation of the land of Ireland by the 
Long Parliament was based. Considering all the talk about 
the Depositions as evidence, it was startling enough to find that, 
so far as I could gather, the Long Parliament had no cognisance 
of their existence. In the circumstances the only conclusion I 
could come to was that the Rebellion in itself was regarded by 
the Long Parliament as a sufficient ground for the sale of Ireland. 
The question then arose if the Rebellion and Cromwellian 
Settlement were to be regarded in the light of cause and effect, 
to what cause or set of causes i.e. grievances (for grievances I 
supposed there must have been) was the Rebellion itself due ? 
Here I was confronted by two views : the one represented by 
Temple, Borlase, Hume and the older school of historians 
attributing the Rebellion to Roman Catholic intrigues ; the 
other represented by the late Dr Gardiner, who seemed inclined 
to regard the indignation aroused by the agrarian policy pursued 
by Elizabeth and James I. as the real cause of the Rebellion. 
My respect for Dr Gardiner induced me to adopt his view, and I 
thereupon entered on a detailed study of the history of the 
English plantations in Ireland in the sixteenth and seventeenth 
centuries. But the more carefully I investigated the subject 
the less satisfied I became with the view that the agrarian 
policy pursued by Elizabeth and her successors was at the 
bottom of the mischief. I turned to the theory advocated by 
the older school of historians and sought to discover in the 
religious policy pursued by the English Government in Ireland 
since the Reformation and the counter action of the Church of 
Rome the cause of the Rebellion. But here again the results 
of my inquiry furnished me with no adequate proof of the theory 
I was trying to establish. On the contrary, I was compelled to 
admit that just as in the case of their agrarian grievances those 
of the Irish in matters touching their religion were quite in- 
sufficient to account for the Rebellion. 

Meanwhile I had become aware of the existence in Irish 
history of the continuity of certain ideas, which I can only 

Preface ix 

describe as a feeling of antagonism between Ireland and 
England, or rather between the English in Ireland and the 
English in England. This antagonism, which is to be traced 
from the days of Henry II down to our own, seemed to me to be 
grounded in the claim made by England to regard Ireland as 
a subject country and the refusal of Ireland on the other hand 
to admit that claim. In studying the attitude of the gentry 
of the Pale during the hundred years that elapsed between 1541 
and 1641, I was struck by the close resemblance it presented 
to that of the English colonists in Ireland in the eighteenth 
century. Indeed, between the attitude of the Irish Parliament 
in 1640 and in 1780 I could see no vital distinction. The actors 
alone were different. In the one case they were Catholics, in 
the other Protestants ; but the demand for legislative inde- 
pendence was the same in both cases. Could it be that the 
situation in 1641 differed from that in 1781 merely owing to 
the refusal of England to yield to the gentry of the Pale what 
she afterwards conceded to the Volunteers ? Was the cause of 
the Rebellion to be found in the constitutional conflict between 
England and Ireland ? In following up this train of inquiry 
I was happy to find that the religious and agrarian aspects 
of the subject fell into line as part of the general problem. In 
other words, the Rebellion presented itself to me as an episode in 
the great European struggle between Protestantism and Roman 
Catholicism, in which England and Ireland found themselves 
in opposite camps, accentuated by the special difference between 
them in the matter of the legislative independence claimed by 
Ireland and denied by England. But even conceding that I 
had interpreted the situation correctly it still remained to be 
explained why the Rebellion broke out precisely at the moment 
it did. That the conflict between England and Ireland was 
bound to end in an appeal to the sword I fully believe, but that 
the crash came precisely when it did was largely an accident. 
Nothing, in fact, is better attested than that the Rebellion took 
everybody by surprise. Historians have racked their brains 
to account for it, but to no purpose. It was a bolt from the 
blue. Coming when it did, it was, however, a terrible misfortune 
for the gentry of the Pale ; but to attempt to excuse th^m, after 
the manner of Carte, as being the victims of a Puritan plot, is 
quite a mistake. They saw or thought they saw their chance 

x Preface 

of achieving legislative independence and grasped it. It was 
a square fight between Ireland and England, and England 
won. In the Historical Introduction I have endeavoured to 
explain more fully my views on this subject. 

As to the documents here printed, it is necessary to remark : 
First, they are only a selection drawn from a number of volumes, 
known as the Commonwealth Records, preserved in the Public 
Record Office, Dublin. Readers of Prendergast will remember 
how he rediscovered these volumes, covered with the dust of 
more than a century, in the Bermingham Tower of Dublin Castle. 
Since then they have been cleaned and removed to their present 
resting-place. A Report of their contents drawn up by the late 
Sir Bernard Burke will be found in the 2nd Appendix to the 
Fourteenth Report of the Deputy Keeper of Public Records in 
Ireland. But though only a selection, the documents here 
printed comprise, with the exception of a number of petitions 
possessing only a limited interest, a fairly complete record of all 
that is likely to prove of value to the student of the period. 
The selection was made for my own purpose, but that purpose 
was to get together every scrap of information bearing on the 
government of Ireland by the Commonwealth regardless of 
whether it told for or against that government. My transcripts 
were found useful by the late Dr S. R. Gardiner and the present 
Regius Professor of Modern History at Oxford, and it is because, 
in the absence of any official calendar, they are likely to prove 
so to others that they are now published. Without them it is 
impossible to understand the history of the period. A few 
other documents drawn from MSS. in the Library of Trinity 
College, Dublin, have been inserted with the object of elucidat- 
ing some points, especially the proposed transplantation of the 
Ulster Scots ; but with these exceptions the documents are 
confined to those preserved in the Public Record Office. 

Secondly, as regards what is called the Domestic Corres- 
pondence i.e. the letters written by the Irish Commissioners 
(afterwards the Lord Deputy and Council) to the Government 
in England they are not the original letters sent, but the official 
copies taken of them at the time. Most of these letters have 
been lost or destroyed, but some of them have found their way 
into the Tanner Collection in the Bodleian Library. A com- 
parison of these with the official copies shows that those actually 

Preface xi 

sent are not always verbally identical with the copies, and that 
in some cases they are fuller (cf. pp. 182 and 196) ; but the 
differences are so small that they do not affect the value of the 
copies, which, in the absence of the letters actually sent, are 
entitled to rank as originals. As to whether the copies were 
made from the letters, or vice versa the letters from the copies, 
I confess to being in doubt. The explanation, drawn from 
slight indications, I have to offer is as follows : At first i.e. 
till the beginning of the collection on i July 1651 no copy was 
made of the letters sent. At that date the Commissioners ap- 
pointed a secretary. He, to judge from the notebooks of Col. 
Thomas Herbert, made some rough notes ; from these notes 
he wrote the letters in the copy books ; these copies were read 
to the Commissioners, fair transcripts made of them, which 
were signed by the Commissioners and then transmitted. Some 
of the letters here printed have already been published, but, 
with the exception of those in Prof. Firth's Ludlow, they are, 
where I have compared them, unreliable ; those published in 
the newspapers particularly so (cf. p. 50). For this reason, and 
also because I wished to make this collection as perfect as 
possible, I have not hesitated to reprint them. Three docu- 
ments of the greatest importance I have omitted because of 
their length and because they are easily accessible elsewhere. 
These are the Act of Settlement of 12 August 1652, the Act of 
Satisfaction of 26 September 1653, and the Declaration of 
14 October 1653. As for the Orders, which form quite half of 
the collection, they will be found nowhere else, except occa- 
sionally as excerpts in Prendergast's book. Prendergast, as 
Gardiner has remarked, was more intent on describing the woes 
of the Irish than in trying to give a complete view of the govern- 
ment of the Commonwealth, and his references are not always 
to be relied on. In order to give the student the chance of 
testing his accuracy I have preserved the double marking of the 
volumes in the Record Office. 

Thirdly, in modernising the spelling of the documents I 
know that I have exposed myself to criticism which I admit 
is justifiable. I can only urge in excuse that when I made the 
transcripts I had no intention of publishing them. IVJoreover, 
if the purist objects perhaps the ordinary reader will approve. 
As for place-names and names of persons I have retained the 

xii Preface 

original form where any doubt could arise ; but to print 
Catherlo for Carlow, Tredagh for Drogheda and the like I 
thought unnecessary. As for the notes, they are not intended to 
be exhaustive ; but as regards them and other matters I have 
spared no pains to make these volumes as useful to the student 
and I hope to the future historian of the period as possible. 

Death has removed many whom it would have been a duty 
as well as a pleasure to thank for the kindly interest they dis- 
played in my work and for help rendered by them in days gone 
by. But I cannot bring this already too lengthy preface to a close 
without expressing my deep gratitude to my teacher and friend, 
the Master of Peterhouse, Dr A. W. Ward, to whose constant 
encouragement I owe it that, at a time when Irish history was 
less regarded than it is at present, I did not lose faith in myself 
and seek some other sphere of labour. To my friend Professor 
Firth, whose kindness has followed me at all turns of my career, 
this book practically owes its being. Its faults and shortcomings 
are all my own. To my friend Professor Tout I am especially 
indebted not only for rendering the publication of it (as Chair- 
man of the Publications Committee) possible, but also for the 
kindly interest he has taken in it and his unwearied efforts to 
improve its utility. To Miss Gertrude Thrift of the Public 
Record Office, Dublin, my best thanks are due for the extreme 
care with which she revised the proofs and thereby enabled me 
to set before the reader a thoroughly reliable text ; as also to 
Mr H. M. M'Kechnie, Secretary to the University Publications 
Committee, for the assistance he has given me in passing the 
book through the press. 


MANCHESTER, April 1913. 





THE Cromwellian Settlement a natural consequence of the 
policy pursued by England towards Ireland since the Reforma- 
tion The reasons for the adoption of that policy to be found 
in the conflict between Protestantism and Roman Catholicism 
How the Irish problem was regarded by Henry VIII His 
policy of " peaceable ways " How far successful The reasons 
of its ultimate failure Inability of the Irish to keep the peace 
An example in proof History of the clan O'Carroll in the 
sixteenth century An alternative policy considered Henry's 
reasons for adopting a " peaceable ways " policy Its failure 
not immediately apparent Disturbances following his death in 
Offaly and Leix Edward VI intends a continuation of Henry's 
policy A proposal to plant the disturbed districts The 
proposal accepted by Government Terms offered to the 
planters regarded as unsatisfactory by them Vacillation of 
Government Protests of the Pale Scheme of plantation re- 
sumed Opposition of the O'Mores and O'Conors Situation 
of affairs at Elizabeth's accession Her desire to let things 
drift Her policy regulated by her purse Military resources 
of the Crown in Elizabeth's reign (i) The " risings-out " 
Cost of same chiefly borne by the gentry of the Pale Objections 
to the system Tendency to commute personal service for 
money payments (2) The standing army How maintained 
Revenue of the Crown in Elizabeth's reign (i) CrowrT Rents 
(2) Customs duties Why so small Restrictions on trade 
Politico-economical reasons for the same Effect of the re- 


xiv Synopsis of Historical Introduction 

strictions on the trade of the country Import of wine a pro- 
fitable source of revenue Expenditure (i) Civil (2) Military 
Payment of the standing army What the Elizabethan wars 
in Ireland cost England Elizabeth's efforts to increase her 
revenue (i) Cess Cess an indirect way of taxing the country 
Spenser's account of cess and its drawbacks Objections 
taken by the gentry of the Pale to the system Sussex fails to 
appreciate them Suggests that the agitation against cess is 
to establish an Irish Government Origin of an Irish as distin- 
guished from an English Interest Parallel between the sixteenth 
and eighteenth centuries The controversy becomes acuter 
under Sir Henry Sidney. The gentry of the Pale appeal to 
Elizabeth They are reprimanded for questioning the pre- 
rogative of the Crown A compromise arranged Regarded as 
unsatisfactory by Sir John Perrot His unsuccessful attempt to 
substitute a land tax Cess gradually abandoned (2) Planta- 
tions Regarded as a means of settling the country and thus 
adding to the revenue of the Crown Effect of the plantation 
of Leix and Offaly Elizabeth meditates a plantation in Ulster 
after Shane O'Neill's death Interest of Englishmen aroused 
in the matter Sir Peter Carew revives an old claim to large 
scopes of land in Leinster and Munster The encouragement 
shown him by Government affects the relations between the 
latter and the gentry of the Pale The indignation of the 
gentry of the Pale finds expression in Parliament Formation 
of a Parliamentary Opposition Sir Edmund Butler repri- 
manded by Sidney for his share in the agitation^ His suspicious 
behaviour Is proclaimed a traitor Ormonde intervenes to 
effect a compromise Elizabeth's intention to plant Ulster 
frustrated Private undertakings equally unsuccessful. The 
lesson deduced from these failures Elaborate attempt to plant 
Munster The scheme only partially successful Colonisation 
policy abandoned by Elizabeth The settlement of Monaghan 
The settlement regarded by O'Neill as an encroachment on 
his rights A principal cause of his rebellion The settlement 
of Ireland complicated by differences of religion The Irish 
Catholics at first under no religious disabilities Official char- 
acter of the Reformation in Ireland Absence of penal legis- 
lation a sign of indifference rather than of toleration A lost 
opportunity The situation taken advantage of by the Papacy 

Synopsis of Historical Introduction xv 

The incentive to persecution given by Rome Beginning of the 
Counter-Reformation in Ireland James Fitzmaurice places 
himself at the head of the movement His Proclamation opens 
the war of religion in Ireland No signs of disloyalty among the 
Catholic gentry of the Pale as a body An exception in the case 
of Viscount Baltinglas He refuses to be warned by Ormonde 
Preaches a religious crusade Has the hearts of all on his side ; 
but failing to receive material support seeks safety on the 
Continent Significance of his revolt Growing influence of the 
spirit of Puritanism in the administration Grey advocates a 
severer treatment of the Catholics The first Catholic martyrs 
Grey's severity serves to aggravate the situation Fresh 
executions Elizabeth disapproves of his policy and tries to 
patch up matters Grey recalled Futile attempt to ignore the 
religious difficulty A Parliament summoned Proposal to ex- 
tend the English penal laws to Ireland Successful opposition 
to the measures proposed by Government The Jesuits' Bill 
abandoned An unsatisfactory situation The closing years of 
Elizabeth's reign Tendency to a union between the Anglo- 
Irish gentry of the Pale and the " mere " Irish Growing 
antagonism between Puritanism and Jesuitism Elizabeth's 
efforts to mediate Her partial success and ultimate failure, 
pp. xxi-lxii. 



THE difficulties of James's position General uncertainty as 
to the policy he will pursue The Irish Catholics anticipate a 
reversal of Elizabeth's policy Government puts a stop to their 
proceedings The Catholics insist on appealing to James 
James pronounces vaguely in favour of religious toleration 
Annoyance felt by the Irish Government James explains 
Orders an inquiry into the state of religion in Irelanjl Un- 
satisfactory result of the inquiry Government insists on the 
necessity of expelling the Jesuits The President of Munster 
takes the law into his own hands The Catholics protest against 

xvi Synopsis of Historical Introduction 

his proceedings Solicit the intervention of Philip III in their 
behalf Vain endeavours of James to postpone his decision 
The Irish Government urges a policy of repression James 
yields The Jesuits required to quit the kingdom Futility of 
the Proclamation Government issues letters of mandate 
Catholics fined for non-attendance at divine service The 
Catholic gentry present a " giant-like " petition to Government 
Heated controversy between the Lord Deputy Chichester and 
Sir Patrick Barnewall The English Government, warned by 
Gunpowder Plot, advises Chichester to proceed with caution- 
Admonition to be tried before severity is resorted to The advice 
disregarded by Chichester Rigorous proceedings in Munster 
The Catholics make a fresh appeal to James The Irish Govern- 
ment reprimanded for its unseasonable severity Persecution 
abandoned The " flight of the Earls " Tyrone's motives His 
dissatisfaction and vanity His flight an irretrievable blunder 
Government taken by surprise Regarded by Chichester as 
a providential occurrence Hitherto no signs of an intention 
on James's part to revive the policy of plantation A settle- 
ment of Fermanagh and Cavan suggested Sir John Davies' 
wonderful discovery James displays no eagerness to take 
advantage of it He is opposed to any wholesale importation of 
English colonists Chichester suggests a plan for the settle- 
ment of the forfeited territories The rights of the Irish free- 
holders to be protected and the surplus land planted The 
rebellion of O'Cahan and O'Dogherty leads to an extension and 
alteration of Chichester's plan Disastrous consequences of 
the plantation of Ulster An incentive given to further schemes 
of colonisation They are regarded with apprehension by the 
Roman Catholics Alarm felt abroad Efforts to repair the 
mischief caused by Tyrone's flight Renewed activity of the 
Jesuits Monster religious meetings Chichester insists on the 
necessity of measures of repression The Catholic gentry to be 
prohibited sending their children abroad for their education 
Roman Catholicism predominant in Dublin and the Pale The 
law ineffectual to suppress Recusancy Necessity of penal 
legislation James resolves to call a Parliament Causes a pre- 
liminary inquiry to be made Carew's report on the situation 
Suggests the creation of a number of Protestant boroughs 
Members of Parliament to take the oath of Supremacy Active 

Synopsis of Historical Introduction xvii 

Recusants to be called to England English penal laws to be 
extended to Ireland Chichester orders all Jesuits and seminary 
priests to leave the kingdom Catholic priests arrested 
Chichester insists on making an example of them Executions 
Only serve to aggravate the situation Apprehensions felt by 
the Catholics at the meeting of Parliament Elaborate measures 
taken by Government to secure a Protestant majority A new 
phase in the Irish problem Increasing signs of a union between 
the Anglo-Irish gentry and the "mere " Irish An impartial 
observer on the situation Attributes the change to (i) a higher 
standard of civilisation amongst the " mere " Irish ; (2) the 
plantation policy Prophecies that the next rebellion will be 
" under the veil of religion and liberty " Parliament meets 
Tumultuous scenes Secession of the Opposition Recusants 
insist on submitting their grievances to the King James 
appoints a commission of inquiry The Commissioners' Report 
a virtual condemnation of Government Illegal elections 
Military violence Abuses in the administration of justice 
Inefficiency of the clergy The " Irish a scurvy nation, scurvily 
used " James rebukes the Recusants Declares himself in 
favour of religious toleration Controversy as to the precise 
meaning of his statement James explains A hopeless situa- 
tion Jesuits' Bill abandoned Conciliatory conduct of the 
Recusants They vote a liberal subsidy Bill Parliament dis- 
solved Improved position of the Roman Catholics Bacon's 
advice A new stage in the plantation policy A means to 
convert the Roman Catholics and secure a Protestant majority 
The Cromwellian Settlement a logical development of Bacon's 
views Difficulty of understanding the Puritan position in 
regard to Ireland Responsible for the extreme views held as 
regards the Cromwellian Settlement That Settlement already 
a foregone conclusion Government makes a vigorous attempt 
to plant Ireland with British Protestants Insists on establish- 
ing a control over the education of the children of the Catholic 
gentry Creation of a Court of Wards Laws against Recusancy 
rigorously enforced Citizens of Waterford threatened with the 
confiscation of their charter The threat carried out Waterford 
offered to the Mayor and Corporation of Bristol- The offer 
declined Government in a ridiculous position Persecution of 
the Catholics irreconcilable with James's plan of a Spanish 

xviii Synopsis of Historical Introduction 

match Anxiety felt in Ireland at the news of the failure of the 
match Falkland ordered to put the laws against Recusancy in 
execution The order recalled Falkland's pessimistic view of 
the situation Measures to be taken to put Ireland in a state of 
defence Nothing done. pp. Ixii-xciv. 



DIFFICULTIES of Charles's position Compelled to pursue a con- 
ciliatory policy towards the Catholics Perplexity of the Irish 
Government Situation grows perceptibly worse Complaints 
of cess and free quarters Government unable to raise money 
to pay the army The soldiers take to plundering the country 
A state of anarchy Charles determines to raise a standing 
army of 5000 foot and 500 horse He offers the Graces as an 
inducement to the country to pay for its support The proposal 
alarms the Protestants It is badly received by the Catholic 
gentry They demand permission to consult the country 
Bishop Downham's sermon Ussher argues in favour of a com- 
promise A Parliament demanded Permission granted the 
gentry to submit their case to the King Charles's dilemma 
The Catholics assume a more conciliatory attitude Consent to 
pay 120,000 for a parliamentary confirmation of the Graces 
Charles fails to perform his part of the bargain Roman 
Catholicism in the ascendant Growing indignation of the 
Protestants Falkland publishes an anti-Catholic Proclamation 
It is ignored by the Catholics A bad harvest Difficulty of 
finding money to pay the army The soldiers take to plundering 
the inhabitants Severe measures taken to repress their dis- 
orders An order from England to pay the " subsidies " in 
cash The country protests its inability to comply with the 
Order The Order withdrawn Falkland recalled An interim 
Government Its character A policy of ^aisser Attez Satis- 
factory to Irishmen Cork's view of the state of Ireland A 
contented and loyal country His view hardly justified by actual 

Synopsis of Historical Introduction xix 

facts A new viceroy and a new system Stratford's govern- 
ment a great misfortune for Ireland A typical Englishman 
Profoundly ignorant of the history and needs of the country he 
governed His refusal to confirm the Graces causes great dis- 
satisfaction to the Catholic landowners His efforts to revise 
the conditions of plantation cause universal indignation amongst 
the Protestant settlers His religious policy causes him to be 
regarded with fear and hatred by the Scottish Presbyterians 
His plan of assimilating the canons of the Church of Ireland to 
those of England alienates the sympathy of the Irish clergy 
Impairs the friendly feeling existing between the latter and the 
ministers of the Presbyterian Church Serves to isolate the 
Church of Ireland and to damage its usefulness Strafford's 
political principle of poising one party by the other the cause 
of his ruin His back no sooner turned than both Protestants 
and Catholics unite to efface all trace of his presence in Ireland 
The Irish Commons vote a Remonstrance of grievances and 
appoint a Committee to submit it to the King Its contents be- 
come known to Pym and constitute the main charge in Strafford's 
indictment Efforts of the Irish Parliament to restore the status 
quo ante Strafford's administration The King petitioned to 
concede the Graces Charles's favourable reply produces an 
excellent effect in Ireland Parliament's efforts to place the 
government of the country on a constitutional basis Insists 
on an explanation of Poynings' Law Desires that the native 
Irish be admitted to an equal share in the plantations The 
House of Lords asserts its claim to supreme judicature The 
Irish Government intrigues to prevent a concession of the Irish 
claims A lost opportunity Different views as to the causes of 
the Irish Rebellion The Rebellion not due to the religious and 
agrarian grievances of the Irish Due rather to the fear felt by 
the Catholics of a Puritan ascendancy A conflict between 
England and Ireland unavoidable The Rebellion itself more 
or less an accident. The part played in it by Rory O'More and 
the northern Irish The part played by Charles I The Irish 
Army in 1639 merely sufficient for the needs of Ireland Orders 
given in 1640 to increase its strength A New Army raised 
Its existence a source of anxiety to the Protestants The 
English Parliament demands its disbandment Charles com- 
plies and grants permission for the men to serve abroad The 

xx Synopsis of Historical Introduction 

levies forbidden by the English Parliament Charles sends secret 
orders to keep the men together His object The northern con- 
spirators made aware of his plan Encouragement unwittingly 
given them. The army plot suddenly abandoned The con- 
spirators revert to their original plan The Rebellion breaks 
out on the day appointed The Rebellion attended with suffi- 
cient cruelty and bloodshed to give credibility to the charge of a 
general massacre of Protestants The Rebellion a great mis- 
fortune for Charles First effect of the news on the English 
Parliament Determination to suppress it Money and men 
voted for the service in Ireland Unsuccessful efforts to raise 
the necessary money Charles suspected of intriguing with the 
Irish Parliament wrings a promise from him not to come to 
terms with the Irish A fresh confiscation of lands and a new 
plantation resolved on The " Massacre " not the cause of the 
Cromwellian Settlement Rebellion in Ireland always followed 
by confiscation of lands The Rebellion regarded with satis- 
faction by the Irish Government Much time lost in fruitless 
wranglings between King and Parliament Ineffectual efforts to 
raise a loan Proposal of certain well-affected citizens of London 
to raise 1,000,000 on the security of two and a half million 
acres of Irish lands Proposal adopted by Parliament and 
assented to by Charles Act for the confiscation of Ireland 
The measure a comparative failure Further inducements 
to subscription offered The money misapplied by Parlia- 
ment Cessation of subscriptions Parliament determines to 
offer further inducements Charles refuses his consent The 
" Doubling Ordinance " Englishmen unwilling to invest their 
money in Irish land Subscription list closed Cromwell in 
Ireland Situation of affairs at the time the Documents here 
printed begin, pp. xciv-cxxvi. 



THE Cromwellian Settlement of Ireland, as it is called if not 
quite accurately yet with sufficient approach to correctness to 
enable us to retain the phrase, was the last act in the drama of 
which the first act was the rebellion that broke out on 23 October 
1641. But the rebellion itself was in turn merely the result of 
causes which had their origin in the Irish policy of Elizabeth and 
her immediate successor James I. That policy has a threefold 
aspect a constitutional, an agrarian, and a religious. But it is 
important to bear in mind that the conditions of that policy, 
whether we judge it favourably or unfavourably, were deter- 
mined by circumstances over which Elizabeth and James had 
no control viz. by the relations first, of England to Ireland, and 
secondly, of England to Europe the former dating from the first 
invasion under Henry II, the latter from the accession of Eng- 
land to the Protestant league of Europe. 

The appearance of England on the political stage of Europe as 
a Protestant power necessarily led to a radical change in her 
attitude towards the sister island. For it was clear enough to 
English statesmen that the former attitude of indifference, which 
had been excusable so long as the condition of affairs created by 
the donation of Adrian IV subsisted, was entirely out of place 
when England and the Papacy found themselves confronting 
each other as mortal enemies. The situation had escaped the 
notice neither of Henry VIII nor of his astute opponent Paul III 
Ireland was undeniably the weak spot in England's arm >ar. 
For one thing, however, Henry had the advantage of being in 
possession, and the complete failure of the first Jesuit ^nter- 
prise did not promise well for the success of Paul's plan 
of obtaining a separate foothold in the island. All the 
same there could be little doubt, provided England remained 
b xxi 

xxii Historical Introduction 

constant to the course she had adopted, that the attack would 
be renewed. In the meantime Henry did not neglect the 
opportunity afforded him of trying to put his house in order. 
Could he induce the Irish to accept the new order of things, and 
to consent to recognise him as the supreme head of the Church 
and State the danger might be regarded as averted, and Ireland 
be knitted to England in a firm alliance by the bonds of a 
common religion and a common polity. There was to be no 
compulsion. The Irish were to be persuaded that good govern- 
ment and civility, as these were understood in England, were 
desirable acquisitions for a country so long the prey of civil 
dissensions and barbarous customs. The rest would follow of 
itself in due time. 

When Henry died it seemed as if a considerable stride had 
been made in this direction. Of the favourable attitude of the 
Anglo-Irish gentry, the inhabitants of the large seaport towns, 
and the farmers of the Pale there was no question. Their very 
existence depended on a stop being put to the state of disorder 
that prevailed and a barrier being placed to the encroachments 
of the " mere " Irish and their allies the " King's rebels," as the 
Hibernicised descendants of the Anglo-Norman invaders were 
styled. They had long clamoured for English intervention to 
put an end to the exhausting wars along the marches, and the 
" black-rents " they were compelled to pay in order to secure an 
uncertain immunity from the attacks of their Irish and ".de- 
generate" English neighbours. Now that Henry had responded 
to their appeal and had intervened to restore order there could be 
no question of their gratitude. Whether indeed the restoration 
of order would tend so entirely, as they expected, to their own 
material advantage remained to be seen. The future had 
strange surprises in store for them. For the nonce, however, 
they were satisfied. 

As for the acquiescence of the " mere " Irish in an arrange- 
ment, the significance of which they hardly realised, a good deal 
depended on accident. In one respect, that of religion, there 
seemed little cause for anxiety. Certainly the Papacy had 
hitherto done little to show itself more deserving of their affection 
than had the Crown itself. Their one desire was to be left alone. 
This was the weak point in the arrangement. No government, 
bent on reforming the country according to its own ideas of 

The Irish problem since the Reformation xxiii 

what constituted order and civility, could possibly maintain an 
attitude of passive indifference in regard to customs which kept 
the country in a continual state of uproar. It is easy enough now 
to see that Irishmen would have lost nothing by the surrender of 
an equivocal independence bordering on anarchy. The difficulty 
was to make them listen to reason and induce them to abandon 
a mode of life which prevented Ireland taking her proper place 
among the nations of Europe. The elements of discord were 
inherent in the clan system. Theoretically the designation, 
during the lifetime of the chief, of an heir-apparent, in the 
person of the tanist, offered a guarantee for a peaceable 
accession at his decease. Practically the death of a chief 
was too often the occasion for a free fight among the opposing 
candidates. The history of every clan in Ireland furnishes 
instances of such contested elections. One case may suffice for 

In 1489 Shane O'Carroll, lord of Ely O'Carroll, a small dis- 
trict lying in the very heart of Ireland and shired in 1576 as part 
of King's County, died. He left three sons Mulrony, Owny 
Carragh, and Donough. Mulrony, being " the most esteemed 
captain in the land/' 1 succeeded him and died in 1532. By 
Celtic usage Mulrony ought to have been succeeded by either 
Owny or Donough ; but he had an illegitimate son " which he 
best loveth," 2 called Ferganainm, and on his death Ferganainm, 
or as the English called him Ferdinand, contrived to get himself 
elected chief of the clan to the exclusion of his uncles. Accord- 
ing to the Irish annalists " many evils resulted to the country in 
consequence " 3 of this irregular election, not the least serious 
being the murder of Donough 's son, William Maol, by Teige 
Caech, the son of Ferganainm. Naturally of course Fergan- 
ainm's uncle Owny had objected to the election, and despite the 
assistance rendered to Ferganainm by his father-in-law, Gerald 
earl of Kildare, he managed to get himself chosen O'Carroll 
" in opposition to Ferganainm, in consequence of which 
internal dissensions arose in Ely." 4 What induced Shane's 
third son Donough to interfere is not clear ; but in 1536 he 
raised a party on his own account, and having defeated fergan- 
ainm and his own brother Owny, he " deprived both of the 

1 State Papers, Hen. VIII, ii, p. 36. * Ib. ii, p. 79. 

Annals of the F&ur Masters, p. 1409. * Ib. p. 1417. 

xxiv Historical Introduction 

lordship." * Next year, however, he died or was murdered and 
Ferganainm recovered his position, only to be killed himself in 
1541 by Donough's son Teige. 2 Thereupon Ferganainm's son 
Teige Caech, the murderer of William Maol, got himself elected 
chief. Teige was an enterprising man, and in order to prove 
himself worthy of his position made war on his Irish neighbours 
and the English. In 1548 he burned the town and monastery 
of Nenagh and caused great havoc in the Pale. 3 All the same 
Government, with the object of putting an end to these disturb- 
ances, consented to recognise him as head of the clan, and in 
1552 he was created baron of Ely. 4 Next year, however, he was 
killed by Donough's son Calvagh, who seized the chieftaincy. 
But his murder was speedily avenged by his half-brother, 
William Odhar, who after slaying Calvagh and his brother Teige 
stepped himself into the position of chief, 5 and in order to 
demonstrate his legitimacy was soon at hot wars with his 
neighbours and the English of the Pale. 6 Having satisfied Celtic 
custom in this respect, he came to terms with Government, was 
recognised as lord of Ely and the succession secured to his ille- 
gitimate sons Shane and Calvagh. 7 But the feud between him 
and the younger branch of the family survived. Owny was dead, 
so were Donough and his three sons ; but Donough had married 
an O'Conor Faly and the O'Conors now took up the quarrel. 
One day in 1581 a party of them fell in with William Odhar, and 
having murdered him with every expression of hatred, they 
threw his body to the wolves and ravens. 8 William's son Shane 
succeeded. Next year he was murdered by his cousin Mulrony, 
the son of Teige Caech. The murder was speedily avenged by 
Shane's brother Calvagh, called Sir Charles by the English, who 
slew Mulrony and became himself in turn lord of Ely O' Carroll ; 
but in 1600 he too was murdered " by some petty gentlemen of 
the O'Carrolls and O'Meaghers." 9 

Such in brief is the story of the clan O' Carroll in the 

1 Annals of the Four Masters, p. 1437. a Ib. p. 1461. 3 Ib. p. 1513. 

* Gal. of Fiants, Hen. VIII, 41 1 ; ib. Ed. VI, 1146. 

5 Four Masters, p. 1535. 

6 Ib. pp. 1567, 1573-1575, with O'Donovan's note, "Every Irish chieftain 
thought it his duty to perform a predatory expedition as soon after his inaugura- 
tion as possible, and this was called his sluaigheadh ceannais feadhna " : lit. 
military expedition of (or qualifying for) captaincy. 

7 Cat. of Fiants, Phil, and Mary, 132 ; ib. Eliz. 31. 

8 Four Masters, p. 1755. 9 Ib. p. 2179. 

Henry's policy of " amiable persuasions " xxv 

sixteenth century as recorded by the Irish themselves. 
Now, if it is borne in mind that what was occurring in 
Ely O'Carroll was going on at the same time in almost 
every clan in Ireland among the O'Neills of Tyrone, the 
O'Donnells of Tyrconnel, the Burkes of Connaught, the O'Briens 
of Thomond, the Fitzgeralds of Desmond, the O'Conors of Offaly, 
the O'Tooles of Wicklow it does not require much searching 
to discover wherein the chief obstacles to the " reformation " 
of the country, as conceived by Henry VIII, lay. To suppose 
that the Irish could be persuaded to abandon their customs, 
especially one so dear and even essential to every chief as that of 
displaying, at least once in his lifetime, his prowess in the field, 
was an idea, which if it did credit to Henry's heart, showed an 
utter ignorance on his part of the conditions of Irish life. 

It is a theory born of modern ideas that the proper policy to 
have been pursued at this time by English statesmen would 
have been to develop Ireland along the lines of its own native 
civilisation. But quite apart from the fact that such a 
view could never have suggested itself to a Tudor statesman, 
whose scheme of politics found expression in the formula, 
cuius regio eius religio, and all that religio implied, it must 
be asked whether there was anything in the state of Ireland 
at the time of Henry's intervention to warrant the sup- 
position that such a course of action was possible. Every- 
body will admit that could the English have refrained from 
meddling in Ireland, or could the Irish have accommodated 
themselves to the conditions of Henry's policy, the whole 
subsequent course of Irish history would have been different 
from what it is. But as neither of these alternatives 
was possible we may reasonably decline to fix the blame for 
what happened on the one side or the other. That the sub- 
jugation of Ireland, which despite all fine phrases was the object 
he had before him, was likely to prove an almost impossible task, 
had been with Henry the main reason for the adoption of a 
policy of " peaceable ways and amiable persuasions." The 
fact that the suppression of Silken Thomas's rebellion had cost 
him 50,000, at a time when the total revenue drawn^by him 
from Ireland amounted to barely one-tenth of that sum, was 
sufficient to teach him prudence in regard to military operations, 
and to convince him of the truth of Sir Anthony St Leger's 

xxvi Historical Introduction 

warning that although it might be easy enough to overrun 
Ireland it was quite another thing to subjugate it, for "if it 
be gotten the one day it is lost the next." * 

The failure of Henry's policy was, as we have remarked, not 
immediately apparent. When he died in 1547 the political 
horizon was, so far as Ireland was concerned, apparently clear of 
clouds. The policy of " amiable persuasions " seemed to have 
been successful, and there was every reason, in St Leger's 
opinion, that if it could only be continued for another generation 
the problem would be solved and Ireland won for ever. But 
appearances were deceptive. Hardly had Henry passed away 
when symptoms of disorder began to manifest themselves on the 
edge of the Pale amongst the O'Conors of Offaly. Brian O'Conor, 
the head of the clan, and the son-in-law of Gerald, ninth earl of 
Kildare, was in some sense the representative of the traditions 
of the House of Kildare, in so far as those traditions meant the 
concentration of all political power in the hands of the head of 
that House. The fidelity with which he had clung to the des- 
perate fortunes of his unfortunate brother-in-law " Silken 
Thomas," and the protection extended by him to the infant heir 
to the honours of the family fully entitled him to that position. 
His one great object was to force Henry to consent to the 
restoration of the latter. Unfortunately the jealousy of his own 
brother Cahir and the attempt made by Cahir to oust him from 
the chieftaincy had greatly hampered his endeavours in this 
respect, and in the end he had been forced to come to terms with 
Government. All the same he never abandoned his purpose, 
and when the news of Henry's death reached him he and his 
neighbour Gillapatrick O'More appealed to arms. 

Their rebellion was suppressed and when St Leger left Ireland 
in September 1548 he took O' Conor and O'More with him as 
hostages for the peace of their countries. In the discussions 2 that 

1 As to the difficulties which have beset every attempt to conquer Ireland the 
reader would do well to consult Richey, Short^ Hist, of the Irish People, p. 109. 
Richey' s remarks, though referring to the Danish inroads, have a direct bearing 
on military operations in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. 

2 " Some also hold opinion that it is good, for avoiding of charge, to let the 
realm of Ireland remain under the governance of the lords of the same, as it was 
before the going thither of Sir William Skeffington, Deputy ; and some others 
that it were good with the sword to destroy all the inhabitants of that realm for 
their wickedness, and to inhabit the land with new : which are two extremities, 
for by the first the King's Majesty shall farther the detestable and stinking 
abominations of murder, adultery, rapine, destruction, and all other wickedness 

Beginnings of a new policy under Edward VI xxvii 

followed at the Council Board as to the course to be pursued in 
regard to their territories of Leix and Offaly, St Leger expressed 
himself in favour of a continuation of Henry's policy of treating 
Irishmen with " more humanity, lest they, by extremity, should 
adhere to other foreign princes " ; and accordingly in pursuance 
of his suggestions the Lord Deputy, Sir Edward Bellingham, was 
authorised to transmit the names of such of the O' Mores and 
O' Conors "as he thought good to have restored, with the 
certainty of the lands to be restored " to them. 1 At the same 
time instructions were sent to the Surveyor-General, Walter 
Cowley, to cause a survey to be made of the territories in ques- 
tion. 2 The intention of Government was evidently to treat the 
O' Mores and 0' Conors of Leix and Offaly as Henry had treated 
the O'Tooles of Fercullen, and to assign to such of them as 
would submit estates of inheritance in the lands occupied by 
them. But just at this moment Gillapatrick O'More died, and 
before any step had been taken in the direction planned a 
proposal reached Government on the part of a number of Anglo- 
Irish gentlemen of the Pale, 3 offering to guarantee the peace of 
the disturbed districts by effecting a plantation in Leix, Irry, 
and Slievemargy, commonly called the O'Mores' country. 

The proposal, coming from the quarter it did, gave a new turn 
to affairs. Hitherto in the discussions that had taken place as 
to the advisability of adopting a policy of plantation in regard to 
Ireland, the difficulty of transporting English colonists thither, 
and the expense of the undertaking had been considered a 
sufficient reason for its rejection. 4 But, if the gentry of the Pale 
were willing to undertake the business on their own account, 
there seemed no reason why the attempt should not be made. 

that by such licence they use. . . . And by the second way great numbers of 
faithful subjects which the King hath there, for the offence of few evil disposed 
persons, should be destroyed, which were ungodly and much pity." Cusack to 
Northumberland, 1553. Cal. Carew MSS., p. 246. 

1 State Papers, Irel., Edward VI, ii, 46. a Ib. ii, 60. 

3 Ib. ii, 69. Among the names attached to the " offer " are those of Aylmer, 
Luttrell, Travers, Barnewall, Lyons, Peppard, Sutton, Fitzmaurice, Sarswell, 
Wyse, Hovenden, Colclough, Cosby, Eustace, Brereton, Bish and Smyth. 

4 " And as touching O'Conor's country . . . there be two ways to obtain this 
country, to make it his Grace's strength. One is to reward this gentleman 
which now hath the governance thereof with some other convenient^hing, and 
inhabit the same with Englishmen. And, if his Grace should think this way too 
much chargeable, the other is to make this man denizen, and create him baron 
of Offaly " etc. Council to Cromwell, 1537, State Papers, Hen. VIII, ii, p. 444 ; 
and of. ib. iii, pp. 148, 176. 

xxviii Historical Introduction 

Accordingly in 1551 some forty leases, for twenty-one years at a 
moderate rent, were made to gentlemen applying for the same. 
In each case the lessee was bound to reside on the lands assigned 
him, to allow no Irishman of the name of O'More or O' Conor to 
dwell on them, to provide sufficient weapons for his own 
defence and the service of the Crown, and to contribute his due 
share of all cesses levied for the maintenance of the garrisons 
at Fort Protector in Leix and The Dingan in Offaly. 1 The 
conditions were, however, regarded as unsatisfactory by the 
undertakers. It was pointed out " that the said countries being 
upon a frontier, and many of the freeholders yet living, some in 
exile and some in extreme poverty," who were sure to use every 
means to obstruct the plantation, no one would sustain the cost 
and danger of residing there " without estate of inhertance." 
Moved by these considerations Government consented that the 
grants should be made in freehold. 

But before anything had been done in the matter the whole 
project of plantation was brought to a standstill by Mary's 
decision to liberate O'Conor. The news of his release, and the 
restoration at the same time of Gerald Fitzgerald to the earldom 
of Kildare caused intense excitement in Ireland. The Irish were 
jubilant 2 ; government officials beyond measure indignant. 
Nothing in the opinion of the latter was calculated to have a 
worse effect on the situation than this unpremeditated step. For 
one thing the cost of maintaining six or seven hundred men on 
constant garrison duty in the occupied districts was a heavy 
strain on the slender resources of the country, even if the 
inhabitants, as Cusack admitted, did not grudge the burden, 
" but like obedient subjects paid the same without exclama- 
tion." 8 Their remonstrances were not without their effect 
on Mary, and after a short spell of liberty O'Conor was rearrested 
on a charge of fomenting fresh disturbances, and removed for 
safety to Dublin Castle, where he afterwards died. 

O'Conor being out of the way the plantation scheme was 
revived, and in 1556 the earl of Sussex was authorised to reduce 
Leix and Offaly to shire ground, and, providing he found the 

1 Cal. of Fiants, Ed. VI, 724 and 732. 

2 Four Masters, p. 1531. 

8 Gal. Carew MSS., 1553, p. 241 ; and cf. Cal. State Papers, Irel., Mary, p. 136, 
where it is stated that the suppression of the O'Mores and O'Conors had cost 
Henry VIII and Edward VI 100,000. 

The new policy developed under Mary xxix 

O' Mores and O' Conors willing to submit, to proceed to a plan- 
tation of their countries on the lines of a threefold division viz. 
two-thirds of the lands, lying along the Pale, to be assigned to 
English planters, " as well such as be born in England as 
Ireland " ; the remaining one-third, in the direction of the 
Shannon, to be divided amongst the Irish, with the option of 
choosing which of themselves were to be made freeholders. All 
grants were to be in free socage at an annual rent to the Crown of 
twopence an acre, and no Irishman was to receive more than 
240 acres. Provided they agreed to the terms, their old chief 
Brian O'Conor was to be restored " to end the rest of his days in 
peace among his children and kin." 1 

At first it seemed as if the O' Mores and O' Conors would con- 
sent to the arrangement proposed ; but, as the scope of the plan 
became clearer to them, their attitude changed to one of down- 
right opposition. When Parliament, which was to sanction the 
scheme met in June 1557, and actually passed an Act (3 and 4 
Phil, and Mary, c. 8) entitling the Crown to Leix and Offaly, 
and creating those countries shireland as Queen's County and 
King's County respectively, the O'Mores and O'Conors were 
again in open rebellion. What was to be done ? The outlook 
was not promising. To purchase peace by abandoning the 
plantation, as Primate Dowdall 2 suggested, was merely to hand 
Ireland over to the Irish and perpetuate the state of affairs 
which had led to Henry's intervention in the first place. On the 
other hand to proceed with the plantation was impossible until 
the O'Mores and O'Conors had been suppressed, and their 
suppression meant expensive military operations, which the 
Crown could ill afford. To make matters worse things were 
beginning to grow doubtful in Ulster, owing to the appear- 
ance of Shane O'Neill on the scene, and the steady influx of 
Scottish settlers in the Glynnes of Antrim. 

Such was the general situation of affairs in Ireland when 
Elizabeth succeeded to the throne. The lines of her Irish policy 

1 Cotton MSS., Titus, B. xi, ff. 464-467. 

8 " The good advice which my Lord Primate write th of ... would tend to 
this end, that the Queen's Majesty, without respect of her honour, the charge 
that the King her brother was at, or her own great charges, should give into the 
hands of the O'Mores and O'Conors the two countries long usurped by them 
. . . and then make one of this country birth Deputy, and all should be well." 
Lord Justice and Council to Sussex, 20 March 1558. State Papers, Trel., Mary, 

a, S2(i). 

xxx Historical Introduction 

were already determined for her ; but she took time to consider 
the question in all its bearings. Ireland, she said, summing up 
her views in the Instructions given by her to Sussex in July 1559, 
could not be brought to obedience otherwise than by extending 
of force upon some stubborn sort, and planting some parts there 
with English ; but being left by her sister in wars both with 
France and Scotland, and her revenue wasted, besides huge 
debts left for her to pay in many places, she was compelled to 
rely on the wisdom, fidelity, and love of her Deputy there to 
keep her charges down to the lowest limit, and to preserve her 
realm in quiet, without innovation of anything prejudicial to her 
estate. To come to the chief particulars. She was willing to 
maintain an army of 1512 soldiers viz. 326 horsemen, 884 foot- 
men, and 300 kerne, with two porters. For their payment she 
would assign 1500 monthly ; but she hoped that this charge 
might be reduced to 1000. As for the northern parts, where the 
daily influx of the Scots was likely to be of dangerous consequence, 
the best remedy would of course be to plant them with English 
subjects ; but as this could not at the time be conveniently done 
the Deputy was to order his proceedings so as not to prejudice 
the adoption of such a plan at a more convenient season. As for 
Shane O'Neill it would be well " specially for the preferment of 
the person legitimate in blood, and next for that he is thereof 
in quiet possession " to concede his claim to succeed his 
father. 1 

In other words, what Elizabeth aimed at was a policy of laisser 
alter within certain limits. If the Irish would keep the peace 
she for her part would accommodate herself to their wishes, and 
refrain from innovations of any sort. It was her father's stand- 
point. But her necessity was even greater than his had been. 
For with an empty treasury, a divided Europe watching 
anxiously to which side she would incline, and a jealous suitor 
ready to take advantage of any slip she might make, it behoved 
her to walk circumspectly, to adjust her policy to her resources, 
and above all to avoid frittering away her strength in petty 
enterprises. It is important to bear her position in mind, for 
it helps to explain much in her dealings with Ireland which is 
otherwise unintelligible. The question is not whether a more 
energetic policy on her part would not have produced better 

1 Cal. Carew MSS., 1659, pp. 284-288. 

Conditions determining Elizabeth's policy xxxi 

results at less expense to the Crown and with less suffering to the 
Irish, but whether such a policy was at all possible. Before 
condemning her then it may be well to institute an inquiry into 
the nature and extent of her resources, the more so as the inquiry 
is calculated to throw considerable light on the causes which led 
to a rupture between the Crown and the Anglo-Irish gentry of the 

In her Instructions to the Earl of Sussex Elizabeth had, as we 
have remarked, expressed her willingness to maintain a standing 
army in Ireland of 1500 men. Such a force was of course quite 
inadequate for any other purpose than merely to police the 
country in time of peace. As a matter of fact nearly the whole 
of it was absorbed in garrison duty on the frontiers of the Pale 
and in personal attendance on the Deputy. For emergencies 
sudden rebellions, invasions and the like Government had 
to depend on what were called the " risings-out," or, in other 
words the feudal levies of the Crown. These " risings-out," 
or " hostings " were of two sorts the one drawn from the 
English districts of the Pale, the other supplied by the " mere " 
Irish, in accordance with agreements made between them and 
the Crown. By an Act of Parliament (38 Hen. VI, c. 7) 1 every 
nobleman or gentleman who could dispend 20 yearly was 
obliged to provide one archer on horseback for the defence of the 
country. Similarly every corporate town was bound to con- 
tribute its regular quota to every hosting undertaken by the 
Lord Deputy. At the beginning of Elizabeth's reign that to be 
furnished by Dublin amounted to sixty well equipped archers, 
that by Drogheda forty, and so on. As for the native levies 
i.e. the contributions which the chiefs, who had submitted to the 
Crown, had bound themselves to supply, 2 it is evident that, 
except where force could be applied, or where, for reasons of 
his own, the chief was anxious to display his loyalty, not 
much reliance could be placed upon them. In most instances 
they were a quantite negligedble ; so that, except for what 
assistance was furnished by England, the whole burden of 

1 Berry, Statute Rolls of Ireland, ii, p. 647. 

2 For example, O'Donnell bound himself to answer every summons fo a host- 
ing in person, with 70 horsemen and 120 kerne for one month, at his own 
expense ; MacMahon himself with 1 6 horsemen and 32 kerne for three weeks, 
if the service was in Ulster, if elsewhere, with 8 horsemen and 16 kerne. 
Cal. Carew MSS., 1515-1574, pp. 183-184. 

xxxii Historical Introduction 

military operations had to be borne practically by the 
Pale. 1 

The objections to the system of " hos tings " were manifold. 
In the first place the total force furnished by them seldom 
amounted to more than 700 horse and the same number of kerne ; 
then they could only be called out with the consent of the nobility 
and gentry, and after notice to do so, leading to much loss of 
time, had been given ; further they were available only for a 
limited period, seldom exceeding six weeks ; they were as a rule 
badly armed and worse drilled, and in general more given to 
plundering than to fighting. On the other hand they were self- 
supporting, and, so far as the kerne were concerned, very useful 
in capturing the cattle of the enemy and thereby setting the soldier 
free for the more arduous duty of fighting. In pre-Tudor times 
the " hostings " constituted the chief military force of the Govern- 
ment ; but with the adoption of a more vigorous policy, and the 
establishment of a standing army, their importance declined, 2 
and a tendency manifested itself to commute personal service 
for money payments. 3 But the practice was regarded with sus- 
picion, as is shown by a clause added to an order for a general 
hosting against the Scots in 1568, whereby it is provided " that 
if the war in the north or the coming of the Scots urge not this 
hosting, that then it shall not be converted into money to any 
other uses." 4 

1 For details see the account of " the general hosting northward against the 
Scots, set forth by the Rt. Hon. the Lord Fitzwalter, Lord Deputy of Ireland, 
2 June, 1556, and continuing for 42 days " in Acts of the Privy Council of 
Ireland, pp. 12-18. 

* See on this point an interesting letter from Wallop to Burghley, Gal. State 
Papers, Irel., 9 March 1586. 

8 For example, it was resolved on 18 Nov. 1569 that the general hosting 
proclaimed in October " should for divers great and weighty considerations, 
both the season of the year, and the condition and sort of the rebels, and 
annoyers of the State, and public security of the realm be converted into 
money." Acts of the Privy Council, p. 236. 

4 Acts of the Privy Council, p. 225 ; cf . Book of Howth, p. 209 : " In this Sir 
Harry's time he had a hosting granted, and after he and the Council would have 
converted his hosting to money, both to charge the nobility as the Commons ; 
by reason whereof all those of Fingall and Methe did withstand this converting, 
and came before Sir Harry [Sidney] being L. Deputy, in Trodath, in St 
Peter's House, and all the Council there assembled for this same cause, and 
there declared by the mouth of the L. of Howth for the whole country that 
this kind of dealing was contrary to the laws and good orders of England that 
they should be so used, and desired the Deputy and Council to use them accord- 
ing to the Prince's law. The first day the L. Deputy was in a great rage, and 
threatened the gentlemen to the Castle of Dublinge, but the morrow after the 
L. Deputy did well allow the gentlemen's request, and did confess that he 

Financial aspects of Elizabeth's policy xxxiii 

Unlike the " hostings," the standing army, being an innova- 
tion arising out of the necessity of having to supplement the 
feudal levies by a more efficient instrument for the preservation 
of the peace of the country, was not self-supporting. Elizabeth, 
as remarked, had announced her intention of keeping an army 
of 1500 men on foot at a monthly charge of 1500. The question 
to be considered is how this sum, which indeed was barely 
sufficient to pay the wages of the soldiers in time of peace, was 

In general the revenue of the Crown in Ireland sprang from 
two sources viz. Crown rents and customs duties. Of the 
former the rents derived from the grants of ecclesiastical lands 
made by Henry VIII, Edward VI, and Elizabeth were by far the 
most important. Thus in 1564, 1575, and 1585, when the total 
revenue from all sources amounted to not quite 11,000 annually, 
the ecclesiastical rents furnished 6608 odd. Taken together 
with the proceeds of the ancient inheritance of the Crown and 
attainted lands, the rents derived from land accounted for nearly 
9000 of the total revenue. 1 Of the minor sources of income 
customs duties constituted the most important item, though not 
so important as might have been expected when it is remem- 
bered that, with the exception of the Act of 13 Hen. VIII, c. 2 
forbidding the exportation of wool, no legal restrictions on Irish 
trade existed at the beginning of Elizabeth's reign. A word or 
two of explanation is necessary on this point. 

From a statement roughly assignable to the end of Elizabeth's 
reign it appears that for a period of 250 years previously the 
customs of Ireland had never in any one year amounted to more 
than iooo. 2 Counting backwards this would give us the 
beginning of Edward Ill's reign as the period when a decline 
in the proceeds of the customs is suggested to have taken place. 

and the Council did commit an error, and so promised upon his honour the like 
should not be in his time." 

1 Cal. Carew MSS., 1564, p. 365 ; 1575, p. 35 ; 1585, p. 417. 

2 Ib. Miscell., p. 457; and cf. Sir John Davies, Discovery. Ed. 1787, 
p. 31: "Upon the late reducing of this ancient inheritance of the Crown, 
which had been in most of the port-towns of this realm for the space of a hun- 
dred years and upwards, I took some pains (according to the duty of my place) 
to visit all the Pipe Rolls, wherein the accounts of customs are contained, and 
found those duties answered in every port for two hundred and fifty years 
together ; but did not find that at any time they did exceed a thousand pounds 
per annum ; and no marvel for the subsidy of poundage was not then known, 
and the greatest profit did arise by the coquet of hides ; for wool and wool-fella 
were ever of little value in this kingdom." 

xxxiv Historical Introduction 

Whether this decline is to be regarded as a sign of the decreased 
prosperity of the country, or to be attributed to the operation of 
an English Act of Edward III establishing free trade between 
England and Ireland may be disputed. But there is another 
factor of a politico -economical character which must be taken 
into consideration. For example, in the case of the Act of 13 
Hen. VIII, c. 2 forbidding the exportation of Irish wool, and 
particularly its importation into England, it is to be noted that 
the reason of the prohibition was not the fear of Irish com- 
petition but the desire of Government to foster an Irish woollen 
industry. 1 In other words, the point of view of Government was 
that Ireland needed all her own wool for herself. At best the 
amount of wool grown by her was not very great ; but on the 
other hand it was of a very fine quality and much in demand 
abroad, so that the temptation to export it was very great. 
The Act forbidding its exportation was therefore not an Act of 
retaliation like the Act of 1699 which destroyed the Irish woollen 
industry, but rather an Act in the nature of an embargo for the 
protection of a home industry. The same desire to preserve 
to Ireland the benefits of her own products led Edward VI, in 
1550, to issue strict orders to the Irish Government to study the 
common weal of the people, " wherein one part consist eth in 
keeping within the realm all wool and other commodities of the 
realm, as all things may be good and cheap," and to make 
provision beforehand to prevent scarcity. 2 It is evident that 
under these protective restrictions the export trade of Ireland 
could never attain any dimensions, and that, as the means of 
purchasing foreign goods was limited to such surplus products 
as hides, the imports were bound to be correspondingly small. 
As a matter of fact at no time during Elizabeth's reign did the 
customs of the five port towns of Carrickfergus, Dundalk, 

1 See the Act, where it is precisely stated that the " dearth of cloth and idleness 
of many folks " was the motive for passing it. 

2 Gal. Carew MSS., Instructions to Sir Anthony St Leger, July 1550, p. 228. 
Cf. the appointment of George Lodge to stop the illegal export of merchandise 
from Ireland : "... as wheat and all other kinds of grain, beef, lard, bacon, 
butter, tallow, wax, wool, flocks, tanned leather etc. by certain merchants . . . 
only for their private gain, without respect or any due consideration ... to the 
great hindrances not only of our ordinary provisions for our garrisons and forts 
in that our realm, but also of the whole commonweal thereof, suffering . . . 
thereby not only great penury, scarcity and want, but also unreasonable and 
excessive prices there . . . not to be suffered in the same commonweal." 
Gal. of Fiants, Eliz. 888. 

Sources of the Revenue of the Crown xxxv 

Drogheda, Dublin and Gal way amount in one year to more than 
309. 13. if, 1 and that too though, by an Act 10 Hen. VII, c. 8, 
twelvepence per i was payable on all merchandise except 
hides and wine. No doubt the irregular returns of the customs 
officials were largely responsible for this result. Those of Gal way 
we know were particularly lax and allowed a good deal of 
contraband stuff to slip through. 2 But another and more im- 
portant reason is to be found in a grant made by Henry VII to 
Waterford, Cork, Limerick and Youghal of the customs paid at 
those ports for the purpose of repairing their walls and paving 
their streets. 3 The result of this concession was that practically 
no customs were levied at those ports with the object of attract- 
ing foreign merchants to them. 4 In fact of all the articles 
exported and imported the only one which proved profitable 
to the Crown was wine, though even on this commodity the 
returns were not so great as they might have been, owing to an 
old grant made by Edward III to an ancestor of the Earl of 
Ormonde, in virtue of the office held by him of the King's chief 
butler, of all the prize wines of Ireland. 5 At the beginning 
of Elizabeth's reign the profits to the Crown on this account 
amounted to 800, and continued at this rate till 1584, when the 
customs of wine were farmed for 2000. But there was too 
little margin for profit to the farmer at this rate, and in 1600 the 
farm was reduced to 1400. 6 

From the question of revenue we pass now to that of expen- 
diture, civil and military. In 1560 the civil charges, including 
under that head the salaries paid to the Lord Chancellor, the 

1 Cal. of Fiante, Eliz. 959, 2422, 3433, 3465, 5071. 

2 Cal. CarewMSS., 1585, p. 400. 

3 15 Hen. VII ; cf. Cal. State Papers, Irel., Jas I, 1612, p. 289. 

4 Cal. Carew MSS., Miscell., pp. 467-468. 

6 The grant was contested for part of Munster by the Earl of Desmond, and in 
1546 an agreement was arrived at whereby the prize wines were divided equally 
between the Crown, the Earl of Ormonde and the Earl of Desmond. (State 
Papers, Hen. VIII, iii, pp. 488, 582.) Prizage or prisage, we are informed by a 
contemporary writer, ' is a custom taken of wines of all sorts ... in Ireland, 
as I have experientally observed, and received exact information thereof from 
that generous merchant Mr Patrick Gough, tenant of the prise wines to the 
Rt. Hon. the Earl of Ormond. They are taken and chosen in this sort, viz. out of 
nine tuns one tun, of 20 tuns two tuns, to be taken one tun before the mast and 
another tun behind the mast, the ship having first broken bulk, otherwise, as in 
all sorts of wares, there is no custom due. . . . The prise wines must be as choice 
and good as the officer for the same can contrive conveniently to mark aboard. 
It is called prisage because it is taken in specie and all other customs are paid in 
money." Cave's Collections, T.C.D. MSS. F. 3. 17. 

6 Cal. of Fiants, Eliz. 4404, 6606, 6395. 

xxxvi Historical Introduction 

Lord Treasurer and the judges of the Four Courts, annuities, 
wages to servants and such items as paper, ink and green cloth, 
amounted to 2720. In 1575 these charges had risen to 2942 ; 
in 1585 to 3482 ; and in 1589 to 5163. 1 Of more importance 
were the military charges. At the beginning of Elizabeth's 
reign each soldier, in addition to his equipment received, if he 
was a footman sixpence (Irish), if a horseman ninepence per day. 
Out of this he had to find himself in lodgings, clothes and food, 
and if a horseman to provide for his horses and their attendance. 
In the case of the latter the charges were fourpence a day for 
board and lodgings, twopence for his two horses and one penny 
for his boy, leaving twopence for himself. 2 Taking the army as 
established by Elizabeth at 1512 men strong viz. 326 horse, 
884 foot, and 300 kerne with two porters this works out, 
including officers, at something like 18,000 a year. As a matter 
of fact the cost of the army in 1560 amounted to 18,442. 13. 4. 
In 1575 it had grown to 26,000. Taking then the total revenue 
as amounting to about 11,000, and deducting from it the civil 
charges averaging about 3000, there remained on account of the 
army a debt to be made good by England of from 10,000 to 
18,000 annually. From 1558 to 1574 the maintenance of the 
army cost Elizabeth 370,779 odd, or on an average about 
23,173 yearly. 3 In 1584 the average had risen to 40,000,* 
and in 1596 to 130,000. 5 In 1599, during Essex's term 
of government, the military establishment was fixed at 
277,782. 15. o for the maintenance of 16,000 foot and 1300 
horse. 6 Mount joy's establishment was on a somewhat smaller 
scale ; but all the same the cost of suppressing Tyrone's rebel- 
lion i.e. from the battle of the Blackwater in 1598 to the final 
submission of Tyrone in 1603 cannot have fallen much short of 
i,5oo,ooo. 7 All in all the work of conquering Ireland must have 

1 Cal. Carew MSS. passim. 

8 See " The answer of the Earl of Sussex to the Book of Articles, specifying 
the miserable state of the Pale, annis J560, 1561," State Papers, Ire!., Eliz. 
v, 57 ; and cf. Cal. Carew MSS., 1542, p. 200, from which it appears that the 
wages paid to officers were for a grand captain 4s., a captain 3s., and a petty 
captain 2s. a day. In James's reign the wages paid to a horse soldier were 
increased to Is. a day. Cal. State Papers, Irel., Jas. I, iv, p. 7. 

8 Cal. Carew MSS., 1574, p. 384. 

*/&. 1583, p. 384. 

5 Cal. State Papers, Irel., 1596, p. 154. 

6 Cal. Carew MSS., 1599, p. 289. 

7 Sir John Davies says 2,000,000. Cal. State Papers, Irel., 1607, p. 273. 

Cost of governing Ireland xxxvii 

cost Elizabeth during the forty-five years of her reign something 
like 2,500,000, at a time when the Irish revenue in its best years 
seldom exceeded 25,000. 1 Year after year English gold had to 
be poured into the country, with the result that in the end 
Elizabeth, who had commenced her reign by reforming the 
currency, was forced to resort to the last refuge of all bankrupt 
sovereigns of paying her debts in a depreciated coinage. 

The above figures merely affect one side of the subject, and 
even then they represent only very inadequately the total burden 
of the war in Ireland as borne by England. The Irish service was 
notoriously one of the hardest in the world. How many of the 
thousands who went thither fell a prey to starvation, disease, 
and the sword of the enemy we shall never know. 2 Desertion 
was a thing of everyday occurrence, and despite the higher rate 
of pay there were few who could be induced to risk their lives 
voluntarily in a country the very name of which stank in their 
nostrils. For Irishmen the consequences were even more de- 
plorable. But this is a side of the subject with which we are 
not immediately concerned. Our present inquiry is restricted to 
the financial aspect of Elizabeth's policy as it affected the general 
relations between England and Ireland. From the very first 
Elizabeth's Irish policy was influenced by financial considera- 
tions. Her resources were limited ; the demands on them 
extreme. The problem constantly before her was how to increase 
the former, and how to diminish the latter. Something has 
been said of her desire to reduce expenditure to a minimum. 
Her efforts to increase her resources brought her into conflict 
with the Anglo-Irish of the Pale on the one hand and with the 

1 In 1595 the revenue amounted to 27,117 odd ; but that was a year of 
exceptional prosperity. Gal. Carew MSS., 1602, p. 504. 

8 " It is strange," wrote Sir R. Bingham to Elizabeth, " to see how our new 
English soldiers doth decay ; for of the last thousand, one fourth part are run 
away, and many of the rest so poor and simple as to be utterly unserviceable." 
(Cal. State Papers, IreL, 1598, p. 340.) " By the last muster your Honour might 
perceive the number of about 80 run-aways with their apparel ; since which we 
have lost many more in like manner, and some we have lighted on by the way, 
whereof one had been taken running afore and forgiven, and yet the second time 
disguised himself in woman's apparel." (Docwra to Cecil, ib. 1600, p. 69.) 
"First, for his (Docwra's) demands (which are to have 1500 or 2000 men) they are 
such as upon the sudden Her Majesty cannot supply them ; for it is^as much 
as she can do to provide victual to maintain those numbers till the spring that 
are there already, neither is she willing to charge her countries with more levies, 
having so lately exhausted them, especially when it is likely to raw men such 
a place will rather serve now for a grave than a garrison." Cecil to Bolles, 
ib. 1600, p. 417. 

xxxviii Historical Introduction 

native Irish on the other. The whole matter is summed up in 
the two words, cess and plantations, which we are now to consider. 

It is a moot point, but one of no great importance, whether it 
was Sir Edward Bellingham, or, as seems more likely, Sir 
Anthony St Leger * who invented cess. As explained by Sir 
Henry Sidney cess was the prerogative of the Crown, with the 
consent of the nobility and Council " to impose on the country 
a certain proportion of victuals of all kinds, to be delivered and 
issued at a reasonable rate, and, as it is commonly termed, the 
Queen's price/' 2 This no doubt was the theory. In practice, 
however, cess amounted to an order of the Lord Deputy in 
Council, authorising the victuallers of the army to take up 
provisions at a certain stipulated price, other and naturally 
lower than the market price prevailing at the time. Like the 
regulations forbidding the exportation of commodities for the 
purpose of keeping the country well stocked with provisions it 
was, from the standpoint of Government, a scheme, quite justi- 
fiable by the politico-economical ideas of the time, to counteract 
the ordinary laws of supply and demand in what was supposed to 
be the general interest of the community viz. the maintenance 
of the army. On the other hand, from the point of view of those 
who suffered by it, it was in effect an indirect way of taxing the 
country without its consent. Worse than this it was a tax that 
pressed heaviest on the most industrious and law-abiding part of 
the nation. 8 For, not content with merely taking up provisions 
for the supply of the garrisons, Government enlarged the system 
to what practically amounted to quartering the army on the 

The point is well brought out by Spenser. "There are," 
he says, " cesses of sundry sorts ; one is, the cessing of 
soldiers upon the country ; for Ireland being a country of war 
(as it is handled) and always full of soldiers, they which have the 

1 " He began the cesses, which gat him displeasure." Book of Howth, p. 195. 

2 Collins, Sidney Papers, i, p. 152. 

8 If the reader will bear in mind the objection taken in England to purveyance, 
which closely resembles cess, he will easily understand the opposition offered to 
the latter by the gentry and farmers of the Pale. For details as to the victual- 
ling of the army see " The articles of orders and agreement made between the 
Queen and Thos. Might, 24 May 1568 " in Col. Carew MSS., pp. 379-383 ; and 
cf. Cal. of Fiants, Eli/. 526. " Appointment of H. Cowley and T. Might as 
surveyors of victuals, to take for the use of the army, wheat, malt etc. with 
necessary artisans and means of carriage and storage, paying reasonable prices, 
as heretofore accustomed, " 20 March 1563. 

Elizabeth's efforts to increase her revenue xxxix 

government, whether they find it the most ease to the Queen's 
purse, or most ready means at hand for the victualling of the 
soldiers, or that necessity enforceth them thereunto, do scatter the 
army abroad the country, and place them in towns to take their 
victuals of them, at such vacant times as they lie not in camp, 
nor are otherwise employed in service. Another kind of cess, 
is the importing of provision for the Governor's house-keeping, 
which though it be most necessary, and be also (for avoiding of 
all the evils formerly therein used) lately brought to a composi- 
tion, yet it is not without great inconveniences, no less than here 
in England, or rather much more. The like cess is also charged 
upon the country sometimes for victualling of the soldiers, 
when they lie in garrison, at such time as there is none remaining 
in the Queen's store, or that the same cannot conveniently be 
conveyed to their place of garrison. But these two are not easy 
to be redressed when necessity thereunto compelleth ; but as 
for the former, as it is not necessary, so is it most hurtful and 
offensive to the poor country, and nothing convenient for the 
soldiers themselves, who during their lying at cess use all kind 
of outrageous disorder and villany both towards the poor men 
that victual and lodge them, and also to all the rest of the 
country about them, whom they abuse, oppress, spoil and 
afflict by all the means they can invent ; for they will not only 
not content themselves with such victuals as their hosts do 
provide for them, nor yet as the place perhaps will afford, but 
they will have other meat provided, and aqua vitae sent for, 
yea and money beside laid at their trenchers, which if they want, 
then about the house they will walk with the wretched man and 
the" silly poor wife, who are glad to purchase their peace with 
anything. By which vile manner of abuse, the country people, 
yea and the very English, which dwell abroad and see and 
sometimes feel these outrages, grow into great detestation of the 
soldiers, and thereby into hatred of the very government, which 
draweth upon them such evils." 1 

1 View of Ireland, Globe Ed., pp. 6 13-644. Spenser's account of cess, though 
drawn from his experience of its working towards the end of ElizabelJi's reign, 
when, as he says, the country was flooded with soldiers, and Government was at 
its wits' end to provide for them, is equally applicable to the period of which 
we are treating. A very similar account by a certain Edward Walshe in 1559 is 
printed in extensoin Gal. Carew MSS., 1589-1600, Intro., pp. xciv-xcviii. The 
following passage is worth noting: " When for more ease and better defence 
of the Pale the soldiers are sent to lie upon the borders, in peace time, where 

xl Historical Introduction 

Such being the nature and evils of cess it is no wonder that 
before long the voice of discontent and remonstrance at what was 
regarded as an unfair and illegal tax on the industrial part of the 
nation began to make itself heard. Already in 1557 George 
Dowdal, Archbishop of Armagh, in setting forth the deplorable 
state of the country where " a man may ride & south, west and 
north, twenty or forty miles and see neither house, corn, nor 
cattle," had attributed the poverty of the farmers of the Pale to 
the " daily burdens laid on them by exaction of corn, beeves, 
muttons, sometimes for half the price, sometimes without 
money/' l The hardship was admitted by Government ; but it 
was urged that the necessity of maintaining the army was a 
sufficient excuse and that every effort was made to render the 
burden as light as possible. In particular it was claimed by 
Sussex that the gentry of the Pale were under great obligation 
to him for transferring the supplying of meat provisions from 
them to the " mere " Irish, as, e.g. from O'Reilly 200 beeves and 
100 swine, from O' Kelly 60 beeves and 30 porks, from the county 
of Tipperary 100 beeves and 50 swine and so on. 2 

As time went on the volume of complaint increased, and the 
reluctance of the Pale to submit to the burden of provisioning 
the army became more pronounced. To all Sussex's arguments 
of necessity the gentry turned a deaf ear. The imposition was 
illegal, and they would not submit to it. Their position was 
incomprehensible to the Deputy, and he was driven to conclude 
that their real object was " to have the government amongst 
themselves, which they will shortly bring to pass, for they have 
so tired me, as I had rather live a prisoner there [in England] 
than a governor here. . . . They care not to weaken the English 
Pale to strengthen the Irishry, and to waste their own lands 
wilfully, that it might be thought the army is cause thereof." 3 
Shortly afterwards a number of Irish law students, residing in 

a great number being cessed upon a small territory, the burden is so heavy to the 
inhabitants, upon whom if they but lie one quarter of a year, the poor people 
liven the worse seven years after. And although in war time the living of the 
soldiers there be such service indeed as causeth enemies to forbear that border 
for the time, yet is that service so dear bought as all that the poor man saveth 
by the defence of the soldier's presence, when the soldier is gone, the enemy 
cometh and taketh all away ; so as between the soldiers and the enemy the 
poor man hath nothing left." 

1 Effect of the Book exhibited by the Archbishop of Armagh. State Papers, 
Irel., Mary, ii, 45. 

2 Acts of the Privy Council, p. 67. 8 State Papers, Irel., Eliz. iv, 31. 

Cess as a means of supporting the army xli 

London, presented a petition, or, as they called it a " Book," 
consisting of twenty-four articles, to the Privy Council, setting 
forth the miserable condition of the Pale in the years 1560 and 
1561. 1 Among the names attached to the petition were some 
of the oldest and most respectable families in the Pale Talbot, 
Bath, Dillon, Burnell, Barnewall, Fleming, Netterville, Cusack, 
Wesley and Sedgrave. The document was submitted to Sussex, 
who happened to be in London at the time. In his " Answer " 2 
the Lord Lieutenant, after glancing slightingly at the petitioners 
as a few beardless youths, ignorant of the real state of affairs in 
Ireland, asserted that in his opinion the upshot of the " Book " 
was " but to find fault at the victualling of the army, which being 
stayed, the army must be withdrawn, and so consequently, the 
government brought amongst themselves, which is the mark they 
shoot at." 

It may be that Sussex was right. Certainly it could not be 
denied that the feeling of the gentry of the Pale had undergone 
a remarkable change in the last few years, and that the process 
of " reforming " Ireland, as it was being carried out, was little 
to their liking. No doubt the ostensible cause of their opposi- 
tion was the imposition of cess. But it is easy to see that the 
real ground of their complaint was their virtual exclusion from 
any share in the government of the country. 3 It might be true, 
as Sussex argued, that an army was necessary to preserve order, 
and that without cess the army could not be maintained. But 
if this policy meant, as it clearly did, the establishment of an 
English as opposed to an Irish Interest in the country, it could 
not meet with their approval. Their position , however incompre- 
hensible it was to Sussex, was that Ireland was their country, 

1 State Papers, Irel., Eliz. v, 51. * Ib. v, 57. 

8 At the time when Henry VIII began to interfere actively in the affairs of 
Ireland the government rested mainly in the hands of the gentry of the Pale. 
With the exception of the Lord Deputy the Council consisted wholly or almost 
wholly of Anglo -Irishmen ; and as Parliaments were of rare occurrence the 
practice obtained of submitting every important act of administration to what 
was called the magnum concilium, which in this case represented the chief 
families of the Pale. Even in Sussex' time the assent of the gentry of the Pale 
to every hosting and to the imposition of cess was admitted. But as the 
authority of the Crown grew predominant and the machinery of Government 
was monopolised by English officials the practice of consulting the magnum 
concilium sank into abeyance and finally the right of the gentry of the Pale to be 
consulted was altogether denied by Chichester, and Strafford. Cf. Collins, 
Sidney Papers, i, p. 181 ; Cal. Carew MSS., 1613, pp. 265-267 ; Monck Mason, 
Essay on the Constitution of Parliaments in Ireland, pp. 15-19. 

xlii Historical Introduction 

and that the object of the intervention of England, as conceived 
by Henry VIII, was not to wrest the government out of their 
hands, but rather to confirm them in it. For centuries they had 
kept the " mere " Irish at bay ; they had no liking for them ; 
they were at heart Englishmen ; but they knew their own 
interests and rather than submit to see their rights curtailed they 
preferred the old state of affairs. It is impossible not to recog- 
nise in the position of the gentry of the Pale in regard to cess in 
the sixteenth century a singular resemblance to that taken up by 
the English colonists in Ireland in regard to the right claimed 
by England in the eighteenth century to pass laws binding on 
Ireland. The motive in both cases was the same viz. the desire 
for self-government. Unfortunately for the development of a con- 
stitutional in distinction to a bureaucratic form of government 
in Ireland in the sixteenth century, the question of cess was, as 
we shall see, shortly to be complicated by religious differences 
between rulers and ruled. In England of course the matter of 
cess was regarded from a diametrically opposite standpoint. 
From the English point of view Ireland belonged by right of 
conquest to England. It had drifted away from its allegiance, 
and the safety of England urgently demanded its subjugation. 
As to the means to be employed to accomplish this object opinions 
might differ ; but if the gentry of the Pale liked to take their 
share in the work they would doubtless be the first to profit by 
the result. For an Irish as distinct from an English Interest on 
the one hand and a native Interest on the other there was, how- 
ever, no room. 

The opposition to cess, which Sussex had found such a hin- 
drance to his operations, assumed a more acute form under his 
successor, Sir Henry Sidney. So far from admitting that cess 
was, as Sidney argued, a prerogative of the Crown, the gentry of 
the Pale insisted that it was a taxation, and that no taxes could 
be levied without the consent of Parliament. 1 It was useless 
for him to try to prove that in supporting the army they were 
themselves chiefly benefiting by it. Their one answer was that 
" they were English and free subjects/' and if they could not 
have remedy at his hands, they would seek it at her Majesty's. 2 

1 Book of Howth, p. 214. 

2 Collins, Sidney Papers, i, pp. 180-182 ; cf. Gerard to Walsingham : " These 
gents who now complain should take some taste of the pain which the poor 
perforce abideth. For, Mr Secretary, say what they list, I find it by their own 

Cess an objectionable form of taxation xliii 

Finding it impossible to overcome their opposition, or to consent 
to the substitution of a permanent land tax, Sidney yielded to 
their request to be allowed to appoint a deputation to submit 
their case to the Queen. But, prerogative or no prerogative, 
Elizabeth had no intention of surrendering any such certain 
source of revenue as cess constituted. The deputies, after being 
sharply reprimanded for their disloyalty, were laid by the heels 
for a time in the Fleet. Their friends in Ireland were treated in 
a similar fashion by Sidney. But neither the Queen's displea- 
sure nor imprisonment could break their opposition, further than 
to elicit from them the admission that they had no intention of 
impugning the prerogative of the Crown, and Elizabeth seeing 
that the situation was growing precarious gave orders for their 
release. 1 In the end a compromise was arranged, and in return 
for the abolition of cess the gentry of the Pale agreed to contri- 
bute one penny a day per man for the maintenance of 1070 
soldiers. The contribution was to be extended over eleven 
counties, and that for the five counties of the Pale was fixed 
at 1500.2 A special clause reserving to the Crown the right of 
levying further contributions in case of foreign invasion or great 
inward rebellion, shows that the agreement was only intended 
to hold good in ordinary years 3 ; and, from several references to 
the necessity of submitting the whole question to Parliament, 4 
it is evident that it was only regarded as a temporary expedient. 
Regarding it as such Sir John Perrot, who succeeded to the 
government in 1584, " neglected " to renew the composition, 
explaining in reply to Wallop's remonstrances in this respect, 
" that he doubted not by Parliament to make a better bargain/' 5 
He had recently brought to a successful conclusion a scheme 
started by Sidney for effecting a composition with the landowners 

confession the gents never lived so civilly and able in diet, clothing and house- 
hold, as at this day ; marry the poor churl never so beggarly. ... I abash to 
tell with how few soldiers all this Pale could be overrun, if they were left to be 
defended by their own power ; and yet a lord said at the Council that they of the 
country needed no garrison ! " Cal. Carew MSS., 1577, p. 72. 

1 Lord Deputy and Council to the Privy Council, 18 Feb. 1577, in Cal. Carew 
MSS., p. 125; and Sidney's Relation, ib. 1583, p. 355. 

2 See documents in Cal. Carew MSS., 1578-1579 passim. 

8 Advantage was taken of this clause the very next year (1579) to levy an 
imposition of wheat, malt, beeves, etc. on the country. See Acts*f the Privy 
Council, p. 287. 

4 See particularly Queen to Sidney, 29 May 1578, Cal. Carew MSS., p. 129 : 
" It is also requisite that the composition for cess be passed by Parliament." 

5 Cal. State Papers, Irel., 1586, p. 37. 

xliv Historical Introduction 

in Connaught, and his object was to obtain the sanction of 
Parliament to the establishment of a uniform tax of thirteen 
shillings and fourpence per plough-land on the basis of a new 
survey. But Parliament, for reasons presently to be considered, 
refused to agree to his plan, and he was consequently obliged 
to revert to the system of composition. Parliament was dis- 
solved on 14 May 1586 and next day Perrot concluded an agree- 
ment with the gentry of the Pale for a renewal of the com- 
position for cess at the rate of 2000 a year. 1 The plan worked 
badly. The composition money was difficult to collect, and it 
was insufficient for its object a ; but so long as Parliament re- 
fused to consent to a land tax it was the only semi-constitutional 
way that suggested itself of meeting the difficulty. The agree- 
ment was renewed in 1592 ; but owing to the disturbed state of 
the country during the last years of Elizabeth's reign the practice 
of cess was again reverted to. When the war was declared at an 
end the gentry of the Pale petitioned that the agreement might 
be revived and in 1605 the composition was renewed at the old 
rate of 1500 for the five counties of the Pale, " albeit they (the 
Council) insisted much to draw them to an increase of that 
composition towards the easing of the great charges his Majesty 
is at for their defence, . . . yet in this point they proved utterly 
repugnant as being altogether unable to sustain, as they said, 
any increase at all after so great a weakening of their estate by 
the late long rebellion." 3 Though the complaint against cess 
did not immediately die out, and indeed figures amongst the 
charges brought by the Recusants against Sir Arthur Chichester's 
government, 4 the question owing to the diminution of the army 
and the increasing prosperity of the country gradually from this 
time forward sank into insignificance, and finally towards the 
end of James's reign disappeared altogether. 

To come now to the question of plantations. It has been 
pointed out in discussing the origin of the plantation of Leix and 
Offaly how, far from displaying any eagerness to embark on a 

1 Lodge, Desiderata Curiosa Hibernica, i, pp. 77-81 ; and c/. Fenton to 
Burghley, State Papers, Irel., Eliz. cxxxi, 5 (11), where the division of the sum 
upon the several counties is given. 

* Lords .Justices and Council to Privy Council, 5 April 1580, " whereas the Pale 
and certain shires adjoining compounded instead of cess to pay 2000, there 
is not of that victualling money come to the hands of the Treasurer above 200." 
Cal. Carew MSS., p. 242. 

8 Cal State Paper*, Irel., 1605, p. 291-292. * Ib. 1613, pp. 413-418. 

Plantations as a source of revenue xlv 

scheme, which, however desirable it might appear as a means of 
" reforming " the country, appeared to be beyond the ability 
of the Crown to accomplish, Government had at first directed its 
efforts to effecting a compromise with the natives of those 
districts, and how only after the failure of those efforts and in 
consequence of the offer of a number of private individuals resid- 
ing in the Pale to undertake the business on their own account, 
it had consented to a trial of the scheme. The experiment 
if it did not entirely realise the sanguine expectations of its 
projectors, had not, on the whole, been unsuccessful, and there 
was every prospect that in time Leix and Offaly would, besides 
adding to the security of the Pale, be in the position to contribute 
something to the revenue. The consequences were twofold 
viz. first, a growing inclination on the part of Government to 
regard plantations as the most feasible means of settling the Irish 
question, and secondly, a greater readiness on its part to enlist 
private enterprise in the work. Accordingly no sooner had 
Shane O'Neill disappeared from the scene than Elizabeth 
announced to Sidney her " full determination to have that 
country [Ulster] peopled with obedient subjects/' * Her 
intention speedily became known and aroused considerable 
interest in England. Hitherto Englishmen had bothered their 
heads very little as to what was going on in Ireland, but as the 
prospect dawned on them of being able to advance their own 
fortunes by assisting in what was euphemistically called the 
reformation of that country their attitude in that respect changed 
entirely. Before long Government was literally overwhelmed 
with offers and projects of one sort and another. 2 

1 State Papers, Irel., Eliz. xxi, 10. 

8 See, e.g. the following heads of suggestions : 

1567, July. Protestants from Flanders to be planted in Ireland. 

1 567, July. H. Gilbert and companions to plant the Glynnes and Route. 

1 568, Jan. Devise for the plantation of Ireland with Englishmen. 

1568, Nov. Offers of Hierom Brett and sundry good subjects for planting 
Munster and Wexford. 

1569, April. Petitions to the Privy Council by gentlemen offering to plant 
Munster with natural Englishmen. 

1570, March. Humble petition and offer of Sir T. Gerard and companions for 
planting the Glynnes and part of Clandeboye. 

1571, July. Device of Capt. Piers for planting Ulster. 9 

1571, Dec. Petition of Captains Browne and Borrowe for the Ards, from the 
river of Strangford to the river of Belfast. 

1571, Dec. Memoranda for Ireland. Suits of Capt. Malby for Macartan's 
country ; Thomas Smith for the Ardes, and Chatterton for O'Hanlon's country. 

Gal. State Papers, Irel., pp. 340, 362, 397, 406, 428, 451, 462. 

xlvi Historical Introduction 

Among those bitten by the colonisation craze was Sir Peter 
Carew of Mohuns Ottery, Devonshire. Carew was an adven- 
turer of a type of which there were thousands in England at the 
time. In one of his rare moments of leisure he had amused 
himself by turning over the family records at Mohuns Ottery. 
They were hard to read, some of them almost illegible ; but he 
had little difficulty in making out from them that at one time the 
Carews possessed large estates in Ireland. With the skilled 
help of John Hooker, the historian, he soon satisfied himself 
that he had a good claim to the lands in question ; and on his 
return to Court he at once solicited the Queen for permission to 
go to Ireland to prosecute his claim. He could not have chosen 
a more auspicious moment to urge his request. Elizabeth was 
full of her project for planting Ulster, and knowing Carew's 
worth she not only listened favourably to his request but 
promised him all the assistance he needed. Carew's intention 
to revive a long dormant claim to the possession of wide scopes 
of land in Leinster and Munster soon became known in Ireland. 
Some of these lands were in the possession of the native Irish ; 
others, however, had passed into the hands of gentlemen of Anglo- 
Irish descent, and among them Sir Edmund Butler, brother of 
the Earl of Ormonde. The feeling of incredulity with which 
the news of Carew's intention had been received changed to one 
of indignation when he succeeded without much difficulty in 
establishing his claim to certain lands in the very heart of the 
Pale, in the possession of Sir Christopher Cheevers. It was a 
test case and Carew was easily persuaded to consent to a com- 
promise with Cheevers. The judgment he had obtained in the 
case of Maston manor would, he knew, speedily put him in pos- 
session of infinitely more valuable property. 

Unfortunately for the quiet prosecution of his claim Parlia- 
ment happened to meet just at this moment. It had been 
summoned, reluctantly enough, by Elizabeth * for the purpose 
mainly of clearing the Crown's title to the lands lately in the pos- 
session of Shane O'Neill ; but it was feared that it would not be 
content to confine itself to the programme laid down by Govern- 
ment. Sidney's arbitrary conduct in the matter of cess was still 

1 On 16 Jan. 1567 she had written to Sidney that " except the same might 
appear very necessary we have small disposition to assent to any Parliament." 
State Papers, Irel., Eliz. xx, 8. 

Government in conflict with the gentry of the Pale xlvii 

fresh in the memory of the gentry of the Pale, and Carew's 
recent proceedings had not tended to improve their temper. 
In fact no sooner did Parliament meet on 17 Jan. 1569 than it 
was clear that Government was in for a stormy session. A 
proposal of the " Court party " to appoint James Stanihurst 
Speaker was immediately met by a counter-proposal on the part 
of the " Commonwealth men " in favour of Sir Christopher 
BarnewaU. Being defeated on this point, the Opposition opened 
a fierce attack on the returns to the House, on the grounds that 
a number of English members had been improperly elected to 
represent non-corporate boroughs, that several mayors and 
sheriffs, had returned themselves, and that other members were 
disqualified by non-residence. The judges, to whom the matter 
was referred, allowed the first two objections, but dismissed the 
third. Their decision did not materially affect the relative 
strength of parties in the House, but there was, Sidney com- 
plained, a good deal of intriguing against him, and a proposal 
by Government to suspend Poynings' Law was rejected by a 
considerable majority. 1 

Among those who had taken a leading part in opposing 
Government was Sir Edmund Butler. No doubt his attitude 
was sufficiently explained by his indignation at the claim raised, 
and shortly afterwards established by Sir Peter Carew to the 
barony of Idrone in county Carlow, which included certain lands 
in his possession ; but his opposition greatly angered Sidney and 
having called him before the Council he rebuked him in strong 
terms for his disloyal behaviour. Sir Edmund was, however, in 
no humour to brook advice from one whom he regarded, rightly 
or wrongly, as Sir Peter's ally, and he at once retired to his own 
country. Before many days had elapsed it was reported that he 
and his two brothers Edward and Pierce had thrown in their 
lot with their old enemy James Fitzmaurice Fitzgerald, who, in 
the absence of the Earl of Desmond and his brother Sir John in 
England, had usurped the government of Munster, and under 
cover of a holy war, was devastating the south of Ireland with 
fire and sword. Anticipating danger Sidney peremptorily 
summoned them before the Council. But feeling that fee had 

1 For a full account of these proceedings see Hooker in Holinshed, Chronicles, 
vi, pp. 345-362, and Campion, Hist, of Ireland. Hooker sat as M.P. for Athenry 
and Campion received his information at first hand from Speaker Stanihurst ; 
cf. also Weston to Cecil in State Papers, Irel., Eliz. xxvii, 25. 

xlviii Historical Introduction 

committed himself too far to trust himself within the Deputy's 
power, and fearing, as he afterwards alleged, that Sidney's 
object was to detain him until he had surrendered his lands to 
Sir Peter Carew, 1 Sir Edmund refused to obey the summons. 
After making one further attempt to save him from the conse- 
quences of his rash conduct, 2 Sidney proclaimed him a traitor 
and despatched Carew with a considerable force to apprehend 
him. The choice he made of Carew to execute his command did 
not improve matters, and gave great offence to the Earl of 
Ormonde, who, though he made no attempt to exculpate his 
brothers, let it clearly be seen that, in his opinion, 3 Sidney and 
Carew were chiefly to blame for what had happened. Elizabeth 
was evidently inclined to share his opinion, and after Ormonde 
had succeeded in patching up matters between the Lord Deputy 
and his brothers, and Munster had been reduced to some degree 
of order by the submission of Fitzmaurice, she broadly hinted to 
Carew that he would do well to desist from the further prosecu- 
tion of his claims and rest satisfied with what he had got. 4 
'"Meanwhile, after Sir Edmund Butler's withdrawal, Parliament 
had quietly settled down to its work, and before its final prorog- 
ation in June 1570 it had accomplished some useful legislation. 5 
Among the Acts passed by it was one entitling the Crown to the 
lands lately in the possession of Shane O'Neill. The Act, as we 
have seen, had been intended as a preliminary step to the 
plantation of Ulster ; but before Government could take 
advantage of it the opportunity of doing so had passed away. 
In fact Shane had hardly disappeared than it was reported that 

1 Gal. Carew MSB., 1569, p. 387. 

8 See Instructions to Viscount Baltinglas and Richard Sheeth, and Deposi- 
tions of the same regarding their conference with Sir Edmund Butler in State 
Papers, Irel., Eliz. xxviii, 34, 42. 

8 Ormonde to Cecil, 24 July 1569, in Maclean's Life of Carew, pp. 214-219, and 
Same to the Same, 7 Sept. 1569, in State Papers, Irel., Eliz. xxix, 60. 

* See particularly Carew to Lord Deputy in Maclean, Life of Carew, App. 
H, 24, undated, but evidently written in 1573 : " It hath been reported unto 
me that the Queen's Majesty's pleasure is, I shall not return into Ireland for 
the further following of my causes there," etc. Elizabeth was acting on Perrot's 
advice. (See Perrot to Lord Deputy and Council, 19 March 1573, ib. App. H, 
20.) Carew's patent of Idrone excluded the lands claimed by Sir E. Butler. After 
Carew's death in 1575 his estate passed to his cousin Sir Peter, and on his death 
at the battle of Glenmalure in 1580 it descended to Sir George, afterwards Earl 
of Totnes, who sold it in 1585 to Dudley Bagenal, second son of Sir Nicholas 

6 See Heads of Acts in Ware, Annals of the reign of Elizabeth. Ed. 1714, 
c. xii. 

Extensive plantation in Munster xlix 

his successor Turlough Luineach was " working in the old 
manner of his lewd predecessors " and was likely to prove more 
formidable than even Shane himself. 1 The prospect of having 
to fight for the possession of the lands so liberally conferred on her 
by Parliament rather damped Elizabeth's interest in the scheme. 
But, as we have seen, there was no lack of individuals willing 
to make the attempt on their own account, and as it was con- 
sidered very desirable to put a barrier to the constant and ever 
increasing influx of the Scots into county Antrim, Elizabeth 
was easily persuaded to consent to several undertakings to 
colonise that part of the country. None of these undertakings 
proved successful, and for herself Elizabeth seemed to be growing 
tired of these useless and costly experiments. 2 But in this 
respect she stood alone. Elsewhere there was a tendency to 
attribute their failure to the inadequate resources of the under- 
takers, rather than to any inherent fallacy in the policy of 
plantation itself. The example of Leix and Offaly was appealed 
to, and it was urged that the State alone could undertake such 
schemes with any prospect of success. 3 

The consequence was that after the suppression of the great 
Desmond rebellion in 1583, when something like half-a-million 
acres of excellent land fell to the Crown, it was resolved to under- 
take a plantation on a large scale in Munster. Unlike Ulster, 
Munster was not a terra incognita to Englishmen ; the destruc- 
tion of life that had been going on there almost without inter- 
cession for the preceding five years seemed to promise the new 
settlers a comparatively unhindered possession of the soil ; and 
the great care with which the details of the scheme were worked 
out by Government almost precluded failure. 4 Nevertheless it 
was soon apparent that the plantation of Munster could not be 

1 Cal. State Papers, Irel., 1569, p. 400. 

2 See her Instructions to Grey, July 1580, Cal. Carew MSS., p. 277 : " As our 
subjects of that country birth have conceived that we have a determination to 
root them out, and place there our subjects born in this realm, seek to remove 
that false impression." 

8 See Sir Thomas Wilford to Burghley, 1 Dec. 1573, State Papers, Irel., 
Eliz. xliii, i : " My Lord, it is not a subject's purse and countenance must do 
this. It must be Her Majesty only " ; and cf. Sir J. Davies, Discovery, p. 122 : 
" The truth is, when private men attempt the conquest of countries^at their 
own charge, commonly their enterprises do perish without success ; as when, 
in the time of Queen Elizabeth Sir Thomas Smith undertook to recover the 
Ardes ; and Chatterton to reconquer the Fews and Orrier : the one lost his son, 
and the other himself ; and both their adventures came to nothing." 

4 For an account of the plantation see English Hist. Review, iii, pp. 250-269. 

1 Historical Introduction 

regarded as an unqualified success ; and when, a few years later, 
the opportunity was presented of effecting a similar plantation 
in county Monaghan, Elizabeth yielded to Sir William Fitz- 
william's suggestion 1 to attempt a settlement on the basis of 
an arrangement with the natives. 2 On 20 January 1591 she 
authorised the Lord Deputy " to assign and allot to -the persons 
named in your letters, i.e., Ever M'Cooly MacMahon, Rosse Bane 
MacMahon etc., such portions of the forfeited seignories and 
lands as in your discretion shall be thought meet for the advance- 
ment of our service, the reduction of the country to civil 
obedience, and the contentment of the parties." 3 In passing it 
may be noted that, in pursuing this policy of assigning estates 
of inheritance to the chief of the MacMahons, Elizabeth was 
merely reverting to the plan followed by Henry VIII in his 
dealings with the OTooles of Fercullen, 4 and to the original 
intentions of Government in regard to the O'Mores and O'Conors 
of Leix and Offaly. At present we are chiefly concerned to point 
out that her adoption of it seems clearly to prove that she had lost 
faith in the policy of colonising Ireland with Englishmen as a 
means of reducing the country to order and civility. 5 Perhaps 
the prospect the scheme offered her of increasing her revenue by 
400 without much trouble may have had something to do with 
her decision. But that this was not her only or chief reason is 
evident from her instructions to the Lord Deputy and Council 
in July 1592 to the effect that, if any other of the Irishry sued 
for surrenders and regrants of their lands, they were to be 

1 See his letters, March 2 and 3, 1590, with enclosures. (Col. State Papers, 
Irel., pp. 315-318.) That Fitzwilliam was the author of the scheme is fully re- 
cognised by Chichester. (Ib. 1614, p. 480.) " Has made many freeholders of the 
natives under them, according to a plan conceived by Sir W. Fitzwilliams." 
The fact should be noted by those writers, who are so fond of contrasting 
Fitzwilliam's brutal government with the suave administration of Perrot. 

8 Of. Heneage to Carew, 22 Dec. 1590, Col. Carew MSS., p. 247 : " Touching 
the baronies of MacMahon fallen into her Majesty's gift by his attainder, I find 
. . . that her Majesty means to dispose the same into divers hands, but none to 
have anything that will not obey English law." 

3 Morrin, Gal. of Patent Rolls, ii, p. 215 ; cf. Hardiman, Inquisitionum Cane ell. 
Hib. Repertorium, Ultonia, pp. xxi-xxxi ; Cal. of Fiants, Eliz. 5582 etc. ; Sir 
John Davies, Discovery, pp. 229-238. 

* State Papers, Hen. VIII, iii, p. 279. 

5 Cf. Spenser, View of Ireland, p. 675 : " It is not for nothing (I perceive) 
that I have heard that the Council of England think it no good policy to have 
that realm reformed, or planted with English, lest they should grow as undutiful 
aa the Irish." That the settlement of Monaghan, as carried out by Elizabeth, 
was regarded as a success is evident from the fact that James I intended a 
similar settlement in the counties of Fermanagh and Cavan. (Cal. State Papers, 
Irel., 1606, p. 23.) This, however, was before the flight of the Earls. 

Plantation policy abandoned by Elizabeth li 

accepted and regrants made to them, on the conditions con- 
tained in her letter of 20 Jan. 1591, touching the granting of 
the country ol Monaghan to the sept of the MacMahons. 1 

Unfortunately, and quite apart from the fact that the policy 
she was now prepared to pursue had less chance of success than 
it would have had at the beginning of her reign, the plan of 
assigning estates to the native Irish was not likely to prove so 
generally acceptable to them as might be supposed. On the 
contrary it is no exaggeration to say that the consideration shown 
by Elizabeth towards the MacMahons was one of the principal 
causes of Tyrone's rebellion. Incredible though the statement 
may appear, the truth of it will not be disputed by those who 
have carefully considered the drift of what may be called the 
domestic politics of the clan O'Neill in the sixteenth century. Of 
all the rights and privileges claimed by Shane O'Neill and his 
successors Turlough and Hugh, none was dearer to them than 
the claim to command the obedience of their urriaghs or vassal 
chiefs. The concession of this claim had been made the sine 
qua non by Shane of his consenting to peace at Drumcru in 
1563, and there can be no question that it constituted the 
real crux in all the negotiations between the Crown and 
Tyrone at a subsequent time. 2 From Tyrone's point of view 
then the settlement effected by Elizabeth with the MacMahons 
was an encroachment on his most cherished rights, the more 
dangerous as it was evidently intended by Government to be the 
prelude to further operations of a similar kind, which, if carried 
into effect, would rob him not merely of the services of his 
urriaghs, but also of the respect of his own clansmen, and reduce 
him to the detested position of an ordinary nobleman. To 
become the equal of a Maguire or an O'Cahan was an indignity 
to which he would not submit. But if his desire to preserve his 
ancestral rights in the matter of his urriaghs was probably the 

1 Cecil MSS. t iv, p. 217. 

2 In this connection see a curious conversation between Sir Toby Caulfeild 
and Bartholomew Owen (Cal. State Papers, Irel., 1606, p. 410), particularly the 
following paragraph : " Well," quoth I, " suppose we had been gone, then would 
your misery have begun ; for the Earl of Tyrone would have sought to be King, 
and divers of his own rank would have withstood him, and then yqfn would 
have saved us a labour in killing one another." " No," said he, ** the Earl would 
have asked no more than his rightful inheritance, which his ancestors enjoyed, 
from the river of Bann to the Fynne at Lough Foyle, with his urriaghs ; and 
that every other lord should have governed his country according to their 
ancient customs," etc. 

lii Historical Introduction 

main motive of Tyrone's rebellion, other causes co-operated 
which gave to it the appearance of a religious and semi-national 
movement. 1 

To come now to a consideration of these other causes, or in 
other words to the effect of Elizabeth's religious policy on the 
general situation, we have seen that neither cess and all that cess 
involved, nor the plantations had in the first place anvthing to 
do with religion. How came it then that religion, which had 
formed no part in the grievances either of the gentry of the Pale 
or of the " mere " Irish during the earlier part of Elizabeth's 
reign, grew to constitute their principal grievance, and to form, 
as it were, a bond of alliance between two hitherto hostile races ? 
A reference to the Statute Book will furnish no explanation of 
the problem. For except for the Acts of Uniformity and 
Supremacy it is a blank so far as penal laws against Roman 
Catholicism is concerned. Compared with their co-religionists 
in England, it may be said without fear of contradiction that the 
Irish Catholics were under no religious disabilities. They might 
hold any official position in the State, and they might practise as 
lawyers, doctors, and schoolmasters, without the slightest re- 
straint. All that could be legally demanded from them was an 
acknowledgment of the Queen's supremacy as head of the 
Church and State, 2 and a more or less regular attendance at 

1 Cf. Bishops of Dublin and Meath to Jas. I, June 1603 : " The King is aware 
with what bloody wars this kingdom has been a long time afflicted. Can assure 
him that the first authors and actors thereof were but a few of the savage 
chieftains of the barbarous and untamed Irishry . . . begun, and a long time 
continued, without any thought or disposition in the first rebels (whereof they 
account the E. of Tyrone one) for any restoration of idolatry and Rornish 
religion. But after they had kindled that fire . . . then did those priests and 
Jesuits . . . break forth and discover themselves ; and with fresh supplies of 
priests sent from Spain and Rome, repaired to those barbarous and irreligious 
rebels, and persuaded them that, if they would seek and fight for the restitution 
of Romish religion, then they should not only be sure that God would fight for 
them, but would be also certain to receive aid both from the Pope and King of 
Spain. . . . Thus this rebellion, begun upon private discontents, having marked 
itself with the pretence of holy and catholic religion, raged so far and wide," etc. 
Gal. State Papers, Irel., p. 58. 

2 The oath of Supremacy was first imposed by the Act 28 Hen. VIII, c. 13 ; 
but was repealed by the 3 and 4 Phil, and Mary. It was re-enacted by the 
Irish Parliament in 1560, but under circumstances which have led certain writers 
to doubt whether it could be regarded as legally binding. Anyhow it was never 
enforced in Elizabeth's reign. The following interesting note from William 
Lynch, author of Feudal Dignities, to Sir James Mackintosh bearing on the 
subject is printed in the Preface to the Calendar of State Papers, Irel., 1 606-1608, 
p. civ: "The number of persons who sat in Parliament and framed the 
2nd of Elizabeth is given by Leland. I have lately discovered the persons' names 
etc. ... It was, in fact, no representation ; and Elizabeth was aware of that, 

Problem complicated by religious differences liii 

divine service ; but neither of these demands was rigidly en- 
forced. 1 Even as regarded those constant disturbers of the 
public peace, the Jesuits, the only way of bringing them to 
account was by the application of laws belonging to Pre- 
Reformation times. 2 Whence then the religious grievance ? 

It was significant for the reception and progress of the Reforma- 
tion in Ireland that it was there on all sides regarded as a purely 
official transaction, devoid of importance for the spiritual welfare 
of the nation. Hyperbolical allusions, like those of the Irish 
annalists, to a worse than Diocletian persecution are the mere 
products of latter-day imagination. Of persecution for religion's 
sake there was in the beginning absolutely no sign. It is true 
in the case of Ireland as of other countries that the blood of the 
martyrs has proved the seed of the Church ; but in her case it 
was an experience reserved for a much later period. At first 
and for long afterwards not one single person suffered either in 
person or worldly goods for his attachment to the Church of 
Rome. The reason for this immunity from suffering is to be 
found not so much in the humane attitude of Government, as in 
the indifference of Irishmen generally to matters concerning their 
spiritual welfare. The mischief of it was that Government, 
misled by appearances, made no effort to take advantage of the 
situation, by providing for the religious needs of the nation. 
The policy of laisser alter, so noticeable in political affairs, was 
allowed even freer scope in matters of religion. For a time it 
seemed to answer its purpose. No doubt Archbishop Browne's 
iconoclastic proceedings provoked widespread indignation in the 
Pale ; but the commotion soon subsided, and there is every reason 
to believe that had Government earnestly attempted to fulfil its 
obligations, by establishing an earnest and godly ministry, the 
result might have been a quiet acquiescence in Protestantism. 
But with its limited resources such an undertaking was beyond 
its power. We may regret the lost opportunity ; but mindful of 

and the Act became a dead letter. By the Court Rolls I find she had her high 
EcclesiasticalCommissionerSjWho occasionally punishedfor not attending divine 
service. But tliis was rare ; no more than two or three instances during her reign. 
One of those instances was a merchant of the name of Chamberlain, who was 
punished not only for not attending church, but what was much worse for not 
compelling an unruly wife to accompany him." 

1 See Canibrensis Eversus, with Kelly's note, iii, p. 23. 

8 See the argument of Sir J. Davies in the Case of Praemunire, or the Convic- 
tion and Attainder of Robt. Lalor, priest, being indicted upon the Statute of 
16 Ric. n, c. 5, in Le Premier Report. 


liv Historical Introduction 

Spenser's remark that "it is an ill time to preach amongst 
swords/' it is easier to see where Government failed than to 
suggest the remedy. 

It is hard to say how long things might have continued to diift 
in this easy fashion, had not Ireland once more attracted the 
attention of Rome. The first attempt of Paul III to win the 
Irish over to his side had, as we have remarked, proved a failure. 
But as Elizabeth, after keeping Europe for a year or two in 
uncertainty as to her real policy, began " to bear herself openly 
as a heretic," and it became clear that, owing to intercourse 
with the English, the Irish were becoming infected with the 
contagion of heresy, the idea suggested itself to Pius IV of 
making things uncomfortable for her in Ireland. Perhaps, 
considering the causes that gave birth to the Counter-Reforma- 
tion, it would be unfair to Pius to deny that, in interfering in 
Ireland, he was partly actuated by a desire to minister to the 
religious needs of the Irish, but his main motive, there can be no 
question, was a political one. His intervention, however it may 
be attempted to excuse it by the conditions of the so-called 
donation of Adrian IV, was a manifest breach of the doctrine 
cuius regio, eius religio, and being such not merely provided 
Elizabeth with a plausible pretext for not sending a represen- 
tative to the Council of Trent, but justified her in taking the 
most stringent measures to counteract his machinations. In 
view of what followed it is only fair to her to remember that the 
incentive to persecution was given by Rome itself. For Eliza- 
beth it may at any rate be claimed that she interfered in no man's 
lands until her own were first invaded, and, it may be added, 
with no man's conscience until her own was impugned. 1 

The consequences of Pius' action were far-reaching. The 
person chosen by him to carry out his plan was an Irishman, 
David Wolfe by name, a native of Limerick and a member of the 
Society of Jesus. Wolfe landed at Cork on 20 January 1561. 
His first impressions were not very favourable. But gradually it 
became evident not only to him but to others that his mission 
was to be crowned with success. Though obliged to work in 
secret his enthusiasm accomplished miracles in Munster. 
Thousands of both men and women flocked to hear him, anxious 

1 For a reasonable defence of Elizabeth's attitude see Sir F. Walsingham in 
Cabala, sive Scrinia Sacra, Supplement, pp. 38-40. Lond. 1654. 

Beginning of the war of religion Iv 

to confess their sins and to obtain absolution for their immoral 
way of life. 1 Of the nobility one of the first to throw in his lot 
with the new movement was James Fitzmaurice Fitzgerald, 
cousin-german of the reigning Earl of Desmond. Whether 
indeed Fitzmaurice was really the devoted son of the Church 
Wolfe believed him to be, 2 or whether religion was, as the 
Countess of Desmond hinted, 3 merely a cloak to hide his am- 
bitious designs is an open question. At any rate Fitzmaurice 
was astute enough to recognise that it was to his interest to ally 
himself with Rome, and in this connection it is worth noting that 
in his Proclamation, 4 setting forth the causes of his rebellion, 
there is not one word of grievances either personal or national. 
In taking up arms he declares himself to be only obeying the 
command of Gregory XIII to deprive a " pretenced queen " 
" of the unjust possession " of a usurped kingdom. Nothing 
indeed can alter the fact that it was Fitzmaurice's Proclamation 
that opened the war of religion in Ireland. Up to that time, 
whatever the individual grievances of this or that nobleman 
might have been, there had been no word of religion. 6 Fitz- 
maurice's Proclamation changed the standpoint from which 
every Irishman regarded the English rule in Ireland. Henceforth, 
whether it was an Irish Interest or a native Interest that was in 
question, it was more or less a Catholic Interest as well. 

It is a far cry from Fitzmaurice's Proclamation to the Remon- 
strance and Humble Petition of the Confederate Catholics, a 
further one still to the legislative enactments of the " Patriot 
Parliament " ; but the steps that lead from the one to the other 
are easily traceable. From Cork the Counter-Reformation 
spread northwards and eastwards. Before long Waterford, 
Limerick and even Dublin were honeycombed by the Jesuits. 6 

1 Hogan, Ibernia Ignatiana, p. 12. 

2 Ib. p. 18. 

8 Col. State Papers, Irel., 23 Nov. 1569, p. 423 ; and cf. Loftus and Wallop to 
Walsingham on the cause of the rebellion, 2 Nov. 1582, in Brady, State Papers, 
p. 64. 

4 See the Proclamation (in Latin) of the Rt. Hon. Lord James Geraldine, 
concerning the justice of that war which he wageth in Ireland for the Faith. 
Gal. Carew MSS., 1569, p. 400. 

5 " Heretofore much discussion has arisen upon private quarrels ; *but now 
they have converted all their private quarrels to a general matter of religion." 
Notes by Sir N. Malby, Cal. Carew MSS., 1580, p. 310. 

6 Of. Drury to Walsingham, 16 April 1677, in Brady, State Papers, pp. 22-24, 
and Edmund Tanner, 11 Oct. 1577, in Hogan, Ibern. Ignatiana, p. 23 : multos 
ex nobilioribus regni, plures ex civibus diversarum civitatum et nobilibus 

Ivi Historical Introduction 

The enthusiasm with which the movement was taken up by the 
Irish resembled, as indeed it was, a religious revival, recalling 
the success which had attended the first preaching of the Gospel 
in Ireland. Unfortunately, however, for Fitzmaurice's plan of 
depriving Elizabeth of her crown the Irish nobility, with hardly 
an exception, showed no inclination to answer his call to arms. 
Whatever their own wishes may have been, and it was well 
known to Government that many of them harboured Catholic 
priests in their houses, and that the example set by Sir Patrick 
Barnewall of sending his son abroad for his education was 
finding constant imitation, the nobility and gentry of the Pale 
as a body manifested no signs of disloyalty. They had their own 
grievances in the matter of cess ; they were Catholics almost to 
a man ; they resented their contemptuous treatment by Govern- 
ment ; but they had no desire to risk their estates by partici- 
pating in a policy which threatened to break the connection with 
England. As yet the cleft that separated them from the mere 
Irish was too wide to be bridged by the fact of a common 
religious creed. But that even one of them should have had the 
courage to cast his scruples to the wind and throw in his lot with 
Fitzmaurice was significant of the dangerous direction things 
were beginning to take in the Pale. 

James Eustace, Viscount Baltinglas, was, like his father 
Rowland, whom he succeeded in 1579, a zealous Catholic, and 
had already in June 1578 been fined 100 marks by the Court of 
High Commission for openly attending mass. During a visit to 
Rome, he fell under the influence of Dr Nicholas Sanders, and 
returning to Ireland, he had no sooner stepped into his father's 
shoes than he showed a design to assume the mantle which had 
just fallen from Fitzmaurice's shoulders. Through his sister 
Eleanor, the wife of Sir Edmund Butler, Ormonde got wind of his 
intentions, and wrote to warn him of his folly. But Baltinglas 
was beyond the reach of argument. He had, he replied, been 
commanded by the highest authority on earth to take the sword, 
and though his own power was not very great he would do his ut- 
most to maintain the truth. For " questionless" he proceeded to 
lecture his brother-in-law, " it is a great want of knowledge and 

reconciliatos, a scutina schismatis acceptos ad Ecclesiae sanctae gremium et 
unitatem recepimus, et indies recipimus ; et multo plures reciperemus, si 
praesens persecutio, et bonorum, vitae, et libertatis privatio non impediret eos." 

Significance of Baltinglas' rebellion Ivii 

more of grace to think and believe that a woman, incapax of all 
holy orders, should be the supreme governor of Christ's Church ; 
a thing that Christ did not grant to his own mother. If the 
Queen's pleasure be, as you allege, to minister justice, it were 
time to begin ; for in this 20 years past of her reign we have seen 
more damnable doctrine maintained, more oppressing of poor 
subjects, under pretence of justice, within this land, than ever 
we read or heard, since England first received the faith, done by 
Christian princes." 1 His sermon had no effect on Ormonde, 
who plainly told him he was either a fool or a knave. But there 
were others not so steadfast in their allegiance as was Ormonde. 
" I trust," Baltinglas wrote to the Earl of Kildare, " the day shall 
never come that strangers shall say that when Christ's banner 
was in the field on the one side, and the banner of heresy on the 
other side, that the Earl of Kildare's forces were openly seen to 
stand under the heretical banner." a Kildare, with the instincts 
of a gambler hesitated. His sympathies were on the side of 
Baltinglas ; but the risk was too great, and in the end he ranged 
himself reluctantly on the side of Government. 3 His conduct 
was characteristic of the attitude of the gentry of the Pale 
generally. " The Viscount Baltinglas," wrote Lord Chancellor 
Gerard to Burghley, " has the oaths of Turlough Luineach, 
O'Donnell, O'Rourke, O'Conor Sligo, the Byrnes, Tooles, 
Kavanaghs, O' Conors, O' Mores, and the hearts of almost 
all." 4 But hearts alone were of little use, and before many 
months had passed away Baltinglas, his lands forfeited and 
himself a proclaimed traitor, was a homeless fugitive on the 

Government was not blind to the significance of his rebellion. 
The very fact that a nobleman of English extraction could fall 
so low as to seek an alliance with the " mere " Irish was in itself 

1 Cal. Carew MSS., 1580, p. 289. It is significant of the change that was 
coming over the Pale to compare this letter of Baltinglas with one from Sir 
Edmund Butler to Fitzmaurice on 24 Aug. 1569 in which Butler, while express- 
ing his determination to fight to the death to maintain his lands against Carew, 
declares that he will have nothing to do with the bringing in of Spaniards or the 
setting up of the mass, " which things James was earnest with me for." See 
Maclean, Life of Carew, p. 226. 

2 State Papers, Irel., Eliz. Ixxiv, 62. 

3 See the Confession of Christopher Barnewall in Brady, State Papers, p. 67 : 
" He said further that all Irishmen in Rome cursed the Earl of Kildare for breach 
of his promise, and prayed for the Viscount and Earl of Desmond and all their 

4 State Papers, Irel., Eliz. Ixxiv, 77. 

Iviii Historical Introduction 

so strange as to be almost unintelligible to Englishmen. 1 But 
there was no desire either on Elizabeth's part or on that of her 
advisers to minimise the danger. The difficulty was to discover 
what course to pursue. At first Elizabeth had been inclined to 
attribute Baltinglas' rebellion to the severity with which he had 
been handled by the Court of High Commission and thought 
matters might be patched up with a general pardon. But 
against any such course the Deputy, Arthur lord Grey, earnestly 
protested. If her Majesty, he wrote to Walsingham, would not 
go on thoroughly with the work of conquest, it would be better 
for her to withdraw from the country altogether. Half 
measures were useless. The fact was that, in trying to reform 
the country, she had begun at the wrong end. " Rebellion and 
disobedience to the Prince's word are chiefly regarded, and 
reformation sought of. But God's cause is made a second, or 
nothing at all." In the many instructions he had received, 
where, he asked, was there "one article that concerns the looking 
to God's due service, seeing of his Church fed with true food, and 
repressing of superstition and idolatry ? " But it was useless 
to argue. Baal's prophets would prevail. " I see it is so. I see 
it is just. I see it past help. I rest despaired. Help me 
away again for God's sake." 2 Grey's opinion was shared by 
Sir William Pelham and Sir Nicholas Malby ; but there were 
others who looked askance at his proceedngs, and thought his 
severity was only making matters worse. He is a medicine, 
wrote Fenton to Walsingham, which does not suit the sore. 3 
In November 1581 three gentlemen of the Pale, George Netter- 
ville, Robert Sherlock and Christopher Eustace, were executed 
for taking part in Baltinglas' rebellion. On their way to the 
scaffold, Thomas Jones, afterwards Archbishop of Dublin, 
made an attempt to convert them. One of them replied, 
" Vade Satana ; vade post me Sat ana. Is it not enough for 
you to have our lives, but that you must seek also to draw us 
from our religion ? " 4 

1 " Your second letter, with the report of Owen O'Gormigan, concerning the 
Viscount Baltinglas and Feagh M'Hugh is very strange, that a nobleman of the 
Pale should be so forgetful of himself, and be so united to a man of base con- 
dition." Pelham to Ormonde, 20 July 1580, Cal. Carew MSS., p. 279. 

* State Papers, Irel., Eliz. Ixxxii, 48. 
8 Brady, State Papers, p. 55. 

* Ib. p. 57; cf. Holing s " Perbreve Compendium" in Moran, Spicilegium 
Oesoriense, i, p. 95. It should be observed that Holing while claiming them 

Puritanism and Jesuitism in conflict lix 

Though justifiable no doubt from Grey's standpoint, this 
display of severity only served to aggravate the situation. 
" Many tears," wrote Nicholas White, the Master of the Rolls, 
to Burghley, " are shed in this land." The violence of Govern- 
ment was tending only to waste the revenue, and depopulate 
the Pale, where the seed of English blood had ever been a strong 
garrison for the Crown, to the advantage of the mere Irish. 1 
But Grey had got the bit between his teeth. He knew that his 
conduct was severely criticised 2 ; but the knowledge made him 
only more determined to have his own way. A new conspiracy, 
in which a number of the gentry of the Pale, including the Chief 
Justice of the Common Pleas, Nicholas Nugent, were involved, 
had come to light, and despite an order from the Privy Council 
requiring him to stay proceedings against the conspirators, 
Grey allowed the law to take its course, and early in 1582 there 
were fresh executions. 8 But such a display of puritanical zeal 
was, however it might meet with the approval of men like 
Spenser, 4 little to Elizabeth's liking, and in May Sir Nicholas 
Malby arrived from England with express orders for a general 
act of pardon and oblivion. It was the only sensible step if the 
gentry of the Pale were not to be driven headlong into rebellion. 
As it was Grey's severity, instead of weakening the hold Roman 
Catholicism was gaining on the minds and affections of the 
Irish, had given a great impetus to the Counter-Reformation. 
In August Grey returned to England a discredited statesman. 
His successor, after an interregnum lasting nearly two years, 
during which the government was managed by the Lords 
Justices Loft us and Wallop, was Sir John Perrot. 

Meanwhile Elizabeth had been carefully reconsidering her 

as the first martyrs of the faith in Ireland among the laity, admits that they 
were legally tried and condemned for high treason. 

1 State Papers, Irel., Eliz. Ixxxvii, 65. 

* Ib. Ixxxviii, 9. 

8 Ib. Ixxxix, 9 ; and cf. Holing, ut supra p. 99. 

4 " I remember in the late government of the good lord Grey, when after long 
travail and many perilous essays he had brought things almost to this pass . . . 
that when it [Ireland] was even made ready for reformation, and might have 
been brought to what her Majesty would, like complaint was made against him, 
that he was a bloody man and regarded not the life of her subjects no ry>re than 
dogs, but had wasted and consumed all, so as now she had nothing almost left, 
but to reign in their ashes ; her Majesty's ear was soon lent thereunto, and all 
suddenly turned topsy turvy ; the noble lord was eft-soons blamed ; the 
wretched people pitied ; and new counsels plotted, in which it was concluded 
that a general pardon should be sent over to all that would accept of it," etc. 
Present State, p. 655. 

Ix Historical Introduction 

position in Ireland. Grey's government had proved very 
expensive ; but now that the Earl of Desmond's rebellion had 
been brought to a successful conclusion, she was anxious to 
revert to her old temporising policy in the hope of regaining the 
good will of her Irish subjects. Her chance of doing so depended 
largely on her ability to keep in check the rising spirit of Puritan- 
ism in England. In her Instructions to her new Deputy, she 
had not one word to say on the all-important question of religion. 
On the contrary Perrot was ordered to confer with the Council 
as to " what course of government may be held, so as justice 
may take place, our charges be lessened, and revenues increased, 
and our subjects there not oppressed." 1 To this end he was 
authorised to take steps to call a Parliament. Nothing, as 
remarked, had been said about religion ; but when Parliament 
met in April 1585 it was rumoured that in addition to a proposal 
to commute cess and other aids into a land tax, Government, 
amongst other things, intended to extend to Ireland an Act 
(27 Eliz. c. 2) recently passed in England, requiring all Jesuits to 
leave the country within forty days under penalty of death, and 
rendering all who harboured them liable to the same punishment. 
Now whether it was this last mentioned proposal, as seems likely, 
or the scheme for the commutation of cess, as Sir N. White 
maintained, 2 that aroused their indignation, the attitude of the 
Commons was from the first extremely antagonistic to Govern- 
ment. Failing, however, as previously in 1569, to secure a 
Speaker out of their own ranks, the representatives of the Pale, 
or, as they were now beginning to be called, the Recusants, 
directed their efforts to secure the rejection of a Bill for the 
temporary suspension of Poynings' Law, on the ground that 
they had not been consulted as the Statute required on the 
legislative measures intended to be submitted to Parliament. 
Both sides were pretty evenly balanced, 3 and owing to the defec- 
tion of some members of the " Court " party the efforts of the 

1 See the Instructions in Lodge, Desid. Curios. Hib., i, pp. 35-49. 

2 State Papers, Irel., Eliz. cxvi, 56. 

3 The House of Commons consisted of about 120 members. In the absence of 
any precise information it is of course impossible to give an exact account of its 
constitution ; but from a careful analysis of the names and comparison with a 
list compiled by Sir J. Davies in 1611 (Cal. Carew MSS., pp. 168-169) it would 
seem that the majority were Catholics, but that Government could reckon on 
about 50 to 52 sure votes on all occasions. The Speaker was (Sir) Nicholas 
Walsh, ALP. for Waterford city, afterwards Chief Justice of the Common Pleas. 

Failure of Elizabeth's efforts to mediate Ixi 

Recusants in this respect proved successful. The result was 
that Perrot, after vainly endeavouring to argue them into 
submission, was obliged to prorogue Parliament. During the 
recess a compromise was effected. The Jesuits' Bill was with- 
drawn ; the claim of the gentry of the Pale to be consulted as to 
what Bills should be transmitted to England was admitted 1 ; and 
order was given not to press the taking of the oath of suprem- 
acy on them. 2 Accordingly when Parliament reassembled 
in April 1586 no objection was made to the suspension of 
Poynings' Law. Bills were passed for the attainder of the Earl 
of Desmond and his accomplices, against fraudulent convey- 
ances, forging of evidences, wilful perjury, counterfeiting. foreign 
coins, witchcraft, etc. But on no account would the Commons 
consent to Perrot's scheme for a commutation of cess, and in 
his disgust at the result he dissolved Parliament on 14 May. 
Twenty-six years were to elapse before another was called. 

The closing years of Elizabeth's reign may be passed over 
rapidly. Something has already been said of the plantation of 
Munster, the settlement of Monaghan, and the rebellion of Hugh 
O'Neill. To deal with them at greater length is not here 
necessary. It has been seen how, owing to the exertions of the 
Jesuits, the question of religion, which at the beginning of 
Elizabeth's reign had been regarded on all sides with indifference, 
had gradually grown to be one of paramount importance ; and 
how the consciousness of a common religious belief, assisted by 
the agrarian grievances of the native Irish on the one hand and 
the constitutional grievances of the gentry of the Pale on the 
other, was serving to draw these hitherto hostile elements 
together in opposition to Government. As yet the antagonism 
of race had proved stronger than the bonds of a common religion. 
But the alliance of Lord Baltinglas with O'Neill, O'Rourke, and 
Feagh M'Hugh O'Byrne had pointed to the possibility of a time 
coming when men of English descent would unite with the native 
Irish in an effort to free Ireland from the yoke of their common 
enemy. With the progress of Puritanism in England and of 
Jesuitism in Ireland the two countries were gradually drifting 
into opposing camps. The viceroyalty of Lord Grey h*d been 
significant of a growing dissatisfaction on the part of Englishmen 

1 Cal. Carew MSS., 1586, pp. 403-404. 
1 State Papers, Irel., Eliz. cxxi, 50. 

Ixii Historical Introduction 

at the course affairs were taking in Ireland, and of an earnest 
desire to bring matters between them and " Grantorto " to an 
issue. It required all Elizabeth's authority to check such 
designs. Whether indeed she clearly realised the course things 
were taking may be doubted. But she saw that it would not do 
to push matters between herself and the gentry of the Pale to 
extremities. The lesson of Baltinglas' rebellion had not been 
lost upon her, and if she had for a moment yielded to Grey's 
policy of severity, she was anxious to retrieve her mistake and 
patch up matters as quickly as possible. In doing so she had at 
least the sense to see that religious persecution would only make 
matters worse, and to her prudence in this respect she owed it 
that, when the day of trial came and rebellion was almost 
universal in Ireland, Tyrone could find little footing in the Pale. 1 
For herself she would have been content if the Irish would keep 
the peace, and concede her a nominal acknowledgment of her 
supremacy, in the hope that things would right themselves in 
time. Unfortunately such a course was no longer possible. 
Her enemies had discovered that Ireland was the weak spot in 
her armour, and openly spoke of it as the back door to England. 
Struggle as she liked she could not free herself from the meshes 
of the Jesuit conspiracy. The attempt of Philip II to wrest the 
sceptre from her hand by force had recoiled on his own head, 
and before she died she had the satisfaction of knowing that she 
had brought the " arch-traitor " Tyrone to his knees. But in 
the supreme matter of religion the victory was none the less not 
with her but with Rome. 



IT has been said that " as Elizabeth grew old, it was generally 
felt that great changes were impending. . . . Men were every- 
where asking for greater relaxation than she had been willing 
to give them." 2 The statement is as true of Ireland as it is of 

1 See on this point Tyrone's Proclamation to the gentry and cities of the Pale, 
15 Nov. 1599, in Meehan, Fate and Fortunes of the Earls of Tyrone and Tyrconnel, 
2nd Ed., pp. 30-32. The only satisfactory copy of this document, with which 
I am acquainted, is in MSS. T.O.D. E. 3. 10. f. 31 sgq. 

* Gardiner, Hist, of England, i, p. 42. 

Catholic hopes of religious toleration Ixiii 

England, only whereas in England relaxation meant concessions 
to Puritanism, in Ireland it meant concessions to Roman 
Catholicism. Half-way between English Puritanism and Irish 
Catholicism stood the Church of England hated and despised 
of both alike. Could the Crown as legal head of that Church 
succeed in keeping its position, and in holding both Puritanism 
and Catholicism in check, then all might be well and peace be 
preserved. But the situation was one of great danger. The 
slightest yielding in the one direction could only be interpreted 
as repression in the other. We know the result the Irish 
Rebellion and the Cromwellian Settlement. At present it is 
sufficient to have stated the problem. 

As Elizabeth's reign drew to a close the one question upper- 
most in the minds of Irishmen was what course her successor, 
James I, would steer. Men can generally find reasons for con- 
vincing themselves of what they want to believe, and most 
Irishmen were convinced that the accession of the son of Mary 
Stuart would mean for them the beginning of an era of religious 
liberty. Hardly then had the news of James's accession 
reached them, than, without waiting to see how far the event 
would justify their confidence, they began to act as if the whole 
religious policy of Elizabeth had been reversed by her successor. 
Everywhere throughout the Pale and in the large seaport towns 
the Protestants were driven out of the religious edifices they had 
usurped, the altars so long desecrated by heresy were recon- 
secrated, the mass which had only been possible with the con- 
nivance of the magistrate was once more openly celebrated, 
while in every church prayers were offered for the welfare of 
James and Te Deums sung in gratitude for their new-found 
liberty. 1 Great therefore was their surprise and indignation 
when, instead of the approbation they expected, Government 
promptly interfered to put a stop to these proceedings. The 
consequence was that at Waterford, Limerick and Cork in 
particular matters assumed a very threatening aspect. In 
more than one place resistance was offered to the proclamation 

1 " Audita vero Reginae morte, Deus immortalis ! quis Catholicorum 
Ibernoram in profitenda Religione emicuit ardor, quae ad templa rejl&rganda 
et restauranda alacritas, qualis ad supplicationes, sacramenta, condones fuit 
confluxus ! Certe non modo dicendi facundiam facultatem humanum sed 
etiam fidem superat." Contemporary Catholic account in Spicil. Ossor., iii, p. 
80 ; and c/. Petition of the Marquess di Villena, *&. i, p. 111. For a Protestant 
account see Farmer's Narrative in Eng. Hist. Review, xxii, pp. 629-533. 

Ixiv Historical Introduction 

of James, and there was a good deal of seditious talk about the 
claims of the Infanta Isabella, the eldest daughter of Philip IT, 
as legitimate heir to the throne. Eventually, the disturbances 
were suppressed, but the situation remained a perplexing one. 

Neither Government nor the Catholics knew exactly what the 
King's intentions were, 1 and the latter, still believing that Govern- 
ment was acting on its own initiative, insisted on appointing 
agents of their own to proceed to London to submit their case 
personally to James. Being admitted to an audience the deputa- 
tion was informed that the King " though he would much rejoice 
if the Irish Catholics would conform themselves to his religion, 
yet he would not force them to forsake their own." 2 Over- 
joyed at the result the agents hastened home to inform their 
compatriots that the King had promised them toleration of their 
religion. In its unwillingness to credit the news, Government 
besought James to reconsider his decision ; and the King, being 
thus brought to book, replied that the Catholic agents must have 
misunderstood his intention, " for that he meant, in the interior, 
he would not force them against their conscience ; but in the 
exterior, it was his will they should conform themselves to his 
laws, by taking the oath as it was here [sc. in England] taken, 
and going to the church/' 8 

The explanation did not, so far as Government was concerned, 
greatly improve matters. It was evident that James's inclina- 
tion to a toleration of Roman Catholicism was better grounded 

1 " Since the late commotions in the towns, happily stayed by the Lieutenant, 
a great swarm of Jesuits, seminaries, friars, and priests, notwithstanding their 
late danger, frequent the towns and other places in the English Pale and borders 
more openly and bolder than before ; few of the best houses in the Pale are free 
from relieving and receiving them. The Council find that they are under a 
strong and perilous impression, and so persuade the people, that there shall be 
a toleration of religion ; and for the procuring of it, sundry of the better sort of 
the Pale and towns are sent as agents to Court to solicit the same . . . they 
[the Council] urge the Lords of the Council to move the King to consider of 
some present settled course concerning religion, to bridle the boldness and back- 
slidings of the Papists before matters grow to further danger. For though 
the Deputy and Council apply the authority of the State with as great discretion 
as they can (not knowing as yet what wilfbe his Majesty's course on the point 
of religion) yet it avails little to stay the case, for they make a contempt of all 
their doing?, reposing altogether upon their prospect of toleration." Lord 
Deputy and Council to the Privy Council, 2 July 1603, Col. State Papers, 
Irel., p. 66. 

1 See Letter of Intelligence in Col. State Papers, Irel., 161 4, p. 542. This docu- 
ment though assigned by the Editors of the Calendar to 1614 really belongs to 
1603. For a fuller account see the Petition of the Marquess of Villena in 
Spicil. Ossor., i, p. 112 ; and c/. Brief Relation in Cal. State Papers, Trel., 1013, 
p. 393. 3 Letter of Intelligence ut supra, p. 543. 

James's efforts to find a middle way Ixv 

than Irish officials had supposed ; and as for going to church it 
was clear that, if, as the Catholics alleged, there were no churches 
for them to go to, they could not reasonably be punished for not 
attending divine service. To clear up this point orders were 
issued in January 1604 to the Lord Deputy and Council, to 
cause a thorough inquiry to be made into the state of religion 
in Ireland, with a view to the establishment of a zealous and 
learned ministry there. The result of the inquiry, despite the 
efforts of Archbishop Loftus and the Bishop of Meath to 
write everything " bene " when the verdict was " omnia 
pessime," was a confirmation of Sir John Davies' statement 
that throughout the greater part of the country the 
churches were in ruins, and that in most of them there was 
no divine service, no christening of children, no receiving 
of the sacrament, no, not once a year ; in a word, no more 
demonstration of religion than amongst Tartars or cannibals. 1 
In one respect, however, the advisers of the King were unani- 
mous. Nothing, they insisted, could be done to establish a godly 
ministry until the swarms of titulary bishops, seminaries, Jesuits, 
priests and friars were expelled the country, so carried away 
were the people by the enticements of this rabble. 2 

Indeed so convinced was Sir Henry Brunker, Lord President of 
Munster, of the reasonableness of this view, that, without waiting 
for orders, he published a Proclamation on his own account on 
14 August 1604, commanding all Jesuits, seminaries and mass- 
ing priests to quit the province before 30 September, on pain 
of imprisonment during his Majesty's pleasure and a fine of 
40, half to go to the informer, half to the King's use. 3 It was 
a wholly illegal proceeding, and feeling that he had exceeded his 
authority he wrote to Cecil to excuse himself from the " imputa- 
tion of injustice or indiscretion, God bearing him witness that 
he aimed at nothing but the glory of his Creator and the service 
of his Majesty, which could in no other way be advanced than 
by emptying the corporations of all these wicked priests, the 
seminaries of mischief and the very firebrands of rebellion." 4 

The Catholics were of course not slow to protest against 
Brunker's proceedings, and an attempt was made U> take 
advantage of the peace which had just been concluded to induce 

i Davies to Cecil, 20 Feb. 1604. Gal, State Papers, Irel., p. 143 ; and see par- 
ticularly the Bishop of Ossory's report, ib. p. 179. 
1 Ib. p. 169. Ib. p. 190. * Ib. p. 193. 

Ixvi Historical Introduction 

Philip III to intervene with James on their behalf. 1 But, with 
the best will in the world to concede the toleration asked for, 
James was beginning to find the current of public opinion in 
England too strong to be resisted. It is impossible not to 
sympathise with him in his efforts to steer clear of persecution, 
even if in this, as in most other matters, his motive was chiefly 
a selfish desire to follow the line of least resistance. His 
intention, he wrote to Sir Arthur Chichester, whom he had 
designated for the post of Lord Deputy, was to call a Parliament 
" to lay open and reform the burdens and inconveniences of State, 
and to constitute new laws for the future." Till this could be 
done he desired " to have a present consultation of all such 
things as might tend to the better establishment of the true 
religion." 2 But his efforts to postpone his decision were un- 
availing. Every post from Ireland brought a reiterated demand 
for repressive measures. " Experience," wrote Chief- Justice 
Saxey, " teaches that secure suff ranee of enormities in govern- 
ment is more hurtful to the Commonwealth than rage of rebel- 
lion." 3 Sir John Davies was at hand with instances of the 
growing audacity of the Catholics. One Shelton, who had been 
elected mayor of Dublin, had refused to take the oath of suprem- 
acy, and the manner of his refusal was worse than the refusal 
itself. In Westmeath a minister had been interrupted in the 
burial of the dead. In Kilkenny an outrage had been committed 
on the person of the Dean of the Cathedral Church. At 
Limerick, a priest, being arrested by warrant of the Lord 
President, had been violently rescued by the mob. The only 
remedy for these disorders, in the opinion of the writer, was the 
banishment of the priests ; the people would then be quickly 
reclaimed. 4 Chichester's advice was on the same side, 5 and 
James finding further resistance impossible gave his consent, 
on 4 July 1605, to a Proclamation commanding all Jesuits, 
seminary priests and other priests to depart the kingdom before 
10 December, and requiring and admonishing all his subjects 
to attend divine service in their parish churches every Sunday 
under penalty of having the laws strictly enforced against them. 6 
It was a wholly futile proceeding. The Proclamation was 

1 Petition of the Marquess of Villena ut supra. The Treaty of London, 19 
Aug. 1604. 

2 Gal. State Payers, Irel., 1604, p. 206. 

3 16. p. 217. * Ib. ff. 212-215. 6 Ib. p. 266. 6 Ib. pp. 301-303. 

Government and Recusants in conflict Ixvii 

published in Dublin early in October. The Sunday following 
Davies noted with satisfaction that " notwithstanding the 
plague and the absence of the Lord Deputy," the attendance at 
Christ's Church was larger " than he had seen at any time since 
he came into the kingdom." 1 But his optimism was not shared 
by others. Indeed so far were the Catholics from showing any 
intention of obeying the Proclamation that Fenton noticed they 
were taking active measures to frustrate it, and had appointed 
an agent to lay their case before the king. 2 With the object of 
breaking their resistance before it had time to ripen into revolt 
Chichester at once issued letters of mandate to sixteen of the 
leading Catholics of Dublin to attend divine service with him at 
Christ's Church on the following Sunday. 3 Not one of the 
persons cited obeyed the summons. Thereupon they were called 
before the Court of Castle Chamber, and pleading that, having 
been brought up in the Roman Catholic religion, it was against 
their consciences to go to church, they were promptly fined, 
some 100, others 50.* Such high-handed measures did not 
improve matters. 

At the first intimation of Government to enforce the Pro- 
clamation a " giant-like petition," signed by over 200 of the 
leading gentry of the Pale, was presented to the Deputy, 
praying him to suspend proceedings until the petitioners had 
laid their case before the king. 5 Amongst those who had 
taken a leading part in getting it up was Sir Patrick Barnewall, 
and being taken sharply to task for his conduct by the Deputy, 
he attempted to justify himself in language which caused 
Chichester to order his committal to the Castle. " Well," said 
he, "we must endure as we have endured many other things." 
" What mean you by that ? " retorted the Deputy ; " what 
have you endured ? " " We have endured," said he, " the 
miseries of the late war, and other calamities besides." " You 
endured the misery of the late war ! " replied the Deputy. 
"No, sir ; we have endured the misery of the war ; we have 
lost our blood and our friends, and have indeed endured 
extreme miseries to suppress the late rebellion, whereof your 
priests, for whom you make petition, and your wicked region, 
was the principal cause." 6 

1 Cal. State Papers, Irel., 1604, p. 334. * Ib. p. 338. 

8 Ib. p. 355. Ib. pp. 348-349. 6 Ib. pp. 362-365. Ib. p. 372. 

Ixviii Historical Introduction 

Nothing could better describe the state of tension between the 
Government and the Catholics than this little scene in the Council 
Chamber. When the petition was transmitted to England it was 
accompanied with a hint from the Council that it would be well 
if no attention was paid to it. But in England the recent 
discovery of a widely ramified plot for blowing up the Parlia- 
ment had impressed Government with the necessity of caution. 
In a letter, intended only for the eye of the Lord Deputy, the 
Lords of the Privy Council, without directly reprimanding him 
for his over-zealous proceedings, suggested that a more moderate 
course would probably be attended with better results. No 
doubt it was very desirable that the reformation of the people 
of Ireland should be taken in hand ; but when it was considered 
how lately they had been reduced from an almost general revolt, 
and how apt they might be to relapse, and when it was remem- 
bered that a main alteration in religion was not suddenly to be 
obtained by forcing against the current, but gaining by little 
and little, as opportunity offered, they were inclined to advise 
a temperate course between both extremes, neither yielding 
any hope of toleration of their superstition, nor startling the 
multitude by any general or rigorous compulsion. Admonition, 
persuasion and instruction should be first tried, before severity 
of law and justice were used. Some good instruments well 
chosen by the clergy should take special pains to plant religion 
where the people have been least civil, because there they were 
more easily to be won, than where, by notorious negligence, a 
contrary opinion had taken root, which time alone could remove. 
As for the priests and friars it would of course be well if they 
were banished, provided that could be conveniently done, but 
there should be no curious and particular search made for them. 
In conclusion the Lords of the Privy Council suggested that the 
gentlemen who had been committed to the Castle might be 
released on their giving security to appear when called upon. 1 

Chichester professed himself grateful for the advice tendered 
him, but unfortunately showed no intention of following it. 
On the contrary, by his orders a vigorous attempt was made to 
carry out in Munster and Connaught the same policy which had 
caused so much trouble in the Pale. At Wexford, Waterford, 
Cork, Limerick, Cashel, Clonmel and Gal way a rigorous review 

1 Gal. State Papers, Irel., 1604, pp. 389-390, and c/. p. 46L 

James interferes in the interests of peace Ixix 

was taken of the conduct of the Catholics in those towns. In the 
case of the merchants and wealthier citizens letters of mandate 
were issued requiring their attendance at divine service, and, on 
their refusal to obey, good round fines were placed on them, 
with imprisonment till they were paid. 1 In the case of the poorer 
Catholics, who persistently abstained from church, the shilling 
fine, due for disobedience to the Act of Uniformity, was strictly 
exacted. Here and there, particularly at Clonmel, which 
swarmed with priests, there was a difficulty in finding bills of 
indictment against the offenders ; but in general there was 
little opposition, which was ascribed to the fact that the fines 
exacted were mainly devoted to charitable purposes. The 
President of Munster was delighted at the result. His " modera- 
tion in punishing " had, he wrote, so far prevailed that many of 
the towns were almost wholly reclaimed. Even Cork, hitherto 
so stubborn, was so well confirmed that its mayor, " having 
been brought up amongst the Spaniards and for a long time 
extremely wilful/' had by a little correction been brought to 
church, and so well satisfied in conscience as to offer to take the 
communion with him. 2 

It was an unfortunate commentary on his letter that, at the 
very moment Brunker was penning this glowing description of 
the progress of Protestantism in Munster, the Catholics of Cork 
were busily engaged in petitioning against his arbitrary conduct, 
alleging that his system of levying distress for fines, by entering 
their houses, taking their goods and keeping their wives and 
children from relief, besides irritating the citizens, was ruining 
trade and driving merchants from the city. Their petition had 
its desired effect. Writing privately to the Lord President, the 
Lords of the Privy Council took him sharply to task for his 
proceedings. They did not, they wrote, question his good 
intentions, but he should remember that " the same rule serveth 
not fitly for Ireland and for England/' and in the case of simple 
recusancy, or secret exercise of their superstition in their private 
houses, he would do well to hold a more moderate course than 
was considered advisable in England. As it was, they were afraid 
that the course he was pursuing, " not usual in times pa*t, nor 

1 For a list of persons fined and the fines exacted as contained in the Ex- 
chequer Roll see Gal. State Papers, Irel.. 1606-1608. Pref., pp. xciii, xcix. 
Ib. p. 25. 


Ixx Historical Introduction 

warranted by the laws of that kingdom," was calculated to 
" stir evil humours to a desperate and dangerous resolution in 
another kind." * To Chichester they were even more explicit. 
" The extraordinary forms held by some of the King's ministers 
in Ireland [they wrote] would produce a better effect if they were 
carried in another temper ; and though nothing could be further 
from his Majesty's heart than a toleration of the Catholic religion, 
yet when the loyalty of the towns during the late rebellion was 
borne in mind (which had it been otherwise his lordship and the 
rest could well consider what the consequences would have been) , 
it did not stand well with the policy of the times to drive them 
into desperate courses, by a too curious inquisition and strain- 
ing of the laws for their punishment." 2 This time the repri- 
mand was not lost on Chichester, and in consequence affairs 
seemed at last to be drifting into a quieter channel, when an 
event occurred which threw the country once more into a 
violent state of excitement. On 7 September 1607 it was 
known throughout Ireland that a day or two before the Earls 
of Tyrone and Tyrconnel, accompanied by Maguire and a 
number of other persons had suddenly left the country. 
What did their flight mean ? The question was on everyone's 
lips. Was it fear that had driven the aged Earl of Tyrone to 
this step ? Or a guilty conscience ? Did his flight portend 
a new rebellion ? 

The " flight of the Earls " is one of those episodes in Irish 
history of which it is impossible to give an entirely satisfactory 
explanation, simply because it is a question of motives, and 
what Tyrone's motives were we cannot precisely say. What he 
alleged as his reason for taking such an extraordinary step is 
another matter viz. that he thought it better to make an 
honourable escape with his life and liberty only, than by staying, 
with dishonour and indignation, to lose both life, liberty and 
country. 3 Only if we accept this explanation we are confronted 
with the difficulty that, so far as the evidence goes, there is no 
sign that either his life, liberty, or country was in the slightest 
danger. Nor on the other hand is there any reason to believe 
that he had been secretly plotting against Government, and that 

1 For a list of persons fined and the fines exacted as contained in the Ex- 
chequer Roll see Cat. State Papers, Irel., 1606-1608, pp. 138-139. 
* Ib. p. 137. 
8 See Earl of Tyrone's Articles in Gal State Papers, Irel., 1607, p. 382. 

Effect of Ty rones "flight" on the situation Ixxi 

his flight was due to a guilty conscience. All that can, with any 
probability, be surmised is that he fled because he was dis- 
satisfied with his position as regarded his urriaghs, and was 
misled by his vanity into supposing that he would be able to press 
his claims on Government more effectively, when backed up by 
his Catholic friends on the Continent than he could in Ireland. 
If so he was speedily disabused of his notion, and finding himself 
of less importance abroad than he had imagined, he would 
gladly have retrieved his blunder by any means in his power. 1 
Unfortunately this was impossible and the consequences of his 
ill-considered action were to prove as disastrous to his country as 
to himself. 

But whatever his motives may have been it is certain that his 
flight and that of his companions took Government entirely by 
surprise, 2 and it was some time before Chichester could quite 
grasp the situation. When he did so, it was to suggest that 
" these late occurrences are providential to enable his Majesty 
to repair the error committed in making these men proprietary 
lords of so large territories, without regard of the poor free- 
holders' rights, or of his Majesty's service and the Common- 
wealth's, that are so much interested in the honest liberty of 
that sort of men." 3 What did his suggestion mean ? Hitherto 
since Elizabeth had, as we have seen, definitely abandoned the 
policy of plantation as a means of reducing Ireland to civility 
and good order, there had been no sign of any intention on 
James's part to revive it. On the contrary by accepting Tyrone 
and Tyrconnel to mercy, and restoring them to the full enjoy- 
ment of their lands, he had, much to the annoyance of the 
hungry courtiers, who had been hoping to raise their fortunes 
on their ruin, 4 clearly demonstrated his desire to let bygones be 
bygones, and by a policy of conciliation to heal the wounds 
inflicted by the long war. Perhaps the knowledge of his own 
intrigues with Tyrone had materially contributed to this result. 
Anyhow the opportunity of effecting a plantation in Ulster had 

1 See Sir Tho. Edmonds to Salisbury, 4 Nov. 1607, Gal. State Papers, Trel., 
p. 631, and Earl of Tyrone to the Earl of Somerset, Dec. 1613 in Meehan, Fate 
and Fortunes, p. 377. 

2 See particularly Chichester to Privy Council, 7 Sept. 1607, Cal. State 
Papers, Irel., p. 261. 

8 Ib. p. 262. 

* Cf. Sir John Harington to Dr John Still, 1603, in Nugae Antiq. Ed. 1792, ii, 
p. 149. 

Ixxii Historical Introduction 

been neglected, and hitherto James had shown no sign that -he 
regretted his decision. The agreement, however, only con- 
cerned those lands in the personal possession of the Earls of 
Tyrone and Tyrconnel. As for those lying outside it, and in 
particular the counties of Fermanagh and Cavan, the matter 
stood on a different footing. 

In July 1606 Chichester accompanied by Sir John Davies paid 
a visit to Ulster. The object of the Lord Deputy was to inquire 
into the working of the settlement effected by Elizabeth with the 
MacMahons of county Monaghan, and, if possible, to effect a 
similar settlement with the O'Reillies of county Cavan and the 
Maguires of Fermanagh. In the course of his investigations 
Davies became aware for the first time, as he says, that Tyrone 
was not really the legal owner of the lands occupied by him. For 
by the words of his patent he possessed no more than his grand- 
father Con O'Neill possessed, and all that Con possessed were 
certain demesnes at Dungannon, Benburb and Strabane, with the 
services of his free tenants. As for the lands of the latter they 
were, by virtue of the statute n Eliz. c. 2, resumed and invested 
in the Crown. Consequently, and notwithstanding the Earl's 
patent, they were at that very moment actually in the King's 
possession. " I might," Davies complacently proceeds, " ex 
officio, by reason of the poor place I hold, prefer informations of 
intrusion against the occupiers of those lands ; but in respect of 
the place where the lands lie, the persons that hold them, and 
other circumstances, I do forbear to do it without special 
direction or permission of the Council of State ; . . . how- 
beit, I see no reason why the King's ministers should make 
any doubt to demand the King's own land of any subject 
here." l 

1 Gal. State Papers, Irel., 1606, p. 20. The fallacy of Davies' argument is 
apparent. For, it is clear that if the patent granted to Con O'Neill was granted 
under a misapprehension of the laws regulating the possession of lands under 
the tribal system, the consequences of that mistake could not with any show of 
justice be laid to the charge of Con. That patent, after being forfeited by 
Shane, had been renewed to Hugh and confirmed by James, and as everyone, 
including by his own admission (CaL 1606, p. 19) Davies himself, believed that, 
by the terms of it, Tyrone was legally possessed of the lands occupied by him, 
it is manifestly absurd to force another construction on it. Either Tyrone was 
legal owner of the lands occupied by him, in which case the freeholders had no 
propriety rights ; or the freeholders were proprietors, in which case the 
plantation could not have taken place. It is interesting to note that Davies 
subsequently abandoned the position taken up by him in this letter in 
favour k of the former of these alternatives. The Act of 11 Eliz. c. 2 has no 
bearing on the subject. 

The plantation of Ulster Ixxiii 

To his credit James showed no inclination to take advantage 
of Davies' wonderful discovery. On the contrary when rumours 
began to reach him of the suspicious behaviour of the Earl of 
Tyrone, and of messages passing between him and his friends 
on the Continent he did his best to discountenance them. His 
Majesty, the Lords of the Privy Council wrote to Chichester in 
November 1606, " considering that many of the better sort of 
that nation (being nursed up in rebellion) are apt to be discon- 
tented, and, in particular quarrels, are ready to accuse one 
another/' thought it advisable " to be more cold in calling them 
in question," and was of opinion that, unless something definite 
could be proved against them, it would be sufficient " to let the 
suspected know, that, though they had been accused, the King 
was unwilling to doubt their loyalty as long as he should find 
reason to esteem them." * How little desirous he was to give the 
Irish cause of offence is equally apparent from the instructions 
issued for the settlement of Cavan and Fermanagh, wherein it 
was specially stipulated that there should be no wholesale 
importation of English colonists, " lest if many strangers be 
brought in among them, it should be imagined as an invention 
to displant the natives, which would breed a general distaste in 
all the Irish." a Even now, when the flight of the Earls had 
placed the Crown in possession of wide tracts of land, there was 
at first no apparent intention on the part of Government to take 
advantage of it for purposes of plantation. It is true Chichester 
had written that the opportunity had been given the Crown of 
repairing the mistake made in constituting Tyrone and Tyrconnel 
proprietary lords of such a wide extent of territory to the dis- 
regard of the poor freeholders' rights ; but he had no intention 
of ousting the latter to make way for English planters. 

His plan, as expounded by himself, was that the King should 
assume the countries of the fugitives into his possession, divide 
the lands amongst the inhabitants to every man of note or good 
desert so much as he could conveniently stock and cultivate by 
himself and his tenants and followers ; bestow the rest upon ser- 
vitors and men of worth in Ireland, and withal bring in colonies 
of civil people of England and Scotland, with condition to*build 
castles and storehouses upon their lands. 3 It is worth while to 

1 Cal. State Papers, Trel., 1606, p. 27. 
1 Ib. p. 24. * Ib. p. 276, 

Ixxiv Historical Introduction 

notice the order in which the claimants were to be treated 
natives, servitors, planters. In other words what Chichester 
had in view was an extension of the plan, which had worked so 
well in the case of the MacMahons of Monaghan, to the inhabit- 
ants of the now forfeited districts. But after the natives had 
been liberally provided for there would be plenty of land to serve 
for a plantation. It does not fall within the scope of this Intro- 
duction to describe in detail the settlement of Ulster. 'It is well 
known that, before any definite decision had been arrived at, the 
rebellion of O'Cahan and O'Dogherty led to further confisca- 
tions, which placed at the disposal of Government for plantation 
purposes the whole of Ulster with the exception of the counties 
of Antrim, Down, and Monaghan ; and that, under pressure of 
applications to be allowed to take part in the undertaking, 
Government seriously modified its original plan, with the result 
that instead of occupying the first place in it the natives were 
put off with something less than scant justice. 

The consequences of the plantation of Ulster as carried out 
were very disastrous for Ireland. In the first place it left the 
natives dissatisfied, and ready to take the first opportunity, as 
Chichester predicted they would, to cut the throats of their new 
landlords. 1 Secondly it exercised a very bad effect on the 
general situation by introducing into the midst of a wholly 
Catholic population a compact body of zealous Presbyterians. 2 
Neither of these dangers was, however, at first apparent. The 
Irish were too cowed to move and the new planters were not 
remarkable for their religious piety. But the energy of the latter 
and particularly of the Scots in developing their properties soon 
gave an appearance of fictitious prosperity to the plantation, 
which was shortly to prove an inducement to further undertak- 
ings of a similar sort. In England there was no lack of incentive 
to such schemes. The air at the time was thick with colonisation 
projects of one sort and another. The lust for gold which had 
marked the spirit of Elizabethan enterprise had yielded to a 

1 Cal State Papers, Trel., 1610, p. 526. 

2 1 know that Protestant writers hold a directly opposite view and trace the 
progress of Ulster to its Presbyterian element. They may be right ; but I am 
here not concerned to bolster up a theory which merely amounts to asserting 
that Presbyterianism is a better religion than Roman Catholicism. All I am 
anxious to show is that, as Scottish Presbyterianism was as little likely to agree 
with Irish Catholicism as oil is likely to coalesce with water, the situation 
created was fraught with eminent danger. 

Bad effects of the plantation on the situation Ixxv 

soberer craving for land, and only a month or two before the 
flight of the Earls had drawn men's attention to Ireland the 
first body of English colonists had sailed from the Thames for 
Virginia. The expedition was regarded as almost doomed to 
failure and as little to be compared to the Irish project as, in 
Bacon's phrase, Amadis de Gaul was to Caesar's Commentaries. 

That these schemes were regarded in Ireland, especially 
amongst the gentry of the Pale, with apprehension as tending to 
weaken the political position of the Roman Catholics goes 
without saying. Curiously enough, however, it was on the 
Continent that the first note of alarm was sounded. Tyrone's 
expectation of bettering his position by a personal appeal to his 
soi-disant friends abroad had not, as we have remarked, been 
realised. On the contrary he had to hear some rather sharp 
sayings about his inconceivable folly in leaving his post, and 
thereby causing the King of Spain to lose the fruits of the " thirty 
years' intelligence which he maintained in Ireland." x The 
question of how to repair his blunder was one not easily to be 
answered. For Spain openly to interfere on behalf of the exiles 
was impossible, and the Archduke Albert was profuse in his 
apologies for the hospitality that had been extended to them in 
the Netherlands. He had been misled, he declared, by Tyrone's 
pretence that he had been " driven out of his country for his 
conscience." 2 Being assured that such was not the case he was 
only too ready to rid himself of the run-a-gates. 3 But the old 
policy of stirring up discontent in Ireland as a means of weaken- 
ing England was not thus lightly to be abandoned. Paul V was 
bound by none of those considerations that restrained Philip III, 
and it was not long before Chichester remarked that a fresh 
Jesuit campaign was in active progress. 

Since Candlemas last, he reported in May 1608, thirty seminary 
priests and Jesuits had landed in Ireland with the object of 
fomenting rebellion. 4 The Catholics of the Pale, he noted, no 
longer prayed for the safety, health, and prosperity of the King, 
but for his conversion and that of the royal family. 5 The second 
Justice of the Common Pleas, Sir John Everard, had preferred 
to resign his office rather than take the oath of Supremacy. 6 
In the spring of 1609 there was a fresh accession of Jesuits from 

1 Col. State Papers, Irel., 1607, p. 631. 2 "I&. p. 637. 8 Ib. p. 640. 

4 /&. p. 500. 5 g/6. p. 507. 6 /&. p. 584. 

Ixxvi Historical Introduction 

abroad, and it was calculated that at a great Catholic meeting 
on the borders of Tipperary, shortly before Easter, there were 
above 7000 persons of all sorts present. 1 Shortly afterwards 
there was another meeting in Connaught, on an island in the 
Shannon, attended, it was said, by more than 15,000 persons. 2 
It was, Chichester declared, impossible for Government to close 
its eyes to the growing danger. Such meetings had always been 
noted to be the forerunners of rebellion, and, though he hoped 
it would not prove so in the present case, it was in his opinion 
high time to adopt measures of repression. As for those fire- 
brands of sedition, the Jesuits and seminary priests, he could 
only repeat his advice that it would be well to expel them before 
it was too late ; but having received no authority to do so he 
was afraid to deal with them in such sort as was expedient. 3 

Chichester's warning did not pass altogether unheeded ; and 
having more than once suggested the advisableness of prevent- 
ing the Catholic gentry sending their children abroad for their 
education without special licence, and recalling those already on 
the Continent, he was authorised to publish a proclamation in the 
sense he desired. 4 But the feeling that stronger measures were 
necessary to cope with the growing danger was rapidly gaining 
the upper hand. Since the last attempt concerning religion was 
given over, Sir Robert Jacob wrote to Salisbury in October 1609, 
2000 persons had turned Recusants in the English Pale alone. 
The number of priests was continually on the increase, " lusty, 
able young men/' who went about well armed. Every gentle- 
man had one or two in his house. Dublin and all the towns were 
full of them, and masses were said in every house. 5 So numerous 
indeed had the Recusants become, and so indifferently was the 
law regarding attendance at church enforced, that a certain 
William Thimble offered to give 4000 a year for the farm of the 
shilling fines in Leinster, Munster and Connaught, provided 
he had the effective help of the civil and ecclesiastical authorities 
in collecting them. 6 The belief that they had the King's 
permission to exercise their religion had, Chichester complained, 
so emboldened the Catholics that, as he was informed, the Romish 
service was openly celebrated in those churches where the Pro- 
testants were not in the majority, which was but in few places. 

1 Cal. State Papers, Irel., 1609, p. 192. Ib. p. 240. 8 Ib. p. 143. 

Ib. pp. 174, 175, 250. 5 Ib. p. 299. Ib. p. 284. 

Proposed anti-Catholic legislation Ixxvii 

Quite recently a priest had been arrested at Multifarnham for 
saying mass ; but the country people had risen and rescued him 
in defiance of the warrant. It was useless to try to punish them 
legally, for no jury would convict a priest. In his opinion there 
was no remedy but the sword, and having no authority for what 
would be accounted too severe a course, he was afraid to use it. 1 
The evil was admitted ; but with the law as it stood nothing 
could be done. The only hope lay in a Parliament. It had 
been James's intention to call one ever since the beginning of his 
reign ; but hitherto the opportunity to do so had failed him. 
Meanwhile the necessity had grown more pressing, and towards 
the close of 1610 he gave orders for calling one as soon as 
possible. In the circumstances it was no light step he was taking, 
and being anxious to feel his way before finally committing 
himself, he instructed Lord Carew to proceed to Ireland to 
report on the situation. 2 In taking this exceptional course he 
did not, he explained to Chichester, intend to imply any distrust 
in the Lord Deputy's wisdom. Carew was not sent to inquire 
into faults, but merely to collect information on certain points 
connected with the revenue, the state of the plantations and the 
laws necessary to be passed in the coming Parliament. 3 By 
the end of October Carew had finished his task, and at once 
returned to England to submit his report to the King. 4 As to the 
proposed Parliament, his inquiry had been directed chiefly to its 
probable constitution, the measures to be submitted to it, and 
the likelihood of passing them. On the first point, it appeared, 
from his investigations, that in Perrot's Parliament in 1585 the 
Recusants had been in the majority. In order to redress the 
balance in favour of the Protestants it was now proposed that 
thirty-five, or including Trinity College thirty-six new boroughs 
should be created. 6 The probable result of this measure would 
be that in a House consisting of 218 members there would be 

1 Gal. State Pap&rs, Irel., 1609, pp. 399, 444-445. 

* Instructions, 24 June 1611, in Col. Carew MSS., p. 68. 

8 Ib. p. 70. 

4 See his Diary, ib. pp. 218-219 ; and Remembrances to be thought of touch- 
ing the Parliament, ib. pp. 146-148. 

6 Viz. Newry, Newtown, Belfast, Coleraine, Limavady, Donegal, Lifford, 
Ballyshannon, Rathmullan, Dungannon, Mountjoy, Omagh, Strabane, Armagh, 
Charlemont, Mountnorris, Belturbet, Lough Rawre (?), Enniskillen, 
Monaghan, Tullagh, Mallow, Baltimore, Bandon, Lismore, Tralee, Ennis, 
Carlow, Roscommon, Carrickdrumrusk, Sligo, Askeaton, Kilbeggan, Castlebar, 
Callan. Ib. p. 136. 

Ixxviii Historical Introduction 

123 Protestants and 95 Recusants. In the House of Lords it 
was calculated that out of 25 temporal and 19 spiritual peers 
Government might reckon on a majority of seven Protestants ; 
but if certain alterations in the issuing of writs, suggested by 
Carew "ad major em cautionem," were made this majority might 
be increased to fourteen. As the long discontinuance of Parlia- 
ments in Ireland would be the occasion, for want of experience, 
of many errors, the choice of a capable Speaker was a matter of 
first importance. Of men of Irish birth, there was none, in Carew's 
opinion, fit to be trusted, or qualified for the post and therefore 
he took the liberty of suggesting the Attorney-General, Sir John 
Davies, as the most appropriate person. It would be well too, 
he thought, if all the members of the Lower House were obliged 
to take the oath of Supremacy, as they were in England ; but 
if that should seem " too sharp to be offered, yet a rumour that it 
was required would be a means to increase the number of Protest- 
ant burgesses and knights, and deter the most spirited Recusants 
from being of the House." Finally in order to make everything 
doubly sure the King might pursue the course adopted by Henry 
VIII who, " fearing to find opposition in Parliament . . . 
feigned occasion to send for such lords and gentlemen of quality 
whom he suspected, and kept them in England during the 
Parliament." 1 As for the measures to be submitted to Parlia- 
ment they fell under three heads viz. (i) matters ecclesiastical, 
(2) increase of the revenue, (3) civil policy and justice. Among 
those touching matters ecclesiastical there was one for extending 
to Ireland certain laws in England against Recusants, especially 
one forbidding them sending their children abroad for their 
education. 2 

While these preparations were in progress the conduct of 
Government was not such as to improve the chance of a quiet 

1 This is an interesting admission, of which there is no trace to be found 
elsewhere. James seems to have acted on the suggestion in the case of Sir 
Patrick Barnewall, a notorious Recusant. Cal. State Papers, Irel., 1613, 
p. 340. 

* 1 Jas. I, c. 4 ; and cf. Titles of Acts of Parliament to be propounded in 
Ireland, 1612: 

" 5. An Act that Jesuits and seminary priests shall be adjudged traitors, if 
they shall be found within the kingdom of Ireland after a certain day to be 
prefixed, and that their receivers and relievers shall for the first offence be fined 
100, and for the second shall be in case of premunire, and for the third shall be 
in case of treason. 

" 6. An Act to recall children from beyond the seas and to prohibit their 
passing over." Gal. State Papers, Irel., 1612, p. 289. 

Repressive measures adopted Ixxix 

parliamentary session. As we have seen Chichester had long been 
insisting on the necessity of severer measures for the repression 
of the Jesuits. In July 1611 he obtained James's consent to the 
publication of a Proclamation, in the terms of the former one of 
July 1605, requiring all Jesuits and seminary priests to quit the 
kingdom. 1 This time the Proclamation was not allowed to 
remain a dead letter. In September Cornelius O'Devany, 
titular Bishop of Down and Connor, an old man of eighty years 
of age was arrested and with several other priests confined to the 
Castle. 2 Attempts were made to induce them to conform ; but 
except in the case of one Barnaby, who agreed to take the oath of 
Allegiance, they proved ineffectual. 3 Davies was in favour of 
making an example of the recalcitrants, especially of O'Devany. 
A mere show of severity, he held, would be sufficient. The Irish 
were not the stuff of which martyrs were made. No one in fact 
had ever heard or read of an Irish martyr. 4 Chichester, with 
less knowledge of Irish hagiology, was on the same side. 
Severity, he wrote to Salisbury, could add but very little to the 
discontent already entertained. The Pope had more hearts in 
the kingdom than the King. He knew his Lordship feared lest 
in pursuing the course he advocated, " which is by bringing the 
nobility, lawyers, and chief magistrates of corporations to 
Church," he might cause a rebellion. But it was God's work ; 
and he was sure that, however mildly they treated the Catholics, 
there was little assurance of their obedience longer than they 
were kept down by force or want of assistance from foreign 
parts. 5 In the end the law was allowed to take its course and 
on i February 1612 O'Devany and another Catholic priest were 
executed. 6 The Irish had got the martyrs hitherto wanting to 
them, and Chichester cynically promised to give them as many 
more as they liked. But in truth he was not a little surprised 
and alarmed at the veneration shown to them by the Irish and 
how they were adored for saints. In one respect, however, 
he was right in his forecast. For it hardly needed this display of 
severity to increase the discontent already felt by the Catholics. 
All through the autumn the air had been thick with rumours 
of the coming Parliament and of fresh measures 0f penal 

1 Gal. State Papers, Irel., 1611, p. 74. Ib. p. 142. 

8 Spicil. Ossor., i, p. 121. 4 Gal. State Papers, Irel., 1611, p. 153. 
6 Ib. p. 166. e /6t p> 244 ; cf. Spicil. Ossor., i, pp. 122-126. 

Ixxx Historical Introduction 

legislation. The oath of Supremacy was not to be administered ; 
but Carew's suggestion had been acted on, and Sir John Da vies 
had heard that the Catholics, fearing that it would be, were 
making arangements to return such members as would take the 
oath " and yet not easily yield to make sharp and severe laws 
against them." * Davies had probably heard what he wanted 
to hear ; but there could be no doubt that the Catholics re- 
garded the approaching Parliament with great anxiety. " What 
keeps everyone in a state of intense suspense/' one of them wrote, 
" is the fear of the approaching Parliament, which is to assemble 
after St John's festival, in which the heretics intend to vomit 
out all their poison, and infect with it the purity of our holy 
religion, and it is expected that things will take place in it such 
as have not been seen since the schism of Henry VIII began." 2 
The date finally fixed for the meeting of Parliament was 18 May 
1613. Meanwhile the law officers were busily occupied in pre- 
paring letters of incorporation for the new boroughs, that were 
to turn the scales in favour of the Protestants. James had 
given Chichester a carte blanche in the matter, and by his advice 
some changes had been made in the list suggested by Carew. In 
all 43 new boroughs were created viz. nine, including the 
University, in Leinster ; eight in Munster ; six in Connaught ; 
and twenty in Ulster. 3 As all, or nearly all of these were certain 
to return Protestants Government could safely calculate on a 
considerable majority. 

It is hardly worth while to discuss the right of the Crown 
to exercise its prerogative in creating as many new boroughs as 
it liked. No one will deny that in this case, whether legally 
justifiable or not, it was a barefaced attempt to pack Parlia- 
ment, and to falsify the verdict of the country. It is more 
important to note jthat -thefattack was directed not so much 
against the * r mere " Irish, as against the constitutional liberties 
of the English colonists in Ireland. 4 We are here brought face 

1 Cal. State Papers, Irel., 1611, pp. 153-154. 

2 Short Account of the Present State of Ireland in 1612, in Spicil. Ossor., 
i, p. 122. 

8 The list in Cal. State Papers, Irel., 1613, pp. 333-335, is misleading. 
Athlone, Derry, Downpatrick and Cavan, though marked old boroughs, 
returned members for the first time in 1613. 

4 In this connection it is worth noting that of the names of the ninety-five 
members of the Opposition not more than fifteen can be claimed as of native 

Irish problem enters on a new phase Ixxxi 

to face with the fact that for Government, and for Englishmen 
generally, the old distinction between " mere " Irish and Anglo- 
Irish had ceased to exist. Both, in the ordinary language of the 
day, were lumped together as Recusants. The new word marks 
with precision the new phase into which the Irish problem had 
entered. As yet no one had ventured to charge the gentry of the 
Pale openly with disloyalty ; but the fact that they were of the 
same religion as the " mere " Irish was rapidly obliterating from 
the minds of Englishmen the memory of their origin and causing 
them to be identified in their thoughts with the general mass of 
Irishmen. And it cannot be asserted that they were altogether 
wrong in their view of the situation. The demand of the Puri- 
tans for a more rigid enforcement of the laws against the 
Catholics, and the readiness of the Irish Government to answer 
the call had not been without effect on the attitude of the 
gentry of the Pale. No doubt there was no love lost between 
them and the " mere " Irish ; but with the ever increasing influx 
of Protestant settlers their feelings were undergoing a radical 
change, and, without exactly intending it, they were drifting 
more and more away from their original position in the direc- 
tion of a union with the native Irish. 

The fact did not escape the notice of impartial observers. 
In a " Discourse of the Present State of Ireland," in 1614, the 
writer, 1 after noting how in the past " the old English race, as 
well in the Pale, as in other parts of the kingdom, despised 
the mere Irish, accounting them to be a barbarous people, void 
of civility and religion/' and the Irish in their turn regarded 
them as their hereditary enemy, proceeds to comment on the 
change that had lately come over their attitude towards each 
other. The grounds of this change he traces to the frequent 
marriages of recent years between them, the higher standard of 
civilisation acquired by the mere Irish, " whereby the ancient 
dislike and contempt is laid aside," but above all to the terror 
inspired by the plantations. " This last," he proceeds, " is the 
first and principal cause of their union, . . . and for this cause 
the slaughters and rivers of blood shed between them are for- 
gotten." The combination was likely to prove of serious con- 

1 Probably Carew. The initials S. C., as given in Desid. Cur. Hib., i, pp. 430- 
440, seem to be a mere printer's mistake for G. C. (George Carew), as given 
in Gal Carew MS8., 1614, pp. 305-310. 

Ixxxii Historical Introduction 

sequence to the State. For whereas hitherto in all the disturb- 
ances that had occurred " the cities and enclosed towns never 
gave cause of suspicion of defect ; and of the old English, 
though some branches might fall into rebellion, yet the body 
hath evermore remained sound and firm to the Crown of 
England . . . now contempt and rancour sleeping, and the 
general ill-affection to the State, as well for the cause of religion, 
as for the new plantations increasing, (whereby they are united) 
the next rebellion, whensoever it shall happen, doth threaten 
more danger to the State than any that hath preceded." 
How accurately the writer had calculated the forces at work 
appears from his prediction that the next Rebellion, when 
it came, would be " under the veil of religion and liberty, 
than which nothing is esteemed so precious in the hearts 
of men." 

Such then was the general outlook of affairs when Parliament 
met, as arranged, on 18 May 1613. It is not here necessary 
to consider in detail the history of that assembly the 
disputed election of the Speaker, recalling in more violent form 
the similar scenes that had occurred in 1569 and 1585 ; the seces- 
sion of the Opposition in both Houses and their appeal to the 
King ; the repeated prorogations and the final session in 1615, 
ending in its dissolution in August of that year. Our object is 
rather with the actual results, in the way of legislation, of that 
Parliament, and the causes which led to those results. As 
already remarked one of the main reasons for calling Parlia- 
ment had been the necessity, in view of the increasing strength 
of Roman Catholicism, of strengthening the hands of Govern- 
ment in dealing with the Jesuits. There had been no attempt 
to conceal the intention of Government in this respect. On the 
contrary hints had been dropped, with the object of intimidating 
the Recusants, that the oath of Supremacy would be adminis- 
tered to them. At the same time, however, every precaution 
had been taken to secure success by packing both Houses with 
Protestants. The result was a failure. For instead of quietly 
submitting, as Davies had prophesied they would, to the in- 
evitable, the Recusants raised such an outcry, as compelled 
James in the end to consent to appoint a commission 1 to 
examine into their grievances, in respect as well to the illegal 

1 Gal. State Papers, Irel., 1613, pp. 386-389. 

The Irish Government on its trial Ixxxiii 

proceedings complained of by them in regard to Parliament as 
to the whole course of Chichester's government, especially in 
the administration of justice, military violence, the exaction of 
cess, the state of religion and the injuries inflicted on the 
ancient landowners by the contemplated plantation in county 
Wexford. 1 

The Commissioners reported in November 1613. Their 
report was a virtual condemnation of Government. In regard 
to the alleged illegal practices in connection with the holding of 
Parliament, they were of opinion that such practices could only 
be proved in two cases. But the evidence taken by them 
disproved this conclusion, 2 and in the end James saw proper 
to temporarily disfranchise eleven other boroughs, thus reducing 
the Protestant majority to about ten. As to the other grievances 
complained of in respect to the general government of the 
country, the Commissioners found that not only did the soldiers 
on their marches not pay for the food and drink consumed by 
them, but were accustomed to extort money from the inhabit- 
ants for themselves and their followers. Those sent to collect 
cess did the same and in default of payment distrained the cattle 
and household goods of the defaulters. Moreover instead of 
marching directly to their destinations they took circuitous 
marches, exacting bribes to pass by their assigned billets to lie 
in others. The provosts-marshal and their men were guilty of 
like extortions. As regarded the complaints connected with 
the administration of justice, the Commissioners admitted that 
while it was difficult to prove the taking of excessive fees, it was 
certain that new offices and new fees had been made in the 
Exchequer, and there was no doubt that sheriffs had been 
appointed, who had no freeholds in their counties or elsewhere. 
This latter abuse was excused on the ground that it was impos- 
sible to find Protestants of fit quality and the Catholics would 
not take the oath of Supremacy. Indeed as to religion there 
could be no question that, owing to the small numbers, less 
sufficiency, and little residence of the ministers of the established 
church, and the multitude of Popish schoolmasters, priests, 
friars, Jesuits and seminaries in every diocese, things were in 

1 See Instructions to the Commissioners, 27 Aug. 1613, Gal. State Papers, Irel., 
pp. 436-438. 

2 See particularly in regard to the Wicklow and Dublin elections, t&. pp. 
441, 443. 

Ixxxiv Historical Introduction 

a deplorable condition. The only remedy the Commissioners 
could suggest was the " strict execution of the laws against 
Popish priests and schoolmasters, . . . and instead of idle and 
scandalous ministers, to place those that are learned and faithful, 
and compel them to be resident, with some competent provision, 
who by their demeanour and doctrine will allure the people to 
the truth, and obedience to the Government." 

" These Irish," said Sir Charles Cornwallis pithily summing 
up the verdict of the Commissioners, " are a scurvy nation, and 
are scurvily used. " 2 Of the truth of the latter part of the state- 
ment there could be no doubt. But it was no business of James 
to tell the Remonstrants that they had made out their case. 
On the contrary he read them a sharp lecture on their undutiful 
behaviour in obstructing the work of Parliament, and having 
declared their charges against Government utterly baseless, he 
threatened them with his condign displeasure unless they con- 
fessed their fault. 3 This done he* proceeded to explain his views 
on the religious question. " His Majesty," said Sir James 
Gough, on returning to Ireland, " charged us to tell in every 
place where we came, how graciously he had dealt with us, and 
how patiently he had heard us, and although he conceived our 
departing from the Parliament was as high an act of rebellion 
as could be committed without arms defensive and offensive, 
yet that he, upon our appeal and submission, would let us feel 
the effect of his clemency. And as for your religion, said his 
Majesty, although I wish the religion we (his Majesty) profess 
were generally established and received throughout our kingdoms 
both by you and your priests (holding yours to be no religion, 
but mere superstition), yet so long as they do not profess those 
traitorous points, that it is lawful to murder, or lay violent hands 
upon our person, or to depose us from our crown, we do not mean 
to extort or force your consciences." 4 

1 Gal. State Papers, Irel., pp. 438-449. 

2 Ib. p. 432. 

3 See " His Majesty's Speech delivered in the Council Chamber at Whitehall, 
on Thursday before Easter, being the 12th of April 1614" in Desid. Cur. 
Hib., i, pp. 302-312. 

*OW. State Papers, Irel., 1614, pp. 545-546. The Catholics professed their 
willingness to take the folio wing oath: "I do acknowledge that the King is my 
only King and undoubted Sovereign, and that he hath absolute regal power, 
authority, and jurisdiction and government immediately under God over his 
three kingdoms, and over the persons of his subjects, spiritual and temporal, 
and I do protest that I am and ever will, to the utmost of my power as becomes 

Anti-Catholic legislation abandoned Ixxxv 

The statement was merely a repetition of James's well-known 
views on the subject of toleration ; but when Gough repeated 
it in the presence of the Lord Deputy and Council Chichester 
pronounced it utterly incredible, and insisting that Gough was 
spreading a false report, he clapped him under lock and key till 
he heard from the King himself. 1 James's explanation, when it 
came, did not materially alter Gough's statement. He did not 
deny having used the words attributed to him, but Gough, he 
said, had forgotten to add that he had also expressed his inten- 
tion to enforce the laws against Recusancy. 2 When called upon 
to explain, Gough admitted the point ; but he insisted that by 
enforcing the laws the King did not, in his opinion, mean that his 
subjects should be compelled by violence or other unlawful 
means to resort to Protestant churches, or that they should 
be compelled by oppressions and undue infliction of punishment 
to acknowledge the use of the sacrament contrary to their 
consciences. 3 

It was useless, Chichester felt, to pursue the controversy 
further. The encouragement given by James to the Recusants, 
and the changes in the representation caused by the temporary 
disfranchisement of so many Protestant boroughs had deprived 
him of all hope of passing such measures as he had deemed 
necessary to check the growth of Roman Catholicism. The 
majority of thirty on which he had been originally able to count 
had completely disappeared, 4 and it was very doubtful in the 
circumstances whether the Commons would listen to his request 
for financial assistance. So hopeless indeed did the situation 
appear that it was even seriously discussed whether it might not 
be better to dissolve Parliament and proceed rather by way of a 
benevolence than of a subsidy. 5 Fortunately when Parliament 

a loyal subject and faithful servant, be ready with the hazard of my life, lands, 
and goods, to defend his royal person and his dominion against his enemies that 
go about to invade them, whether it be emperor, pope, or prelate, prince or 
potentate whatsoever." 

1 Gal. State Papers, Irel., 1614, pp. 456-457. 

a 76. pp. 462-463. 3 Ib. p. 548. 

* This conclusion is based on the following figures. The House of Commons 
consisted of 232 members viz. 132 Protestants and 100 Recusants. (See 
Desid. Cur. Hib., i, p. 196.) By James's order 1 1 boroughs, returning 22 Protest- 
ants, were temporarily disfranchised, thus reducing the Protestant majority to 
ten : further two elections were declared void, thus depriving the Protestants 
of four votes and transferring the same number to the Catholics and balancing 
parties at 106 and 104 respectively. 

5 Gal. State Papers, Irel., 1614, pp. 501, 505, 509. 

Ixxxvi Historical Introduction 

reassembled in October 1614 the Catholics proved to be in a 
good temper. Their recent victory inclined them to demon- 
strate their loyalty, 1 and though strongly tempted to take 
advantage of the situation to insist on a relaxation of the penal 
laws, so far at least as concerned attendance at divine service 
and the readmission of the Recusant lawyers to their practices, 
they allowed themselves to be guided by the prudent counsels 
of their leaders, and to emulate the zeal of the Protestants in 
passing the liberal subsidy Bill demanded by Government. This 
result, so different from what had been anticipated, inclined 
Chichester at first to keep Parliament together ; but the useless- 
ness of looking to the Recusants for permanent support, and 
the burden its maintenance entailed on the country, with the 
probable diminution of the subsidy, decided him to advise its 
dissolution. 2 

Except as regards the subsidy, for which James expressed his 
thanks, the Parliament had entirely failed to answer the expec- 
tations of those who had been most urgent in advising it. On 
the main question of religion matters were in much the same 
position after it as they were before it, or if any change was 
noticeable, it was rather to the advantage than to the detri- 
ment of the Catholics. Nothing had been gained by packing 
Parliament, and, as Bacon saw, forcing matters would do no 
good. " The new plantations," he wrote to Villiers, " would 
mate the other party in time." 3 Bacon's remark furnishes us 
with the clue with which to unravel the perplexities of the period 
that lies between the departure of Chichester and the arrival 
of Went worth. For not only does it enable us to understand 
what the object of Government exactly was in its feverish haste 
to dot the country with English colonies, but it explains the 

1 It was noticed that they were even present at the opening prayers of the 
House until forbidden by the priests. Davies to Somerset, 31 Oct. 1614, 
Cal. State Papers, Irel., p. 514. 

2 There seems to be no ground for Gardiner's suggestion (Hist, of Eng., i, p. 
302) that the Parliament was dissolved in order to avoid conceding the Catholic 
claims. (See James to Chichester, 22 Aug. 1615, Cal. State Papers, Irel., p. 87.) 
From a note appended to a list of the members returned to Parliament in 
MSS. T.G.D. F. 3. 17, it appears that they were paid at the following rates 
per diem : a knight 13s. 4d., a citizen 10s., a burgess 6s. 8d. Taking the average 
at 10?. , this for 149 days would amount to about 15,000, which was no light 
burden to be borne by the constituencies. Coin was so scarce in Ireland that 
in regard to the subsidy granted Chichester was afraid that, unless money was 
sent from England, the greater part of it would only be paid in kind. Cal. 
State Papers, Irel., 1615, p. 95. 

3 Spedding, Life of Bacon, v, p. 375. 

The plantation policy in a new light Ixxxvii 

grounds of the opposition offered by the Irish to that policy. 
More than this it throws a flood of light on the new standpoint 
from which the policy of plantation was beginning to be regarded 
in England. 

In the beginning, as we have seen, the policy of plantation 
as conceived by Mary and Elizabeth, had been looked on as a 
plausible method of reducing the " mere " Irish to civility and 
good government, according to the English standard in such 
matters, and by the latter particularly as a means of in- 
creasing the revenue of the Crown. There had been no 
question of subjecting the lands of the loyal gentry of the 
Pale to that policy. On the contrary their safety had been 
regarded as one of the chief motives to its adoption. Now, 
however, under the combined influence of the religious 
difficulty, which, as remarked, was tending to lump " mere " 
Irish and Anglo-Irish together as Recusants, without distinction 
of race, and the craving for land, which had taken possession of 
Englishmen, this view was gradually yielding to one in which the 
policy of plantation was regarded as a means of converting the 
Irish. That their conversion was still considered as being rather 
in the interest of the State and of securing a Protestant majority 
in the next Parliament, with the view to passing severe penal 
laws against Roman Catholicism, is no doubt true. But with 
this conception of plantation as a means of conversion we are 
already within sight of the Cromwellian Settlement. That settle- 
ment in the eyes of its authors was a godly work, intended to 
redeem the poor benighted Catholics of Ireland from the bondage 
of Rome, and restore them to the full light of Gospel freedom. 
No doubt the fact that the Irish had to pay for their attempted 
conversion with their lands throws an air of hypocritical un- 
reality over the whole business. No doubt too the acquisition of 
land was, to very many who shared in the work, of greater 
consequence than the spiritual welfare of the Irish ; but it would 
be utterly to mistake the character of the Cromwellian Settle- 
ment to suppose that it was merely or even mainly the expression 
of a desire to rob the Irish of their lands. 

It is one of the most difficult tasks a writer of the twentieth 
century, however he may have saturated himself in the 
thought and language of the seventeenth century, can set 
himself to do full justice to such men as Pym, Ludlow and 

Ixxxviii Historical Introduction 

Cromwell. So different is the atmosphere they lived in, 
that everything they do and say seems to possess an air 
of unreality. And, if it is difficult for him to do justice to 
them, it is almost hopeless for him to try to convince his reader, 
horrified at the result, that righteousness, justice and truth 
were for them something more than mere words, and that in all 
their actions they were consumed by an overpowering desire to 
do the will of God. Perhaps the difficulty of the task is respon- 
sible for the exaggerated views that have been taken of the 
Cromwellian Settlement of those writers on the one hand who, 
with Carlyle, will not see the terrible injustice done to the Irish 
in the name of religion, and of those, on the other hand, who can 
only see in it the work of a set of hypocritical rascals, cloaking 
their selfish desires under the mask of religion. Neither of these 
views hits the mark. In one sense the Cromwellian Settlement 
was merely the logical conclusion of the policy of plantation as 
conceived by Bacon and his contemporaries. In another it was 
the punishment meted out to the Irish Catholics for their 
religious obliquity. The " Irish massacres " were not, as is so 
often asserted, the cause of the confiscation of the land of 
Ireland. They, or rather the belief in them, no doubt aggra- 
vated the situation, but the confiscation was long before then 
a foregone conclusion. 

At the time, however, it would have needed a prophet's eye 
to see that any such fate was in store for the Irish Catholics. 
When Parliament was dissolved in October 1615 their position 
had undoubtedly undergone an improvement. But Government, 
if it had been defeated in its attempt to deal directly with the 
Jesuits, had not abandoned its intention of bringing them under 
some sort of control. It had merely changed its plan of opera- 
tions. Already in April, when the impossibility of passing the 
Jesuit Bill had become evident, James had written to Chichester 
expressing his opinion that he could find no remedy for the 
barbarous manners of the " mere " Irish so ready and feasible, as 
by settling a firm estate in perpetuity to such of the present 
inhabitants as have the best disposition to civility, and by inter- 
mixing amongst them some of the British to serve for examples 
and teach them order. And being given to understand of some 
titles he had to all or part of the counties of Longford and 
Leitrim, and other Irish countries in Munster, Leinster, and 

Steps to check Roman Catholicism Ixxxix 

Connaught, he desired him to take steps to inquire into the 
matter and to report his opinion in a business so much importing 
the welfare and safety of the kingdom. 1 It will be observed that 
James's plan has a twofold aspect viz. the confirmation of their 
lands to such of the Irish as would conform to the requirements 
of Government and the plantation of other lands with British 
colonists. It would exceed the limits of this Introduction 
to describe in detail how the plan was carried into execution, 
leading on the one hand to a confirmation of the settlement 
arrived at by Sir John Perrot with the landowners of Con- 
naught, 2 and on the other hand to the plantation, or attempted 
plantation, of the counties of Wexford, Longford, and Leitrim, 
and the midland districts lying along the east bank of the river 
Shannon. 3 It is here only necessary to note that the object of 
the plan was to be the gradual neutralisation of the Catholic 
predominancy by the introduction of Protestant settlers. 

But if plantation was to be the chief means by which it was 
hoped to achieve this object it was not the only one. It had 
formed part of the Government's anti-Catholic policy to pass an 
Act to prevent the Irish gentry from sending their children 
abroad for their education. 4 The Bill, however, had, like that for 
the expulsion of the Jesuits, been abandoned, and in the hope of 
arriving at the same result in another way, James, in June 1615, 
ordered Chichester to send over a number of noblemen's sons to 
receive their education in England. 6 But the order was met 
with excuses and delays on the part of the children's parents and 
guardians, 6 and seeing no likelihood of inducing them quietly to 
submit to it, a commission was appointed in July 1616 to in- 

1 Cal. State Papers, Irel., 1615, p. 35. 

8 See particularly King to Chichester, 21 July 1615, 6. p. 84 : " Grants to be 
made by letters patent to every freeholder in Connaught and Clare of their lands, 
as was intended at the making of the composition in Queen Elizabeth's reign, 
confirming their estates to them and their heirs, reserving the amount of com- 
position royal then assessed upon every quarter, subject to the ancient rent, 
to be held by knight's service in capite as of the king's castle of Athlone." 

8 As to these plantations see Poole, Historical Atlas, Map xxxi. 

4 See p. Ixxviii, note. 

5 Cal. State Papers, Irel., 1615, p. 83. List of noblemen's sons to be brought to 
England for their education viz. Lord Barry's grandchild, 13 years old ; Lord 
Gormanston's eldest son, 10 years old ; Lord Courcy's two sons ; Lord 
Delvin's son and heir, 13 years old ; Lord Trimbleston's son and heir,*! 8 years 
old ; Lord Dunboyne's grandchild, 13 years old ; Lord Cahir's nephew ; Lord 
Power himself, 15 years old ; Lord Bermingham's grandchild, 14 years old, 
to be brought up at the free school in Dublin. 

6 Ib. p. 212-213. 

xc Historical Introduction 

quire into the whole question of wardships. 1 The result of the 
inquiry was finally the creation in 1622 of a Court of Wards and 
liveries. The first Master of the Court was Sir William Parsons, 
a man of strong Puritan views, and by the instructions given him 
no grant of wardship was to be made to any Recusant ; no ward 
was to be allowed to marry a Recusant, and all wards were to be 
educated at Trinity College, Dublin. 2 Under Parson's manage- 
ment the Court of Wards soon became notorious as a most 
formidable instrument of oppression, and from this time forth 
it figures as one of the chief grievances complained of by the 

Such then were the methods plantations and the Court of 
Wards by which the Irish Catholics were to be weaned from the 
error of their ways and converted to civility and true religion. 
But that the plan might have a fair chance of success, it was 
determined to proceed with all the severity allowed by the law 
against the Recusants and their supporters the Catholic clergy. 3 

Nowhere was the law regarding the oath of Supremacy and at- 
tendance at divine service treated with greater contempt than in 
the large seaport towns of Munster. " His Majesty's general 
affairs here/' wrote Sir Oliver St John in December 1616, a few 
days after his arrival as Chichester's successor, " prosper in all 
things, saving in that strong combination of recusancy wherein 
the well or ill doing of this State does much depend. . . . Particu- 
larly the actions of the towns ; they grow daily in disobedience, 
refusing in divers of them to elect any chief magistrate, because 
they that should supply the places are all Recusants." 4 Chief 
among the offenders in this respect were the citizens of Water- 
ford, and at St John's instance it was determined to read them 
a sharp lesson, as a warning to other towns, the more so as a 
recent threat to confiscate their charter, unless they conformed, 
had been disregarded by them. Owing to the terms of their 
charter, which exempted them from judicial visitation, there was 
some difficulty in proceeding against them ; but in October 1617 
a verdict of the country was obtained requiring them under pain 
pf confiscation to surrender their charter. 6 But neither this 

* Gal State Papers, Irel., 1616, p. 131. a Ib. pp. 390-391. 

8 Gf. Sir Francis Slingsby's opinion touching Recusants, Col. Carew MSS., 
1617, p. 344. 

4 Gal State Papers, Irel., 1616, p. 142. 
6 See documents in Gal. Carew MSS., 1617 passim. 

Futile efforts to expel the Jesuits xci 

measure, nor the publication of a fresh Proclamation * against 
the Jesuits and their harbourers, produced any effect on the 
citizens. None of them of any quality, the Lord Deputy wrote, 
would conform themselves in religion, not even in show, for the 
saving of their charter, " but will sit still and attend whatever 
course the King directs/' All that St John could suggest was 
that " the King should send over new inhabitants to supply the 
places of magistracy, and to govern the multitude." 2 His 
suggestion was acted on, and an offer was made to the mayor 
and corporation of Bristol of the city of Waterford, if they would 
undertake to plant it with English merchants. But the mayor 
and corporation would have nothing to say to the scheme. 
They could not, they wrote, find anyone in their city, who was 
willing to remove to Waterford and inhabit there. 3 

The failure of Government to break the resistance of the 
citizens of Waterford was characteristic of its dealings with the 
Catholics generally. In fact its position was ridiculous in the 
extreme, and indeed could not be otherwise so long as James was 
bent on effecting an alliance with Spain. 4 For not even the most 
timid of Irish Catholics were likely to be impressed by his 
threats, when they knew that he could not raise a finger against 
them without imperilling his pet project. And the Irish were not 
timid at all. On the contrary they recognised the strength of 
their position, and showed their determination by every means in 
their power to take advantage of it. Indeed, quite apart from the 
prospect of the marriage between Prince Charles and the Infanta, 
which could hardly fail to redound to their advantage, the Irish 
Catholics had other reasons to be satisfied at the course things 
were taking. The plantations, which had been a cause of great 
anxiety to them, were not thriving so well as Government had 
hoped they would do. In fact so far as those recently undertaken 
were concerned they could scarcely be called plantations at all. 

1 Curiously enough this Proclamation only exists in a French translation 
(see Cal. State Papers, Irel., 1617, p. 169 and British Mus. Cat., Ireland) : Edict 
publi6 centre les Catholiques d'Irlande par le Viceroy Olivier Sainct Jean et le 
Conseil, jouxte la copie imprimee & Dublin, 1617. The fact is perhaps significant 
of the interest felt on the Continent in the proceedings of the Irish Government. 

2 Cal. State Papers, Irel., 1619, p. 267. 

8 ft. 1620, p. 273. 

4 Nothing could better illustrate the fatuity of the Government's Irish policy 
than the fact that at the very moment when it was threatening to expel the 
Jesuits James had consented as a compliment to the Spanish Ambassador, 
Gondomar, to liberate every Catholic priest in England (July 1618). 

xcii Historical Introduction 

Even in the case of those in Ulster and Wexford the situation 
of affairs was far from satisfactory, and it was noted with 
apprehension that owing to the absence of many of the under- 
takers the land was reverting into the possession of the natives. 1 

Of course when it was known that Charles had returned to 
England without his Spanish bride, the Irish Catholics were 
naturally filled with anxious forebodings as to what the future 
might have in store for them, 2 and for a time there was some talk 
of sending a deputation to London with a declaration expressive 
of their loyalty. 3 But James though at first inclined to vent his 
indignation on the Catholics could even now not bring himself 
to abandon all hope of an alliance with Spain. In December 
1623, while still smarting under the supposed insult offered him, 
he had authorised Falkland, who had recently succeeded St 
John as viceroy, to enforce the laws against the Recusants and 
to take measures for the expulsion of the Jesuits. 4 And Falk- 
land, who was only too ready to obey the order, at once published 
a Proclamation 5 requiring all Popish bishops, priests and semin- 
aries instantly to quit the country. Hardly, however, had he 
done so than fresh instructions arrived requiring him to hold his 
hand. The King, he was informed, in contemplation of a match 
with Spain, had resolved to deal graciously with the Roman 
Catholics. The orders recently sent him were to be suspended. 
But insolencies or tumultuous and inordinate assemblies, or 
innovation by erecting of religious houses, holding of public or 
private conventions, which might prove dangerous to the State, 
were to be repressed. 

Falkland's new instructions were less to his liking than the 

1 See Lord Deputy and Council to Privy Council, 25 May 1621 : "In the 
meantime the Irish in each of their countries increase, and will overgrow the 
British if the absence of such as are bound to sit down upon their land be 
permitted. . . . The two former plantations in Ulster and Wexford have been 
in some good sort forwarded. . . . The next following plantation of Longford 
and Ely almost a year since, lies still as it was at the beginning, few of the under- 
takers have passed their patents, and none of them have sitten down or begun 
any plantation." Col. State Papers, Irel., p. 325. 

2 Gf. the letter of the R.C. Bishop of Cork, 4 April 1624, in Spicil. Ossor., i, p. 
1.3,3 : " Magnam illam, liberi religionis usus, spem quam ex matrimonio inter 
serenissimos Hyspaniarum infantem et Walliae principem contrahendo 
concepimus, in terrorem et desperationem conversam jam apprehendimus." 

8 Cal. State Papers, Irel., 1623, pp. 440-444. 

4 16. p. 458. 

5 Ib. p. 459. The date of the Proclamation is 21 Jan. 1624. It is errone- 
ously entered in the Cal. of Carew MSS. under 21 Jan. 1623, and this mistake 
has led to a double entry in the Cal. of State Papers. 

Effect of James's foreign policy on the situation xciii 

old ones. Though compelled to admit that " since Ireland was 
Ireland there never was such universal tanquillity as at this 
instant, there not being ten rebels in the whole kingdom/' and 
they of no value, yet from every quarter there came " daily 
advertisements of fearful rumours and panic apprehensions of 
some sudden commotion and general massacre of the English, 
who are almost afraid to continue upon their habitations in the 
country." He prayed God that the state of affairs would not 
prove like the morning, " which is ever darkest before day 
breaking " ; but in the event of an insurrection he would only be 
able to take the field with 600 foot and 150 horse, and that after 
denuding the forts, which were in ruins, of their garrisons. 1 It is 
clear that Falkland was allowing his imagination to get the better 
of his common-sense. Certainly the man, who could see in the 
accidental collapse of one of the towers of Dublin Castle a 
premonition of a universal massacre of the Protestants, 2 was 
hardly in a position to judge calmly of the truth or falsehood of 
the rumours to which he lent such a greedy ear. But it scarcely 
needed his silly exaggerations to convince the authorities in 
England that, if it came to a war with Spain, Ireland was ill 
prepared to ward off an invasion. The pressing necessity of 
putting the country in a state of defence had formed one of the 
" four points " that occupied the attention of the Parliament, 
which James had summoned to consider the question of war with 
Spain. But it was easier to admit the necessity than to find the 
money. In July a Council of War, appointed on 21 April, and 
composed of the chief military authorities, reported on the best 
means of securing Ireland. Among the measures recommended 
were the strict enforcement of the Proclamation for the banish- 
ment of Jesuits and seminary priests, the raising of the army to a 
total of 4000 horse and foot, the safeguarding of the narrow seas, 
the transmission of ten lasts of gunpowder and a proportionable 
quantity of lead and match, the repairing, strengthening and 
victualling of the forts and inland garrisons, the strict supervision 
of the conditions of plantation, so far as the arming of the 
planters was concerned, and the disarming of all suspected 
and popishly inclined persons. 3 
The scheme received the royal approbation ; but harder had 

1 Cal State Papers, Irel., 1624, pp. 484-486. 
* Ib. p. 489. Ib. pp. 511-514. 

xciv Historical Introduction 

it done so than the Irish Government was informed that, for 
reasons of State, James held it requisite to forbear at that time 
the execution of the first article in the report concerning titular 
Popish prelates, priests and Jesuits. 1 The reasons of State, to 
which James alluded, were simply a promise of toleration for his 
Roman Catholic subjects that had been wrung from him by 
Louis XIII, as the condition of the marriage of his sister Henri- 
etta Maria with Charles, on which, since the failure of the Spanish 
treaty, James's heart was now set. The promise, however, was 
a direct breach of the terms on which Parliament had agreed to 
find the money for a war with Spain, and though this fact did not 
prevent the marriage taking place it effectually prevented any 
adequate measures being taken to put Ireland in a state of 



THE death of James, at this moment did not materially 
affect the general situation. With a war with Spain on his 
hands, and at loggerheads with Parliament, Charles was com- 
pelled, whether he liked it or not, to pursue a conciliatory policy 
towards his Irish Catholic subjects. As a sign of his intention to 
do so he had hardly stepped into his father's shoes than he gave 
orders for the restoration of its charter to the city of Waterford. 
The first use the citizens made of their recovered liberties was to 
elect a Catholic mayor. The same thing had already happened 
at Galway. Except at Youghal every corporate town in 
Munster had elected recusant magistrates, and it was noted by 
Falkland, as a hitherto unheard of thing, that in some of them 
the sword of the King had been carried before the mayor to mass. 
In the Egyptian darkness that shrouded the King's real inten- 
tions he confessed his inability to know what course to pursue. 2 
Matters grew perceptibly worse when, in consequence of the 
failure of the expedition to Cadiz, Ireland was overrun by bodies 

1 Col. State Papers, Irel., 1624, pp. 524, 557. 

1 Ib. 1625, p. 31 ; 1626, p. 163 ; c/. Villiers to Conway, 5 June 1626, 
ib. p. 129: "I must ask you how I am to carry myself to these obstinate 
mayors and chief magistrates of corporations. . . . Am I to be gentle with 
them or strictly to compel them to order and conformity, by giving them the 
oath and drawing them to church on pain of losing their posts ? " 

Steps taken to put Ireland in a state of defence xcv 

of half-starving mutinous soldiers, who had been landed at 
different points from the shattered fleet, which had sought safety 
in Irish waters. 1 It was more than Government could manage 
to provision its own recently augmented standing army, let 
alone find food and clothes for these unwelcome guests, who 
were roaming about the country plundering and spreading 
disease wherever they went. In the expectation that Spain 
would naturally retaliate the insult offered her, the strain on 
Government to provide for the defence of the country became 
almost unbearable. From all parts came complaints of cess 
illegally exacted and of the free quartering of soldiers on the 
towns. 2 Proposals were made to raise a force of train-bands ; 
but the scheme had to be abandoned owing to the reluctance of 
Government to put arms into the hands of those " of whose 
hearts we rest not well assured/' though in Wilmot's opinion 
there could be no question of the loyalty of the nobility as a 
whole. 3 A plan to raise money by a benevolence shared a similar 
fate. Of the 3000 promised by the Pale, of which 1500 was due 
in Lent term, nothing, the Lord Deputy wrote on 5 May, had 
then been paid in. 4 The impossibility of raising money to pay 
the soldiers was exercising a demoralising effect on the army. 
" We cannot," Falkland wrote on 18 July, " put the army into 
the field for fear of mutiny, and a disturbance will cut off even 
the few King's rents that are still paid." 5 A month or so 
later he admitted that his worst fears were being realised and 
that the soldiers had taken to pillaging the country. 6 

Moved by the predictions of impending disaster, that reached 
him with every post, Charles at last took steps to put affairs in 
Ireland in order. He had resolved, he wrote to Falkland on 
22 September, to keep on foot a standing army of 5000 foot and 
500 horse ; but the cost of its maintenance would have to be 
borne by the country. In order, however, to induce the Irish 
to consent to this step, he was willing to forgo his composition 
rents, amounting to 8000 a year, to dispense with general 
hostings, and to concede them certain favours or graces. 7 
These Graces, twenty-seven in all, went to the following points : 
(i) the careful regulation of the conditions of plantation, 

1 See Falkland to Con way, with enclosures, 18 Jan. 1626, Cal. State Papers, 
Irel., pp. 80-81. 

* 76. pp. 92-93, 123, 130, 137. Ib. pp. 110, 144, 190, 193. 

* Ib. pp. 69, 1 18. * j 6< p U2 . e Ibm p. 165> 7 jr 6> p. 156 . 

xcvi Historical Introduction 

including compensation for wrongs done and the safeguarding of 
the interests of the landed proprietors in Connaught and Clare ; 
(2) the substitution of an oath of allegiance for that of supremacy, 
and the admission of all who took it to offices of state ; (3) the 
remission of the shilling fines for non-attendance at church and 
a free pardon for past offences in that respect ; (4) the regulation 
of the Court of Wards, and the permission to sue out liveries 
without taking the oath of allegiance ; (5) the establishment of 
a mint and certain commercial concessions connected with the 
export of wool ; (6) a strict control of soldiers on the march ; 
(7) the restriction of the choice of sheriffs to well estated men, 
and none but competent freeholders to form juries ; (8) the 
regulation of legal fees and prompt redress of grievances. 
Finally if the Irish would consent to this agreement a Parlia- 
ment was to be called to confirm it. 1 

Acting on his instructions Falkland took immediate steps to 
summon a meeting of the nobility to discuss the plan. But in 
view of the openly expressed disapproval of the Protestants at 
what was regarded by them as a proposal for the legal toleration 
of Roman Catholicism, it was thought advisable to admit the 
bishops to be present at the conference. 2 The first meeting was 
fixed for 15 November, and accordingly on that day the nobility 
and bishops assembled in the Council Chamber to listen to the 
King's proposals. The attitude of the nobility was from the first 
unaffectedly hostile to the plan ; and, at a meeting three days 
later at Lord Caulfeild's house, they came to a resolution to ask 
the permission of the Deputy to consult the opinion of the country 
in the matter. After demurring to their request as an unneces- 
sary waste of time, Falkland yielded on condition that the matter 
was not carried in a tumultuous fashion, but by the election of 
delegates from each province to meet at Dublin at Easter 1627. 
Accordingly on 16 April the assembly so called met at the Castle, 
and the King's message having been read further discussion of it 
was postponed till the igth. On that day the knights, gentle- 
men and burgesses of Ireland handed in a statement to the effect 
that, as they had been so impoverished by " cess of soldiers, 
frequent summonses of the Court of Wards, monopolies, gift- 
monies, loans, taxes, impositions and other villanies," they were 

1 Cal State Papers, Irel., 1626, pp. 156-158. 

2 See Diary of the Proceedings of the Great Assembly, ib. 1627, pp. 244-246. 

Protestants oppose Charles's scheme xcvii 

unable to yield to the King's proposals. 1 Refusing to accept this 
as their final answer Falkland adjourned the meeting for a few 
days. This was on Thursday. On Sunday Dr Downham, 
Bishop of Derry, preaching in Christ's Church on the text, 
" That we being delivered out of the hand of our enemies might 
serve him without fear " (Luke i, 74), read a Protestation, 2 
signed by the Irish Episcopacy, against the proposed toleration 
of Roman Catholicism, " which is to set religion to sale " and 
concluded by asking all who agreed to say Amen. Whereupon 
" suddenly the whole church almost shaked with the great 
sound their loud Amens made." 3 

Neither Downham's sermon nor that of Ussher on the follow- 
ing Sunday was calculated to promote Charles's plan of arriving 
at an understanding with the Recusants, and the latter, feeling 
probably that he had overstepped the bounds of prudence, 
endeavoured at the next meeting of the assembly on 30 April to 
argue in favour of a compromise. The descendants of the old 
English settlers, though Catholics, might, he declared, be counted 
on to resist any foreign invasion 4 ; but the dispossessed Irish and 
the many who had nothing to lose could not be calculated on. 
It was said that the " Graces " would not benefit all who were 
called upon to contribute for them, and the consciences of some 
were troubled by the promise of toleration held out to the 
Recusants. But when an aid was required it was impossible 
to ask for it in terms such as would prevent one part of the King's 
subj ects from giving it. The Protestants should not insist on the 
execution of the Statute, nor the Recusants ask for its suspen- 
sion. Graces of that kind should be left to his Majesty's 
discretion. 5 But the nobility and gentry were not to be moved. 

1 Gal. State Payers, Irel., 1627, p. 245. 

a See the Protestation in Rushworth, ii, p. 22. 

3 Cal. State Papers, Irel., 1627, p. 239. 

4 As curiously confirmatory of the ill-feeling still existing between the "mere " 
Irish and the Catholics of the Pale see the reasons given by Bonaventure Magennis 
to the Cardinal Protector (1627) why only an Ulsterman should be appointed 
Archbishop of Armagh : " Et quamquam Armacano, tanquam Metropolitano 
in spiritualibus subjecta sit [Media] a provincia tamen Ultoniae, in cuius medio 
sita est civitas Armacana, in temporalibus est diversissima. . . . Et quamvis 
Catholici sint, majori ex parte, adeo tamen sunt haereticis addict! ut neauidem 
videre eos velint qui Anglos possent offendere, quod patet quotidiana experientia 
et peculiariter, eo quod ex parte haereticorum, contra Catholicos fidem pro- 
pugnantes, semper steterint, quemadmodum et semper sunt parati stare, si 
unquam occasio sese offerret." Spicil. Ossor., i, p. 153. 

5 Gal State Papers, Irel., 1627, pp. 229-230. 

xcviii Historical Introduction 

The business, they insisted, could only be settled satisfactorily 
by a Parliament, and if this was not conceded, they must be 
allowed to send a deputation to submit their case personally to 
the King. 

Finding it impossible to overcome their scruples, Falkland 
consented to this course, and early in September the Irish 
deputies, four from each province, arrived in London. 1 Neither 
their presence, nor the mission on which they had come 
was at all agreeable to Charles. He had hoped that the 
matter would have been quietly arranged in Ireland. His 
manner of dealing with his first two Parliaments had given 
general dissatisfaction to his English subjects, and it was 
greatly to be feared that the echo which the objection taken 
by the Irish Protestants to his scheme, as a setting up of 
religion for sale, had found in England, was not likely to render 
the new Parliament, he now saw himself forced to call, more 
amenable to his wishes. Anyhow it was clearly advisable not to 
aggravate the situation, and for this reason the deputation was 
kept kicking its heels several months in London. The time was 
not, however, entirely lost. For being forced to admit the 
difficulties of Charles's position, and having to hear some 
extremely bitter speeches in the Parliament which met in March 
1628 as to the laxity with which the laws against the Roman 
Catholics were administered, 2 the deputies were moved to adopt 
a more conciliatory attitude, and a new set of Graces, 3 not 
materially differing from those originally offered them, having 
been promised them, they agreed to bind the country to pay 
120,000, on condition that a Parliament was immediately called 
to ratify the agreement . Before they left London instructions had 
been sent to Falkland informing him that a settlement had been 
effected and requiring him to take steps to call a Parliament. 4 

1 Rushworih, ii, pp. 16-17. 

2 See particularly the following passage in the Remonstrance of the Commons 
against the Duke of Buckingham (Rushworth, i, p. 622): " It doth not a little 
increase our dangers and fears this way to understand the miserable condition 
of your kingdom of Ireland, where without control the Popish religion is openly 
professed and practised in every part thereof, Popish jurisdiction being there 
generally exercised and avowed, monasteries, nunneries, and other superstitious 
houses newly erected etc. . . . which, of what ill consequence it may prove if not 
seasonably repressed, we leave to your Majesty's wisdom to judge." 

For the Graces in this their ultimate form see Stafford's Letters, i, 
pp. 312-327. 

* Gal. State Papers, Irel., 1628, pp. 346, 370. 

Charles comes to terms with the Catholics xcix 

This he immediately set about doing, and some of the writs had 
already been issued when it was discovered that this manner of 
proceeding was entirely contrary to the order prescribed by 
Poynings' Law. The matter was submitted to the judges in 
England and on 2 October they decided that until the mistake 
was rectified no Parliament could legally be held in Ireland. 1 
It is true their decision amounted only to a postponement ; 
but, as no immediate steps were taken to put things in order, 
it is impossible to avoid an uncomfortable feeling that Charles, 
having attained his object, was in no hurry to fulfil his share of 
the bargain. 

Charles's reluctance to call a Parliament was probably rather 
to the advantage than to the disadvantage of the Roman 
Catholics. For it was clearly impossible for Government while 
living from their contributions to be too exacting on them in the 
matter of religion. Letter after letter was intercepted at this 
time expressive of the satisfaction felt abroad at the progress 
the faith was making in Ireland. 2 Not only was the mass every- 
where celebrated with perfect impunity, but new churches were 
being erected, monasteries founded, and the ecclesiastical 
organisation of the country perfected. 3 Indeed so great was the 
security enjoyed by them that the Catholics were at leisure to 
quarrel amongst themselves, and instead of being filled as they 
used to be with complaints of persecution, their letters at this 
time are mainly occupied with the rivalries of the secular and 
regular orders. 4 On the other hand it is not to be wondered at 
if such quasi-legal toleration of Roman Catholicism gave great 
offence to the Protestants. It is well known, Sir Francis 
Annesley reported, that the British plantations did an immense 

1 See Order of reference to the judges and their opinion concerning a Parlia- 
ment hastily called in Ireland in Rushworth, ii, pp. 19-21. 

1 Gal. State Papers, Irel., 1629, pp. 414-415. 

8 Ib. pp. 436-437. Cf. Sir John Bingsley's account of the state of the Church 
in Ireland, ib. p. 442: "Papal officers are now resident in every archdiocere, 
diocese, deanery, abbotry, priory, parsonage and vicarage. Over every five or 
six parishes there is set a vicar-general who governs as absolutely as any Bishop 
in England. They reform the clergy in large numbers, hear causes by Papal 
authority, and adore the King of Spain and the Pope more than God Almighty. 
There are above 3000 unbeneficed priests supported on contributions, which are 
paid regularly every month in cash, and the King and his army must stay for 
their rents and revenues till the damned priests be supplied. The Profestant 
clergy are a set of very profane and drunken fellows, who neglect their services 
even in Christchurch in Dublin." 

*Cf. Spicil. Ossor. i, p. 142: "Ad praesens clerus Hiberniae pace fruitur 
optima, licet particulares lites nunquam desint," etc. 

c Historical Introduction 

amount of good in civilising and enriching Ireland. Lately, 
however, the English have received so much discouragement 
that the tide of immigration has turned, and the people are 
beginning to leave the country. This he attributed partly to 
the toleration shown the Catholics, the introduction of Popish 
schoolmasters and priests and the influence of the Jesuits ; 
partly to the oppressions of the soldiery. 1 Without going so far 
as to advocate an anti-Catholic crusade he thought that some 
steps should be taken to enforce the law for the maintenance of 
the King's supremacy and the suppression by degrees of all 
public mass-houses. If this were done and the soldiers con- 
fined to their garrisons, and not cessed on the country, justice 
honestly administered, and steps taken to call a Parliament, all 
might still be well. 2 

No doubt Annesley was right. The only difficulty was how 
to put his advice into practice. It was of course easy enough to 
publish a Proclamation, as Falkland did on i April, forbidding 
the exercise of all ecclesiastical jurisdictions derived from Rome, 
and ordering the dissolution of all Catholic colleges and monas- 
teries. 3 It was even possible for a discredited Deputy, whose 
revocation was already determined on, to delude himself with 
the notion that, because the Catholics, knowing the harmlessness 
of such proceedings, had offered no opposition, he had actually 
accomplished something. 4 But it was another matter when it 
came to finding money for the army, which, as it was 
supported, was even a greater grievance to the Protestant 
settlers than it was to the Catholics. 

Money was always scarce in Ireland. It was scarcer in 1629 
than usual, owing to a bad harvest and the necessity there 
had been of importing grain from England. 5 Despite the 
measures taken by Government to prevent the engrossing 
of corn, provisions were at famine prices, and as usual 

1 Of. on this point the Protest of the inhabitants of King's County against the 
extortions committed by Sir Pierce Crosby's company of foot in marching 
through their county. Gal. State Papers, Irel., 1629, p. 421. 

2 See Abstract of Annesley's Report, ib. p. 441. 

3 See the Proclamation in Rushworth, ii, p. 21. 
* Oal. State Papers, Irel., 1629, pp. 446, 450. 

6 Ib. p. 446 : " The dearth of corn here is very great and though we have taken 
steps to prevent engrossing and to spread the existing supplies over the country, 
the poor people are not yet relieved." Cf. Petition of the County of Kilkenny, 
ib. p. 467 : " Owing to the famine and necessity of purchasing corn in England, 
money is drained out of Ireland." 

Government in a state of collapse ci 

famine was followed by agrarian disturbances. Bands of 
roving swordsmen, or, as they would have been called at a 
later period, tories, prowled about the country, taking by 
force the means of subsistence, which they could come at in no 
other way. To their disorders were added those of an unpaid 
and mutinous soldiery. " I fear," Falkland wrote in May, " they 
will goad the people into rebellion unless some money is sent." * 
A few weeks later Docwra announced that they had taken to 
plundering private individuals both in their houses and on the 
highways. 2 Government took severe measures to repress these 
disorders. The hand 6f the Provost-Marshal was felt far and 
wide. Never since he had known Ireland, Falkland wrote, had 
there been more people executed than at the spring assizes that 
year. 3 It was admitted that it was as much as the country could 
do to find provisions for the soldiers quartered on it. Money 
payments were out of the question. 

In the circumstances then, the order, which just at 
this time came from England, requiring the subsidies (as 
they were called) to be paid directly into the Exchequer, 
had little chance of being obeyed. The news, St Leger wrote 
from Mallow in June, that all taxes are to be sent to the 
Exchequer has caused the people to refuse to pay anything 
to the soldiers. The soldiers in consequence have become very 
insolent, and seize provisions when they are being brought to 
market. 4 From all sides, from the Protestant planters in 
Tyrone and Donegal as well as from the Catholic gentry in 
Westmeath and Kilkenny, petitions flowed in on Government 
protesting their inability to comply with the order. 5 It was 
in vain that Falkland tried to allay the public discontent by 
promising an immediate Parliament. In the end the 
obnoxious order had to be withdrawn. 6 

With its withdrawal and the departure of Falkland about the 
same time affairs drifted into a quieter channel. Neither the 
Earl of Cork, nor his colleague the Lord Chancellor, Adam 
Loftus, to whom the government of the country was temporarily 
entrusted, was likely to carry matters with a high hand. As for 
the latter indeed he was only too willing to leave the burden of 
office to his colleague provided he was allowed to enrich himself 

1 Col. State, Papers, Irel., 1629, p. 450. Ib. p. 469. 

3 Ib. p. 450. * Ib. p. 466. * Ib. pp. 468-469. 6 Ib. pp. 467, 477. 


cii Historical Introduction 

in his own way. As for Cork his long experience of Ireland and 
his interests as a large landowner were entirely on the side of 
letting things alone. Something of course he felt obliged to do, 
by the letter of his instructions, to restrict the growth of Roman 
Catholicism, 1 and indeed so far as putting a stop to the over- 
zealous proceedings of the friars and Jesuits, by razing their 
houses or turning them into places of correction was concerned, 
his heart was wholly in the business. 2 But, though a fervent 
Protestant, he was not by nature a persecutor, and was perhaps 
a little too apt to regard the fines inflicted on recusancy less as a 
means of conversion than as a profitable source of revenue to the 
vState. His one great object in fact was to keep the country 
quiet, and by governing economically, to postpone the day of 
reckoning with Parliament as long as possible. And it must be 
admitted that not only was he fairly successful in this respect, 
but his method of managing things gave pretty general satis- 
faction. " I cannot say," he wrote to Dorchester in December 
1630, " and no statesman in this age can say it, that I know 
Ireland well. Bad communications and the Papist influence 
keep the body of it estranged from us. But I have known 
Ireland for 43 years, and never saw it so quiet. . . . The great 
lords of the Irish, their former leaders, who before had a great 
following, are all gone. The rebellious spirits have grown old 
and the kerne and horsemen are not to be seen and have no arms. 
The Irish gentry have got titles from the King, or by currency of 
the law, and no longer depend on their great lords. If we have 
a few more years of peace I think the King ought to be able to 
command a levy of English and Irish, reformed in manners 
and religion, more powerful than any force which the disloyal 
party could raise. This is a marvellous change from the state 
of affairs which old inhabitants can remember. Buildings and 
farming are improving, each man striving to excel the other in 
fair buildings and good furniture, and in husbanding, enclosing, 
and improving his lands. I wish there were foreign employ- 

1 Cf. Cork to Dorchester, 2 Aug. 1630, Gal State Papers, Irel., p. 563 : "I am 
bent upon serving the King well, and treasure up his parting words to me to 
have a care to abate the pride of the Papists, and to the increase and orderly 
disposing of the revenues." 

2 Same to Same, 2 March 1630, ib. p. 521 : " I am glad to have gained the 
Bang's approval of my design to destroy the house of the friars where the 
Archbishop of Dublin was insulted, and to turn the other houses into places 
of correction or of business." 

Ireland peaceable, prosperous and contented ciii 

ment to keep the well-born Irish youth busy, and trades to occupy 
the young men of meaner sort. The walled towns are inhabited 
almost altogether by the ancient English, and these old colonists 
are, I think, more loyal than otherwise, and they like peace, 
which is good for their trade and estates. Contentment is, in 
fact, general." 1 

Perhaps Cork was taking rather a sanguine view of the state 
of affairs. Certainly there was much in the condition of Ireland 
which from an English standpoint betokened rather the weakness 
than the strength of Government. The revenue, though rising, 
hardly sufficed to meet the expenditure, and when the contribu- 
tions came to an end, as they were shortly bound to do, no one 
knew what would happen ; the army was barely sufficient, since 
its reduction, to police the country ; it was badly officered and 
laxly drilled ; the narrow seas swarmed with pirates, and com- 
merce was pretty nearly at a standstill ; the laws against 
recusancy were rapidly slipping into abeyance, or were only 
enforced as a means of augmenting the revenue ; the planters 
were extremely negligent in the fulfilment of the conditions of 
their patents, and had long since turned their swords, if ever they 
possessed any, into ploughshares. But enough for the day was 
the evil thereof. Irishmen generally were, as Cork said, content. 

It was a pity Charles could not let well alone. Five years 
later the historian can describe the state of Ireland as one of 
universal discontent. It is well to bear this fact in mind. So 
much has of recent years been written in extenuation and even 
in praise of Stafford's government that we are apt to forget what 
was the view taken of it by his contemporaries. Indeed it is 
difficult while under the magnetic influence of his letters to see 
things from any other standpoint than his. In our admiration 
of his strength of character and of his simple devotion to his 
sovereign, and in pity at his untoward fate we are only too ready 
to forget that he was really a curse to Ireland. When all the 
good, that can be said for it, has been said, it remains that his was 
just the government which Irishmen did not want. The one 
thing that can really be pleaded in extenuation of his policy is 
that he saw the situation entirely from an English point of view. 
For him Ireland existed only as a means to an end. She was a 
conquered country, he said, and the King could do with her what 

1 Col. State Papers, Irel., 1630, p. 589. 

civ Historical Introduction 

he liked. Substituting " England " for the word " King" his 
opinion was shared by every Englishman of his day. Sub- 
stantially the only difference between him and such men as Pym 
and Cromwell was that whereas he meant to use Ireland to 
strengthen Charles's position they were determined that he 
should not. And herein lies the irony of the situation as regards 
both Strafford and Ireland. It was Strafford's arbitrary conduct 
as Deputy that brought him to the block, yet how many of those 
who talked so eloquently about his attack on the liberties of Ire- 
land would have troubled themselves in the slightest to defend 
those liberties had they not instinctively felt that it was their 
own that were in question ? The danger past, they were as 
ready as ever he had been to contemn the notion of Irish liberty. 
Taking this view of Strafford's administration we are 
here less interested in recalling his efforts to promote the 
material welfare of Ireland than in noting the almost uni- 
versal indignation those efforts provoked. Wherever we 
turn, and to whatever class of the communitj^ we look, we 
find the same feeling of dissatisfaction at his proceedings. No 
doubt our pity for such men as Cork, St Albans, Mountnorris, 
Loftus, Wilmot, Crosby and the rest, who felt the brunt of his 
personal displeasure, is largely tempered by a feeling that their 
punishment was not altogether undeserved. Still their position 
was much the same as that of the " Undertakers " in the 
eighteenth century, and if it was chiefly to their own interests 
they looked, it could not be denied that those interests were 
largely those of the country itself. But it could not be 
urged that they were identical with those of England, and to 
Strafford looking at the matter from this standpoint they were 
altogether harmful. That it was, to say the least of it, unwise 
of him to arouse so much personal animosity, and a fault which 
he lived to pay the penalty for, was just one of those things 
which his advocacy of the policy of " thorough " caused him to 
disregard. And indeed it might have been forgiven him had he 
not displayed the same lack of tact in public as he did in private 
affairs. But there was nothing connected with the government 
of Ireland which he had not the misfortune to bungle. The fact 
is he was not only disdainful of advice, but profoundly ignorant 
of the history of the country he had undertaken to rule. His 
firm resolve to fashion out of Ireland another England overrode 

Stafford's government a curse to Ireland cv 

every scruple as to the means he employed to achieve his end, 
and blinded him to the fact that he could not treat the country 
as a tabula rasa on which to write his own pleasure. 

In his dire distress Charles, as we have seen, had promised the 
nation certain concessions or " Graces," and chief among them 
had consented that a sixty years' title should be a bar to any 
claim on the part of the Crown. Without the slightest com- 
punction Str afford set aside the concession. He was determined 
to effect a new plantation in Connaught an English and Pro- 
testant plantation which should balance James's Scottish and 
Presbyterian plantation in Ulster, and besides prove more 
profitable than it had done to the Crown. It was nothing to him 
that in doing so he had to break the pledged word of the King ; 
nothing that, at the prevailing price of land in Ireland, and the 
reluctance of Englishmen to invest their money there, his scheme 
never had the slightest chance of success ; nothing that the 
measures he was obliged to take to enforce a reluctant acknow- 
ledgment of the Crown's title had brought the country to the 
verge of rebellion. In his army he had a sufficient answer to all 
the scruples of honesty and prudence. So much for the Catholic 
landowners in Connaught. As for the Protestant settlers in 
Ulster they were to be taught by fines and confiscation that they 
had risked their lives and fortunes in a wild and barbarous 
country not to advance their own estates, but to provide a 
revenue for the Crown. Strafford's hatred of everything that 
savoured of Scotland and Presbyterianism gave him a malicious 
pleasure in recalling these recalcitrant Scots and purse-proud 
citizens of London to a sense of their duty. With the one hand 
he robbed the latter of their chartered rights ; with the other he 
whirled the lash of a religious persecution over the heads of the 
former unless they would stoop to conform their consciences to 
the Church discipline of his friend Laud. Better a thousand 
times that these industrious, God-fearing settlers should be 
driven out of the country than that the infection of Presby- 
terianism should canker the whole State. With the " Black 
Oath " before them it was little wonder that Strafford's name 
should have been a word of loathing throughout the length and 
breadth of Ulster ; no wonder that these fiery Calvinists Should 
have seen in him the emissary of Rome itself. For what else 
could one think of a man who was so foolish as, in a Catholic 

cvi Historical Introduction 

country, where the Pope had more subjects than the King 
himself, to endeavour by every means within his power to 
quench the light of God's truth ? 

And if this was the view of the Scottish Presbyterians, it 
differed little from that of the English of the Church of Ireland. 
In his desire to assimilate Irish institutions to those of England 
Strafford had, shortly after assuming the government, insisted 
to Laud, on the necessity there was of enforcing the canons of 
the Church of England on that of Ireland. The Irish Church, 
as he remarked, had no canons of its own. This was quite true ; 
but the proposal was none the less utterly distasteful to most 
Irish Churchmen ; for, though the Irish Church had in its origin 
been a mere offshoot of that of England, its development, 
owing to its peculiar position, had been on quite different lines, 
and Irishmen were rather proud than not of the distinction. 
Its Articles of Belief, 1 set forth in the Book of Articles published 
in 1566 by the authority of Sir Henry Sidney, were those which 
Archbishop Parker had drawn up for the Church of England in 
1559. They had served their purpose till 1615, when, under 
pressure of the Catholic danger, a Convocation adopted a set of 
Articles drafted by Ussher. These Articles, while retaining the 
Articles of 1566, included certain others known as the Lambeth 
Articles, drawn up for the Church of England by Archbishop 
Whitgift in 1595, but rejected both by Elizabeth and James as 
unsuitable for that Church, owing to their strongly Calvinistic 
tendency. They had, however, as remarked, been adopted in 
Ireland with James's consent, and had served as a working basis 
of co-operation between the clergymen of the Episcopal Church 
and the ministers of the Presbyterian Church in Ulster, 2 so that 
in that province at any rate Roman Catholicism had encountered 
a most formidable bulwark. 

Unfortunately this was just what Strafford took objection to. 
In his opinion the Church of Ireland was becoming contaminated 
with Presbyterianism, and forfeiting its position as an inde- 
pendent institution. The easiest way, he thought, to remedy the 
evil was that the Irish Church should adopt bodily and without 
alteration the canons of the Church of England, including the 
Thirty-Nine Articles. But Convocation, when ordered by him to 

1 See the Articles in Mant, Hist, of the Church of Ireland, i, pp. 272-276. 

2 Of. Reid, Hist, of the Presbyterian Church in Ireland, i, p. 95. 

The policy of " thorough " and its consequences c vii 

act accordingly, was slow to obey his behest, and though in the 
end constrained to adopt the canons, with certain modifications, 1 
it did so with the greatest reluctance, and it is well known that 
the head of the Irish Church, Archbishop Ussher, never till his 
dying day complied with them. Indeed it must be admitted 
that, had Str afford deliberately intended to damage the useful- 
ness of the Irish Church, he could not have hit upon a plan better 
calculated to effect his purpose than the one adopted by him. It 
was just one of those senseless efforts at assimilating Irish to 
English institutions so dear at all times to English statesmen, 
ignorant of the special needs of Ireland, that have done so much 
to estrange the two countries. Not only did it serve to isolate 
the Church of Ireland still more than it was, but at the time 
it gave just cause of fear to the Roman Catholics that a fresh 
religious persecution was intended. 2 

Thus wherever we look, and to whatever class of the com- 
munity we turn we find distrust, discontent and disaffection as 
the fruits of Straff ord's administration. It is the other side of 
the picture historians are so fond of showing us. But worse 
almost than the result was the means adopted by Strafford to 
secure his object. The principle of divide et impera, or, as he 
called it, of poising the one party by the other, is a useful one ; 
but it has its dangers, and for Strafford the danger was that, as 
neither party derived any benefit from his government, both 
would unite to destroy him. This was what actually occurred. 
So long, however, as the fear of his displeasure was upon them 
neither Catholics nor Protestants, facing each other like 
muzzled dogs, would, as he maliciously remarked, allow the other 
side to rob them of the merit of loyalty. Money was forth- 
coming in greater profusion than even he had dared to hope. 
The unanimity with which the Commons protested their readi- 
ness to share their last shilling with Charles in his quarrel with 
the Scots was touching in the extreme. And indeed so far as the 
majority of them were concerned there is no reason to question 
their sincerity. For the Catholics at any rate their cause was 

1 Including, curiously enough, a more explicit statement of the virtue of 
auricular confession and absolution than was contained in the English canons. 
See particularly the 19th canon and c/. Laud's comment on it in Stafford's 
Letters, ii, p. 212. 

* See on this point Sir George Radcliffe's letter in Berwick, Rawdon Papers, 
p. 23. 

cviii Historical Introduction 

identical with that of the Crown, 1 and there were many Protest- 
ants who had no desire to see Charles beaten. But for Str afford 
the feeling of the Irish Commons was one of unmitigated hatred. 
Accordingly no sooner was his back turned on them, for the last 
time as it proved, than they set to work with resolute unanimity 
to pull down the building he had been at so much pains to erect. 
Their one desire was to destroy all trace of his hated presence, 
and to restore things to the state they had been in before ever he 
had come amongst them. Not till they were freed of him and all 
his works would they be able to breathe freely. Accordingly 
Parliament had no sooner reassembled for its second session on 
i June 1640, than the Commons, in pursuance of their plan, 
began to propose an alteration in the method of raising the 
subsidies they had recently voted. As the proposal, however, 
would have considerably diminished their value it was at once 
rejected by Lord Deputy Wandesford, and Parliament immedi- 
ately prorogued. But the Commons were not to be diverted from 
their purpose, and, on the House meeting again in November, 
they passed a resolution ordering the collection of the subsidies 
to be made in a moderate and parliamentary fashion. Not 
content with this attack on Straff ord's authority they voted a 
Remonstrance of Grievances for presentation to the King. But 
fearing that Wandesford, as he actually did, might refuse to 
transmit it, they nominated a select committee to submit it 
personally to Charles. Next day (12 November) Wandesford 
again prorogued Parliament and issued orders forbidding the 
deputies to leave Ireland. But to this order they paid no 
attention, and sailing on the I3th, they reached London appar- 
ently on the igth. 2 

1 There is no reason for supposing with Gardiner (Art. Wentworth in Diet. 
Nail. Biog., p. 277) that the Roman Catholics hoped by supporting Charles 
against the Covenanters to obtain toleration for their religion. They enjoyed 
complete toleration ; but they were afraid that if they did not support Charles 
they would have to reckon themselves with the Covenanting spirit. Their 
attitude was noticed and commented upon in Scotland. See the Declaration 
of the Army of Scotland to their Brethren in England, in Nalson, Impartial 
Collection, i, p. 417. 

3 According to Carte (Life of Ormond, i, p. 115) the Remonstrance was not 
delivered to the King till 3 Jan. 1641, though it made a much quicker passage 
to the place for which it was really designed the House of Commons of 
England. This is a mistake, as appears from an Order of the King in Council, 
22 Nov., to appoint certain persons to repair next day to the Lord Lieutenant to 
receive his advice on the grievances sent out of Ireland, and to confer with him 
thereon and report to the King. (Cal. State Paper*, Irel., 1640, p. 247.) The 
names of the deputies are very significant. They were Sir Donough MacCarthy, 

Protestants and Catholics unite against Strafford cix 

The Remonstrance was directed to the King, but its contents 
speedily became known to the English Parliament, and proved 
a veritable godsend to Pym and the party who were managing 
the impeachment of Strafford. As for the Remonstrance itself, 
the most remarkable thing about it is that in all its sixteen 
articles there is not one word of religion. Indeed as a statement 
of grievances it is, as any compromise between Protestants and 
Catholics was bound to be, a very feeble document ; but it was 
a clever one would not be far wrong in saying an unscru- 
pulous attack on Strafford, and this was all that was wanted at 
the time. Afterwards in the hands of Pym and his friends it 
assumed a very different complexion. Strafford, it was asserted, 
had said that Ireland was a conquered nation, and the King 
could do what he pleased with them. The better to effect his 
purpose he had allied himself with the Irish, and had raised 
an army of 8000 men consisting of Papists. This army he had 
advised the King to employ against his English subjects. Of 
his refusal to confirm the Graces, which was the main burden of 
their Remonstrance, the English Commons had nothing to say. 
It was not long before the Catholic deputies began to rue the day 
they had ever thought of appealing for justice to the English 
House of Commons. They had brought Strafford to the block. 
They had had their revenge. But what about their own 
position ? Little by little it must have dawned on them that, 
for them as Irish Papists, Strafford was perhaps not their 
deadliest foe. 

Meanwhile the Irish Parliament had, according to the proroga- 
tion, reassembled on 26 January 1641 ; but owing to the death, 
during the recess, of the Lord Deputy, Sir Christopher Wandes- 
ford, and the necessity of appointing Lords Justices it was 
adjourned to 30 January and afterwards to 9 February. Its 
proceedings during this session, which came to an end on 4 
March, need not detain us. " The House of Commons," the 
Lords Justices, Parsons and Borlase, wrote to Secretary Vane on 
8 March, "has been busy for a month in examining into the Lord 
Lieutenant's conduct about the customs, the grant of tobacco, 
the proclamation concerning yarn etc. When this had gone on 

Sir Hardress Waller, and John Walsh for Munster ; Nicholas lunkett, 
Nicholas Barnewall, Richard Fitzgerald and Simon Digby for Leinster ; Sir 
Roebuck Lynch, Geoffrey Browne and Thomas Bourke for Connaught ; Sir 
James Montgomery, Sir William Cole and Edward Rowley for Ulster. 

ex Historical. Introduction 

for a month we decided to prorogue Parliament till the second 
week in May. But before the prorogation the Commons sent 
a Committee to the Lords' House accusing the Lord Chancellor, 
the Bishop of Deny, Sir Gerard Lowther, and Sir George 
Radcliffe of high treason. We then settled at the Board to put 
off prorogation till 4 March, and decided to discuss the sending 
of the Commons' Bills over to England. On 4 March we were 
ready to prorogue when the Commons sent up the charge of 
treason already mentioned. The Peers begged us not to pro- 
rogue. If the Lord Chancellor were removed who was to put the 
motion, and what was to be done about the Great Seal in his 
possession ? We replied by proroguing the Houses, stating 
as our ground the necessity of collecting the subsidies, for which 
we depended on gentlemen many of whom were now members of 
the Commons." 1 

The Lords Justices omitted to report that before the proroga- 
tion the Lords and Commons had agreed to send a joint request, 
through their agents in London, to the King, begging him not to 
dissolve Parliament, and to cede the "Graces" promised in 1628. 
To these requests Charles returned a favourable answer, and on 
3 April he sent Instructions to the Lords^Justices to prepare 
Bills in the sense desired. The order, especially as it affected the 
projected plantation of Connaught, was little to the liking of the 
Irish Government, and a long protest in the shape of a praise of 
plantations in general, and of that of Connaught in particular 
was soon on its way to England, 2 But the news that the King 
had granted its prayer could not be concealed from the nation. 
Government was stormed with petitions that the Bills should be 
sent away without loss of time. 3 It was the most popular act 
of Charles's reign, and won thousands of hearts for him. " I 
hear," Loftus wrote on 29 April, " that several people here 
(I think it is the Connaught men) intend to offer the King to 
maintain the New Army for a year." 4 When Parliament met 
again in May it passed a vote of thanks to him for the concessions 

1 Cal. State Papers, Irel., 1641, p. 259 (condensed by the Editor). 

Ib. pp. 275-278. 

8 " I have nothing but bad news for you. . . . We send over the Acts of 
Limitations, and to give away lands in Connaught. All the Lords of the Pale 
came to press them, and with one voice spake against plantations in general, 
which is now the main work of the Papists." Loftus to ? Vane, 26 April, i&. 
p. 279. 

* Ib. p. 279. ; 

Efforts at constitutional government cxi 

made the country. But welcome though they were, these con- 
cessions did not go far enough. The fact is the gentry of the 
Pale had recognised their opportunity ; they had a majority in 
both houses, and were determined to use the chance given them 
to put the government of the country on a constitutional basis. 
In particular they were anxious to remove certain abuses 
connected with the interpretation of Poynings' Law. The 
intention of that law, they took the liberty of informing the 
King, was not to exclude the subject from a knowledge of and 
participation in the Bills framed for the good of the country, but 
merely that his Majesty and the Council of England should be 
made acquainted with the contents of such Statutes as should 
pass in Ireland, thereby to prevent the sinister practice of former 
governors, who procured several Bills to be passed for laws, 
without the privity of the King, which were pernicious and pre- 
judicial to the Crown and people. The law, however, they 
admitted, was open to misconstruction, and to clear up all doubts 
it was desirable that a new Act should be passed, so that Bills 
prepared by the Irish Parliament should be sent to London 
whether the Irish Council approved them or not. 1 Further, and 
in order to remove national distinctions, the King was invited 
to admit the natives to an equal share with others in the 
plantations. 2 At the same time the House of Lords passed 
a resolution declaring the Irish Parliament to be the Supreme 
Judicatory in the realm. 3 

Government meanwhile was watching these proceedings with 
anxious forebodings. Unable to refuse obedience to the King's 
Instructions the Lords Justices had at last transmitted the Bills. 
But the situation, owing to this new claim of judicature, and the 
determination of Parliament to press the trial of the Lord 
Chancellor and the other members of Government impeached of 
high treason, had, in their opinion, grown extremely critical. 
The army was not to be relied on. The soldiers were without 
discipline and had once more taken to plundering houses and 
robbing on the highway. 4 The country and particularly the city 
of Dublin was swarming with Jesuits, friars and priests, and 
recently there had been a very great assembly of them at May- 


1 Memorial concerning Poynings' Act presented to the King in Council. 
17 May, Gal. State Papers, Irel., p. 286. 
Ib. p. 292. ' Ib. p. 297. * Ib. p. 285. 

cxii Historical Introduction 

nooth. 1 A nunnery was in process of erection at Drogheda, so 
spacious that it contained fourscore windows aside. No doubt 
there was some truth in these reports ; but the intention of the 
Lords Justices to exaggerate is apparent. As a matter of fact 
the country was fairly quiet as quiet as could reasonably be 
expected in the general state of excitement. The King's promise 
to concede the Graces had worked wonders, and now that the 
Bills had been transmitted and might soon be expected back 
again, everybody was looking forward to the future with con- 
fidence. So far as the human eye could see there was not a cloud 
on the horizon. But between Government and the Parliament 
there was a wide cleft which every day grew more impassable. 
So deeply grounded indeed was the jealousy between them that 
on 8 June the Houses passed a joint resolution not to ask any 
further question from Government, but to petition the King 
directly, and two days later drew up a joint address praying 
the King to believe in their loyalty and not to listen to their 
detractors. 2 Their fears that by some trick or other Government 
would rob them of the King's Grace proved well founded. At the 
beginning of August it was rumoured that the Bills were about to 
be returned, and with this knowledge in its possession Govern- 
ment on 7 August deliberately prorogued Parliament. Before 
it met again the Rebellion had swept away all chance of a 
peaceable settlement. 8 

At the time no one dreamt that any such catastrophe was at 
hand. Even the closest observer of the political situation could 
detect no sign of a coming storm. That when it came it took 
everybody by surprise is absolutely beyond doubt. But his- 
torians are slow to admit the fact. They are unable to realise 
that a rebellion so disastrous in its consequences can have had 
its origin in anything but a deeply laid conspiracy. At one time 
it was their fashion to attribute it to the secret machinations of 
the Jesuits. Rome, it was urged, was at the bottom of the plot. 
Modern writers, on the other hand, would have us believe that its 
causes are to be looked for in the confiscations attendant on the 

1 Col. State Papers, Irel., 1641, p. 307. 

8 Ib. pp. 303, 315. 

8 The reader, who is familiar with the history of Ireland in the eighteenth 
century, cannot fail to be struck with the close parallel presented by the 
conduct of Government at this critical juncture and that of Lord Camden 
after Lord Fitzwilliam's recall. 

Proximate causes of the Rebellion cxiii 

plantation policy of the preceding hundred years. The Irish 
Rebellion, we are told, was essentially an agrarian rising. No 
doubt there is some truth in both these views. But if it is 
intended thereby to assert that the Irish Rebellion was due to the 
religious and agrarian grievances of the Irish that statement only 
admits of a flat contradiction. Let the reader, who has any 
doubts on this point, consider the Manifesto published by Sir 
Phelim O'Neill on 23 October J as expressive of the reasons 
which had led the northern Irish to take up arms let him 
consider the grounds alleged by the gentry of the Pale for their 
rebellion in their " Humble Apology " 2 addressed to the King in 
December 1641, and he will not find in either of them a single 
word about grievances, either agrarian or religious. The fact 
is the Irish could not allege as an excuse for their conduct 
what had actually no existence, and it must be said (though 
the statement runs counter to "patriotic" prejudice) that, 
as a nation, they were labouring under no such grievances 
as those which had forced the Scots to rebel, or which 
were rapidly bringing civil war upon England. It is clear 
from the documents just 1 referred to that what did really 
move the Irish (so far as they were not the victims of an 
untoward accident) to appeal to arms was fear fear of the 
English Parliament. That their fear was not unfounded this 
Introduction, it is hoped, will be regarded as a sufficient proof. 
For years Puritan England and Catholic Ireland had been 
confronting each other as mortal enemies. The quarrel was one 
which was bound to be fought out sooner or later. That it 
should have come to a collision just at this moment, and that it 
should have been Ireland which threw down the gage to 
England was due to the folly, or ambition, or patriotism, or 
what we like to call his conduct, of one man Rory O'More. 

The story of the conspiracy that led to the Rebellion has been 
retold scores of times since it was first given to the world by one 
who played a principal part in it. Historians have found little 
to add to or to take away from Lord Maguire's " Relation " ; 
and indeed the narrative bears on the face of it so unmistakably 
the stamp of truth, that all that remains to do is merely to add a 
word of explanation now and then as to events on which 

1 Printed in Nalson, ii, p. 555. 

1 Printed in Carte, Life of Ormond. App., Letter xlvii. 

cxiv Historical Introduction 

was not so fully informed as we are now, and to fix a little 
more precisely the dates of the events recorded by him. About 
the beginning of February 1641 then, Lord Maguire received a 
message from Rory O'More of Ballina, in the county of Kildare, 
asking him to call on him, as he had a matter of importance to 
communicate to him. Parliament was sitting at the time and 
Maguire finding it impossible to leave Dublin, O'More came up to 
town and had a meeting with him at his lodgings. After some 
remarks on the general situation of affairs, and the discontent 
created by Straff ord's government, O'More ventured to suggest 
that if the gentry of the kingdom were disposed to free themselves 
from the like inconvenience in the future, and get good condi- 
tions for themselves, with the recovery of a good part of their 
estates, they could never desire a more favourable opportunity, 
owing to the disturbed state of England and Scotland. He had, 
he said, discussed the matter with the leading gentry of Lein- 
ster, 1 and found them willing to risk a rising, provided they were 
assured of the co-operation of those of Ulster. Would Maguire 
undertake to arrange a meeting with them ? Maguire, who was 
over head in debt, fell into the trap and agreed. With his 
assistance a meeting was arranged between O'More and Philip 
O'Reilly, Turlough O'Neill and MacMahon. To the doubts 
expressed by them as to the sincerity of the gentry of the Pale, 
O'More replied that they need fear no opposition from them, 
and/ even if they would not assist, they could manage the busi- 
ness without them. What was of more importance was to know 
whether they might expect the co-operation of the Irish abroad. 
To ascertain how the land lay in this respect it was determined to 
send a messenger to the Continent, and in the meanwhile to do 
nothing but, as opportunity offered, to sound the feeling of the 
country. Accordingly nothing further had been resolved on when 
in April a message arrived from the Conde di Tirone in Spain, 
assuring them of his support and promising assistance from 
Cardinal Richelieu. But as almost simultaneously with the 
message came the news of Tirone's death it was determined, 
before taking any definite steps, to communicate with Colonel 
Owen O'Neill (now by Tirone's death the head of the clan 
O'Neill) in the Netherlands, and to solicit his advice. 

1 When brought to book for this statement O'More had to admit that he 
had done no such thing. 

Charles's share in the business cxv 

Matters had reached this point when the conspirators were 
made aware of a plot in progress to wrest the government out of 
the hands of the Lords Justices, Parsons and Borlase, in the 
interest of the King. A word or two of explanation is necessary 
at this point by way of supplementing Maguire's " Relation." 
At the close of 1639 tne Irish standing army amounted to about 
2000 foot and 1000 horse. It was chiefly composed of. Protest- 
ants, and, owing to Stafford's personal supervision, was in a high 
state of efficiency, but it was no larger, in his opinion, than was 
necessary to preserve order in Ireland. More than once since 
things had reached a crisis in Scotland Charles had been urging 
a considerable addition to it ; but the opportunity to do so 
came first when the Irish Parliament agreed to find the money 
necessary to support it. On leaving Ireland in April 1640 
Strafford gave instructions to Ormond to take instant measures 
to raise the strength of the army to about 10,000 men. His order 
was obeyed and at the beginning of autumn 8000 men, forming 
what was called the New Army, were concentrated about 
Carrickfergus, ready, as Strafford informed Charles, to obey 
his commands in whatever part of his dominions he desired. 
Unlike the standing army, the New Army was chiefly composed 
of Roman Catholics. It was still assembled at Carrickfergus, 
where its presence was a great source of anxiety to the Protest- 
ant settlers in Ulster, when the attention of the English House 
of Commons was called to it on 4 January 1641, and again two 
days later by Sir Walter Erie, who stated its numbers to be 
close on 10,000 men, " all or most of them Papists." 1 A 
committee was appointed to inquire into the matter, and its 
report was sufficiently serious to induce the House of Commons 
on 13 February to address an invitation to the Lords to join 
with them in a petition to the King asking for its immediate 
disbandment. 2 To this petition the King returned no answer, 
and in April the Lords pressed him for a decision. Nothing, 
however, could be elicited from him except a promise that 
the New Army should be disbanded at the same time as the 
Scots' army. 3 On 24 April a petition was presented to 
Parliament by the City of London complaining of it as a source 
of great danger, and two days later the Lords and Commons 

1 D'Ewes' Diary quoted in Gardiner, Hist, of Eng., ix, pp. 254, 255. 
* Ib. pp. 289, 290. 16. pp. 325, 344. 

cxvi Historical Introduction 

once more addressed the King on the subject. 1 On 8 May the 
Earl of Bristol reported that his Majesty had resolved to disband 
it, and, in order that the soldiers might not prove troublesome 
to the country he had nominated eight colonels to carry them 
into foreign parts, to serve any prince with whom he was at 
amity. 2 

To this arrangement the English Parliament interposed no 
immediate objection, and orders were sent to the Irish Govern- 
ment to effect the disbandment, and to see that the men, after 
being disarmed, were handed over to the officers appointed to 
carry them abroad. With the assistance of the Earl of Cork and 
several other gentlemen, who agreed to advance 10,000 for the 
payment of its arrears, the New Army was accordingly quietly 
disbanded by the end of May and its arms laid up in the 
Castle. The men were being re-enlisted to serve abroad, and one 
regiment of 1000 men had already left the country, when first 
the Irish Parliament and then the English Parliament took 
objection, for different reasons, to the proceeding, and on 6 
August the latter interfered with an order directly forbidding 
the levies. 3 It was apparently just at this time that Charles 
conceived the idea of turning the situation to his own account. 
Anyhow about the end of July or beginning of August a message 
from him reached the Earls of Ormond and Antrim requiring 
them to keep together the Irish army, and if possible to raise its 
strength to 20,000 men. The order arrived too late to be 
executed, for the army had already been disbanded, though about 
4000 men, specially licensed by the Lords Justices, were still 
waiting their chance of being transported abroad. Information 
to this effect was accordingly sent to the King through Captain 
Digby, constable of Dunluce Castle. Digby met the King at York, 
on 12 August, on his way to Scotland, and shortly afterwards 
returned to Ireland with a message signifying his Majesty's 
pleasure " that all possible endeavours should be used for getting 
again together those 8000 men, so disbanded, and that an army 
should immediately be raised in Ireland, that should declare 
for him against the Parliament of England, if occasion should be 
for so doing/' 4 Armed with this authority, Antrim, according 

1 Carte, Life of Ormond, i, p. 132. 2 Nalson, Collections, ii, p. 233. 

* Rushworfh, iv, pp. 357, 360. 

4 Cox, Hib. Anglicana, ii, App. xlix, p. 208. 

The Rebellion breaks out cxvii 

to his own account, imparted the design to Lords Gormanston 
and Slane, and to many others both in Leinster and Ulster. 

In this way the northern conspirators, O'More, O'Reilly, 
Maguire and the rest, were made aware of the existence of a plot, 
which to a certain extent tallied with their own designs. They 
had recently received a message from Owen O'Neill urging them 
to go forward with their plan, and assuring them of assistance 
from Cardinal Richelieu. But whatever doubts they might 
still have felt as to the wisdom of the step they were meditating 
were now entirely set at rest by the news they had received 
of Charles's scheme. Overjoyed at the prospect of assistance 
from a quarter they had hardly dared to expect it, they re- 
doubled their energies, and were looking forward to the issue 
with every confidence, when they were suddenly informed that 
the army plot had been abandoned, or at any rate postponed. 
The fact was the measures taken by the English Parliament to 
prevent any further levies had completely dashed Charles's plan. 
The news acted as a cold douche on the conspirators, but it did 
not induce them to abandon their design. At a meeting on 
26 September it was resolved to go forward with the plot on their 
own account, keeping to their old plan, with the addition of the 
design of seizing Dublin Castle. At a final meeting on 5 October 
Saturday the 23rd was fixed as the day on which the general 
rising should take place. As is well known the plot was betrayed 
at the eleventh hour, and the attempt to capture Dublin Castle 
failed. But the rising took place as arranged in Ulster. 
Dungannon, Charlemont and Newry fell into the hands of the 
insurgents ; but Derry, Coleraine, Lisburn, Belfast, Carrick- 
fergus and Enniskillen escaped. 

It does not fall within the scope of this Introduction to 
describe the progress of the Irish Rebellion. It was soon known 
in England that the rising had, in Ulster at any rate, been 
attended with considerable cruelty and bloodshed, though of a 
general massacre of Protestants nothing was at first heard. In 
fact no such massacre as that afterwards charged on the Irish ever 
did take place. But there was, as remarked, sufficient cruelty 
and bloodshed to give colour to that charge, and the belief that 
some such massacre had occurred, as that subsequently deleted 
in lurid colours by Sir John Temple and other writers, when 
200,000, and even more persons were stated to have been 

cxviii Historical Introduction 

murdered in the most horrible circumstances, was as potent 
in England as if such a massacre had actually taken place. 
This is the point on which we should concentrate our 
attention the belief in the massacre, not the so-called 
massacre itself. 1 To Charles of course the news of the 
rising was an awful shock. He saw at once what a terrible 
handle it would give to the English Parliament against him, 
especially when it began to be rumoured that the Irish were 
claiming to be acting on his instructions, and did everything in 
his power to establish his own innocency. But his efforts were 
unavailing. From the very first he was in the same boat as the 
Irish, and his enemies were determined to keep him where he 
was. The mere fact that on every occasion the Irish never 
neglected to protest their loyalty to him only made matters 
worse for him. To Pym and his friends nothing could have 
happened more opportunely than that the Irish should have 
thrown down the gauntlet to England in this fashion. They 
would be made to suffer for their folly ; but they would not 
suffer alone. Nothing was known of Charles's intrigues to get the 
government of Ireland into his own hands, but a good deal was 
suspected, and the Rebellion had cast a shadow over his cause. 
The opportunity to damage him irretrievably in the eyes of his 
English subjects was one not to be neglected. The more mud that 
was thrown at the Irish the more chance there was that some of it 
would stick to him. The more atrocities the Irish were guilty 
of, or said to be guilty of, the greater would be his responsibility. 
It was a cleverly conceived plan, but when it is recognised to be 
such it helps us to understand why a campaign of slander against 
the Irish was immediately set on foot in England. 

Taking this view of the Irish Rebellion it is more important 

1 As to the alleged massacre every student of Irish history must decide the 
matter for himself. His decision will depend on the degree of credibility he 
is inclined to concede to the Depositions relating to that event, preserved in 
Trinity College, Dublin, Library. My own view I have long ago set forth in 
The English Historical Review, i, pp. 740-744 ; ii, pp. 338-340, and I see no 
reason to recede from it. But the matter will never be satisfactorily settled 
until these Depositions are published in their entirety. Selections like those 
published by Miss Hickson in her Ireland in the Seventeenth Century, especially 
when unprovided with an Index, are useless and misleading. The only 
method of arriving at a satisfactory conclusion is that pursued by Dr T. Fitz- 
patrick in his book, The Bloody Bridge ; but such an inquiry as that instituted 
by him in some half-a-dozen cases, would require a lifetime when applied to the 
whole of Ireland. Incidentally, it should be added, the Depositions throw 
much valuable sidelight on the social condition of Ireland in the seven- 
teenth century, which alone would justify their publication. 

How the news was received in England cxix 

as bearing on the causes of the Cromwellian Settlement, 
to follow the course of events in England than in Ireland, 
especially as this is a side of the subject generally neglected 
by Irish historians. Intelligence of the Rebellion first reached 
the English Parliament on Monday, i November. 1 The 
news made a deep impression on it, and next day at Pym's 
suggestion a joint Committee of both Houses, consisting of 
26 Lords and 52 Commoners was appointed to consider of the 
affairs of Ireland, and another of 12 Lords and 24 Commoners 
to negotiate a loan of 50,000 from the City of London. On 
Wednesday it was reported that the City of London did not at the 
time see its way to provide the loan asked for ; whereupon it was 
resolved (the Lords concurring with the Commons) that 20,000 
should be voted for the present occasions of Ireland, and 11,000, 
out of the money in hand, be immediately paid over to the Lord 
Lieutenant ; further that 6000 foot and 2000 horse should be 
forthwith raised and a drum beaten for the calling in of volun- 
teers. 2 These proceedings were followed up on 9 November by a 
joint Order of both Houses for the appointment of a Council of 
War, consisting of twelve members to be assistant to the General 
Committee. 3 Two days later letters from the Lords Justices 
were read, calling attention to the spread of the Rebellion and the 
instant necessity there was of providing 10,000 men and 100,000. 
For a time all business except that of Ireland was at a standstill. 
It was determined that the 6000 foot already voted should be 
increased to 10,000 and 2000 horse, a fresh attempt be made to 
induce the City of London to provide the money so urgently 
wanted, and an offer of the Scots to assist in suppressing the 
Rebellion be accepted, provided the force sent by them was 
subject to the control of Parliament. 4 The answer of the City 
was again unsatisfactory, and on 12 November the House of 
Commons, having resolved itself into a Grand Committee, voted 
that steps should be taken to raise 200,000 to provide for the 
suppression of the Rebellion, the security of England, and the 
payment of debts. To this and other proposals affecting the 
despatch of troops the House of Lords agreed next day. 5 At 

1 Letter of the Lords Justices and Council to the Lord Lieutenant, 25 Oct., 
in Nalson, ii, pp. 514-518. , 

2 Journals, H. of Commons, ii, p. 304 ; also in Nalson, ii, p. 600. 
8 Nalson, pp. 614, 622. < /&. pp . 624-626. 

6 Lords' Journals, iv, p. 437. 

cxx Historical Introduction 

the same time a joint message was sent to the King in Scotland, 
explaining that the refusal of the City to provide a loan was due 
to a sense of insecurity, arising from the policy pursued by him 
in favouring the English Recusants. 1 

The suspicion that Charles, despite the anxiety displayed by 
him to suppress the Rebellion, was not wholly blameless for what 
had happened, and that his conduct was likely to produce 
similar consequences in England, found covert expression in an 
Order passed by the House of Commons on 30 November for 
drawing up a Declaration to clear his Majesty from the false re- 
ports cast upon him by the rebels in Ireland, and stipulating that 
no conclusion of the war should be agreed to, that tended to the 
prejudice of England. The Order was emphasised by a Petition, 
delivered to the King next day at Hampton Court, begging him 
to concur with Parliament in its desire to preserve the peace and 
safety of the kingdom from the malicious designs of the Popish 
party, and to forbear alienating any of the forfeited lands, which 
should accrue to the Crown by reason of the Rebellion, in order 
that some satisfaction might be made to his subjects of England 
for the great expenses they were likely to undergo in its suppres- 
sion. The Declaration and Petition were followed up on 
8 December by a request from the Commons to the Lords that 
the latter would join with them in desiring his Majesty to declare 
that a toleration of religion should not be granted to the Irish 
rebels. 2 

The intention of these measures to prevent the King from 
coming to terms with the Irish is no less apparent than the 
determination of the House of Common g tn mak p - JJxeJSsbelUgn 
the excuse for a fresh plantation. The latter point is one of 
considerable importance, for it isjfenerally taken for granted^nd 
has been conhdently asserted * to be a fact thatlFe confiscation 
of lands 'in^ Ireland, or m^thejcijgQrrr^~The rrnfgwelliaiTSeTtle- 
ment was the retribution meted out to the Irish by the^English 
Parliament for theiFrnassacre of thousands_of_English Protest- 
anjsJLas evidenced and proved by the Depositions relating to 

1 Ncdson, ii, p. 644. 

2 Ib. pp. 689, 693-694, 723. 

3 See Miss Hickson in Eng. Hist. Review, ii, p. 137. 

* Indeed it must be said, and without impugning the integrity of men like 
Cromwell and Fleetwood, who really believed in the " Massacre," that much of 
the talk about the '* Massacre " and divine retribution is merely pious bunkum. 
In the mouths of such men as Sir William Parsons, Dr Henry Jones and Sir 

Measures taken to suppress the Rebellion cxxi 

that event preserved in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin. 
Now quite apart from the fact that the first commission 
appointed by the Irish Government, to take cognisance of what 
robberies, spoils and sequestrations had been committed by the 
Irish at the beginning of the Rebellion was only issued on 23 
December, and the second, to take account of any murders 
committed, only on 18 January 1642, it is pejrfejcllyldejLrjthat 
from the very first a confiscation of landsjn_lrgland^iiad been 
regarded by the 1 ^ Parliament *$ the natural consequence 
of the Rebellion. Indeed it would have been strange had it not 
beerTso"! ReBeflion wasalways follawe^b^j^QinJsc^tion, and, so 
far as Ireland is coiir- fymft d J lf Trin^tJiftj^menVhered that, quite 
apart from a certain class ever on the oul!o^k~tor"pTunder, 
the belief in the policy of plantation as pursued by James and 
advocated by Straff ord, 1 as a means of solving the Irish 
difficulty, was still ^d for a Ion 3 time to come the guiding 
pilncipie of English statesmanship. But any dcuVt tnat the 
Rebellion and not the " Massacre " was the cause of the 
Cromwellian Settlement is set at rest by a letter from the 
Lords Justices and Council to the Lord Lieutenant dated 1 -^ 
14 December 1641. 2 

After commenting on the ".defection " of the gentry of the 
Pale the letter proceeds: "their discovering of themselves 
now will render advantage to his Majesty and this State, 
who otherwise perhaps might suffer while they held under- 
hand correspondence with them, 8 which now we see might 
turn to the extreme prejudice of this State and Government ; 
and those great counties of Leinster, Ulster and the Pale, now 
lie the more open to his Majesty's free disposal, and to a 
general settlement of peace and religion by introducing of 
English." Here then we are at the very heart of the matter. 

John Temple it was something much worse. It should be noted that the first 
information received by the English House of Commons as to any horrid 
cruelties practised by the Irish on the English was contained in a letter from 
one Partington to Sir John Clotworthy, read on 14 Dec. Cf . Nalson, ii, p. 740. 

1 It should be remembered that the English Parliament was just as strongly 
opposed as was Straff ord to the concession of the " Graces." See Nalson, 
ii, pp. 417, 421. 

Printed in Carte, Life of Ormond, i, pp. 260-261 . Carte draws attention to the 
significant fact that this letter does not bear the signatures of Ormqpid, Ros- 
common and Lambart, though another of the same date does. The inference 
is that it was written without their knowledge. 

I.e. the Ulster rebels. 

cxxii Historical Introduction 

The " defection " of the gentry of the Pale was to be the 
pretext for the confiscation of the rich lands of Leinster. 
Ulster was thrown in as a mere make- weight, for until the 
" defection " of the Scots there were no lands in Ulster worth 
confiscating. Connaught and Munster were not mentioned 
because there was so far no sign of rebellion in either of 
those provinces. It is impossible not to read between the 
lines of their letter the satisfaction of the Lords Justices at 
the prospect before them. The defection of the gentry of the 
Pale was a small matter ; their rebellion would be easily 
suppressed and then the reward. 

Meanwhile the delay in sending troops and money to Ireland 
was a source of concern to others beside the Irish Government. 
On 21 December a Petition was presented to the House of 
Commons by clivers Lords and gentlemen of Ireland then in 
London, begging Parliament to - - h: offer of the Scots to 
provide 10,000 rnen to suppress the rebels in Ulster. For itself 
the House of Commons was ready enough to grant their request, 
which indeed had originated with itself ; but the House of Lords 
would not hear of a Scottish army without an English one to 
balance it. Days passed away in fruitless wranglings over the 
subject. On Christmas Eve a fresh Petition by certain London 
merchants was presented to the House of Commons, protesting 
against the long and unseasonable delay in sending relief to 
Ireland. 1 A week later the Commons succeeded in raising a loan 
of 30,000 at 8%, on the security of a Money Bill for 400,000, 
from the Merchant Adventurers ; but they refused to let the 
money out of their hands until the question of the Scots' assist- 
ance had been settled one way or another. 2 Matters thus con- 
tinued at a deadlock till the middle of January 1642, when a 
compromise was arranged between the two Houses. The Lords 
agreed to go surety with the Commons in an Ordinance securing 
the Merchant Adventurers for a loan of 50,000, and a few days 
later a joint effort was made, but without success, to induce the 
City of London to advance ioo,ooo. 3 

In the meantime, owing to the attack on the Five Members 
(4 January) the relations between the King and Parliament had 

1 Nalson, ii, pp. 769, 772, 777 ; Lords' Journals, iv, pp. 484, 488. 

2 Nalson, ii, p. 799. 

* Lords' Journals, iv, pp. 517, 620, 637. 

The sale of Ireland cxxiii 

become strained almost to breaking point, and the question of 
the Irish Rebellion was rapidly becoming merged as a mere 
factor in the general quarrel between Charles and the Parlia- 
ment. Before, however, this point had been quite reached, a 
deputation consisting of divers "worthy and well-affected" 
citizens of London approached the House of Commons on n 
February with certain proposals " for the speedy and effectual 
reducing of Ireland." There were, they said, many million 
acres of profitable land in Ireland liable to confiscation by the 
Rebellion. 1 If two and a half million acres of these lands, to be 
taken in equal quantities out of the four provinces, were assigned 
subscribers as security there would be no difficulty in raising 
1,00^000 for the suppression of the jrebels. The scheme 
commended itself to the House of Commons, and being drawn 
up in the form of a Bill and agreed to by both Houses, it 
received the King's assent on 24 February. 2 

According to the terms of the Act 3 subscriptions were to be 
taken at the following rates viz. for 1000 acres in Ulster 200, 
in Connaught 300, in Munster 450, in Leinster 600, not in- 
cluding bogs, woods and waste lands, which were to be thrown 
in without payment. The lands were to be assigned by lot 
as soon as Parliament declared the Rebellion at an end, and 
were to be held in common socage at an annual rent to the 
Crown of one penny in Ulster, three halfpence in Connaught, 
twopence farthing in Munster, and threepence in Leinster per 
acre. Subscriptions were to be received for London and places 
within twenty miles of it up to 20 March, for places within sixty 
miles up to i April, and for the rest of the kingdom up to 
I May ; and each subscriber was required to pay down the 
twentieth part of his subscription at f the time of subscribing, 
to be forfeited by him if he did not proceed with his undertak- 
ing. The money subscribed was to be paid to a committee, 
consisting of Aldermen John Towse, John Warner, Thomas 

1 One is constrained to ask how they arrived at this conclusion. 

1 Lords' Journals, iv, p. 607 ; Rushworth, iv, p. 557, intimating the King's 
assent, which followed formally on 19 March. In giving the consent he could 
not withhold, Charles is said (Burton, Parl. Diary, 3 Dec. 1656) to have sar- 
castically remarked that Parliament was carving the lion's akin before it was 
dead. For the rest he tried to disclaim all responsibility by saying that he 
relied on the wisdom of Parliament, without taking time to consider whether 
the measure adopted might not serve to retard the reduction of Ireland by ex- 
asperating the rebels. Rushworth, iv, p. 557. 

8 16 Chag. I, c. 33. 

cxxiv Historical Introduction 

Andrews and Lawrence Halstead, or their agents * and receipts 
given by them for the same. 

Between 8 March and 9 April nearly 60,000 were subscribed 
in the House of Commons alone ; but the scheme did not prove 
so popular as had been expected. 2 Money came in so slowly 
that before a month or two had elapsed not only had the time 
of subscription to be prolonged, and a rebate of 8% offered to 
those who paid their money promptly, but the privilege of 
participating in the undertaking had to be extended to corpora- 
tions and Dutch Protestants, and Irish measure substituted for 
English, whereby 21 feet instead of i6| were to be reckoned to 
the perch. 3 By the terms of the Act the money raised under it 
was to be devoted exclusively to the suppression of the Rebel- 
lion, and in April a joint committee of both Houses was, with the 
King's consent, appointed to administer the fund, and to super- 
vise the measures thought fit to be taken to provide for the 
necessities of Ireland. But as day by day the quarrel between 
the King and Parliament grew more intense and both sides were 
driven to take stock of their resources the temptation to lay 
forcible hands on the Adventurers' fund became irresistible. 

The first blood in the Civil War had already been shed at 
Manchester, when the House of Commons on 30 July passed a 
vote requiring the Treasurers of the fund to hand over 100,000 
to a joint committee of the Lords and Commons, as a loan for the 
defence of the kingdom. 4 The intention no doubt was to repay 
the money ; but the opportunity to do so never occurred. 5 

1 Appointed by a joint Order on 7 March, Lords' Journal, iv, p. 632. 

2 See figures in Rushworth, iv, pp. 564-565. The failure of the loan was ascribed 
by the Commons to Charles. See their Answer to the King's Message, 13 Aug., 
ib. iv, 776 : " After both Houses of Parliament had found out a probable way 
to reduce the Kingdom of Ireland, by the Adventure of private men without 
any charge to the subject in general, and which they are very confident would 
have brought in a million of money, (had his Majesty continued in or near 
London) those malicious whisperers, that durst not hinder the passing of the 
Bill, which was so specious in itself and so generally approved, yet have by 
practice, by drawing his Majesty from his Parliament, by keeping him at this 
distance, and advising him to make war upon his people, so intimidated and 
discouraged the Adventurers, and others that would have adventured, that 
they have rendered that good Bill, in a manner, ineffectual." 

8 Scobell, Acts and Ordinances, i, pp. 31-34. 

4 Rushworth, iv, p. 578 ; Commons' Journal, ii, p. 698 ; Lords' Journal, v, 
p. 250. 

6 This seems quite certain, though in their Declaration of 16 June 1643 
(Rushworth, v, p. 541 ) the Commons asserted that the money subscribed had 
been with a great overplus disposed of for the uses of Ireland. It all depends 
on what they meant by the phrase, " for the uses of Ireland." 

The Rebellion avenged cxxv 

Necessity, it is true, knows no law ; but the step thus taken by 
the Parliament undoubtedly damaged public credit. During 
the twelve months following hardly a penny was paid into the 
Adventurers' Fund. So serious did matters become in this 
respect that in May 1643 Parliament approached the King with 
a Bill to enforce the payment by the Adventurers of the money 
subscribed by them. But the King would have nothing to say 
to the proposal until it was explained to him what had become 
of the money already paid, and security was given him that it 
would in future really be applied to the needs of Ireland and not 
against himself. 1 

Moved by these considerations, the House of Commons 
determined to revise the whole question of the Adventurers' 
subscriptions, and, in order to obviate the exception taken to the 
Treasurers appointed by the Act, it agreed to the election of a 
Committee of Adventurers, which was to have equal power with 
their own Committee in all matters concerning the management 
of the money raised for Ireland. Further, at the suggestion of 
the Adventurers that the subscriptions made did not engage a 
third part of the lands assigned them as security, it passed a 
resolution that an Ordinance should be drawn up assuring to 
those of the Adventurers, who should at once deposit a fourth 
part of their subscriptions, such an addition of lands as should 
double the proportions granted them by the Act, and extending 
the same favour, under these conditions to new subscribers. 2 
A Bill in this sense was accordingly drawn up and agreed to by 
the Lords ; but as the King refused his assent it was published 
on 14 July as an Ordinance of both Houses. 

The " Doubling Ordinance," as it was called, no doubt 
stimulated subscription ; but the situation both in England 
and Ireland was too uncertain to encourage investment in Irish 
securities, and money continued to flow in lamentably slowly. 

In 1647, however, when the first Civil War had come to an 
end, and the surrender of Dublin by Ormond to the Parliament 
had opened up a prospect of more vigorous action in Ireland, 
the House of Commons, with the object of transporting thither 
a considerable part of the disbanded forces at as little cost to 

1 Rushworth, v, p. 318. 

2 Ib. pp. 541-543, and see the Ordinance in Firth & Rait, Acts and 
Ordinances, i, p. 192. 

cxxvi Historical Introduction 

the taxpayer as possible, passed an Ordinance on 13 November, 
requiring the Adventurers to pay down a fourth part of the 
sum subscribed by them within a limited time, and closing 
the subscription list. 1 

Unfortunately the differences which at this time arose between 
the Commons and the army, followed by the outbreak of the 
Second Civil War prevented the immediate intervention 
proposed, and it was not until after the execution of Charles in 
1649 an( i th e acceptance by Cromwell of the command of the 
army in Ireland, that the long-desired opportunity of bringing 
matters with the Irish to a test occurred. Meanwhile, however, 
thanks to the vigorous action of Col. Michael Jones, whom 
Parliament, after the surrender of Dublin by Ormond, had 
appointed to command its forces in Ireland, the Rebellion had 
lost much of its formidable character, and when Cromwell 
landed at Dublin in August the war had practically entered on its 
last stage. When he left Ireland in May 1650 it was no longer 
a question of fighting battles, but of breaking down the resist- 
ance of isolated garrisons. Owing to the obstinate bravery of the 
Irish and the opposition offered by the Scots the work of com- 
plete reduction took longer than had at first been expected, and 
except for the capture of Water ford, Duncannon and Athlone 
affairs were pretty much in the same position on i July 1651 
(the date at which the documents here printed begin) as they 
were when Cromwell handed over the sword to his son-in-law, 
Henry Ireton. 

1 See the Ordinance amending that of 14 July 1643 in Firth & Rait, Acts 
and 'Ordinances, i, p. 1027. 


IN laying these Documents before the reader it is only neces- 
sary to remark, by way of preface, that, on returning to England 
from Ireland, Cromwell had urged the desirableness, in order 
that Ireton might be able to devote himself entirely to military 
affairs, of making some provision for the civil government of 
the country. The result was the appointment of Edmund 
Ludlow, Miles Corbett, John Jones and John Weaver as Com- 
missioners of the Parliament for the Affairs of Ireland. An 
abstract of the Instructions given to them on 4 October is 
printed as the first Document. The Commissioners Corbett, 
Jones and Weaver, together with Lady Ireton, sailed from 
Milford on Monday, 21 January 1651, leaving Ludlow to follow 
with his troop two days later. Landing at Duncannon on the 
24th, they at once proceeded to meet Ireton at Waterford, where 
they were, rather to their surprise at his quick passage, joined 
the next day by Ludlow. After discussing the general position 
of affairs, and finding " the army in worse condition, and the 
enemy more daring " than they expected, they at once set about 
taking measures to put the government on a settled basis. 
Except casually the Documents preserved in the Record Office, 
Dublin, furnish no information of their proceedings at this time ; 
but from other sources l we learn that they divided the country, 
so far as it was in their possession, into six 2 administrative 
districts, or precincts viz. Dublin, Waterford, Cork, Clonmel, 
Kilkenny and Ulster. Over each of these precincts they ap- 
pointed a military governor, and established in each a number 
of commissioners, called the Commissioners of Revenue, for the 
administration of justice and local affairs and the collection of 
taxes. From the names of these precincts it will be seen that, 
with the exception of some isolated places like Derry and 
Athlone, the authority of the Parliament was at the time re- 
stricted to that part of the country lying to the south-east of a 
line drawn between Belfast and Cork. 

1 See Ludlow, Memoirs, Ed. Firth, i, pp. 259-262. 

2 Gradually increased to fifteen viz. Dublin, Waterford, Cork, Clonmel, 
Kilkenny, Belfast, Wexford, Athy, Trim, Limerick, Athlone, Galway, 
Londonderry, Kerry, Belturbet ; but finally fixed at twelve. 


cxxviii Introduction to Documents 

Following the example of the Irish, who still retained the 
provincial distribution of their forces adopted by them at the 
beginning of the war, the army of the Commonwealth was 
divided into sections, so that while the bulk of it, under Ireton, 
was concentrated about Limerick, there were considerable 
detachments with Coote about Athlone, with Venables in the 
neighbourhood of Belfast, and with Hewson at Dublin, besides 
such forces as were required to garrison the forts in their pos- 
session and to preserve order within the precincts. The arrange- 
ment of course led to a great dissipation of energy ; but it was the 
only method possible in view of the tactics pursued by the Irish. 

From Waterford the Commissioners went to Kilkenny, and 
thence to Dublin, where, after a visit (6 July-ig August) to 
Belfast, Coleraine and Derry for the purpose of settling the admin- 
istration of those parts, they fixed their headquarters. By that 
time the plague, which seems to have equalled that of 1604 in its 
ravages, appeared to be somewhat abating, and they were full 
of confidence that with the surrender of Limerick, which was 
every day expected, the long war would at last come to an end. 
But as week after week passed away and they were compelled 
to face the possibility of Limerick holding out over the winter 
their hopes of a speedy settlement declined. From England, 
despite their repeated inquiries, they could obtain no informa- 
tion as to the terms Parliament might be willing to hold out to 
the Irish as an inducement for them to submit ; the work of 
finding provisions for the support of the army taxed their 
resources to the utmost, while the vigorous attacks of the enemy 
during the autumn, extending at times almost to Dublin itself, 
hampered their operations. The news of the capitulation of 
Limerick on 27 October somewhat relieved the tension, but 
the joy with which the surrender was hailed was speedily 
damped by the illness and sudden death of Ireton. 

The emergency had been provided for by Cromwell, and 
the appointment of Ludlow as temporary Commander-in- 
Chief of the army prevented any interruption in the prosecution 
of the war. There were still something like 30,000 Irish in arms, 
and the Commissioners were no longer so sanguine as they had 
at first been of their speedy reduction. For though, as a 
point d'appui to receive succour from abroad, the capture of 
Limerick was a terrible blow to the Irish, yet owing to the 

The Irish at the end of their resources cxxix 

physical conformation of the country (which, by reason of its 
lakes and thickly scattered bogs, provided them with an almost 
endless line of natural forts), there was no saying how long they 
might be able to hold out. As yet there had been no sign on 
their part of a general inclination to submit ; but from certain 
informal inquiries as to what terms they might expect from 
Parliament in case of surrender, it seemed as if the backbone of 
their resistance was gradually beginning to give way. With the 
object of hastening this process, and if possible of reducing the 
charge of maintaining the army at its existing strength of 35,000 
men, the Commissioners in December had a meeting with the 
general and field officers at Kilkenny, when certain proposals or 
suggestions in this direction were adopted for presentation to 
Parliament. The intention of these proceedings was not lost 
on the Irish. The hopelessness of the contest they were waging 
was every day becoming clearer to their leaders, but they were 
by no means at the end of their resources, and it was hoped 
that by presenting a determined front and by insisting on 
treating for a general surrender, to which the presence of the 
Marquis of Clanricarde, as representing the authority of the 
Crown amongst them, seemed to entitle them, they might 
secure better terms for the nation than by waiting till each 
separate commando was crushed in turn. 

As remarked, some overtures in this direction had already 
been made, when the plan of the Confederates was crossed by 
one of their most active officers, Col. John Fitzpatrick, who, in 
the hope of securing favourable terms for himself, suddenly 
offered to surrender with his entire division. Fitzpatrick's 
offer came as a godsend to the Commissioners, who at once 
detected in it the opportunity they had long been waiting for 
of sowing dissension amongst the Irish. Little difficulty was 
made in agreeing to his proposals, and in even conceding his 
demand that the personal conditions of his surrender should be 
kept a secret. But the terms were guessed at, and the result 
was what the Commissioners had anticipated. The news of 
Fitzpatrick's surrender was received with an outcry of in- 
dignation by his countrymen. He himself was denounced as a 
traitor and excommunicated by the Church. Letters^ were 
written to the Catholic courts of Europe warning them to have 
nothing to do with him. His men were shot down wherever 

cxxx Introduction to Documents 

they could be met with, and there is little doubt that but for the 
protection afforded him by Government he would have shared 
their fate. Meanwhile the Commissioners were taking measures, 
according to the terms of the treaty, to transport his men into 
Spain, and were still engaged in the business when they received 
news of the surrender of Gal way, the last place of importance in 
the possession of the Irish, on 11 April 1652. The terms of 
the capitulation, based on the original offers made by Ireton, 
were arranged by Sir Charles Coote, but as they would not merely 
have secured the townsmen in the possession of their estates, 
but probably have excepted two-thirds of the lands in Connaught 
from confiscation the Commissioners refused to sanction them 
without first of all having submitted them to Parliament. 
Notice to this effect was at once sent to Sir C. Coote, but by 
the time he received it the town had already surrendered. The 
Commissioners were in an awkward position ; for, while they 
professed to believe that Coote had acted to the best of his dis- 
cretion in his desire to bring the war to an end, they could not, 
after the rejection of the terms offered by Ireton, agree to any- 
thing short of absolute submission. Their refusal to confirm 
the Articles, agreed to in their behalf by Coote, renders them 
of course liable to a charge of a breach of faith of the same sort 
as was at a later time preferred against the Irish Parliament 
for its refusal to ratify the Articles of Limerick agreed to 
by William III. And indeed, while admitting that they en- 
deavoured, to the best of their ability, to restore the status quo 
ante the surrender, it cannot be denied that, by accepting the 
benefit of Sir Charles Coote 's mistake, their conduct has the 
appearance of taking an unfair advantage over the Irish a 
view not likely to be weakened by the strained construction 
which was eventually put by Government on the Articles 
themselves. Moreover, it is difficult to understand how a 
treaty concluded on 5 April should only have come to their 
knowledge six days later. Anyhow the business was sadly 
bungled, and for a long time afterwards the Articles were a 
source of annoyance to all parties concerned in them. 

The effect of Fitzpatrick's defection, followed so closely 
by the capitulation of Galway, was to strengthen the move- 
ment in favour of a general surrender, and fresh overtures 
in this direction having reached the Commissioners they again 

Conditions of mercy offered the Irish cxxxi 

repaired about the middle of April 1652 to Kilkenny to confer 
with i. he chief officers of the army as to the conditions which 
should be granted the Irish. It was then for_tVip first timp j 
according to their own admission, that they became acquainted 
through the report of their Scoutmaster-General, Dr Henry 
Jones, who had been one of the Commissioners appointed by 
the Irish (wvwrnT"pnt. at thft bpginjiingof the Rebellion to collect 
evidence as to what robberies and murders had been com- 
mitted b^T the Irish on the English and Protestant settlers, of 
the horrible brutalities and murders in cold blood alleged to have 
been peTpetfatedTBylhern! Jones' report, we may-well believe 
them, filled the Commissioners with intense indignation and a 
strong desire to revenge the wrongs done their countrymen. 
But the historian of the period may allow himself to ask how it 
came to pass that men in the responsible position occupied by 
them should have been ignorant of events, which, if they ever 
occurred, must have been the topic of conversation in every 
household in England, and why, if the memory of them had 
passed out of general recollection, the present moment should 
have been seized to revive it ? That these precious evidences of 
a nation's guilt should have been allowed to remain in the 
possession of a private individual is not calculated to increase 
our respect for them, but on the main point of making them 
public at this time the reason is not far to seek. The Irish 
were rapidly reaching the limit of their powers of resistance and 
Parliament would shortly be in a position to arrange for the 
future settlement of the country. In the opinion of men like 
Jones it was essential that no feeling of commiseration, such as 
the Commissioners admitted they were exposed to, should 
interfere to spoil that settlement. It is needless to say that 
having hit on the psychological moment Jones' plan worked to 
admiration. For a long time_afterwards hardly a letter left 
Ireland without containing some reflexion on the blood-guiltiness 
of the nation and the necessity there was of propitiating the 
Divine wrath tor tire innocent blood spilt, by' twinging the 
authors of the massacrgs_to_4iistice. 

In the cir cumist ancesT then , it is not to be wondered at if the 
terms agreed to be offered to the Irish in arms, as a condition 
of their being received to mercy, should have been reduced to 
a minimum. Not only were those who had taken part in the 

cxxxii Introduction to Documents 

massacres absolutely excluded from all hope of pardon, but for 
those, whose sole offence had consisted in taking up arms in 
defence of their civil and religious liberties, their only choice 
lay between unqualified submission to the Commonwealth or 
transportation to a foreign country. The conditions were harder 
than the Irish had been led to expect, and many of those who 
in May had agreed to submit on the terms of what was called 
the Treaty of Kilkenny, broke away from their engagement, 
preferring to try once more the fortune of war. 

The result was disappointing to the Commissioners, who had 
expected a general surrender of the Leinster forces. But a 
week or two later Ludlow succeeded in capturing Ross Castle 
in Kerry and forcing the surrender of the main body of the 
Munster enemy under Lord Muskerry. During the summer 
one commander after another capitulated on condition of being 
allowed to transport his men abroad to Spain or any other 
country in amity with the Commonwealth. By the end of 
July the Commissioners were able to report that, except for a 
few scattered forces in Ulster and Kerry, which were restrained 
from submitting by a consciousness of having incurred the 
penalty of murder, the bulk of the enemy had surrendered. 

As the country became more settled the Commissioners ex- 
pressed their opinion that the time had come to institute a full 
inquiry into the blood-guiltiness of the nation. How necessary 
such an inquiry was, in order to appease the wrath of God against 
the shedders of innocent blood, was evident, they declared, from 
a fresh outbreak of the plague ; and as a first step of atone- 
ment they ordered Dr Henry Jones to proceed to Kilkenny and 
Tipperary to collect evidence as to the murders committed in 
those counties. They had long been petitioning Parliament to 
come to some decision as to the fate of the nation. But when the 
answer to their request came in the shape of the Act for the 
Settlement of Ireland, which became law on 12 August, they 
could not conceal their uneasiness at its severity, and fearing 
that, if it came suddenly to the knowledge of the Irish, it would 
not only prevent the surrenders in progress but lead to a fresh 
insurrection, they issued strict orders to the Governors of the 
Precincts to keep a sharp outlook, in order to suppress any sus- 
picious movements before they had time to become dangerous. 
And indeed it must be confessed that, though their fears proved 

Terms of the Ad for the Settlement of Ireland cxxxiii 

groundless, there was every reason for redoubled vigilance. For, 
seldom in the history of any country has the hand of the con- 
queror been felt with greater severity than it was by the Irish 
at this time. 1 

By the Act for the Settlement of Ireland not one single 
person, of whatever nationality he was Irish, Scottish or 
English was exempted from the consequences of participa- 
tion in the Rebellion, either by having to lose his life or his 
property, partially or altogether, unless he could prove that he 
had been constantly faithful to the Interest of England as 
represented by Parliament, or, by subsequent explanations 
could plead some special act of favour in his behalf. How 
utterly impossible it was for nearly anyone to comply with this 
monstrous demand was shortly to appear. Indeed it may be 
said that the only persons who had nothing to fear from the 
operation of the Act were those who had nothing to lose, and 
who, just because they had nothing to lose, had in all probability 
been more concerned than any other class in the acts of plunder 
and brutality that had marked the Rebellion in its earliest 
phase. Those who suffered most severely were the Anglo- 
Irish gentry in Leinster and Munster, of whom it will hardly be 
asserted that as a class they had any hand in the massacres 
perpetrated. More than half the land confiscated was their 
property. This fact alone is sufficient to disprove the theory 
that the Cromwellian Settlement was the just retribution taken 
by the English Parliament for the massacres committed or said 
to have been committed on unoffending Protestant settlers. 
What the English Parliament had in view was not, as is so often 
asserted, the avenging of innocent blood, but the rooting out of 

1 Gardiner in his " Transplantation to Connaught " (Eng. Hist. Rev., Oct. 
1899), has carefully considered the terms of the Act, and calculates that at 
least 80,000 persons were by it " handed over to death." Of course there was 
no attempt to carry out any such judicial massacre. This Gardiner admits, but 
he is at some loss to account for what happened. " What," he asks, " was to be 
the fate of the thousands who had been pronounced worthy of death by law ? 
Were they to be let off scot free, or were they to be transplanted? " I think 
the capitulations printed in these volumes throw some light on this point. 
By these capitulations the Irish were offered the alternative of transporting 
themselves abroad or of remaining in Ireland on condition of recognising the 
government of the Commonwealth. Only those who had a share in any murder 
were excepted, and even these were not to be hanp^d nut of hand. They were 
legally tried before the High Court of Justice ;" then, if found guilty, ttey were 
executed ; if innocent, they were offered the alternative mentioned. Tne alter- 
native of transplantation suggested by Gardiner had not then been proposed 
and can consequently have no bearing on the explanation of the Act. 

cxxxiv Introduction to Documents 

Roman Catholicism in Ireland. This end could only be achieved 
by confiscating the soil of Ireland and the plantation of it with 
English Protestants. Whether, in view of her own exposed 
position, England was justified in the step she took to secure 
her own safety is a question which hardly admits of discussion ; 
but by excepting the ploughman, husbandman, labourer and 
artificer from the penalties of the Act she assured her own 
failure. Nothing but the complete rooting out of the Irish 
could have guaranteed success, and for such a step the physical 
as well as the moral conditions were wanting. Severe as was 
the Act for the Settlement of Ireland it was only a half measure, 
and as such was doomed to failure. 

The anticipation of the Commissioners that a fresh rising 
would follow its proclamation had not been realised ; but the 
fear of disturbances urged them to take prompt measures for 
the transportation abroad of such of the Irish as had laid down 
arms, and by the middle of October they were able to report 
that 7000 men had left the country. Their endeavours in this 
respect were energetically supported by Fleet wood, who arrived 
in Ireland as Commander-in-Chief on n September, and at his 
request the Commissioners, who had withdrawn from Dublin 
to Drogheda on account of the plague, proceeded to join him 
at Kilkenny. In October there was a general meeting of officers 
there, and, in view of the urgent necessity there was of reducing 
expenses, a resolution was passed representing the desirableness 
of setting out lands to the soldiers, whose services it was thought 
might be dispensed with, in satisfaction of the arrears of pay 
owing them, without waiting till the lands to be assigned the 
Adventurers had been formally measured. Meanwhile the 
business of transporting the Irish who had submitted was being 
pressed on as quickly as possible, and by January 1653 nearly 
13,000 soldiers had quitted the country. But the difficulty of 
finding the necessary shipping, owing to the backwardness of 
the Spanish Government in recouping the expenses of the trans- 
portation and the injury thereby inflicted on the shipowners, 
together with rumours, which could not altogether be kept secret 
from the Irish, of the ill-treatment they were likely to experience 
in Spain, greatly hindered the endeavours of the Commissioners 
in this respect, and indeed it was not until the spring of 1654 
that the last detachment left the country. 

Proposal to transplant the Ulster Scots cxxxv 

Concurrently with the transportation a rigorous inquiry was 
being instituted by a High Court of Justice, appointed expressly 
for that purpose, into the alleged massacres committed by the 
Irish in the course of the Rebellion, and by the end of January 
1653, fifty-two persons had been executed for participation in 
them. But, considering the lax interpretation placed by the 
judges on what constituted murder and the hard swearing of 
many of the witnesses examined, the result can hardly have 
proved satisfactory to those who had so strongly insisted on the 
universal blood-guiltiness of the nation. On the contrary, if 
anything was wanted to prove the baselessness of the charge of 
a general massacre of Protestants, the paucity of the numbers 
convicted compared with those charged was of itself sufficient 
for the purpose. Even in the case of that monster of iniquity, 
as he was depicted, Sir Phelim O'Neill, of whose capture the 
Commissioners received notice on 4 February 1653, only one 
case of murder could with any show of reason be proved against 
him, and there is little doubt that he might have saved his life . i 
had he been willing to perjure himself, by admitting the genuine- /* 4/l 
ness of the Commission he was said to have received from 
Charles I authorising his rebellion. Anyhow, it is certain that 
after the Court of Justice had concluded its inquiries the 
question of the blood-guiltiness of the nation slipped into 
the background. 

Almost as obnoxious to the Government as the Irish them- 
selves were the Scottish settlers in Ulster. Like their brethren 
in Scotland, the Ulster Scots were by no means satisfied at the 
course things were taking in England since the abolition of the 
monarchy and the increasing predominance of the Independents 
both in Church and State. Early in March 1653 information 
was received by the Commissioners from the Council of State 
of the discovery of a dangerous correspondence between the 
Scots in Ulster and their countrymen in Scotland, which they 
were required to investigate and to put a stop to. The matter 
was referred to the Commissioners for the settlement of Ulster at 
Belfast, and at their suggestion it was determined to transplant * 
the Scottish settlers in the counties of Down and Antrim, oi 

1 It should be noted that the plan of transplantation afterwards earned out 
in regard to the Irish originated in this proposal for a transplantation of the 
Ulster Scots. 

cxxxvi Introduction to Documents 

at any rate the " popular Scots " of the district into some other 
part of the country where, by being mixed with the English, they 
would be less capable of mischief. The counties of Kilkenny, 
Tipperary and Waterford were deemed the most suitable places 
whither they should remove, and some steps had been taken to 
put the plan in execution when the professed willingness of the 
Scots to give security for their peaceable behaviour and the diffi- 
culty at the time, owing to the disturbed state of the country, 
of carrying it out led to its being laid aside. But that it was 
not intended to abandon it is evident from the Instructions 
given the Lord Deputy and Council on 27 March 1656. 

Meanwhile the Irish were leaving the country in shoals. By 
the middle of July it was reported that 20,000 had already 
transported themselves abroad and that 7000 more were ready 
to follow their example as soon as shipping for the purpose could 
be found. Their departure enabled the Commissioners to de- 
vote their attention to the great and pressing question of a 
reduction of the army, 1 but their efforts in this respect were 
greatly impeded by the sudden dissolution of the Long Parlia- 
ment, of which they received news towards the end of April, 
before it had come to any conclusion regarding the Bill under 
its consideration for giving satisfaction to the soldiers and Ad- 
venturers. Still, though it was impossible on their own author- 
ity to proceed to a final settlement, there appeared no reason 
why, in view of the pressing necessity there was of diminishing 
expenses, a temporary settlement of those officers and soldiers 
it was proposed to disband, should not be attempted. On 9 
June a general Council of officers at Dublin decided that, as 
regarded those officers and soldiers to be disbanded, their 
arrears for service both in England and in Ireland should be 
stated up to the time of their disbandment, and that they should 
be put in immediate possession of lands sufficient by estimate to 
satisfy those arrears, to be enjoyed by them provisionally, or as 
it was termed de bene esse, until a new Parliament had decided 
on some definite plan. Steps had already been taken to put 
the decision of the army council in execution, when a Commis- 

1 The subject had been exercising their minds ever since December 1652, 
but, as they explained, they were unable to take any definite step till Parlia- 
ment had decided how the soldiers and Adventurers were to be satisfied. 
(See pp. 300, 306, 313, 336.) 

Disbandment and satisfaction of arrears cxxxvii 

sion and Instructions bearing date 22 June reached the Com- 
missioners. There is no copy of this Commission among the 
Commonwealth Records, but the terms of it may be gathered 
from a letter of the Commissioners to the Little or Barebones' 
Parliament on 22 July. From this letter it appears that the 
course proposed to be followed in England differed considerably 
from the plan adopted by the Council of officers, and that, in- 
stead of beginning the disbandment with those soldiers who had 
served longest, it was intended to restrict the satisfaction of 
arrears in the first place to such as had been incurred since June 
1649, i.e. to the soldiers that composed Cromwell's army with 
subsequent reinforcements. The injustige of this proceeding 
was apparent. Fortunately the arrangements for a disband- 
ment 1 on the plan adopted by the army Council were too far 
advanced to be altered, and all that could be done was to intro- 
duce a clause in the Act for Satisfaction, passed by the Little 
Parliament on 26 September, for its confirmation. 

Hardly, however, had this matter been settled when a fresh 
difficulty arose owing to the fact that had come to light, while 
estimating the lands necessary to answer the arrears of the 
disbanded regiments, that the lands at the disposal of Govern- 
ment would, according to the rates set down in the Act of 
1642, prove insufficient to answer the debt on them. From a 
rough estimate drawn up by the Commissioners it appeared that 
the debt owing to the army, including certain public-faith debts, 
amounted to 1,750,000. To meet this debt there were for- 
feited lands to the amount of 1,727,500 acres ; but, according to 
the rates laid down in the Act, these would be merely sufficient 
to satisfy 802,500, leaving the balance of 947,500 unanswered. 
The matter was referred to a general Council of officers at 
Dublin on 21 and 22 November, when it was agreed that the 
rates should be revised and settled proportionably to the 
intrinsic goodness of the soil in each of the forfeited counties, 
as, e.g. in County Cork at 800, in County Kilkenny at 1100, 
in County Longford at 900 per thousand acres and so on. In 
this way not only would the total amount of lands appointed to 
answer the debt on them be considerably augmented, but a 
more equitable division of the lands themselves among the 
different regiments be achieved. This matter having been 

1 The disbandment itself began on 8 August. 

cxxxviii Introduction to Documents 

satisfactorily arranged a number of commissions were issued on 
10 January 1654, authorising the assignation of lands to the dis- 
banded regiments in the four provinces to the amount of rather 
more than half-a-million acres in discharge of 282,209 of debt. 

Simultaneously almost with the Commission of 27 June came 
a set of Additional Instructions to the Commissioners explaining 
how " for the better security of those parts of Ireland which 
are now intended to be planted with English and Protestants," 
Irish proprietors who, by any of the Qualifications in the Act of 
Settlement, were entitled to retain any portion of their estates, 
were to be provided for in the Province of Connaught, provided 
they removed thither before i May 1654. These Instructions, in 
which the transplantation of the Irish was first broached, are 
dated 2 July 1653. On 4 July Cromwell handed over his power 
to the Little Parliament. Commenting on this fact, Gardiner 
remarks, in his " Transplantation to Connaught," that though 
in other respects Cromwell had shown himself unwilling to 
anticipate the decisions of that strange body to which he was 
about to confide the destinies of England, in legislating for 
Ireland he showed an almost unseemly haste to lay down the 
rules under which that country was to be dealt with. The policy 
of transplantation then, though involved in the confiscation of 
the land of Ireland by the Long Parliament, originated with 
Cromwell himself, and it is for this reason that we are justified 
in speaking of the settlement arrived at on the basis of these 
Instructions as the Cromwellian Settlement. 

The Instructions reached the Commissioners before the middle 
of July, for on the I5th they published a Declaration requiring 
all persons, who possessed any right or title to lands in Ireland 
on 23 October 1641, to put in a statement of their claims in 
writing for their inspection. Naturally, only such persons were 
meant as were not excluded from pardon for life and estate by 
falling under any of the first five Qualifications of the Act of 
Settlement. This of course was a necessary step not only to 
determining what provision would have to be made for them 
by way of compensation in Connaught or Clare but also to clear- 
ing the lands in the other three provinces for the reception of the 
soldiers and Adventurers . This step they followed up by another 
on i August for the appointment of a Standing Committee to 
consider the whole question of transplantation. Among other 

Act of Satisfaction and Declaration thereon cxxxix 

things on which the Committee were required to advise was as 
to whether the transplantation was to include all Irish Papists^ 
or only the landed and popular men. A matter troubling the 
Commissioners at this point was the construction they were to 
place on the Articles of Gal way, for, as they pointed out, if the 
Articles were confirmed two-thirds of the lands in Connaught 
would be lost for transplantation purposes. Their inquiry on this 
point was soon to be answered by implication if not directly. 

On 26 September the Act for giving speedy satisfaction to the 
soldiers and Adventurers passed the Little Parliament. Its 
provisions were little more than an amplification of the Instruc- 
tions of 2 July. The ten counties of Waterford, Limerick, 
jTipperary, Queen's and King's counties, Meath, Westmeath, 
|Armagh, Down and Antrim, with County Louth thrown in as 
^additional security, were assigned to answer the claims of the 
Adventurers and the arrears of the army which since 5 June 
1649 na d been engaged in the subjugation of the country. 
Connaujjhtand Clare, with the exception of a belt of land 
not morethan four miles wide round the coast and along the 
line of the Shannon, were allotted to Irish proprietors, as an 
equivalent for such lands as they might Succeed in saving in any 
part of the Torfgdom. The rest of Ireland (excluding Dublin, 
Carlo w, KildareTor the greater part of those counties and a 
moiety of County Cork, together with all walled towns and 
ecclesiastical lands which the State reserved for itself) was as- 
signed to answer all other debts, including the arrears due to the 
army in England and Ireland prior to 5 June 1649, commonly 
called the " English " and " ' 49 arrears " respectively. A con- 
siderable number of these were, as already remarked, in process 
of being liquidated at the time the Act was passed on the basis 
of the plan approved of by the army Council on 9 June. 

The Act for Satisfaction reached the Commissioners early 
in October, fororTthe I4th~lhey published a Declaration based 
on its provisions and on the Instructions of 2 July. There is no 
copy of this Declaration among the Commonwealth Records, 
and indeed only one copy of it, preserved in the muniment 
room of Kilkenny Castle, is known to be in existence. As it is, 
however, easily accessible in the Calendar of OrmondMSS. in pro- 
cess of publication by the Historical MSS. Commissioifers, and 
also in Gardiner's " Transplantation to Connaught " in the 


cxl Introduction to Documents 

English Historical Review, it has not been thought necessary to 
reprint it . But it is a document, like the Act for Satisfaction itself, 
of very great importance, and necessary to be consulted by the 
student of the period. Briefly, the Declaration explains how the 
Instructions of 2 July and the Act of 26 September were to be 
put in execution. But except as to landowners and tenants, it 
is as vague as the Instructions and the Act as to the scope of the 
transplantation. From the mention in it of another Declaration 
published on 12 September (of which I can find no copy) giving 
power to the Commissioners of Revenue to grant temporary dis- 
pensations to persons occupied in looking after and inning the 
crops of those proprietors who were to remove, it might be in- 
ferred that the transplantation was intended to extend to all Irish 
Papists of whatever rank or occupation, and this I think is the 
right interpretation to be placed on it ; but where all is so vague 
it may be argued that only landowners and tenants were aimed 
at. Certainly the clearing of the land of its old proprietors for 
the reception of the soldiers and Adventurers was the main 
object the Commissioners had in view. The way for a settlement 
had been prepared, but before definitely entering on it the Com- 
missioners, impressed evidently with the magnitude of the task 
laid upon them, appointed a day for solemnly seeking the Lord, 
" for in us is neither wisdom nor strength for such matters, 
neither do we know what to do herein, and we may truly say 
the children are now come to the birth and much is desired and 
expected, but there is no strength to bring forth." 

I The Act of Settlement had defined the qualifications which 
were to entitle to any retention of property. In order to deter- 
mine these qualifications in individual cases, or in other words, 
to inquire into the behaviour of jmy 'claimant for lands during 
the Rebellion, a Commission was issuecLon_x6J^ovember forjthe 
est ablishment in_each oj !_the twelvejprecincts^ of a Court of De^ 
linquency. The rules which were to guide the Commissioners 
are printed on pages 378-379. The results of the inquiry were not 
to be divulged but to be sent, close sealed up, to Government, 
to be used as evidence in determining the qualifications of each 
claimant when he put in his demand for a grant of lands in 
Connaught or Clare. The Commissioners were required to use 
all possible speed in despatching the business entrusted to them, 
but as late even as February 1656 no returns had been made 

Preparations to transplant the Irish cxli 

from several precincts. Those for Athlone precinct alone 

Such was the general situation of affairs at the end_of_ 1653, 
when^the news of the sudden abdication of its powel'sTby the 
T.iftlp^arhani^j^arrivpry ThereTis nothing in these Docu- 
ments bearing on the political cleavage into Cromwellians and 
Parliament -men that followed this event, but it is evident from 
an Order issued on 2 January 1654 appointing a day of national 
humiliation and prayer that the situation was regarded with 
anxiety. The establishment of the Protectorate did not, how- 
ever, interfere with the work of transplantation. By the 
Instructions of 2 July, confirmed by the Act for Satisfaction, 
i May 16^4^ had been named as the last day when all who 
could hope for a favourable consideration of their claims were 
totransplant. Hurt nothing might stand uTtheir way, it had 
bgeTTpfovided that lands roughly estimated to corresjpond to 
their claims shouMbejtssigfnedTothem' pending a fullerTnquiry 
hit o> their qualifications. To meet the case a Commission was , 
appointed on 6 January 1654 to sit at Loughrea to allot lands J 
to transplanters on the strength of certificates granted them ' 
by the Commissioners of Revenue in the different precincts. 1 
Among the Instructions given the Commissioners was one 
requiring them to scatter the transplanters as much as possible, 
and to assign lands_tojthem jjugmote 'as .'they could fronTtheir 
original abodes"; thus, no transplanter from Kerry was to have 
lands allotted to him in County Clare, none from Donegal in 
either County Leitrim or County Sligo. As a guide to them 
in determining what lands were at their disposal abstracts 
of the surveys taken by Strafford in 1638 were sent down 
to them. 

Simultaneously with the preparations for the transplantation 

1 Specimens of these certificates will be found in Prendergast, Cromwellian 
Settlement, App. ii, pp. 363-376. (See note, p. 475, below.) From the Explana- 
tions on the Instructions (pp. 407-409) it is clear that there were three classes 
of transplanters to be provided for, viz., proprietors, tenants and landless men. 
The first were to have lands assigned them corresponding in quality to those/ 
they had quitted ; the second were to be assigned lands as tenants of the State) 
(for which they were to pay rent as well as other contributions) proportionate! 
to the number and kind of cattle they brought with them, thus for each^cow/ 
ox or bullock three acres, for each horse four acres, etc. As for those persons 
who were to transplant but who claimed no interest in lands they were to be 
allowed to settle on any lands belonging to the State, provided they were not 
within ten miles of the Shannon or otherwise reserved. 


cxlii Introduction to Documents 

\ of the Irish arrangements were in progress for a settlement of the 
claims of the soldiers and Adventurers. By an Order of the 
Council of State on i June 1653 a Committee of Adventurers had 
been authorised to exarnSelall claims by Adventurers forjands 
an ^ to divide the ten counties set apart for their and the army's 
satisfajction^into two equal parts by baronies. This having 
been done, Col. Hewson and Major Anthony Morgan were ap- 
pointed by the Lord Protector on behalf of the army and Samuel 
Avery by the Adventurers on their behalf to draw lots to deter- 
>mine which baronies were to belong to the army, which to the 
(Adventurers. The drawing took place at Grocers' Hall, London, 
on 24 January 1654, an d the result of the division will be found 
on pages 405-406. 1 

The division into baronies had been based upon a hastily 
taken survey, afterwards known as the " gross survey," by the 
Commissioners of the Revenue in each precinct, by virtue of an 
Order of the Commissioners of Parliament on n July 1653, as 
authorised by a Commission and Instructions issued to them on 
2 June. But the survey was in so many respects defective, 
especially as not distinguishing between profitable and un- 
profitable lands, that on 14 April 1654 a new survey was ordered 
to be taken by Benjamin Worsley, recently and for that pur- 
pose appointed Surveyor-General. Worsley was to admeasure 
all the forfeited lands in the ten counties assigned for the satis- 
faction of the soldiers and Adventurers, and to begin with the 
baronies that had fallen to the lot of the former. He appar- 
ently got to work in May ; but, though not the charlatan Petty 
would have us to believe he was, the task imposed upon him 
was evidently beyond his power. Complaints were made of his 
slowness, and on 10 October it was referred to Sir C. Coote, Sir 
H. Waller and others to consider the matter and to suggest some 
plan for carrying on the work with greater expedition. Among 
those who looked askance at Worsley 's proceedings was Dr 
William Petty. In his criticism of Worsley's methods Petty 
let it clearly be seen that he knew a better plan. His proposals 
for a survey, which was to embrace not only the ten counties 
but all the forfeited lands in the three provinces of Leinster, 

1 As to the subsequent division by lot among the Adventurers themselves 
of their lands, [jthe reader should consult Gal. of State. Papers, Irel. (Adven- 
turers), 1642-1659. 

Division and survey of forfeited lands cxliii 

Ulster and Munster, were submitted to a special committee, and 
despite Worsley's opposition, in which he seems to have been 
supported by Coote, they were recommended for adoption. An 
agreement was drawn up between him and Worsley on behalf 
of the State on n December 1654, and early in the following 
year Petty, having bound himself to finish the survey in thirteen 
months, got to work. 

As remarked, the time limited for transplanters, who wished 
to receive compensatory grants of lands in Connaught or Clare, 
to remove thither had been fixed for i May 1654. But the 
[difficulty of their complying with this Order, evidenced by the 
pood of petitions that set in praying for dispensation on one 
(pretext or another, induced the Commissioners on 27 March 
to grant them a month's extension of time. It was a small con- 
cession, and being limited to persons whose evidence as to the 
possession of land was required by Government, or who from 
illness could not be removed without danger to their lives, or 
who, as not having actively participated in the Rebellion or as 
having given proof of their renunciation of Popery were entitled 
to consideration, it cannot be held to have in any way prejudiced 
the general order for transplantation. There is no direct in- 
formation in these documents as to what extent the Order for 
transplantation was obeyed ; but in June we incidentally learn 
that " the necessary prosecuting of the law for transplanting the 
Irish into Connaught and Clare hath so discomposed and dis- 
tracted the people " that the Revenue was suffering in conse-*^ 
quence. An Order of 31 July commuting a sentence of death 
passed on one Peter Bath for not transplanting into one for 
transportation to Barbados may be taken as evidence that the 
Commissioners were in earnest in carrying the work of trans- 
plantation into execution. On the other hand, it is clear that 
they were greatly hampered by the numerous petitions for dis- 
pensation presented them. That many of these requests were 
of a reasonable character is apparent from the fact that on 19 
May committees were appointed in the different precincts to 
consider them, and if necessary to grant a further extension of 
time, which, however, in no case was to exceed i May 1655. 
During the summer we hear much of persons crossing the 
Shannon, no doubt with the object of entering their claims 
with the Commissioners at Loughrea, and also very probably 

cxliv Introduction to Documents 

in many cases with a view to spying out the land. To those 
who went and showed an intention of removing thither Govern- 
ment offered every facility. Tolls were not exacted from them 
for their cattle and lands de lene esse were at once allotted them, 
for which they had to pay no rent until their claims had been 
decided. All the same, we can see that the transplantation was 
not progressing so quickly as was desired. People had to be 
stopped recrossing the Shannon without special licence, and in 
October a Committee was appointed to suggest some plan for 
the effectual and real prosecution of the work of transplanta- 

Meanwhile, in consequence of the political revolution that 
had followed the dissolution of the Little Parliament and the 
transference of supreme power into the hands of Cromwell as 
Lord Protector, the system of government by Commissioners 
of Parliament had been abandoned in favour of the old form of 
government by a Lord Deputy and Council. There is, however, 
no evidence that the alteration of system indicated any change 
of policy. The Instructions given Fleetwood and the Council on 
17 August are practically identical with those given their pre- 
decessors the Commissioners. Even as regards the power given 
to dispense, when they saw fit, with the Orders and Instructions 
for transplantation, especially as to the penalty of death for not 
transplanting, it seems clear from the case of Peter Bath already 
mentioned that the clause was added at the suggestion of the 
Commissioners. The necessity for some such clause * had been 
apparent almost from the first, but it was not intended thereby 
to modify the general scheme of transplantation as laid down 
by the Act and the Declaration of 14 October 1653 based 
on it. 

The appointment of a Committee on 26 October 1654 to con- 
sider how the transplantation might be effectually carried out 
(already referred to) resulted in an Order on 30 November 
requiring all persons who were transplant able to Connaught to 

1 Gardiner in his remarks on this subject, " Transplantation to Connaught," 
and in the parallel he draws between this Instruction and a rejected clause in 
the Act of 1653, which he (perhaps unnecessarily) ascribes to Vincent Gookin's 
influence, seems to me to confound two quite different matters, viz., dispensa- 
tion from transplantation for a limited period at the discretion of the Com- 
missioners of Transplantation and dispensation from transplantation alto- 

Transplantation in active progress cxlv 

repair thither before i March 1655. 1 The Order itself, unfortun- 
ately, does not appear and it is consequently impossible to say 
precisely what the penalties attaching to a refusal to obey it 
were. But from subsequent references to it, and especially from 
a Commission, dated 19 March 1655, addressed to the Com- 
mander-in-Chief in each precinct, requiring him to enforce 
them it is apparent that, so far from mitigating former Orders, 
the one in question rather strengthened them by a threat of 
selling the live stock and crops of those proprietors and tenants ^ 
who refused obedience. The evident intention of Government 
to carry out the transplantation according to the exact letter 
of thejaw was not lost on the Irish. The work which had 
hitherto rather hung fire now entered on an active stage. In- 
deed, with so much thoroughness was the work carried on that, 
in the case of the barony of Eliogarty in County Tipperary not 
a single " inhabitant of the Irish nation that knows the country " 
was to be found there by the middle of December a fact which 
seems to confirm the opinion of those who hold that a general 
transplantation and not one confined merely to proprietors and 
tenants was being attempted. 

Meanwhile, the Commissioners at Loughrea were busily 
engaged in assigning lands temporarily, or as it was termed de 
bene esse, in Connaught to such Irish as appeared before them 
with certificates anthenllca^MJby^Ee^^inmisaoners of Pre- 
cincts. In order to determine how far these claims were legally 
admissible, according to the Qualifications in the Act of Settle- 
ment, Government on 28 December appointed a body of Com- 
missioners to hear and determine all claims on the part of the 
transplanters to compensatory grants of land in Connaught or 
Clare. From the fact of their sitting at Athlone they are com- 
monly known as the Athlone Commissioners. In passing, it 
may be noted that this Commission is to be carefully dis- 
tinguished from one appointed on 3 November to hear and 
determine all claims to forfeited lands in Ireland. This latter 
was called for in order to clear the lands intended to be allotted 
the soldiers and Adventurers of all legal encumbrances. From 
the Instructions given the Athlone Commissioners it appears 

1 This Order did not, however, so far as I can gather, supersede the dis- 
cretionary power granted the Commissioners of Transplantation on 19 May 
1654 to concede dispensations till 1 May 1655. 

cxlvi Introduction to Documents 

that their business was first, to decide as to the qualifications of 
the transplanters to receive lands at all ; secondly, to ascertain 
the size and value of the lands forfeited by the claimant, so that 
lands of proportionable size and goodness " and of the like 
estate of inheritance " might be assigned him in Connaught or 
Clare ; and thirdly, to grant a decree entitling him to have such 
lands set out to him by the Commissioners at Loughrea. 

The result of the appointment of the Athlone Commissioners 
was that the Commissioners at Loughrea instead of being con- 
fined as hitherto to granting lands conditionally or de bene esse 
r could now proceed to a final settlement. This fact rendered a 
revision of their Commission of 6 January 1654 necessary, and 
accordingly a new Commission, this time including Sir Charles 
Coote, was issued on 16 June 1655. The new Instructions 
accompanying it were of course framed to meet the new situa- 
tion ; but one clause in them was responsible for a piece of mis- 
management that elicited a sharp reprimand from Government . 
For, instead of favouring as they ought to have done those trans- 
planters who first obeyed the Order for removal, the Commis- 
sioners assigned them absolutely the worst land that could be 
hit upon in County Clare, where, as the saying went, there was 
not wood enough to hang a man, water enough to drown him, 
nor earth enough to bury him. Worse, however, than this was 
the practice which came to light and resulted in the dismissal of 
two of them, of some of the Commissioners granting lands to 
themselves and taking bribes from the transplanters for a 
*l favourable choice of lands. After several renewals the Com- 
mission terminated on 30 September 1657, the Commissioners 
having sat almost continuously for nearly four years. The date 
marks the end of the transplantation so far as it was ever carried 
out. The Commissioners at Athlone had of course ceased to sit 
some time previously. 

In preparing for the reception of the transplanters in Con- 
naught on the one hand and for the soldiers and Adventurers in 
the counties assigned for their satisfaction on the other, Govern- 
ment was greatly embarrassed in its action (i) by the want of 
definite instructions as to how the Articles of Galway, especially 
the fifth clause in them, involving the proprietorship of two- 
thirds of the land in the county, were to be interpreted ; (2) by 
the terms granted the Kilkenny Submittees, as those Irish who 

The Articles of Galway cxlvii 

had submitted on the Articles of Kilkenny in May 1652 were 
called ; and (3) by the claims of the Protestant Delinquents to 
exceptional treatment. These three subjects are constantly 
recurring during the years 1654 and 1655. As they are points of 
considerable importance it will be well to consider them separ- 
ately and in the order mentioned. 

First, as regards the Articles_of^^jalway nothing is more 
remarkable than the reluctance of the authorities in England, 
whether they were the Parliament and Council of State, or the 
Lord Protector and his Council, to commit themselves on the 
subject. In none of the Instructions sent to either the Com- 
missioners of Parliament or the Lord Deputy is there one word 
as to how the Articles were to be interpreted. Of course it 
might be argued that the Instructions of 2 July 1653 and the 
Act for Satisfaction, by assigning Connaught for the reception 
of Irish transplanters had practically settled the question, and 
no doubt this solution of the difficulty would have been agree- 
able to the Irish Government ; but, in view of the insistence of 
the townsmen of Galway on a strict observance of the Articles, 
it was felt to be impossible to take up this standpoint without at 
least some attempt at justification. The matter became more 
pressing when in November 1654 Sir Richard Blake presented 
a petition on behalf of the town praying for a ratification by 
Parliament of the Articles. Forced to take the subject up, 
Government appointed a day in July 1655 f r a discussion of 
them. The decision arrived at was characteristic of the Com- 
monwealth in its dealings with the Irish. The townsmen of 
Galway had askecT for a parliamentary ratification of the 
Articles and particularly of the fifth Article, " whereby it was 
agreed that they should enjoy their estates and houses in Galway 
without any interruption, diminution, marks of distinction or 
removal of persons or families, and that they should enjoy two- 
third parts of their real estates, in three to be divided, in all 
other parts within this Dominion/' Counsel for the Common- 
wealth pointed out that by the same article it was stipulated 
" that in case any of their said real estates shall happen to be 
contiguous to any considerable castle, fortification or streight 
within this Dominion, or conceived to be necessary for any 
particular plantation, that then such person or persons pos- 
sessed of the same shall be satisfied and paid the full value of 


P : 

cxlviii Introduction to Documents 

such castles and houses/' Government had been shown the 
way out of its dilemma. The case provided for in the proviso 
to the fifth Article was held to have arisen. Gal way was a 
place of strength and designed to be a plantation for persons of 
the English nation. All then that remained for the plaintiffs was 
to appoint agents to arrange terms with Government as to the 
rice to be paid for their properties and to evacuate the town, 
las they were at once required to do by i November following. 
'Nothing had been said in the Articles ag_to_hqw_the properties 
were tojre valuej. In its own dealings with theTnsh Govern- 
ment, in order to drive a better bargain, always added " as they 
[houses or lands] were worth to be let in 1640." Gal way men 
were left to get for their houses and lands what they were worth 
in 1654 ' Even then they had not drained the bitter cup to the 
dregs. By the same Article they had bound themselves to pay 
a fine of 5000 in lieu of the one-third of their possessions to be 
taken by the State. To their petition praying for a remission of 
this fine they were told that its payment was part of the contract. 
Government had performed its share of the bargain in buying up 
their propert ies : they must perform theirs. In the end Gal way 
I was given to Gloucester and Liverpool as compensation for their 
/Josses during the Civil War. Neither Gloucester nor Liverpool 
'found it worth while to plant the town, and Galway, which before 
the Rebellion had vied with Dublin in wealth and population, 
sank to the level of a third-rate town. The policy of the Com- 
rfmon wealth ruined it irretrievably without accomplishing its 
j I object of making it a stronghold of Protestantism. 

Secondly, as regards what were called the Kilkenny Sub- 
mitt ees Government had hampered itself by a promise, in the 
Articles 1 concluded on 12 May 1652, to mediate effectually with 
Parliament that they might enjoy such moderate part of their 
estates, as might make the lives of those who remained in 
Ireland comfortable, or for the comfortable maintenance of the 
families of such of them as should go beyond seas. Govern- 
ment argued that the Submittees were; bound by the Acts of 
Settlement and Satisfaction, and, as falling under the general 
rule for transplantation, were to receive what portion of their 
estates they were allowed to retain in Connaught. The Sub- 
mittees protested against this construction being placed on the 

1 See explanation of the Sixth Article, p. 202. 

Kilkenny Submittees Protestant Delinquents cxlix 

Article, and in the case of one of the most eminent of them, Sir 
Richard Barnewall, the Committee for Articles at Westminster 
decided that he was not to be transplanted. The Irish Govern- 
ment were extremely vexed at this decision, and lost no time in 
pointing out that if Barne wall's case was allowed they would 
be obliged to admit all others to enjoy their estates, " most Irish- 
men of estate being by articles to have the same conditions 
touching their estates/' and consequently the satisfaction to the 
Adventurers and soldiers, and the transplanting of the Irish 
into Connaught would be delayed until a future Parliament 
made some new declaration. They suggested the appointment 
of a Committee in Ireland to determine Articles made in Ireland, 
and were permitted to have their way so far in this respect as 
to be allowed to appoint an advisory Board. But even then, 
the case of the Kilkenny Submittees caused them much trouble.! 
On 30 November the Submittees were allowed to appoint counsen 
to argue their case. But the result was a foregone conclusion. 
On 12 April 1655 the Commissioners at Loughrea were ordered 
to set out their respective proportions of land to them in Con- 
naught, as by an Order of the Lord Deputy and Council of the 
3rd inst. was directed. 

Thirdly, as regards the claims of the Protestant Delinquents 
to exceptional treatment it is to be remarked that they were 
of two kinds, viz., (i) those of the Protestants of Munster who 
had submitted before i December 1649 but had not been active 
in the rendition of the garrisons of Cork, Youghal, Kinsale and 
other places, based on an Ordinance of the Lord Protector and 
Council of 27 June 1654 * " an d (2) those of the Protestants 
generally throughout Ireland based on an Ordinance of 2 Sep- 
tember 1654. By the Ordinance of 27 June Protestants in 
Munster possessing real property to the yearly value of 400 
as it was worth in 1638 or personal property to the value of 
8000 were to be allowed to compound by paying such fines 
as should be imposed on them within twelve months after 27 
June 1654. On i January 1655 the Council published a De- 
claration requiring these persons to present particulars of their 

1 This Ordinance is more than once referred to in the Documents as of 
1 August 1654 (pp. 473, 514, 586). No Ordinance of that date appears in 
Firth and Rait's Acts and Ordinances, and I can only explain the discrepancy 
by supposing that 1 August was the date of its publication in Irelaj^d. 

cl Introduction to Documents 

estates so that the fines they had to pay might be fixed. No 
attention was paid by the Protestants to this Declaration, and 
in April the Lord Deputy and Council were authorised to fix 
the fines to be paid, which they did at the rate of two and a half 
years' value of their real estates and one-eighth of their personal 
property. The decision was announced in a Declaration on n 
May, with a warning that those Delinquents who neglected to 
conform with it by December would be excluded from the privi- 
lege of compounding. The Declaration was disregarded by the 
Protestants, not a single person having, as the Lord Deputy and 
Council wrote on i April 1656, " come in that proffered or 
made any composition at all." A fortnight or so later the 
Attorney-General was instructed to take steps for the sequestra- 
tion of their estates until they paid the penalties imposed upon 
them, but as no trace of further proceedings is to be found it can 
I only be conjectured that the passive resistance of the Munster 
I Protestants was successful. 1 As for Protestants possessing real 
estate to the annual value of 50 and upwards, or personal pro- 
perty to the value of 500 anywhere in the kingdom, who by the 
Ordinance of 2 September 1654 were to compound by the pay- 
ment, so far as their real estates were concerned, of not less 
than two years of their full value as they were worth in 1640, 
they showed themselves almost as remiss as the Munster Pro- 
testants in complying with the orders of Government. Few 
persons, and those chiefly Scots, the Lord Deputy and Council 
reported on i April 1656, had made their compositions or paid 
their fines. The Adventurers pressed for a confiscation of their 
estates on the ground of the clause in the Act of 17 Charles I. 
(1642) which rendered all patents and pardons granted to any 
rebel after 23 October 1641 null and void. But like the Mun- 
ster Protestants they too seem finally to have escaped paying 
the penalty prescribed for their delinquency. 

Before proceeding to review the general course of administra- 
tion in these years there are one or two points, connected with 
the settlement of the country, on which the Documents throw 
some light, to which it may be well to refer. 

1 A proposal (pp. 586-688), originating in England, to close the quarrel, 
by granting a general pardon to all Protestants in Leinster, Munster and 
Connaught (the omission of Ulster is characteristic of the ill-feeling against 
the Presbyterians) appears to have been resisted by the Irish Government; 
at any rate it seems never to have been carried out. 

The " Five Counties " Retention of Irish labourers cli 

The first is the case of the " five counties," or " the counties 
between the Liffey and the Barrow," as they are alternately 
called, i.e., Dublin, Kildare, Carlow, Wicklow and Wexford. 
Of these five counties the first three had by the Act for Satisfac- 
tion been reserved (together with the moiety of County Cork) 
by the State for itself in order to provide, out of the rents arising 
from the leases of lands granted in tenancy, a stable source of 
revenue for the future government of the country. Wicklow 
and Wexford on the other hand had been assigned as additional 
security to answer the arrears of the army. At some time or 
other, when precisely is not clear, though the plan may perhaps 
be traced to the Proposals of the Council of Officers for breaking 
the strength of the Irish x early in 1652, it was resolved to form 
these five counties into a sort of English Pale from which all 
Irish Catholics were to be rigorously excluded. In pursuance 
of this plan, a Declaration 2 was published on 17 July 1654, by 
the Commissioners of Parliament requiring all Irish Papists to 
transplant themselves out of the district under penalty of being 
treated as spies. But, as the time allowed them to make their \ 
preparations for removal drew to a close, a number of the old ( 
Protestant landlords in the district combined to petition Govern- / 
ment to be allowed to retain so many of their servants and y 
tenants as were necessary for the inning of their crops and the ( 
like. The petitions were referred on 9 March 1655 to a Com- ? 
mittee consisting of Colonels Waller, Hewson, Sankey, Lawrence V 
and Axtell to consider, and to advise "what part of those five 
counties are fit to be totally cleared of all Irish and Papists ; 
what other parts thereof respectively may be tenanted by such 
Irish, as (not being proprietors nor men that have been in arms) 
shall be thought fit to be dispensed with from transplantation ; 
and how the rest, for present security (for some time) be laid 
waste ; and like wise how the respective towns and villages (where 
such Irish shall be suffered to inhabit) may be disposed of, with 
most security and least offence to the neighbouring English." 
In April the Committee conferred with the Lord Deputy and 
Council on the subject, with the result that on 21 May another 
Declaration was published granting the commanding officers in 

1 P. 120. 

2 No copy of this Declaration exists among the Commonweal^ Records ; 
but the terms of it may be gathered from Nos. 652 and 836. 

clii Introduction to Documents 

the district permission to dispense with the transplantation of 
such Irish tenants and servants as were necessary to the peti- 
tioners for the inning of their crops till 20 October. To salve 
their consciences, however, the Lord Deputy and Council 
stipulated, as a condition of retaining them, that the petitioning 
^landlords should undertake their conversion from popery. The 
concession granted the old Protestant proprietors encouraged 
the officers of the disbanded regiments, which received their 
satisfaction in County Wexford, to solicit a similar privilege. 
The result was a further extension of time to the Irish. Appar- 
ently, however, Government had no intention of abandoning 
its scheme of a general transplantation, for, the concession 
granted to retain Irish tenants and servants leading, as was 
only natural, to an increase of undesirable persons in the moun- 
tainous parts of County Wicklow, an Order was passed on 10 
June 1656 desiring Henry Cromwell, as Commander-in-Chief of 
the army, to take steps for the removal of such Irish Papists as 
had returned to inhabit there, " it being hoped and intended the 
same should be thoroughly and seasonably planted and in- 
habited by Protestants of this and the English nation." But 
the intention was becoming little more than a pious hope. In 
November Cromwell was again called on to execute the order 
for the expulsion of unlicensed Irishmen. But by granting dis- 
pensations for the retention of Irish labourers Government had 
insured the failure of its plan, however it was attempted to 
conceal it by subterfuges of the sort described in the permission 
granted Dr Abraham Yarner on 13 April 1659 to retain Irish 
Papists, provided they were not natives of the county. How 
futile in fact the efforts to clear the five counties had been was 
apparent from an Order of 5 September 1659 f r disarming all 
Irish inhabitants and Popish Recusants in County Wicklow. 

Another point on which these Documents throw some light 
is the treatment by the Commonwealth of what were called the 
" ancient inhabitants " in the port towns of Munster. By 
" ancient inhabitants " were meant those Irish Roman Catholic 
proprietors, resident in Ireland between i October 1641 and 
i March 1650, who, as not having actively assisted the Irish 
rebels, were by the eighth Qualification in the Act of Settlement 
entitled to retain two-thirds of their estates. Where the Act 
did not state, but being as Irish Catholics comprehended in the 

Ancient inhabitants of Munster Mallow trials cliii 

general order for transplantation to Connaught their only hope 
of avoiding that fate was to prove their constant good affection 
to the Commonwealth. No definition of what constituted con- 
stant good affection is to be found in these Documents, the 
Instructions to the Mallow Commissioners, which would have 
given the desired information being unfortunately wanting ; 
but that it was something more than non-resistance or even 
than the cup of cold water Col. Lawrence described it to be is 
evident. Still there were many of the Catholic inhabitants of 
Cork, Kinsale and Youghal who thought they had a sufficient 
claim to dispensation from transplantation on that account, and 
a number of petitions to that effect having reached Government 
the matter was in December 1655 referred to the consideration 
of Col. Phaire, Vincent Gookin, Major Wallis, Dr Worth 
and others best acquainted with the condition of affairs in 
Munster. But the Commissioners being unable to come to any 
decision a judicial Commission, consisting of Justices Cook, 
Santhy and Halsey was appointed to hear and determine all 
claims to lands made by any " persons of the Irish nation, who 
inhabited or do now inhabit in or near the towns of Cork, 
Youghal or Kinsale respectively and shall by good and sufficient 
testimony make it appear that they were or have been active, 
by countenancing, aiding and assisting for and towards the 
admission of Sir W. St Leger, then President of Munster into 
those towns or any of them, in order to preserve them and the 
country from the Irish rebels in the first year of the Rebellion or 
thereabouts for the Interest of the Commonwealth, being or that 
have been Popish Recusants that are transplantable." The 
Commissioners sat at Mallow from 22 July to 29 September 
1656. In their letter 1 to the Lord Deputy and Council in which 
they described the result of their inquiry they announced that 
they had been unable to adjudge a constant good affection to 
any one of the claimants ; but that nearly all of them were 
entitled to receive two-thirds of their estates in Connaught. 
When the decision was announced in court the Irish unani- 
mously protested that they would rather be sent to Barbados 
than go into Connaught, where their lives would not be secure. 
The Commissioners and Government found it impossible to 

1 Printed in Prendergast, Cromwellian Settlement, pp. 174-175. jThe letter is 
not dated, but it was evidently written at the beginning of September 1656. 

cliv Introduction to Documents 

argue them out of their determination, and in the end the matter 
was compromised by their being assigned lands in the baronies 
of Barrymore and Muskerry in County Cork. 

All these preparations transportation and transplantation 
of the Irish, compositions of Delinquent Protestants and the 
like were of course only preliminary to the great work of settling 
the Adventurers and soldiers on the lands that had been assigned 
tern in liquidation of the debts owing them. As regards the 
soldiers we have seen that a considerable disbandment (4711 
persons) had been effected in 1653-1654. The arrears satisfied 
at that time were for service both before and after 5 June 1649, 
and the lands allotted were located in the counties of Cork, 
Louth (Barony of Ardee), Kilkenny, Sligo, Longford, Fer- 
managh and Cavan. In the settlement then made the fact had 
come to light that the forfeited lands at the disposal of the 
Commonwealth were insufficient to satisfy all the claims on 
them. The result was twofold : (i) a reduction of the rates 
set forth in the Act ; and (2) the abstraction of a considerable 
quantity of land assigned for Irish transplanters in Connaught, 
viz., the whole of the counties of Leitrim and Sligo and a half 
of County Mayo. As regards the reduction of rates it had not 
been submitted to with a very good grace. Constant efforts, 
recorded in these Documents, were made to extract better 
terms from Government and in April 1654 a Council of Officers 
passed a resolution 1 in favour of returning to the rates set 
down in the Act of 1642. As for the diminution of land 
assigned the Irish in Connaught the consequences were very 
disastrous ; for many of those transplanters, who had in the 
first instance been allotted lands de bene esse and even confirmed 
in them by the final decrees of the Court of Athlone, were, when 
it was found that there was an insufficiency of land to answer 
all claims, obliged to make way for those whose qualifications 
were better established. 2 

But these were only incidents by the way. By the disband- 
ment in 1653 the army had been reduced to about 30,000 men. 
Their maintenance was a heavy drain on England, and the 
question of a further reduction pressed for a speedy solution. 

1 The only trace of this resolution in the Documents is in the Instructions to 
Rowe and Kingdon, on p. 423. 

2 The difficulty was attempted to be solved by the contraction of the 
three-mile limit along the coast and Shannon to one mile ; but without 
entire success. 

Disbandment and satisfaction of arrears civ 

From a letter of the Lord Deputy and Council to the Protector 
on 14 November 1654 it appears that there was some difference 
of opinion as to the number proper to be disbanded, for, whereas 
the Irish Government were inclined to fix the military establish- 
ment at 15,000 foot and 4000 horse at least for a time, in Eng- 
land it was hoped that 12,000 foot and 3000 horse would suffice. 
At the time of course there could be no question of any such 
sudden and large reduction, if for no other reasons than that the 
arrears of the army had not been fully stated and that the lands 
to be assigned the soldiers had not been surveyed. But, the 
charge of the army continuing and the difficulty of meeting it 
increasing, an attempt was made to induce the officers of the 
army to consent to the leasing of their lands in the ten counties 
for the public good. Nothing, however, came of the scheme, 
and a rumour having got abroad early in 1655 that the survey 
in hand by Dr Petty, though not far advanced, was showing a 
considerable increase in the forfeited lands over that taken 
by Worsley, applications were made to Government for a 
speedy assignation of them and a plenary satisfaction of arrears 
on the basis of the rates set forth in the Act of 1642. But the 
Lord Deputy and Council were not so sure that Petty 's survey 
would show the increase expected, especially, as in any new 
arrangement as was suggested, the claims of those soldiers who 
had been disbanded in 1653 for an increase in their proportions 
would have to be considered. All that they would consent to do 
was to assign lands on the basis of a satisfaction of two-thirds 
of the arrears due to the army according to the rates in the Act, 
and, until the settlement was made, to allow the army to enjoy 
all rents and profits arising from the lands to be assigned. The 
plan did not meet with the approval of the officers and the 
clamours for a speedy settlement continuing a considerable 
reduction of the army was carried out in August 1655. 

The troops disbanded were Ludlow's, Coote's and Pretty's 
regiments of horse ; Ingoldsby's regiment of dragoons ; and 
Axtell's, Stubbers' and Clarke's regiments of foot, together 
with some non-regimental or " loose " companies in all about 
5000 men. For their satisfaction lands were assigned them 
in the counties of Waterford, Meath, Westmeath, Kilkenny, 
Queen's County, Limerick, Kerry, Tipperary and Cork. Full 
satisfaction for their arrears was given at the rates which had 

clvi Introduction to Documents 

been allowed to those disbanded in 1653, with this difference 
that whereas the valuation in 1653 was made by counties that 
now given was made by baronies. 1 The result was that, if not a 
perfect settlement, it was so far as the division of lands went 
much better than that of 1653. The subdivision was of course 
by the same process of a lottery as in 1653, and a little bit of 
sharp practice, recorded on page 540, affords us a welcome 
glimpse of the jealousies and heartburnings that marked the 
distribution of lands. The soldiers had got their satisfaction 
but it soon appeared that few of them were anxious to abandon 
the trade that had become dear to them for the peaceful mono- 
tonous calling of a farmer. Fortunately Government was able 
to offer them further employment and shortly afterwards 1500 
of those now disbanded were re-enlisted to serve the State in 
Jamaica, but the result was not favourable to the scheme of a 
thick plantation of the country with English Protestants. 

So far as the further accumulation of arrears was concerned, 
the disbandment afforded some relief to Government, but the 
cost of the army's maintenance was still a matter of the gravest 
concern to them. It was with no little satisfaction, therefore, 
that they received the news that Petty had finished his survey 
and that, so far as the admeasurement of the lands was con- 
cerned, there was nothing in the way of a final liquidation 
of the debt due to the army. The difficulties that con- 
fronted them were, however, very great, owing to the refusal 
of the officers to consent to any settlement that was not 
based on a plenary satisfaction of their arrears. Their 
rejection of every proposal submitted to them for a tem- 
porary accommodation, till it was seen how far the funds would 
stretch, and their constant squabbles amongst themselves as to 
the relative value of the lands assigned them, at last exhausted 
the patience of Government, so that on 9 May 1656 the Lord 
Deputy and Council took the decided step of handing them over 
all the lands liable for their satisfaction (with the exception of 
those reserved for the '49 officers in Wicklow, Leitrim and Done- 
gal) to do with as they liked, merely stipulating " that a due 
and equal satisfaction should be given to the officers and 

1 Petty, Political Anatomy of Ireland, Ed. 1691, p. 60. "Afterwards the 
soldiers, who were to have satisfaction of their arrears at the same rate, not 
being willing to cast lots upon such desperate hazards [i.e. the rates by Pro- 
vinces set forth in the Act of 1642], did ann. 1653 equalise counties within each 

The army satisfied its arrears civil 

soldiers disbanded in 1653, according to the promise and 
agreement made with them by the General Council of the 

The decision of Government was received with gratitude by 
the officers, and on 12 May Col. Abbot, Col. Sadler, Major 
Morgan, Vincent Gookin, Dr Petty and Miles Symner were 
nominated Trustees to carry out the division of lands. How 
this division was actually effected by Gookin, Petty and Symner 
these Documents supply no information, and the fact is the 
more to be regretted as the account of it promised by Petty 
was never written by him. 

The army had been satisfied its arrears for its services in 
Ireland since 6 June 1649, an( ^ m England before that date. 
Also a considerable part of those arrears due for service in 
Ireland before 6 June 1649 commonly called the '49 arrears 
had been liquidated. There remained only the arrears of the 
soldiers of the old Protestant army in Munster, who, by adhering 
to Inchiquin in his defection from the Parliament, would have 
forfeited all claim to consideration had they not, by their timely 
surrender of the garrisons in their possession to Cromwell in 
November 1649, rendered him such a piece of welcome service 
that he was willing to condone their offence. Order had been 
given on 27 June 1654 that tne y should have their arrears stated 
up to the time of their defection and, by a vote of the General 
Council of Officers, the counties of Wicklow, Leitrim and Done- 
gal had been assigned for their satisfaction. They were, how- 
ever, not regarded with much favour and by an Order of Council 
on 18 November 1656 they were divided into two categories, viz., 
those who continued to serve under Cromwell and those who 
did not. The latter were only to have their arrears stated and 
Debentures given them if they could prove a constant good 
affection. Debentures 1 seem accordingly to have been given to 
those entitled to receive them in 1658, but when the Restoration 
came it found them still unsatisfied. 

Province, viz., took some in Leinster at 1. 2s. per acre, some at 1 etc. And 
those who were satisfied ann. 1655 and afterwards did equalise not only 
counties, but baronies also, valuing some baronies in Leinster at 1. 4s. per 
acre and some but at 6s. and others at all rates between these two extremes. 
But so that, notwithstanding all the said differences, the whole Province 
should be given and taken at 12s. per acre, according to their laws. And the 
inequality remaining after this equalisation was to be corrected by lot." 

1 A facsimile of one of these forms the frontispiece to Prendergasf's Crom- 
wellian Settlement. 

clviii Introduction to Documents 

As for the second great body of settlers the Adventurers, it 
must be borne in mind that the negotiations, previous to their 
actual taking possession of their lots, were carried on directly 
between them and the Government in London and that there- 
fore it is only when matters had reached this later stage that 
the Documents here printed become of importance. It has 
already been remarked that in January 1654 a lottery had been 
held at Grocers' Hall to decide which of the baronies in the ten 
counties should belong to the soldiers, which to the Adventurers. 
This division had been authorised by an Order of the Council 
of State on i June 1653, confirmed by the Act for Satisfaction of 
26 September the same year. By that Order power had also 
been given the Adventurers' Committee to devise a method for 
clearing all claims of the Adventurers to lands in Ireland. In 
consequence of this Order the Adventurers were required to 
meet at Grocers' Hall on 20 July 1653 to begin to draw lots as 
to where the lands answering to the debt owing to them should 
be allocated. The drawing at this point was twofold (i) 
for a province ; (2) for a county in that province. The next 
step of drawing for a barony could of course only follow after 
it had been decided which baronies in the ten counties belonged 
to the Adventurers. This, as remarked, happened in January 
1654, an d on the I2th of that month the drawing of baronial 
lots began. Having now got his lot or ticket, let us say, in the 
following order province, Munster; county, Tipperary; barony, 
Kilnamanagh, the Adventurer wanted to know in which part 
of Kilnamanagh barony he was to be located. The procedure 
was as follows : The barony was on the map divided into 
quarters, i, 2, 3, 4, by a line drawn north and south and another 
east and west. With his certificate marked Kilnamanagh 
Barony, division 4, 460 acres, A. B. now went to Ireland and 
had lands assigned him by the surveyors answering to those in 
his certificate. The plan was a simple one, and would have 
worked all right had the lands in the barony been properly 
surveyed, arable lands distinguished from waste lands, free 
lands or as they were called " neat " lands from encumbered 
or " dubiose " lands, and a proper specification of the lands 
assigned been set down in the certificate. But as nothing of 
this sort was attempted the result was a terrible state of con- 
fusion. For, arriving at his destination A. B. found as often 

Adventurers satisfied and settled clix 

as not that the lands in his quarter were either already occupied 
by a previous arrival (on the principle first come best served), 
or that he could only get satisfaction for his 460 acres in bits 
here and bits there, or that what he got was worthless bog-land, 
or that the lands assigned him had either been let by the State 
for a number of years, or were mortgaged, or were contested by 
some Protestant Delinquent. To add to his disgust and morti- 
fication, there was perhaps in the next division a superfluity of 

In the circumstances then it was only to be expected that in 
a short time Government should have been overwhelmed with 
complaints of one sort and another, but chiefly directed against 
the leases given by the Commissioners of Parliament in 1653 
when food was so scarce that multitudes died of starvation, 
" and others were necessitated to sustain themselves by the 
carcasses of dead beasts and of those very bodies of men, who 
had a little before perished for famine/' On 27 June 1654 an 
Ordinance was passed for the further encouragement of the 
Adventurers and among the privileges accorded them was one 
assigning County Kildare (one of those counties the State had 
reserved for itself) as satisfaction for those lands that had been 
leased. But the Ordinance did not go to the root of the diffi- 
culty, and the complaints of insufficient lands continuing the 
Adventurers sent over an agent to discuss matters with the 
Irish Government. But as to have yielded to his proposals 
would have amounted to a breach of public faith the Lord 
Deputy and Council refused to consent to them. Thereupon 
they were charged with hindering the business of plantation and 
the recriminations of the Adventurers at last taking such a form 
they felt compelled to justify themselves in a letter to the 
Committee at Grocers' Hall (pp. 509-513), which lets in a flood 
of light on a very difficult and complicated subject. 

A year elapsed and the soldiers having in the meantime got 
possession of their lands on what were practically their own 
terms, a committee, consisting of Sir John Temple, Sir Robert 
Meredith, Justice Donnellan, Dr Henry Jones, John Bridges 
and Thomas Hooke, was appointed on 13 June 1656 to hear 
and determine all differences that had arisen among the Ad- 
venturers as to their lands. The result as recorded in % letter 
to the Protector in May 1657 was not satisfactory, and as the 

clx Introduction to Documents 

lands at the disposal of the Adventurers began to show signs 
of giving out long before all their claims were settled, a demand 
was made for the concession of County Louth, which had been 
assigned by the Act as collateral security for them and the 
army. But to this demand the officers would on no account 
submit. They insisted that the lands given the Adventurers 
were more than sufficient to meet their claims, and that if 
there was any shortage it was only due to mismanagement. 
They had evidently good grounds for their argument, for in 
January 1658 Gookin, Petty, Ralph King and Miles Symner 
were appointed by Government to inquire into the state of the 
Adventurers' lots. The inquiry was naturally not agreeable to 
those Adventurers who had got in many cases more than their 
fair share, and, when in May Petty was charged with a mission 
to explain the state of affairs to the Committee at Grocers' 
Hall, an underhand attempt was made by them to discredit 
him in the eyes of the Committee as a self-seeking person, who, 
by his intrigues, had caused infinite mischief in Ireland. Fortun- 
ately Petty had little difficulty in disproving these slanders, 
and, having won the confidence of the great body of the Ad- 
venturers, he was entrusted by them with the division of their 
lands. Returning to Ireland at the end of 1658 Petty at once 
took the business in hand and by i May 1659 he had settled 
the last Adventurer on his lot. 

It would prolong this Introduction beyond all reasonable 
length to discuss all the points of interest raised in these Docu- 
ments the measures taken by Government to establish a godly 
and zealous ministry, even to preaching to the Irish in their 
native language ; to preserve freedom of conscience while 
repressing all tendencies, whether on the part of the Presbyter- 
ians, Anabaptists, Quakers or Roman Catholics, which might 
lead to a breach of the public peace ; to repress ungodliness in 
public and private life and to enforce a habit of moral living on 
the students of Dublin University ; to foster a love of industry 
and to put down vagabondage by setting habitual beggars to 
work, or removing them out of the kingdom ; to reform the 
manners and customs of the native Irish by the suppression of 
coshering and by compelling the wandering creaghts to draw 
together into villages ; to advance trade and manufactures ; to 
supply the country with a solid coinage ; to improve the revenue ; 

Concluding remarks clxi 

to suppress piracy ; to prevent the destruction of woods ; to 
promote intercourse with England by developing a regular 
postal system ; and to provide for the safety of shipping by the 
erection of lighthouses along the coast. All these and other 
points could only be treated in a detailed history of the period. 
But it may, in conclusion, be permitted to call attention to the 
other side of the picture. The rule of the Puritans was not a 
light one. Men of high ideals and strong if narrow beliefs 
are not likely to have much sympathy with men of weaker 
mould. The atmosphere of spiritual exaltation in which they 
live distorts their vision and perverts their judgment. Often 
they cannot see that they may be denying to others the very 
liberty they claim for themselves. Their attitude causes their 
actions to be misjudged and their motives to be misinter- 
preted. Hypocrisy is attributed to them simply because it is im- 
possible to judge them by the standard of ordinary humanity. 
But for this reason we must be chary of condemning them. If 
their God was, in our opinion, only the reflection of their own 
narrow theology, we may not forget that he was a very 
real God to them. In every little incident they sought 
to read His will and there is nothing more pitiable in these 
Documents than their endeavour to see in a fresh outbreak of 
the plague at a critical moment a manifestation of the Divine 
displeasure at their leniency towards the Irish. In the light 
of what had happened and considering the indescribable suffer- 
ings endured by the Irish at this time we can hardly believe that 
such a reproach was seriously meant. How men like ourselves, 
and accessible to the feelings of^ pity^ and love could so have 
steeled their hearts to wade through the sea of blood they did, 
in the full conviction that they were all the time executing 
the Divine will is a mvsterv we find hard to explain. Where, we 
cannot help wondering, were their eyes that they could not see 
the futility of their proceedings. They had set out with the 
intention ofcrushing popery in IrelancT, of making Ireland a 
Protesjairr^ountry like England. Had they__af ter aJMheir 
exertions succeeded in making one convert of whose conversion 
they were surej Ireton had threatened expulsion from the 
army with loss of all his arrears in the case of a soldier 
married a Catholic Irishwoman. But the fact that his threat 
had to be renewed more than once speaks volumes. For the 

clxii Introduction to Documents 

priest and Jesuit there had been no pardon out of the country 
they must go ; but long before the end of the Commonwealth 
had come popish priests and popish schoolmasters were swarm- 
ing in the very heart of the Pale . In all their meditations on the 
Word of God there was one text they failed to understand : 
" Vengeance is mine ; I will repay, saith the Lord." It is vain 
to argue that had the Commonwealth continued there would 
have been no relapse into popery. Only by the extirpation of 
the whole Catholic population could that result have been 
achieved. The lands of the Irish might be taken from them, 
maypoles might be knocked down, and the superstitious ob- 
servance of Christmas and Easter holidays might be forbidden, 
but to turn back the clock of history was impossible. England 
had once had her chance to minister to the spiritual needs of 
the Irish. She had neglected it and the opportunity was never 
to occur again. 



1651. JULY , . . . . 1-16 

The Commissioners, after ref erringto aformerletter 
giving an account of the capture of Athlon e, proceed 
to set forth the state of affairs in Leinster. Opera- 
tions were greatly hampered by want of money and 
provisions for the army and the constant and daring 
attacks of the Irish. Of a reduction of the standing 
forces there could at the time be no question, but it 
would be of great service to them if they were in- 
formed what termsParliament was willing to hold out 
to the Irish. The plague was still raging at Dublin, 
and in consequence Trinity College had been closed. 
A few days, later the Commissioners proceeded to 
Belfast for the purpose of settling affairs in Ulster. 
The province, they reported, was fairly quiet, but the 
Scots generally were disaffected to Government and 
it was considered advisable to establish a number of 
forts in Cavan, where the bulk of the enemy, at- 
tended by Col. Venables, was concentrated. 

AUGUST ... V . .-. . . 17-31 

After a visit to Carrickfergus, Coleraine and 
Londonderry the Commissioners returned to Belfast 
on i August, where they were saddened by the 
news of the wreck of the Hind frigate and of the 
destruction of a small party by the Irish near 
Armagh. About the middle of the month they were 
back again in Dublin. Nothing of importance had 
happened during their absence except that the Irish 
had taken advantage of Ireton's withdrawal of most 
of the Leinster forces to Limerick and the absence 
of Hewson, who was co-operating with Venables 
about Athlone, to surprise a number of garrisons 
on the Barrow. So serious did matters in this 
respect become that the Commissioners were obliged 
to strengthen the city-guard arid raise a volunteer 
force for the protection of Dublin itself, 

clxiv Summary of Contents of Documents 


1651. SEPTEMBER ..... 31-60 

On 18 September the Commissioners presented 
Parliament and the Council of State with a detailed 
account of the situation of affairs. The siege of 
Limerick was dragging on its weary length and 
threatening to become a winter's work. Murtogh 
O'Brien and David Roche had attempted a diversion 
in favour of the besieged and had put Ireton to very 
hard marches in bogs and woods to disperse them. 
In Munster Muskerry was giving occupation to 
Lord Broghill, while Col. Sankey was busily engaged 
in the midlands in ineffectual efforts to run Fitz- 
patrick to earth. From Ulster there was a report 
that the Irish had plundered the country about 
Omagh and extended their operations as far as 
Dundalk. Sir C. Coote was still lying before Galway, 
but his forces were insufficient to invest the place. 
Commissary- General Reynolds had forced Dungan 
out of the King's County across the Barrow, but he 
and Scurlock and Grace were playing sad havoc with 
the quarters in Wicklow and Wexford. In conse- 
quence the assessments had been so reduced that the 
Commissioners had been forced to borrow money to 
meet the immediate wants of the army ; the stores 
were almost depleted of ammunition and there was a 
great need of fresh recruits, those recently sent being 
fitter for a hospital than an army. The return of 
Reynolds and the recovery by him of some of the 
captured garrisons somewhat relieved the situation, 
and the confidence of the Commissioners was further 
heightened by the news of the victory at Worcester. 

OCTOBER ...... 60-75 

But in the Commissioners' next letter to the Par- 
liament on 8 October they had to record further 
successes of the Irish in Ulster and Leinster, includ- 
ing the capture by Dungan and Scurlock of New 
Ross. In addition to these mishaps, hardly avoid- 
able in the circumstances, royalist privateers were 
causing much mischief to the fishing trade and cross- 
channel shipping and the feeling of insecurity was 

Summary of Contents of Documents clxv 


1 65 1 . OCTOBER continued 

added to by the discovery of a band of false coiners. 
It was some slight set off to these misfortunes to be 
able to report that Dungan and Scurlock had been 
speedily brought to book by Col. Cooke near Monas- 
terevin and their forces totally scattered, even if the 
success had to be qualified by the announcement 
a day or two later that the enemy was again in full 
force about Naas. It was an exasperating situa- 
tion, but until Limerick was captured there was 
nothing for the Commissioners to do but to possess 
their souls in patience. The knowledge that the 
plague was raging among the garrison gave hope 
that the end was not far off, and on the 28th the 
welcome news arrived that the city had surrendered. 
But the victory had been dearly bought. Two 
thousand of the besieging army, the Commissioners 
were informed, had died during the summer. 

NOVEMBER ..... 75-90 

Pro visions everywhere were at famine prices, and 
early in November an Order had to be issued for 
the punishment of persons convicted of engrossing 
corn. As for the executions that followed the sur- 
render of Limerick the Commissioners had not much 
to say. It was not a business that concerned them 
personally. Their time was fully occupied in 
matters of civil administration and in making 
arrangements for the provisioning and pay of the 
army. On the I3th the assessments in Leinster 
were settled for the following six months, and in 
answer to an intimation from Ireton that he intended 
to make Athlone his head-quarters for the winter 
and would be glad to consult them as to the arrange- 
ments necessary to be made in that case, the Com- 
missioners were preparingto proceed thither, and had 
already issued orders for collecting provisions and 
strengthening the fortifications at Athlone, when a 
report of the sudden illness cf the Lord Deputy, 
followed almost immediately by the news of his death, 
on the 26th, compelled them to make fresh arrange- 

clxvi Summary of Contents of Documents 


1651-2. DECEMBER ..... 90-114 

On 2 December Orders were issue! by the 
Commissioners transferring the command of the 
army to Ludlow, who had recently captured several 
important castles in County Clare, and renewing 
all commissions in force at the time of the Lord 
Deputy's death until fresh instructions arrived from 
Parliament. So far as the prosecution of the war 
was concerned Ireton's death caused no interruption. 
One of his last acts had been to address a summons 
to the citizens of Galway, offering them, in case of 
an immediate surrender, the same terms that he had 
been willing to grant to Limerick on his first sitting 
down before that place. His offer had been rejected, 
but as the citizens had professed ignorance of the 
terms offered to Limerick a copy of the articles was 
now sent to Coote with instructions to renew the 
negotiations for a surrender. The sense of increased 
responsibility, however, led to a desire on the part of 
the Commissioners to consult the opinion of those 
more immediately concerned in the management of 
affairs, and early in the month arrangements were 
made for a meeting with the general and field 
officers at Kilkenny. Instructions were sent to Col. 
Axtell to prepare healthy quarters for their reception 
and on Thursday the i8th the Commissioners left 
Dublin. They reached their destination safely on 
Saturday night and were greeted with the news 
that a considerable amount of money for the army 
had just been landed at Waterford. In a joint 
letter a week later the Commissioners and Officers, 
after informing the Council of State that the enemy 
in arms was estimated to be not less than 30,000, but 
that many of their officers were willing to submit if 
they were allowed to carry their men abroad to 
serve in the King of Spain's army, suggested that 
it would be of public advantage if some such 
arrangement could be effected. 

JANUARY ...... 114-127 

January 1651 [-2] saw a number of Orders pub- 
lished for the settlement of assessments in Munster 
and other parts, the protection of such of the enemy 

Summary of Contents of Documents clxvii 


1 652 . JAN u ARY continued, 

as desired to submit to the authority of Parlia- 
ment or merited it by delivering up one or more of 
their officers, and the punishment of such as having 
once submitted should again take up arms. Pro- 
posals for breaking the strength of the Irish, for the 
speedy lessening of the charge of maintaining the 
army and settling the Adventurers' share in the 
forfeited lands were considered at a meeting of the 
officers and transmitted to the Council of State. 
From the letter accompanying them it appears that, 
exclusive of the forces under Sir Charles Coote, the 
number of men in pay amounted to upwards of 
30,000, that the monthly charge, not reckoning what 
could be raised in Ireland or what was needed for 
ammunition, clothes, provisions, etc., amounted to 
. round 20,000. Other matters occupying the 
attention of the Commissioners during their stay 
at Kilkenny were the claim of the Earl of Antrim to 
special consideration, the effect of the treaty con- 
cluded between Ormond and the Parliament in 
June 1647 on the estates of Delinquents in Ireland 
and the redemption of Nicholas Archer, a prisoner 
in the hands of the Turks. From Kilkenny the 
Commissioners proceeded about the middle of the 
month to Portumna, where they had a meeting 
with Sir Charles Coote and other officers in Con- 
naught and settled the assessments, excise, customs 
and other revenues in that province. 

FEBRUARY ..... 128-142 

Returning to Dublin at the beginning of February 
the Commissioners presented Parliament and the 
Council of State with an account of their proceed- 
ings and the general state of affairs. So far as 
military matters were concerned they had nothing 
of importance to relate except the capture of Fitz- 
patrick's stronghold of Ballybawn. At Galway 
the besieged had made a sally in the hopes of 
capturing some cattle but had been driven back 
with loss, and an attempt to surprise Tecroghan^ 
had been defeated. Overtures had been made by 
some of the Irish leaders for laying down arms on 

clxviii Summary of Contents of Documents 


1652. FEBRUARY continued 

terms but nothing up to that time had come of them. 
The moral of the army was excellent, but the 
Commissioners were loath to mention what vast 
numbers had perished " by the hardship of the 
service, cold (through want of clothes), and diseases 
of the country." They enclosed a list of those 
counties which, as being wholly or partly in posses- 
sion of the enemy, yielded no profit. The rest of 
the country was so wasted that no provision could 
be made of corn, oat -meal or cheese. Affairs gener- 
ally were much straitened for want of money to 
pay the forces, and unless the monthly supply 
was sent over regularly and without deductions it 
would be impossible to prevent the soldiers taking 
free-quarter, which would only make matters worse. 
A letter to the Rev. Mr Knight inviting him to 
take charge of the independent church at Water- 
ford closes the month's correspondence. 

MARCH ...... 142-162 

March opens with a letter to the Council of 
State intimating certain successes in the midlands, 
including the capture of Ballileague, and enclosing 
proposals that had been received from the Earl of 
Clanricarde, and an assembly of the Irish at Gar- 
rench for a general settlement. The proposals had 
been rejected. On the other hand an offer of sur- 
render on the part of Col. John Fitzpatrick with his 
whole commando had been accepted, and on the 7th 
articles were arranged with him at Streamstown, 
whereby he undertook to transport his men abroad. 
The terms conceded, especially as regarded the 
retention by him of his estate, were more favourable 
than the Commissioners cared to grant and were 
only yielded to in the hope that the granting of them 
would, by spreading distrust amongst the Irish, 
serve to break down their agreement not to 
capitulate singly. The news that John Lambert 
had been appointed Lord Deputy by Parliament 
produced a letter from the Commissioners on the 
22nd, explaining the situation of affairs to him and 
urging him to press for a constant supply of money 

Summary of Contents of Documents clxix 


1652. MARCH continued 

for the army. How difficult it was to hold the men 
from deserting was shown by an Order of the 25th 
forbidding soldiers to leave Ireland without proper 

APRIL . . .... 162-178 

On the evening of 10 April the Commissioners 
were startled by a despatch from Sir C. Coote 
announcing the capitulation of Galway and enclos- 
ing the articles of surrender. A glance at them 
showed that for some reason he had gone beyond his 
instructions, and that same night it was resolved by a 
hastily summoned Council-of-War 'that it was impos- 
sible to confirm them without considerable altera- 
tions. Information to this effect was sent post- 
haste to Coote and next day a letter, enclosing 
articles for the surrender of Roscommon to Rey- 
nolds on the 3rd, explained to the Council of State 
what had happened. Another to the same effect to 
Parliament on the I2th likewise notified the inten- 
tion of the Commissioners going to Kilkenny to 
arrange for the disposal of the provisions that had 
been sent for the army, and was followed next day 
by one with the news that Col. Cooke had been 
killed in a skirmish with the Irish. At the same time 
an apology was addressed to Dr Winter's congre- 
gation in England for detaining their minister 
in Dublin. The surrender of Jamestown on the 
7th and of Carrick-on-Shannon on the 8th to Rey- 
nolds was communicated to the Council of State on 
the I4th. From Kilkenny, where they arrived on 
the I7th, the Commissioners, in answer to a letter 
of Coote's of the i5th declared that while making 
no question of his motives they could not confirm 
the articles of Galway unless the alterations made 
in them were accepted. 

MAY *, : V .... 178-208 

The fact was, as the Commissioners explained 
in a letter to Parliament on 5 May, they were 
not at all sure that in the treaties they had already ^ 
concluded they had not displayed too much 
leniency towards the Irish. Their doubts in this 

clxx Summary of Contents of Documents 


1 652 . MAY continued, 

respect had been increased by an abstract submitted 
to them by Dr Henry Jones of the atrocities com- 
mitted at the beginning of the Rebellion. The 
matter was the more pressing as since the capitula- 
tion with Fitzpatrick they had received many appli- 
cations from several chief officers of the enemy's 
party to treat. Commissioners had been appointed 
to arrange terms with most of the rebels in arms 
except those in Ulster and the result would be 
communicated as soon as it was known. Enclosed 
they sent a copy of articles concluded at Limerick 
on 21 April for the surrender of Murtogh 
O'Brien's forces in County Clare, and a copy of a 
proclamation published by the Irish for the ex- 
communication of Fitzpatrick. Counting O'Brien's 
forces, more than 4000 Irish had already laid down 
arms and shipping was being got ready for their 
transportation. In their letter of the same date 
to the Council of State the Commissioners were more 
explicit as to the general state of affairs. Not- 
withstanding their low condition the Irish had 
recently scored some successes, but these had 
been more than made good by Dungan's defeat in 
County Wexford. It was useless, they wrote, to 
expect any provisions from the country for the 
army before October. So great was the distress 
that in Thomond and Upper Ormond the inhabit- 
ants were necessitated by hunger to eat their 
garrans and plough-horses. The Commissioners 
might have added that, owing to the devastation 
of the country, wolves were so much in evidence 
that they had recently been obliged to issue an order 
forbidding those Irishmen who were leaving the 
country taking their wolf-dogs with them, as also 
one requiring all persons above the age of ten to 
register their names and addresses as a precaution 
against harbouring of Tories. Pending the negotia- 
tions with the Irish they employed their time in 
settling the assessments for the following six 
months. On the I3th they were able to report 
that on the previous day articles had been concluded 
with the main body of the enemy in Leinster and 

Summary of Contents of Documents clxxi 


1 652 . MAY continued, 

times and places appointed for the different regi- 
ments laying down their arms. Captain John 
Vernon was sent with the text of the treaty to 
London on the I5th and the same day the Com- 
missioners moved to Clonmel on their way to Cork, 
where warrant was given to Col. Sankey to appre- 
hend a number of individuals suspected of being 
guilty of the murders committed at Cashel at the 
beginning of the Rebellion, and a proclamation 
published offering rewards for the capture, dead or 
alive, of such of the Irish leaders in Munster and 
Leinster as did not surrender by the last day of June. 

JUNE , , "V . . . 208-231 

In a letter to Reynolds on 3 June and another 
to Parliament on the 5th the Commissioners 
explained the general situation of affairs. Muskerry, 
hoping for better terms, had refused the articles con- 
cluded at Kilkenny and entrenched himself at the 
Castle of Ross in Killarney lake, where he was prac- 
tically inaccessible ; but after the capture by Waller 
of Dromagh Castle had set free the forces in Cork to 
co-operate in Kerry, he had renewed negotiations 
for a surrender. Clanricarde with the main body of 
the Connaught and Ulster enemy was understood 
to be about Ballyshannon, hotly pursued by 
Coote and other commanders. On the gth the 
Commissioners were obliged to announce that the 
negotiations with Muskerry had been broken off and 
they were making preparations to reduce him by 
force. To Ludlow they wrote on the i5th from 
Kinsale saying they were sending him men and 
provisions and a ship's carpenter to give orders 
for making boats and bridges. They had heard that 
Murtogh O'Brien had broken into County Cork and 
was about Macroom with Gerald Fitzgerald. Con- 
don too had slipped over the Galtees and was about 
Tallow. The same day Standish was informed 
that the boats etc. necessary for the attack on 
Ross had sailed and might be expected at Dingle ^ 
in a day or two. He was to take steps to provide 
5000 for the pay of the soldiers for two months 

clxxii Summary of Contents of Documents 


1652. JUNE continued 

and 500 to defray incidental charges. Returning 
to Cork the Commissioners replied to a proposal 
for a treaty from Clanricarde with a demand for 
unconditional surrender. To Axtell they wrote on 
the igth acquainting him with the general state 
of affairs and advising him to keep a sharp eye on 
Grace. Muskerry, they were informed, had re- 
opened negotiations, but he was not likely to get the 
same terms as formerly. On the 2ist they wrote to 
Lord Broghill congratulating him on his victory over 
the Irish near Macroom and informing him that Col. 
Clarke's regiment had arrived safely at Waterford. 
In a letter of the same date to Ludlow they added 
that they had ordered the men to be sent to Tallow 
to await his instructions. They had received news 
that Coote was before Sligo, expecting an immediate 
surrender. Grace and Bourke had fired Portumna, 
but Ingoldsby was on their heels. To a request of 
Fitzpatrick for a continuance of maintenance till 
he could get his men transported, they replied on 
the 22nd by referring him to Ludlow. A letter 
received on the same day from Major Brian Smith 
informed them that Ingoldsby had routed Grace's 
horse and driven his foot into a bog near Loughrea. 
Coote, Reynolds wrote, had captured Sligo and had 
since moved to Ballymote, while Venables was 
engaged in fortifying Belturbet. Despatches to the 
Council of State and the Parliament on the 24th 
informed them of the progress of events as recorded, 
and in a postscript to the latter they announced 
that they had just received news of the surrender of 
Ross. The outbreak of hostilities with Holland 
led to orders being issued on the 26th for the deten- 
tion of all Dutch ships in Irish ports. 

JULY ...... 231-242 

July opened with a letter to Ludlow intimating 
that, in accordance with a request of divers officers, 
a meeting had been arranged for at Kilkenny on 
the 8th. But as Ludlow could not leave Kerry till 
the 6th the meeting was fixed for Clonmel on the 
loth . Meanwhile information had reached the Com- 

Summary of Contents of Documents clxxiii 


1652. JULY continued 

mi ssi oners of the arrival of one or two vessels from 
France in Kenmare River with relief for Muskerry. 
The relief arrived too late. Muskerry was loyally 
performing his conditions and on the 5th the 
surrender was completed. Twenty barrels of 
powder and 1200 good arms had been captured at 
Ross the Commissioners wrote to Coote, acknowledg- 
ing letters from him intimating the surrender of 
Sligo, Newtown and Ballyshannon. On the 8th 
they left Cork for Youghal on the way to Clonmel, at 
which latter place they had, as arranged, a meeting 
with the officers of the army. It had been Lud- 
low's intention to proceed northwards for the pur- 
pose of co-operating with Coote and Venables against 
the northern rebels, but the news of the capitulation 
of the main body of the Connaught Irish on the I4th 
to Coote and Reynolds caused him to alter his 
plan and he had, as the Commissioners announced 
in their letters to Parliament and the Council of 
State from Waterford on the 22nd, gone to reduce the 
rebels in Wicklow and Wexford, who with O'Brien 
in Munster, Grace in King's County and the Ulster- 
men were the only rebels that still held out. Hav- 
ing during their stay at Waterford settled the assess- 
ment of Kerry and issued an Order forbidding Irish- 
men to travel about the country without passes and 
threatening such as were found in arms after the 
2oth with punishment as spies, the Commissioners 
before taking horse for Dublin on the 23rd addressed 
letters to Cromwell in favour of Colonels Fitzpatrick 
and O'Dwyer. Passing through Carlow on the 
25th, they published orders for a general fast on 
account of a fresh outbreak of the plague at Cashel 
and on their arrival at Dublin they found that it 
was raging there as well. 

AUGUST ...... 242-271 

After giving instructions to Dr Henry Jones to 
proceed to Kilkenny and Tipperary to investigate 
the massacres committed in those parts, the* 
Commissioners removed their head-quarters to 
Drogheda at the beginning of August. Except the 

clxxiv Summary of Contents of Documents 


1652. AUGUST continued 

news of Fleetwood's appointment as Commander- 
in-Chief, nothing, they wrote to Parliament on the 
nth, had happened worth mentioning since they 
last wrote. The Irish in Ulster were still holding out 
in expectation of assistance from abroad and they 
enclosed a letter from their leaders to Reynolds and 
Venables. Now that the country was being reduced 
to some degree of order they thought it desirable 
that a court should be established to execute justice 
on those who had been guilty of murder during the 
Rebellion. In a letter of the same date to the 
Council of State they reverted to the damage done 
to trade by counterfeit and light coin . An enclosure 
stated the total number of forces to be provided for 
at 34,128 men . A letter from Ingoldsby announcing 
the appearance in the neighbourhood of Limerick of 
certain strange vessels led to another letter to the 
Council on the day following drawing attention to 
the damage recently done by pirates and the 
unprotected state of the port -towns in Munster. To 
Ingoldsby himself they wrote on the i6th, approv- 
ing his expulsion of dangerous individuals from 
Limerick. A letter in favour of a Mr Baker afforded 
them occasion to lay down a rule that no Papists 
were to be allowed to practise as lawyers. To Sir 
C. Coote they wrote on the I7th to relieve his mind 
of some doubts touching the continuance of military 
commissions and giving a qualified approval of the 
articles concluded by him with the Earl of Clanri- 
carde. For the rest he was to see that no favour 
was shown in the levying of assessments. Informa- 
tion that the inhabitants of Galway were in posses- 
sion of considerable quantities of powder elicited 
instructions to Col. Stubbers to inquire into the 
matter and to prevent provisions being secretly sent 
to the Irish in Innisboffin. The store-keeper was to 
issue out one hundred Bibles and waste lands in the 
precinct were to be let for three years. An Order of 
the i8th that all ministers in receipt of State support 
were to take the Engagement was supplemented 
by Instructions to the Commissioners in Ulster to 
arrest such as principled the people against Govern- 

Summary of Contents of Documents clxxv 


1652. AUGUST continued 

ment. A petition from the inhabitants of Kerry for 
temporary relief from their assessment was referred 
for consideration to the Auditor-General, Edward 
Roberts. A letter from Dr H. Jones on the 20th 
reported that he had been successful in obtaining 
evidence as to murders committed in Kilkenny and 
Tipperary. Fitzpatrick had left the country with 
1000 men and Grace had at last surrendered to 
Sankey. To a request of the Commissioners at 
Athlon e to have the maintenance of the Irish who 
had submitted in County Roscommon placed on 
the Grand Treasury the Commissioners declined to 
agree ; but if Galway men paid the 5000 due 
from them by their Articles they might advance 
1100 to be repaid by the county in monthly instal- 
ments. On the 23rd head-money was offered for 
the capture, dead or alive, of the leaders of the 
Ulster Irish. They were in good health, the 
Commissioners wrote to Reynolds on the 24th, 
but the sickness had increased at Dublin. A 
new set of Instructions passed by Parliament on 
that day ordered the publication of the Act for the 
Settling of Ireland. In intimating the fact to Lud- 
low and the other commanders on the 3oth the 
Commissioners warned them to take precautions 
against a fresh rising on the part of the Irish. At 
the same time they communicated certain grievances 
complained of by the gentry of County Galway 
to Coote, requesting him to see that they were 
redressed. An Order issued by the Commissioners 
at Galway, forbidding landlords compelling pay- 
ment of their rents was rescinded on the 3ist ; and 
two women condemned to be burnt for killing two 
children were ordered to be hanged instead. 

SEPTEMBER ..... 272-282 

A letter to Col. Stubbers on 2 September insisted 
on the acceptance by the townsmen of Galway of 
the qualifications to their Articles. One of the 4th 
required the Commissioners of Ulster to break up the 9 
creaghts in that province, and another of the same 
date desired Axtell to see that his prisoner Col. 

clxxvi Summary of Contents of Documents 


1 652 . SEPTEMBER continued 

Bagenall was treated with consideration. Orders 
were issued forbidding the Irish included in the 
Treaty of Kilkenny holding meetings without per- 
mission, and the Commissioners in the different 
precincts were warned to guard against a fresh rising 
when the Act of Settlement was published. The 
assessment of Belturbet precinct was settled on the 
7th and the day following authority was given 
to press shipping for the transportation of the 
Irish. On the 8th Axtell was instructed that, 
owing to certain doubts as to the interpretation of 
the terms conceded the Irish, he was to respite the 
trial of those under restraint until Fleetwood's 
arrival, and a few days later he was ordered to allow 
Col. Bagenall to receive the visits of his friends. A 
letter of the nth brought news of Fleetwood's safe 
arrival, and in acknowledging it the Commissioners 
promised to join him as soon as possible at Kilkenny. 
Some complaints on the part of the Kilkenny sub- 
mi ttees that their conditions were not made good to 
them led to an order on the i/j-th for their punctual 
performance as also to another on the 2gth to assist 
Dungan in transporting his men. At a Council-of- 
War on the 3oth it was resolved that in the articles 
granted to General Farrell " pardon for life " meant 
merely permission to leave the country and that by 
" protection " was only intended protection in time 
of war. 

OCTOBER ...... 282 

On i October licence was granted to McKillegot 
and Col. Mayo to transport Irishmen into Spain and 
permission was given to Col. Phaireto press shipping 
at Cork for that purpose. A similar licence was 
granted to the governors of Waterford, Wexford 
and other towns on the 7th. On the nth a pass 
was granted Clanricarde to go abroad. 



1. The said Commissioners are as aforesaid to improve the 
interest of the Commonwealth of England in the dominion of 
Ireland for the advancement of religion and propagation of the 
gospel in that country, and for the suppression of idolatry, 
popery, superstition and profaneness in that land. 

2. To give all due encouragement to, and appoint competent 
maintenance for all such persons, of pious life and conversation, 
as they shall find qualified with gifts for preaching of the 
gospel and instructing of the people there in all godliness and 
honesty, by way of stipend out of the public revenue. 

3. To cause to be put in effectual execution all laws now in 
force against Papists and Popish Recusants. 

4. To consider of all due ways and means for the advancement 
of learning and training up of youth in piety and literature, and 
to promote the same by settling of maintenance upon fit persons 

1 The Commissioners originally nominated for the government of Ireland 
(13 Sept.) were Ludlow, Richard Salwey, Jones and Weaver. But Salwey 
desiring to be excused from that service Miles Corbett was appointed in his 
place. Lives of all four Commissioners by Prof. Firth will be found in the Diet, 
of Nail. Biog. For Ludlow see his Memoirs , Ed. C. H. Firth, 2 vols. 
Oxford, 1894. As regicides Corbett and Jones were both executed at the 
Restoration, meeting their fate with dignity and equanimity. Weaver, though 
nominated one of the Commissioners for trying Charles I, never attended any of 
the sittings of the Court, and died at his residence at North Luffenham in 
Lincolnshire in 1685. 

2 Administration of Justice [1050 

to be employed therein, so far as they shall find the present 
state and condition of the affairs of Ireland to admit. 

5. To cause the Acts, Ordinances and Orders of Parliament 
now in force in this Commonwealth against delinquents, 
malignants, pluralists and scandalous ministers to be put in 
execution in Ireland. 

6. To inform themselves what course is held, for the present, 
in the administration of justice in Ireland, to consider what is 
further to be done for the settling and establishment thereof in 
the several provinces there, that the people may be encouraged 
and the inhabitants governed according to the laws and con- 
stitutions of England, so far as the present constitution of the 
country will admit, and to certify their opinions herein to the 
Parliament with all convenient speed, and in the meantime to 
take care that justice be administered. 

7. To take care that no Popish malignant or other delinquent 
persons be entrusted with, or employed in the administration 
of the laws, or execution of justice, nor be permitted directly or 
indirectly by themselves or others to practise as counsellors-at- 
law, attorneys, or solicitors, nor to keep schools for the training 
up of youth, or to be continued or employed in the execution of 
any place or office of trust. 

8. To inform themselves of the state of the ancient revenue 
and all the profits of forfeited lands, and to cause all forfeitures 
and escheats to be improved for the best advantage of the 
Commonwealth of England, and to cause all Acts, Ordinances 
and Orders of Parliament now in force in England for sequester- 
ing of delinquents' and papists' estates and of the estates of 
archbishops, bishops, deans and chapters to be put in execution 
in Ireland. 

9. In order to the improving and setting a competent revenue 
there for the ends and uses aforesaid, the said Commissioners are 
empowered to set and let all such lands, houses and other here- 
ditaments whatsoever in Ireland as are in the disposal of the 
Parliament of England, as also the rents, issues, and profits of 
all ecclesiastical benefices of such ministers as shall be ejected, 
and of all such other ecclesiastical promotions and benefices as 
are or shall become vacant and not otherwise disposed of by 
Act or Order of Parliament, for such time and term of years, not 
exceeding seven years, and at and under such rents or other 

1650] Regulation of the Revenue 3 

conditions, as they shall conceive to be most for the public 

10. To settle the excise and customs in all places in Ireland 
according to the rates settled in this Commonwealth, and to 
advance the said rates, or to set new rates upon such com- 
modities in Ireland as they shall conceive may bear advance- 
ment or imposition without prejudice to trade. 

11. To inform themselves in what manner the treasury of that 
dominion hath been managed as to its receipts and issues, and 
of the persons entrusted concerning the same, and to consider 
how, for the future, there may be established one Grand Treasury 
in Ireland, what person or persons are fitting to be employed to 
supply the place of Treasurer of all such monies as are or shall be 
received, and also of fit persons to supply all other offices incident 
to the said Treasury, and what salaries or allowances are fit to 
be settled upon them respectively, and in the meantime to take 
care that the same may be managed for the best advantage of 
the State. 

12. To take care that the public stores in Ireland be not em- 
bezzled, unnecessarily wasted and that due accounts be kept 
thereof, and from time to time, returned to the Grand Treasury, 
there to remain and be placed to the respective proper account. 

13. The said Commissioners are empowered to sit and vote at 
Councils of War as often as they shall conceive it fit, in order to 
the equal distribution and regulation of quarters for the standing 
forces in Ireland, and for the better settlement of the affairs 
there relating to the said forces for the public advantage. 

14. To consider of all due ways and means for the lessening of 
the public charge of the Commonwealth and reducing of the 
same, as well by disbanding of such forces in Ireland as they shall 
find to be supernumerary or needless, or demolishing of castles 
and garrisons, as by moderating and regulating the present 
establishment of the pay for the said forces, and likewise by 
taking away all other superfluous charges, of what kind soever, 
wherewith the public revenue is charged, and to put the same in 
execution so far as they shall find it may stand with public safety 
and advantage. 

15. To appoint and commissionate officers and other persons 
they shall conceive necessary for the putting in execution of all 
and every of these instructions, and to allow them fitting salaries 

4 Power to assess taxes [iG5o 

for the same, and, from time to time, to displace such of the said 
persons, or any other persons employed in the civil affairs in 
Ireland, as they shall find useless or not faithful in the discharge 
of their trust. 

16. That all warrants that relate to the payment of the army, 
either in money or provisions, or for other incident charges con- 
cerning the war, and likewise all warrants for the issuing of 
ammunition out of the public stores, issue by warrant from the 
Lieutenant of Ireland, or the Deputy for the time being upon the 
place as formerly, and that all other warrants for issuing of 
monies relating to affairs committed, by these Instructions, to 
the said Commissioners' care and management issue from the 
said Commissioners or the major part of them. 

17. The said Commissioners are upon all occasions to certify 
their proceedings, and what obstructions they meet with in the 
execution of the premisses to the Parliament or Council of 
State, to the end fitting means may be used for removing of 
impediments and supply of power as there shall be occasion. 
Passed 4 Oct. 1650. Commissions and Instructions, A/2?. 
25. ff. 1-5. 

2. An Act of Parliament authorising the above mentioned 
Commissioners to assess and tax upon the counties, cities, and 
towns of Ireland for and towards the maintenance of the army 
there, such monthly tax and assessment as they shall find the 
condition of those respective places will bear, not exceeding the 
sum of 30,000 a month, to be rated and levied in such manner 
as they shall find most expedient, beginning from ist March 
i65o[-i], 1 with power to appoint such commissioners, treasurers, 
collectors, assessors or other persons as they shall find necessary 
for the purpose, to administer oaths, to send for parties, 
witnesses, papers and records, and to commit to prison all such 
persons as they shall find and judge to be dangerous to the 
Commonwealth. Likewise to put in execution all laws, 
Ordinances and Acts of Parliament in force in England for the 
sequestration of papists' and delinquents' estates, and for the 
collection of duties of custom, tonnage and poundage, as also 
for the punishment of treason, felony, drunkenness, adultery, 
incest, fornication, profanation of the Lord's Day, blasphemy, 

1 I.e. 1650 old style : 1651 new style. The year O.S. began on 25 March. 

1650-1] Measures to suppress the rebels 5 

perjury, profane swearing and cursing, the abolishing of the 
Hierarchy and the Service Book, commonly called the Book of 
Common Prayer, an Act for abolishing the kingly office in 
England, Ireland and the dominions thereunto belonging, an 
Act prohibiting the proclamation of any person to be King of 
England and Ireland or the dominions thereof, an Act for the 
repeal of the several clauses in the Statutes i Eliz. and 3 Jac.; 
touching the oaths of allegiance, obedience and supremacy, and 
an Act concerning oaths to mayors and other officers. 25 Dec. 
Ib. ff. 7-9. 


" Our last l gave you an account of the reducing of 
Athlone. Since that we have received no intelligence from 
Connaught nor any other of your forces of any concernment 
worth your knowledge. Last Monday 2 Col. Hewson, 3 with 
a considerable body from hence, marched into Wicklow, 4 the 
mountainous parts of Ireland, which is a nest and harbour 
of rebels and Tories 5 in all times, and have proved so to us 
in these late wars. The forces from Carlow and Wexford under 
Col. Pretty's and Col. Cooke's 6 command are to march up 
that way also, so as there may be a conjunction as occasion 
serves, or to meet with the enemy in several parts as they shall 

1 See remarks above, p. xi. Athlone surrendered to Sir C. Coote on 18 June. 
z I.e. 1 July, the date of writing ; see No. 4 below. 

3 John Hewson, regicide, came to Ireland with Cromwell as colonel of a 
regiment of foot. He was wounded at the storming of Kilkenny and was for 
some time military governor of Dublin. See Life in Diet. Natl. Biog. 

4 Wicklow or the country of the O'Byrnes and O'Tooles was, notwithstanding 
its vicinity to Dublin, the last part of Ireland to be reduced to shireground. 

5 The expression Tory was, according to Prendergast (Cromwellian Settle- 
ment, p. 333), first officially used by Ormond in a proclamation dated 25 Sept. 
1650 ordering all that " are termed To ryes or Idle Boys " to enlist in his 
Majesty's army, or be deemed traitors. Bagwell refers it to the year 1647, 
as applied to masterless men living a life of brigandage, adding that it was 
doubtless in popular use before that date. (Ireland under the Stuarts, ii, 330.) 
The word is occasionally used as a verb to tory. (Geo. Rawdon to Lord 
Conway, Col. State Papers, Irel., 1651, pp. 383, 3850 Toruidhe in Irish means 
a pursued person, or a robber. 

6 Col. Henry Pretty and Col. George Cooke came over in Cromwell's army. 
The former became Governor of Carlow and, on the disbandment of his regi- 
ment, obtained an estate, still in the possession of his family, in co. Tipperary ; 
the latter was appointed by Cromwell Governor of Wexford, after the city was 
stormed, and in this capacity he displayed great severity towards tlfe Irish. 
He was killed in action in April 1652. See below, p. 171. 

6 Prospect oj a reduction of the Army [icsi 

be dispersed. Col. Hewson doth now intend to make use of the 
scythes and sickles that were sent over in 1649, but have been 
laid up in the stores till now, with which they do intend to cut 
down the corn growing l in those places, with wilich the enemy 
is to live upon in winter time, and thereby for want of bread and 
cattle the Tories may be left destitute of provisions and so forced 
to submit and quit those places. The recruits and supplies you 
sent over this summer have been a great refreshing to your 
servants here, and truly the press-men 2 that came over hither 
are very good men and we hope will be of very good use, only 
many of them were naked, and all of them want arms, which puts 
us to some straits in some parts of this nation. We are now going 
to Ulster to settle your affairs there, and do expect to return 
about the end of this month to this place. We have not heard 
from you or the Council of State since our coming over. We 
mention this not to complain, but to assure you that the com- 
mands of the Parliament whensoever or howsoever conveyed 
to us shall be always duly observed by your " etc. Dublin, 3 
I July 1651. Domestic Correspondence A/8Q. 49. f. 7. 


" In our last despatch your Lordships received an account 
of your affairs in Connaught so far as they were then 
communicated to us. The success which God hath given 
your forces there hath enforced many of the enemy to 
disperse and divide themselves into several woods and bogs 
within our quarters in the other provinces, insomuch that 
they being joined with the Tories (who are very numerous) are 
able to draw together on a sudden parties of considerable 
strength to engage your other forces (left to secure the country) 
upon any advantage, and can (when any forces draw towards 
them to engage them) disperse at an instant and embody again 
in other remote bogs and inaccessible quarters. The sad ex- 

1 Cutting down the growing corn was an innovation in Irish warfare intro- 
duced by Mountjoy during Tyrone's Rebellion, that raised the indignation of 
Owny MacRory O'More, who described it to Ormonde as " a most execrable 
course and bad example unto all the world." Cal. State Papers, Irel., Eliz. 1600, 
p. 355. 

2 I.e. men pressed for service ; cf. press-gang. On the number of men sent 
to Ireland in the course of the summer, see Ludlow (Memoirs i, p. 278, note). 

8 In future, except where otherwise stated, the letters are to be understood 
as addressed from Dublin. 

Anxiety of Irish as to Parliament's intentions 7 

perience we have lately of this their practice will appear by the 
enclosed [wanting], 1 which we humbly thought fit to acquaint 
your Lordships with. 

" The reducing of the enemy's garrisons into your obedience 
(which we hope will be effected this summer) will in no short 
time end the war, and 2 put your affairs in such a condition as 
may suddenly bear the reducing of forces to lesser number, 
whereby the charge may be lessened ; because as garrisons are 
reduced forces must be put into them to defend them and the 
number of the enemy in woods, bogs and fastnesses are in- 
creased by being driven out of their garrisons. There are in the 
Province of Leinster above sixty garrisons, and in Munster (as 
we humbly conceive) as many ; all which are necessary to be 
continued for the keeping of passes open and preserving our 
quarters from being destroyed by the enemy, and yet [the] 
English, or others that are faithful to you, cannot safely travel 
two miles from any of the said garrisons without a convoy, which 
proceeds from the general disaffection of the Irish, who (through 
the daily increasing numbers of Tories) are (as they pretend) 
enforced to comply with them and to give them intelligence and 
supplies, and they pretend to be necessitated hereunto in regard 
the Parliament have held forth unto them no certainty for the 
enjoyment of their lives, or any part of their estates, appre- 
hending, as they alleged, that your forces (when the garrisons 
are reduced) will be employed to destroy them all without any 
distinction, as their party, upon a design to incline and persuade 
them to an universal rising, have formerly held forth unto them ; 
and the gentlemen and other inhabitants of several counties, on 
the behalf of their country, having made application to the Lord 
Deputy 3 before our coming over and unto us shortly after, to 
know the Parliament's resolution concerning them, and receiv- 
ing no signification of the Parliament's pleasure therein, the 
generality of them are easily induced to believe that severity 
will be used towards them. 

" The stock of cattle in this country is almost spent so that 
about four parts in five of the best and most fertile lands in 

1 When an enclosure is marked " wanting " this means that no copy of it 
was made, or is to be found in the official letter-books from which these docu- 
ments are taken. See Preface, p. x. a Nor, in the original. 

3 Henry Ireton, who, at the date of the letter, was engaged in besieging 
Limerick. 9 

8 Deplorable condition of the country [i65i 

Ireland lie waste and uninhabited, which threatens great scarcity 
here, for prevention whereof Declarations * have been issued forth 
for encouragement of the Irish to till their lands, promising them 
the enjoyment of their crops, as also for enforcing those that 
are removed to the mountains to return, and for preservation of 
sheep, and other cattle. But nothing will be so available for 
the improving the Parliament's interest (and guiding those that 
serve them in this country) as an intimation of their pleasure 
towards this people, and of settling some speedy course for plant- 
ing and stocking of the country, which hath not an English 
Protestant inhabiting within it, in any place that we have yet 
come unto, except it be within a garrison. We have sent your 
Lordships enclosed [wanting] an estimate of the number of your 
forces, together with the monthly charge according to the present 
reduced pay here, and the course that is taken at present for their 
pay so far as the said particulars are come to our knowledge, 
whereby it will appear how much the welfare of your forces and 
affairs here depends upon the seasonable sending over of those 
monies, which the Parliament have appointed for the affairs of 
Ireland. There is wanting in the assessments of this province, 
for payment of the forces that are fixed under the command of 
Col. Hewson and appointed to be provided for here, 2000 per 
mensem. This defect hath caused us to charge Bills of Exchange 
upon the Treasurers-at-War 2 for 4000 to supply the present 
wants of the said forces under Col. Hewson, which we humbly 
desire your Lordships to approve of, and issue out your order 
for the speedy payment of the same, and that, for the future 
from the last of July, there may be 2000 per mensem constantly 
reserved in the Treasurers' hands to answer such Bills of Ex- 
change as shall be charged on them for the necessary supply of 
the forces under Col. Hewson ; and that part of his forces, that 
were designed to be with the marching army about Connaught 
being now returned, and, by the coming over of the late recruits, 
the charge is increased so as they cannot be maintained with 
less charge than 2000 per mensem out of the Treasury. 

" This day Col. Hewson and the forces under his command are 
marched out into the County of Wicklow in a considerable body 

1 As to these and other Declarations see Ludlow, Memoirs, i, p. 262, note. 

2 Sir John Wollaston, Thomas Andrews, John Do thick and Francis Allen, 
appointed 17 April 1649. 

i65i] Money and clothes needed 9 

of horse and foot, expecting to join with Col. Pretty's and Col. 
Cooke's forces, there the enemy being in a considerable body, 
and, in case they be dispersed, Col. Hewson's design is to destroy 
that part of the County of Wicklow (that is declared out of pro- 
tection) by mowing down the green corn and driving away their 
cattle, whereby winter provisions may be taken from them and 
they forced from those bogs and fastnesses in that county. 

" We shall further desire your Lordship and the Council that 
there may be 12,000 suits of clothes, 16,000 shirts and 16,000 
pair of stockings provided for the soldiers against the ending of 
September ; for the new recruits are most of them naked men, 
and the clothes the old soldiers had, when they marched forth, 
will be worn out by that time, and we have had much experience 
of the loss of maay soldiers occasioned by nothing more than by 
the want of clothes, especially in wet and cold weather, and this 
country doth not afford them at any reasonable rates, nor in any 
considerable number. We have here at Dublin taken order for 
providing 4000 suits of clothes, which is the most that can be 
gotten against that time here. The timely provision of the 
clothes abovesaid by your Lordships' care will be very joyful 
to the soldiers here, and (we hope) be a means, by God's blessing, 
to save many a man's life. This was agreed upon by the Lord 
Deputy and ourselves at our last parting with his Lordship, save 
only the number could not be then ascertained, and therefore, 
if my Lord Deputy do write for more, w r e desire his Lordship's 
desire may be answered therein, save only the 4000, which we 
shall see provided here at Dublin." i July. Ib. ff. 12-15. 


"... There have been lately taken Smith and Rochford, 
two principal Tories in these parts, and one more of their 
confederates, who were hanged, and Rochford died of his 
wounds before he came to town. Upon consideration had 
of the access of the enemy towards Ulster and Leinster and 
the employment your forces here are now put upon, Col. Hewson, 
at his parting from us, desired us to move your Lordship that, 
if your Lordship can spare any horse, you would send them this 
way to be in readiness to help such parties as shall stand in most 
need of them either in Leinster or Ulster. We are no^ going 

io The Commissioners purpose going to Ulster 

into Ulster and shall do our endeavour to settle affairs there, 
and about the end of this month to return hither, and by that 
time we hope God will discover and further manifest His power 
and gracious presence to the army with your Lordship in all 
your counsels and endeavours, that you may behold further 
salvation wrought for you, which shall be the continued prayer 
of my Lord your etc." I July. Ib. f. 17. 


Money for the troops very scarce ; have been forced to 
draw Bills for 4000 upon you ; desire 2000 per mensem for 
the forces under Col. Hewson. i July. Ib. f. 8. 


" The Parliament, being desirous to advance religion and 
learning in Ireland, have commanded our endeavours to 
improve their interest for the promoting of that work 
according to the trust by them reposed in us. In pursuance 
of which trust we have inquired into the present state 
and condition of the College of Dublin and do find the 
said College furnished with very few officers or other members 
fit to be continued there. The consideration whereof (and the 
house being at present visited with the pestilence) 3 moved us to 
dissolve that society until it shall please God to remove the 
sickness and some means found out to establish a course which 
may probably conduce to those good ends. In order thereunto 
we desire that you (whom we find to be one of the Trustees of 
that College) upon advice with Mr Thomas Goodwin 4 (or such 

1 Sir John Wollaston, J.P. and alderman of the city of London, one 
of the Treasurers-at-War. 

2 John Owen, D.D. (1616-1683), the famous Nonconformist divine, attended 
Cromwell to Ireland as his chaplain. He remained only six months in Ireland, 
during which time he resided in Dublin Castle. A sermon preached by him 
before Parliament (28 Feb. 16|$) on the spiritual condition of that 
country led to an Ordinance for the better regulation and endowment of Trinity 
College, Dublin. See Life in Diet. Natl. Biog. 

I 3 Ludlow says the plague was supposed to have been introduced into Ireland 
f by a ship from Spain and bound to Galway, from whence the infection spread 
itself through most parts of the country. Memoirs, i, p. 261 ; cf. Bagwell, 
Irel. under the Stuarts, ii, pp. 245-246, and Borlase, Rebellion, p. 282. 

4 No doubt the well-known Independent divine, Dr Thomas Goodwin (1600- 
1680). Goodwin, a graduate of Cambridge, was originally a clergyman of the 
Established Church ; but falling under the influence of John Cotton, he re- 
signed his living and in 1639 went to Holland, where he became pastor of the 
English Church at Arnheim. He returned to London in 1640 and established an 

1651] Trinity College, Dublin, to be reformed n 

other persons as you shall conceive fit) will seriously consider 
what laws, rules, orders and constitutions are fit to be established 
in the said College. Wherein we desire that the educating of 
youth in the knowledge of God and principles of piety may be 
in the first place promoted, experience having taught that where 
learning attained before the work of grace upon the heart, it 
serves only to make a sharper opposition against the power of 
godliness. What God shall direct you in this matter we desire 
you to communicate to us with all convenient expedition, and 
likewise what qualifications are requisite in the admission of 
persons according to the course now used in the university." 
2 July. Ib. f. 10. 


" The packet you sent us came safely to our hands 
yesterday at night about seven of the clock with yours from 
Col. Hewson, for which we return you thanks, and for your 
care and mindfulness of us. There is no news of any con- 
cernment save the beginning of a rising in Wales, which began 
in Carmarthenshire 2 ; but our party fell upon them in the first 
rising and slew about thirty, took fifty and scattered the rest. 
Two or three ships of the French were taken by our fleet in the 
Straits. We desire you to send to Mr Hughes, 3 the Secretary 
with you at Cork House, 4 and require him to send us one 
hundred of the Excise Books, printed at Dublin, by this post or 
by the first opportunity, as also one hundred of the Articles of 

Independent church at St Dunstans-in-the-East. In 1649 he was appointed 
chaplain to the Council of State ; in 1650 he was made President of Magdalen 
College, Oxford, and in 1653 he was appointed a commissioner for the appro- 
bation of ministers. See Life in Diet. Natl. Biog. 

1 Alderman Daniel Hutchinson, J.P., a substantial merchant of Dublin, was 
Treasurer of the Public Revenue at Dublin, in which capacity he rendered 
considerable service to the Commonwealth. As a reward he obtained a special 
grant of lands, to the value of 2000, formerly in the possession of Thomas 
Aylmer, in Co. Dublin. He was a member of Dr Winter's congregation, 
at St Nicholas' Church, and dying in 1676 was buried in the Church of St John 
the Evangelist. 

2 Gardiner notices (Hist, of the Commonwealth, i, p. 434) a rising in Cardigan- 
shire at this time which was summarily suppressed. 

3 John Hughes, Secretary-assistant to the Commissioners. Cf . Deputy Keeper's 
Reports, Irel., xiv, App., p. 50. In 1653 he was appointed public register of 
lands in Ireland, and in 1666 nominated a practising attorney for the execu- 
tion of the Acts of Settlement and Explanation. 

4 So called from being the residence of Richard Boyle, Earl of 0brk, after- 
wards the site of the Royal Exchange and now of the City Hall. 

12 Efforts to clear Ulster of the rebels 

War, and if not printed to get them printed and sent with the 
first, and also to cause the letters enclosed [wanting] to be sent 
to Sir Theophilus Jones, 1 to be sent to the army ; they came from 
England. These parts afford us no news but are at present 
quiet and free from the enemy. We hope we shall not be long 
from you." Belfast, 7 July. Ib. f. u. 


11 By our last from Dublin we gave your Lordships an 
account of our proceedings and in what posture your affairs 
in this nation then stood. Since our coming to this place 
we have met with Col. Venables, 2 who, with the forces 
of these parts under his command now in the field (besides 
those in the garrisons) being 1300 foot, besides officers and 
about 500 horse, have been in Cavan to clear those parts and are 
now about Armagh, and with some little more addition doth 
intend (upon advice here taken) to go very shortly to Belturbet, 
a very considerable place in the County of Cavan, which county 
is the principal fastness and harbour of the enemy in these 
parts, and, if they be not called away upon some other emergency, 
Col. Venables doth intend to make that his frontier garrison to 
keep the enemy from gathering into a body, and to destroy 
their quarters. This day we had letters from Sir Charles Coote, 
a copy whereof is enclosed [wanting], and by an express we have 
sent to Mr Whalley 3 of Chester to let him know what necessity 
Sir Charles Coote and Col. Venables are in, they not having 
above a fortnight's provisions left, but do rely upon the re- 
mainder of supply from Chester, which has been long expected 

1 Sir Theophilus Jones was the brother of Col. Michael and Dr Henry Jones, 
afterwards Bishop of Meath. He obtained a grant of the Sarsfield estate at 
Lucan ; but being obliged to surrender it at the Restoration he secured a 
reprisal in co. Sligo. See Life in Diet. Natl. Biog. 

2 Colonel Robert Venables (1612 ?- 1687), a native of Cheshire and Governor of 
Liverpool in 1648, came to Ireland in July 1649, in command of the forces sent 
to the relief of Col. Michael Jones at Dublin by Cromwell pending his own 
arrival. He took part in the battle of Rathmines on 2 August, and, after the 
capture of Drogheda, was sent to assist Sir Charles Coote in breaking down the 
Scoto-Irish opposition in Ulster. He was occupied there till the end of the 
war, leaving Ireland in 1654, in which year he was appointed commander of an 
unsuccessful expedition to the West Indies. See Life in Diet. Natl. Biog. 

3 Charles Whalley, or Waliey, was appointed Parliamentary agent, or com- 
missary, at Chester in September 1646. It was his business to superintend the 
transport of provisions sent by way of that port for the army in Ireland. For 
Instructions to him see Cal. State Papers, Irel., 1646, p. 505. 

1651] Garrisons to be planted in County Cavan 13 

here. There is still remaining unsent 386 tons of oat-meal, 
formerly designed for the Ulster forces, and we do humbly 
beseech your Lordships to take some effectual course, that in case 
there be any defect of money or power in Mr Whalley concerning 
the said supply expected, that your Lordships would consider 
thereof and give directions therein so as timely provisions may 
be further sent over." Belfast, 10 July, Ib. L 18. 


" We have received yours of the 3rd of this month, which 
overtook us at Belfast the loth of the same. We are 
much affected with the straits you are in for want of 
provisions and therefore have made a despatch to Mr 
Whalley and Capt. Whit worth at Chester, whom we conceive 
to be the men that are contracted with by the State for your 
supply, that they do immediately hasten unto Galway all the 
meal that they are bound to furnish you with, and if any of 
your provisions shall arrive here during our stay in these parts 
we will hasten them to you, and at our departure leave order 
for the same. As touching the 600 foot which you have 
written for to Col. Venables to be sent you, we are of opinion 
that the sending them at present will be very prejudicial to the 
public service, not only in respect of your wants, yourself being 
in want of bread for the men you have there, but also in regard 
that those men being sent away, there will not remain a com- 
petent force here to serve these parts, in case of any emergency 
from Scotland or any rising from the ill-affected inhabitants 
here, and also we do concur with your advice to Col. Venables in 
planting of garrisons 'at Belturbet and Ballinacargy, 2 which we 

1 Sir Charles Coote's father, likewise Sir Charles, came to Ireland towards the 
latter end of Elizabeth's reign, as a soldier of fortune. By his marriage with 
Dorothy, younger daughter and co -heiress of Hugh Cuffe of Cuffes Wood, co. 
Cork, he acquired a settled position in the country, and having been appointed 
Provost-Marshal and Vice-President of Connaught he displayed great activity 
against the Irish on the outbreak of the Rebellion. He was killed in action on 
7 May 1642 ; but " whether by the enemy or by one of his own troopers was 
variously reported." (Carte, Life of Ormond, i, p. 243.) Sir C. Coote, who 
succeeded him as Provost-Marshal, was in all respects his father's son, and by 
adroitly following in the wake of Monck and Broghill, in paving the way for 
Charles II's restoration, he had the good fortune not merely to retain the 
immense property he had acquired in the days of his republican zeal, but to be 
further rewarded with the title of Earl of Mountrath, which however he did not 
long enjoy, dying of small-pox on 18 December 1661. 

2 O'Reilly's castle of Ballinacargy (now Carrigan), also called th^Castle of 
Lough Oughter (Uachtar i.e. the Upper Lough), stands on an artificial island 

14 Reinforcements to be sent to Sir C. Coote [1651 

look at as a service of great consequence, much conducing to the 
breaking of the Irish strength in those parts, and advantageous 
also to keep the northern men from a conjunction with the 
Connaught rebels ; and, to the end you may be supplied with 
foot, we have written to Chester that the remainder of the 
recruits intended for Ulster may be directed to Dublin, and 
from thence sent to you into Connaught with more ease than 
they can march from hence, where there is not so much as 
eight days' provision of bread to be had for them to carry 
with them, the stores being wholly exhausted and corn not to 
be had in the country as we are informed ; besides we under- 
stand that about 4000 foot of the new recruits are lately marched 
up to the Lord Deputy, from whom we conceive you may have 
some supply of foot till you receive more from Dublin, whither 
we have written to Col. Hewson to send unto you such recruits 
as were intended for this province, being 450, and such others 
as may be spared from thence, he being pretty strong in foot 
when we left him ; and if both these means should fail you, 
we shall advise with Col. Venables here how to furnish you with 
some foot from hence. 

"And whereas your Lordship writes to us to send some 
person thither to settle the contribution of that province, 
we are at present putting those resolutions in execution 
which we took at Kilkenny, by the joint advice of the 
Lord Deputy and the Lieutenant General, who are both of 
them at a reasonable distance from your Lordship and from 
whom you may have advice in this particular ; and when we 
shall understand from them or your Lordship that warrants and 
directions will be obeyed in that province, we shall either come 
over ourselves, or send some that may be entrusted in that 
affair. We return your Lordship thanks for that advertise- 
ment of the successes the Lord hath given you in that place, 
and we hope and pray that he may continue his presence with 
you, and if in anything we may be serviceable to your Lordship 
we shall be glad of the opportunity of manifesting to you how 
much we are your Lordship's servants. 

" P.S. There is a kind of an engagement upon the Lord 

at the north end of the lough, half-way between Killashandra and Belturbet. 
It was there that Bishop Bedell was imprisoned and Owen Roo O'Neill 

1661] Inhabitants of Ardballan suspected of treason 15 

Deputy and ourselves to send beyond sea * 300 prisoners, if 
therefore you have not disposed of the 50 prisoners you took 
near Galway, or that any others do fall into your hands, you 
shall do us a pleasure to send them to Dublin so they may be 
there within a month." Belfast, n July. Ib. ff. 21-2. 



"We desire you to make inquiry how true the matter is 
that is suggested by the bearer hereof against the inhabit- 
ants of Ardballan in the barony of Ferrard 4 ; and if you 
find that any of the said inhabitants have given intelligence 
to the enemy, as is suggested, and that the bearer can direct you 
to the certain parties, that were the intelligencers, we desire 
you to seize their persons and take some course that they may 
be proceeded against as enemies to the State. The manner 
of discovering and seizing these intelligencers we leave to your 
own prudence and care." Belfast, 12 July. Ib. f. 24. 


" We have received late intelligence that the rebels of 
Ulster are gathering together in Cavan, of which we thought 
fit to give you notice, to the end you may the rather 
continue the resolutions you took before we parted with 
you, if service of more importance do not cause you to 
alter the same, as also that you may make the more 
haste in the work you intended before you draw towards 
Cavan. Upon conference with Col. Venables we have fixed 
upon some places in these parts, one whereof was in your own 
thoughts, that are most necessary to be taken in and garrisoned 
by our forces, but cannot be safely done without a conjunction 
with you, and also the help of your ordnance will be necessary 
to the effecting thereof, and therefore we desire your care 
therein, and that you make provision of bread for your own 
party which cannot possibly be gotten from hence. These things 
we recommend to your care as those wherein the advancement 
of the public service is highly concerned. We must likewise 

1 To Spain ; see below, p. 31. a Col. Foulk*. 

? Col. Cadwalader Wynne. 4 Co. Louth. 

16 Wreck of the Hind frigate 

signify to you that those recruits yet in England which were 
intended for Ulster, are now, by our directions, to land at 
Dublin, and we desire you to send them to Sir Charles Coote 
into Connaught, as also any other recruits that shall land there, 
that you can spare, and that they be furnished with necessaries 
for their march, his Lordship being in want of food and having 
sent hither for some, from whence he cannot, with safety to 
these parts, be supplied. We are now going to Derry where 
we intend to make no long stay." Belfast, 16 July. Ib. p. 25, 


" Our last from this gave your Lordships an account of 
your affairs in Connaught, and what we then humbly 
conceived fit to offer to your Lordships' consideration in 
order to that affair ; since which we have been at London- 
derry, Coleraine, Carrickfergus, and other places and have 
taken the best account we could of your affairs there, and 
though, through the necessity of war, many things have 
formerly been in some disorder (especially as to the Revenue) 
yet we do find a general readiness in the officers and soldiers 
there to further your service. We are now settling the pay of 
the forces in that province for the future, of which we shall 
hereafter give an account. Concerning the customs and 
sequestrations little hath been done here in a regular way, 
and in the excise nothing at all ; but they are now put into 
another posture and we hope you will find some fruit thereby 
after a short time. 

" We find these parts mostly planted and inhabited by the Scots 
and some Irish, very few English being amongst them, and we 
have done what lies in our power to prevent all kinds of trading 
to Scotland from hence till affairs there be in another posture. 
At Coleraine on the 27th inst. we met with the sad news of 
the loss of the Hind frigate, that fell in the night upon a rock 
near Carrickfergus, and the ship being crazy did founder, but 
all her men except ten were (through God's mercy) saved with 
some of her tackle, masts, anchors, cables, and four guns. . . . 
We have heard from several hands of the activity and faith- 
fulness of the commander of that vessel, Captain Sherwine, in 
your service and doubt not but there will be another ship 

1651] Small party cut off by the Enemy near Armagh 17 

provided for him, and we shall be glad that he may speedily 
return into these parts, where at present we have only the 
Truelove, who sent us word last night that he had convoyed a 
fleet into Dublin road, and had brought 20 tons of meal into 
Carlingford with some cheese for the Ulster forces, that Captain 
Seaman was to convey meal and provisions to Galway from 
Chester, and that there would be no ships left in these seas 
for convoy either to Waterford, Wexford, Dublin or these 
northern coasts, but only himself, and that he hath but 
thirteen days' victuals left, and yet the enemy at the Isle of 
Man have fourteen little vessels full of men lying about these 
coasts, that no vessel can stir without a convoy, of which we 
doubt not your Lordships will be very sensible. 

" As for military affairs we can give little account from these 
remote parts, save what the enclosed [wanting] mention. 
Col. Hewson hath done his work in Wicklow by destroying 
all the green corn there, and was a while in Queen's County 
upon the like business, and is now to send 500 men to 
Athlone, and then he and Col. Venables is to join for attend- 
ing the enemy's motions, that shall attempt either on this 
side the Shannon, or to pass the river between Athlone and 
Sligo. This last Thursday a party of the enemy met with 
a small convoy of 20 horse and 40 foot and cut them off, 
who were convoying 1200 loaves to Col. Venables' party 
lying about Armagh. The loss of this convoy was occasioned 
by the captain not observing his orders of eight miles about, 
being a secure way through the Moyry, where they were fallen 
upon by Tories that keep in those mountains, who are reported 
to be in number 200 horse and 300 foot, and it will be a work 
of time to remove them thence, the forces at present being upon 
more important service attending the motion of the enemy from 
Connaught. This, with the loss of the Hind frigate as above- 
said, hath been some sadness to us ; but God will try and 
humble us ; it is his hand and thereunto we submit ; he can 
teach us also by affliction as well as by victories and deliver- 
ances. Next week we purpose to return to Dublin." Belfast, 
i Aug. Ib. ff. 28-30. 


" There came this day to our hands letters from the 

i8 Good news from Scotland 

Council, a copy whereof we have here enclosed [wanting], 
and have returned to them the enclosed account of affairs 
here until a more exact account may be given after we 
have received your Lordship's advice. If this design l goes 
on there must be tents provided for as many as shall be 
employed therein. We shall give order here that an exact 
account may be had of all vessels and boats in these parts, 
which we conceive are not considerable. We intend, if the 
Lord permit, to be at Dublin the latter end of the next week 
and there to give your Excellency a further account of affairs 
here in these parts, and receive a signification of your pleasure 
in this, or any other matter your Excellency shall think fit to 
give us in command. The enclosed news 2 [wanting] came to 
our hands with the packet. We have appointed Wednesday 
se'night for Leinster and Ulster to be a day set apart to return 
praise unto our gracious God for his presence with his people 
in the hour of trial. This happened in Scotland since the 
messenger came from London and it may alter the resolution 
of the Council at least to divert the design some other way. 
We have no more at present." Belfast, i Aug. Ib. L 31. 


"... We do therefore desire you to speed hither what ship- 
ping may be spared and especially to hasten Captain Johnson, 
who was particularly appointed to attend these parts ; for if no 
shipping come for that purpose, all trade will fail to the great 
detriment of the Commonwealth as well as of private persons, 
and we shall be deprived of all intelligence and disabled to give 
an account of our service here. So not doubting of your care in 
a matter of such concernment, we remain/' Belfast, i Aug. 
Ib. f. 32. 

" P.S. Before the closing of this we have certain intelli- 
gence that the Fox frigate passed by the Bay of Carrickfergus 
with a ship of meal bound for Galway ; when she comes to 

1 The " design " was to transport a part of the forces in Ireland into Scotland 
to assist Cromwell in his operations against Leslie. The step, however, was 
rendered unnecessary by Charles' sudden march along the western coast into 
England, which terminated at Worcester. 

* Evidently referring to Lambert's victory at Inverkeithing over Sir John 
Brown, on 20 July. 

1651] Ulster destitute of bread-corn 19 

you, we desire you to return both her and Convert frigate, if 
they can be spared, being both appointed for the guard of 
these coasts, where the want of them at this time is very 
great." Ib. f. 33- 


" Your Lordships' letters of i2th July by your express 
came to our hands at Belfast the ist August inst., arid finding 
the service you thereby gave us in command to be of 
very great importance, we have this day despatched an ex- 
press with an intimation of your Lordships' pleasure to the 
Lord Deputy, whose advice is necessary to be first had in 
making provision for that expedition, for the number of 
forces that can be spared, which is best known to his Lord- 
ship. In the meantime we shall apply our utmost diligence in 
preparing such vessels, boats and other requisites as can be 
afforded in these parts for that service, which we fear will not 
be sufficient for that work without help from England. We 
humbly think fit to acquaint your Lordships that there is no 
expectation of any provision of victuals to be made here, there 
being not in this country bread-corn enough to feed the in- 
habitants, which puts your forces in these parts many times to 
very great straits, and your service at a stand for want of bread 
when supplies from England fail. 

" When we came into these parts we found so many of the 
forces of this province as could be possibly spared drawn out 
for your service in Connaught under Sir Charles Coote, and that 
there was not a competent number left to secure the country 
till the recruits came over, insomuch that Sir Charles Coote at 
his departure thought it requisite to empower one Hamilton, 
a Scotsman, to raise, mount, and arm a troop of seven score of 
his countrymen to secure the south-east parts of the Lagan, 1 
there being no other here that could be spared for the security 
of those parts ; but upon our coming to Londonderry (having 
information of the man's disaffection to the Commonwealth 
and his great exactions upon the country, and but little con- 

1 A fertile district along the river Finn, between St Johnstown and Stranorlar, 
in the barony of Raphoe, co. Donegal. It was thickly planted by Scots, 
chiefly Cunninghames, Stewarts and Hamiltons. The Hamilton referred to 
was probably the lieutenant Hambleton mentioned below, p. 339. 

2O Hew son to join V enables in Ulster 

fidence in his troops, being all Scots) we have ordered the said 
troops to be disbanded, so that all the forces in this province, 
besides those left to secure your considerable garrisons, being 
about 1300 foot and 450 horse, have been all this summer and 
still are in the field with Col. Venables, who is appointed to 
attend the motion and to prevent the designs of the enemy, 
whose greatest strength in this province is in the County of 
Cavan, to which quarters it is probable the enemy, now in the 
north of Connaught, will fall as soon as they are pressed upon 
by your forces there ; for the prevention whereof Col. Hewson 
is lately ordered by my Lord Deputy to join with Col. Venables, 
and to endeavour the reducement of that country of Cavan, 
which now is entirely possessed by the enemy, and hitherto 
never came under contribution to the Parliament. 

" Your Lordships may be pleased further to understand that 
Sir Charles Coote (finding the forces under his command too 
few to lay a close siege to Galway and to attend the forces at 
lar-Connaught and in the northern parts of that province) 
made application to Col. Hewson for further supply, who 
furnished him with 300 foot, and afterwards to the Lord 
Deputy, who sent him 1000 foot and a regiment of horse, 
and ordered that Col. Hewson should supply him with 500 
foot more, which we conceive Col. Hewson is not in a con- 
dition to do and prosecute the service committed to his trust, 
unless he be enabled thereunto by the access of recruits lately 
come over from England. We humbly conceive it our duty 
to present your Lordships with this account of your affairs, 
that you may the better guess how far that expedition may be 
carried on before Limerick or Galway be reduced. 

" The news of the success which God hath been pleased to give 
his and your servants in their passage into Fife in Scotland, 
coming to our hands by your express, hath much refreshed our 
longing spirits. The Lord fit us with hearts answerable to our 
God's dealing towards us. If the alteration of affairs there 
may occasion other resolution in your Lordships touching the 
said expedition from hence, we humbly desire timely advertise- 
ment thereof. If our information be true, which we received 
from a prisoner of ours that came lately from thence, the 
Isle of Man 1 is ready for a reducement to your obedience, 

1 The Isle of Man was reduced bv Col. Duckenfield in October. 

1651] Measures to provision the army in Ulster 1 

the inhabitants being weary of their present condition, and 
are wishing for a time of deliverance from the power 
now exercised over them. Those pirates have done much 
mischief of late, and at present no vessel can pass in 
these seas without a convoy, as by our last, that was 
written before your Lordships' express came to us, we have 
given account. . . . We do not find our stay in these parts 
at present to be of any concernment till we hear from my Lord 
Deputy, and therefore shall go to Dublin, waiting there his 
Lordship's answer. The port that will be most fitting for the 
shipping the men and transportation of necessaries in order to 
this service will be Olderfleet, 1 not far from Carrickfergus, 
which is a very safe harbour for any vessel to come into, or 
ride in, and will be most fitting for the service either into 
Scotland or the Isle of Man." Belfast, 2 Aug. Ib. ff. 33-6. 


" We have taken a view of the condition of your forces 
and affairs in this province, and find the assessments (by 
agreement between Sir Charles Coote and the rest of the 
Commissioners and the country) settled until 1st November, 
is at a far lower rate than must of necessity be expected 
for the time to come, after the expiration of that agree- 
ment, for the maintenance of the forces that are left here, and 
we likewise find that Sir Charles Coote before his march into 
Connaught hath been necessitated to anticipate a great part of 
the assessment in the Lagan ; all which hath made the Revenue 
here short to answer the requiries of your forces in these 
parts. We have settled things at present in the best posture 
we could, for supplying of bread to your forces and answering 
the most necessary payments in the first place ; and under- 
standing that 8000 is ordered by the Council to be sent hither, 
whereof 7000 is expected to come over in specie, we have (to 
prevent the issuing of it to public disadvantage) ordered that 
it shall not be issued out, but by order from your Lordship, 
or the Commissioners of Parliament, to the end that where there 
is most exigence or pressing necessity supply may be made 

1 Now Lame : the name survives in Olderfleet Castle, the ruins of v^iich are 
still to be seen near the harbour. 

22 Money still needed for the service [i65i 

thereout ; but a great part of it must of necessity be suddenly 
issued out to supply the defect in the assessments for the pay 
of the forces here, and to buy corn [and] tents, and pay other 
necessary incidents. Sir Charles Coote hath desired that his 
personal pay for his two regiments may be paid here to his 
Lady, 1 which we shall order until further directions be given 
therein. We have had intimation to husband the treasury now 
sent over as much as may be, fearing it will be very long before 
further supplies come, which moved us to take this course 
about this parcel. ..." Belfast, 2 Aug. Ib. f. 37-8. 


" . . . We acknowledge ourselves exceedingly obliged unto 
you for your respect to us and great care in promoting 
the affairs of Ireland, especially in that of money, with- 
out which the service here would be at a stand. 2 The 
public affairs here will of necessity still depend upon some 
supply of treasure from England, until part of the forces may 
be disbanded and put in a way to plant the country, or the 
country better planted with inhabitants and stocks, neither of 
which can be expected these nine months at least as we fear. 
We have spent some time when we were last at Waterford in 
framing some proposals to be offered to the Parliament for 
satisfying the Adventurers and encouragement for planters 
and raising of money upon Irish lands ; but the Lord Deputy 
and Lieutenant-General having no time to bring that debate 
to a result, so as to perfect the same before their going into the 
field, we were fain to lay them aside until we meet again. All 
the forces now in Ulster consist of 4303 foot and 521 horse. 
All the horse and 1300 foot are drawn into the field by Col. 
Venables, with intention to take in the strong fort of Ballina- 

1 Sir Charles married first (about 1620) Mary, daughter and co-heiress of Sir 
Francis Rush of Castlejordan, co. Meath, who died 17 June 1623 (cf. Hardiman, 
Repertory of Inquisitions, Lagenia, 18 Jas. i and 14 Car. i). She died apparently 
about 1646. Her elder sister Eleanor married Sir Robert Loftus. His second 
wife, the lady referred to, was Jane, daughter of Sir Robert Hannay, who sur- 
vived him and married Sir Robert Reading of Dublin. She died 18 Nov. 1684 
and was buried in St Michan's. 

2 " No man," says Prof. Firth, " served the Commonwealth with more zeal " 
than Sir H. Vane. He " was elected a member of every Council of State 
chosen during the period, and his name is always high in the list of attendance. 
He was on every committee of importance." Life of Sir H. Vane, the younger, 
in Diet. Natl. Biog. 

1651] Scots in Ulster generally disaffected 23 

cargy in Cavan, as also to settle some garrisons there in the 
bowels of the enemy, as Belturbet and some others, and to 
attend the return of the rebels out of Connaught, that being 
one of the most likely places for them to retreat to whenever 
they shall be distressed there : 800 foot he hath appointed to 
draw together upon any emergency in his absence, having an 
eye upon the Scots, who do inhabit the greatest part of this 
country, and are generally disaffected. The residue of the 
forces are scattered in the several towns and other garrisons 
for the necessary defence of them and the country." Belfast, 
2 Aug. Ib. ff. 38 9. 


Enclosing an account of the victory over Sir John Brown 
in Fifeshire and informing him of the loss of the Hind 
frigate. Belfast, 2 Aug. Ib. L 43. 


" We could not omit this opportunity to let you know 
how we are indebted unto you, for your loving remembrance 
of us and giving these advertisements you imparted to 
us, which were the more welcome to us, for that thereby 
we did understand how great things our great and gracious 
God hath done for you and our dear friends with you, which 
we hope and pray he will still vouchsafe to continue, to his 
own glory and your joy and comfort, that so we also may 
joy and rejoice with you therein. We have no news to impart 
to you here worth your knowledge, save only that these parts 
are quiet and there is no breaking in of the enemy into these 
quarters ; and had we had the provisions of meal appointed for 
Ulster for the army, you would have heard of some action ; 
but you know what it is to march into a waste country no 
further than the Brown George 2 holds out and then to return. 
But now we have got a little meal that will hold out a month; 

1 John, afterwards Sir John, Reynolds came to Ireland with Venables in 
July 1649 and took part in the battle of Rathmines. He was appointed 
commissary-general of the horse in Ireland about April 1651 and was at this 
time with Ireton before Limerick. He was a zealous supporter of Cromwell, 
and was afterwards knighted by him and made Governor of Mardyke ; but was 
drowned in crossing over to England in Dec. 1657. See Life in Diet. Natl. Biog. 

2 I.e. a brown loaf. This is an earlier instance of the use of the pb/ase than is 
quoted in the Oxford Dictionary. 

24 Commissioners unable to send Coote money [1651 

and with much ado have got as much more in the country 
that will hold out another month, and so Col. Venables will 
join with Col. Hewson and do what the Lord shall direct and 
enable them to. . . ." Belfast, 2 Aug. 7&. f. 44. 


" The Lord Moore * hath been lately with us, and much 
importuned us either to give him a pass for England to 
solicit the Parliament on his own behalf, or that we would 
present his petition unto you. The former we did not hold 
fit and therefore have sent the enclosed [wanting], as well 
that he directed to the Parliament, as what he offered to us, 
unto which we shall only add that we are certainly informed 
from very good hands that his father was a gentleman of much 
honour and worth, and was slain by the Irish in your service 
on the head of his party. ..." Belfast, 7 Aug. Ib. L 47. 


Announcing that provisions were on the way to him and 
might be expected to have arrived in Galway Bay etc. 
" As concerning pay we do find (and we presume your Lord- 
ship well knows) that the Revenue of this province cannot 
possibly amount to so much as will discharge the pay of 
the forces here, and pay the debts contracted and charged 
upon the Revenue, to enable you to advance into Connaught, 
without very considerable supplies from England, neither do 
we know of any other way to supply that defect, in which 
respect we conceive these forces (if supplies come not from 
England) to be in a very hard condition ; but the wants of your 
Lordship's army we have presented to the Lord Deputy, who 
(we assure ourselves) will be sensible thereof. The orders we 
sent for conveying recruits to your Lordship by Dublin and 

1 Henry, third Viscount Moore of Drogheda, created Earl of Drogheda 14 
June 1661, was the eldest son of Sir Charles Moore, second viscount, who was 
killed at Portlester on 11 Sept. 1643, in an engagement against Owen Roe 
O'Neill " a most noble and worthy person," says Clogy (Life of Bishop Bedell, 
p. 177) " valiant for the truth, and exceeding bountiful to the soldiers for their 
encouragement." Owing to his delinquency at a time when Ireland was 
almost wholly under Ormond's control, Henry had run the risk of forfeiting his 
estate. His petition bore on this point. For documents relating to his case 
see Cal. State Papers, Irel. 1647-1660, pp. 668-670. 

i66i] Grant him leave to put a tax on Connaught 25 

Athlone, we conceive was the best course that we could take 
therein, there being here neither provision nor arms for them 
nor any way open for the conveying of them to Connaught, 
without stronger convoys than could be had here. We think fit 
to acquaint your Lordship that we cannot discern any indis- 
position in the officers here to engage in the service they have 
in charge, yet if your Lordship had been pleased to communi- 
cate unto us those reasons, which you mention as inducements 
to the contrary, it would have been some light unto us to inquire 
further into that matter. We have formerly intimated to you 
that, as to the settlement of the Province of Connaught, while 
the Parliament's armies are in the field, and the enemy so power- 
ful in the country, our presence there would signify little, and 
that it is more proper for the Lord Deputy to give order for 
management of affairs, while it continues in that posture, than 
for us ; and, in case the Lord Deputy do not give any order 
therein, we are of opinion that, if your Lordship (with the 
advice of the Council of War) do lay a contribution on the 
province, that may relieve and support your forces till 
November next, before which time we hope the Lord Deputy 
and Lieutenant-General with ourselves shall consider of such 
a tax as is fit to be laid on that province, in proportion with 
other parts of this nation, for and towards the pay of 
the army. 

" A party of 20 horse and 40 foot, going from Dundalk to the 
army about Armagh to convoy bread to them, was lately cut 
off in the field by the enemy, and the bread lost through the 
unadvisedness of the officer not observing his directions. Col. 
Venables is now marched towards the Fews, 1 to fall on that 
party of the enemy and clear those parts, and intends from 
thence immediately to march with his whole party to Ballina- 
cargy and Belturbet, where he expects to meet Col. Hewson, 
by whose assistance, with God's blessing, those parts may be 
reduced and secured to the Parliament, and we hope will also 
conduce to the diversion of some of the forces now gathered 
together in Connaught to oppose the Parliament's forces there, 
which is all at present." Belfast, 8 Aug. Ib. f. 48-51. 

1 The Fews (Fiodh i.e. a wood) was a district in the south of co. Armagh, 
originally in the possession of the O'Neills. The name is preserved in the 
barony of Upper Fews. 9 

26 Commissariat frauds Counterfeit money [i65i 


" . . . We understand that Captain Whit worth sent lately 
to Carlingford 22 tons of meal, as he calls it ; but, upon the 
receiving of it by the Commissary, it proved not full 14 tons, 
and that he shipped 50 tons for Gal way, and it may be that may 
come to the like account. Can you or he think that it is for 
the State's advantage to be thus used, or do not you daily see 
the prejudice the Commonwealth suffers by the pirates of the 
Isle of Man, upon the absence of their shipping necessarily em- 
ployed to convoy every vessel of meal, whenas one ship would 
at one time have convoyed all that was necessary to be sent 
into Connaught. ..." Belfast, 10 Aug. Ib. f. 53. 


" . . . We do now advise you to hasten what you can to 
conjoin with Col. Hewson, or to do the utmost that God by 
his providence shall lead you unto, that may either divert 
the enemy or give assistance to Col. Hewson. Let him under- 
stand where you are and of your motions. We have no 
certain news from England. . . ." It is reported that 10,000 
Scots have made forced marches into England. 16 Aug. 
Ib. f. 61. 


Regarding quantities of counterfeited and dipt coin im- 
ported into Ireland and the capture of one Christopher 
Jones on his way to England, who was pardoned to induce 
him to reveal the names of his accomplices. 19 Aug. 
Ib. f. 65. 


" Our last from Belfast gave an account of the receipt of 
your Lordships' to us concerning the design in Scotland and 
of our disability in these parts to perform that service, but 
that we had sent to my Lord Deputy for what forces could 
be spared from other parts, of which we have as yet no return 
and so cannot yet give any further account, only we do 

1651] Slow progress Leinster denuded of troops 27 

observe that, since your Lordships' letters to us and our 
answer sent thereunto, it hath pleased the Lord (who doth 
whatsoever pleaseth Him amongst the nations of the world) 
to have done great things in England, the issue of which is 
as yet altogether unknown unto us. And as for your affairs 
in Ireland we did verily hope ere this time we should have sent 
you other manner of* tidings, and we hope that God, who is our 
hope and strength, will let us see that it is best for us to be as 
we are. Your affairs in Connaught you may discern in what 
posture they were lately by this enclosed Christian letter 
[wanting] from the Lord Deputy. Neither have we heard of 
any action of concernment done there since, worthy your 
Lordships' knowledge, save that my Lord Deputy hath called 
to his assistance many of your forces that were left behind to 
secure garrisons and the quarters under protection, as Sir 
Theophilus Jones, Col. Hewson, Col. Venables, and we do 
believe Col. Sankey 1 and his party, so as in their absence the 
Tories and enemy left behind do spoil and much damage, and 
some garrisons they have surprised, as Raghreah 2 a pass over 
the Shannon, the castle of Kilkea, 3 within six miles of Carlo w, 
an island castle, but not near any river, but a very good horse 
quarter, also Mount Grange 4 upon the Barrow. They have 
driven away the preys and cattle from the gates of many 
garrisons, and some castles and garrisons in Leinster are in 
some danger ; but, we have no forces to send to them for their 

1 Colonel Hierome Sankey, or Zanchey, sometime a proctor in the University 
of Oxford, is said by Wood (Fasti Oxon.) to have been educated at Cambridge ; 
but " more fit in all respects to be a rude soldier than a scholar or man of 
polite parts. In the beginning of the Rebellion he threw off his gown and 
took up arms for the Parliament." Coming to Ireland with Cromwell, by 
whom he was charged with the relief of Passage in Dec. 1649 (Carlyle, 
Cromwell's Letters, ii, p. 196. Ed. 1871), he was wounded at the capture of 
Dundrum Castle in March the following year ; but had sufficiently recovered 
in May to head the storming party in the disastrous attack on Clonmel. He 
was appointed Governor of Clonmel Precinct, and is said to have treated 
the Irish with the utmost severity (Ludlow, Memoirs, i, 261, 322). He 
was afterwards involved in a lively controversy with Dr William Petty, 
whom he charged with fraud in the allocation of lands, which in his case 
much resembled pot calling pan black (Petty's Down Survey. Ed. Larcom, 
ch. xviii). He went to England in 1659 in command of the Irish Brigade 
and subsequently tried to arrange matters between Lambert and Monck. 
He was the founder of the family of Sankey of Coolmore, co. Tipperary. 

8 Rachra, now Shannon Bridge in Bang's County, where a more modern 
castle stands on the site of the old one. 

3 Kilkea Castle is in co. Kildare, in the barony of Kilkea and Moone. 

4 Called Monksgrange below, p. 37, which lies to the west of Kilkea, in 
Queen's County. 

28 Activity of the Enemy the Plague increases [i65i 

relief. Scurlock, 1 that doth command a considerable party of 
the enemy, hath lately been with his body, computed to be 
2000 foot and 400 horse, within six miles of this town. We 
have only a troop of horse that belong to the army and a 
company of foot for the castle ; but for the securing of the line 
we have no other guard but the citizens of this city. We are 
about to raise a troop of volunteers to give some countenance 
and assistance to the small party left here. And to all this it 
hath pleased God to continue the sickness, which of late is 
somewhat increased. Last week there died 50, whereof 40 of 
the plague. ..." 21 Aug. Ib. ff. 66-7. 

27. Ordered by the Commissioners that Thursday, 25 Aug. 
be kept as a day of solemn fast on account of the plague and 
other disasters. 21 Aug. Orders A/82. 42. f. 3. 


" We received yours of 5th August and, according to your 
commands therein, have sent enclosed [wanting] the names 
of such persons as deserve (by the best inquiry we can make 
here) to stand excepted from pardon for life, 2 the names of 
some of whom we have by two former letters sent to the 
Council of State ; and from the invitation of your said letter 
to signify what we think fit to be offered further concerning 
any particular of the Qualifications in relation to the present 
condition of affairs here, 3 we offer to your consideration that 
the 7th Qualification, concerning such as shall lay down 

1 Captain, afterwards Colonel, Thomas Scurlock was the eldest son of Patrick 
Scurlock of Rathcredan, co. Dublin, who together with Sir John Dungan 
represented the borough of Newcastle, co. Dublin, in Parliament in 1634. 
He served during the war as lieutenant in the Earl of Fingall's regiment on the 
side of the Confederates, was taken prisoner by Ormond and exchanged. He 
adhered to the peace of 1648[-9] and, as the documents here printed show, 
played a prominent part in the war against the Commonwealth. He was to 
have been included in the Articles of Kilkenny (p. 186) ; but as his name is not 
subsequently mentioned it is likely that he died about this time. His estate at 
Rathcredan was allotted to John Jones, one of the Commissioners of the Parlia- 
ment ; but at the Restoration was claimed and apparently recovered by his 
brother, Martin (Gal. Fiants, Eliz. Nos. 845, 1223, 6321 ; Col. State Papers, 
Irel., 1633-1647, pp. 63, 640, 655 ; ib. 1660-1662, pp. 51, 127). The name some- 
times appears as Scurlog ; but should not be confounded with Sherlock. 

2 There is a copy of the list of persons excepted from pardon for life in 
Egerton MS. 1048, No. 47 ; and of course in the Act of Settlement. 

8 This letter is interesting as showing that the idea of Qualifications was of 
an earlier date than Gardiner (Transplantation to Connaught, in Eng. Hist. 
Review, Oct. 1899) imagined. The fact is, the whole question of Qualifications, 

i65i] Conditions to be granted to the Irish 29 

arms etc., be so worded that the Lord Deputy-General shall 
have power to hold forth such a Qualification to such only of 
them as he shall think fit ; because the state of affairs as to 
that particular Qualification is much changed since the time 
the Qualifications were first agreed on and presented ; for 
then there appeared much difficulty of our entering Con- 
naught, and this Qualification was propounded as an induce- 
ment to a general laying down of arms and surrendering of 
garrisons by the enemy. But the Qualification we humbly 
conceive may now be too large, in positive pardoning such who 
shall hold out garrisons and places of fastness to the last, who 
for the most part are the most pernicious persons of all the 
nation ; and therefore it is humbly offered, that leaving out 
the first words in the said Qualification, it may run thus 
[That the Deputy-General of Ireland have power to declare 
that such person and persons as he shall judge capable of the 
Parliament's mercy not being comprehended in any of the 
former Qualifications] etc. prout sequitur in 7th Qualification. 
We likewise offer to your consideration the enclosed [wanting] 
branch to be added as a distinct Qualification, and to be placed 
as the 5th 1 that so none who are guilty of blood may be 
acquitted by the gth Qualification, the same clause being 
already published by the Lord Deputy and the Commissioners 
according to the enclosed [wanting] printed paper." 25 Aug. 
1651. Domestic Corresp. A/87. 49. f. 68. 


"We return you and the rest of the Commissioners our 

or the terms on which the Irish were to be received to mercy, had been discussed 
and settled by the Commissioners at their meeting with Ireton at Waterford in 
Jan. -Feb. 1651. It is evident that the difficulty presented by the Shannon 
had inclined them to offer more liberal terms than appeared necessary a month 
or two later. A comparison of the suggestions contained in this letter with the 
Act of Settlement of 12 Aug. 1652 (Firth and Rait, Acts and Ordinances, ii, 
pp. 598-603) shows that they were adopted. For a copy of the Qualifications 
see Egerton MS. 1048, No. 46. 

1 Excepting from pardon for life and estate those who did not within 
twenty-eight days lay down their arms. 

2 Colonel Richard Lawrence, governor at this time of the Precinct of Water- 
ford, came to Ireland with Cromwell. He was appointed one of the Commis- 
sioners to arrange the Articles of Kilkenny in 1652 ; but is best known by his 
controversy with Vincent Gookin as to the advisability of a wholesale trans- 
plantation of the Irish into Connaught. See his pamphlet, The Interest of 
England in the Irish Transplantation stated etc., Lond., 9 March 1654/5, and Life 
in Diet. Natl. Biog. Henry Lawrence, Lord President of the Council, was his 

30 False coin Limerick still holds out [1051 

acknowledgment of your care in the management of the 
affairs committed to you. We have examined the matter 
concerning the false coin you sent hither, and have 
transmitted the same with your letters to the Council. We 
hope it will produce some good effect. The gold we find to 
be silver cased, and the silver, upon assay made here, is 
reported to be sixpence in the piece less than the standard, 
and if the rest you stayed have no more alloy in them, we 
conceive it too great a prejudice to particular persons (who 
are innocent) to have them stopped in their hands, besides 
the general prejudice which at this time may ensue by 
stopping such money in pay, while the country is so full of 
them, and so little of other money stirring. If any of these 
pieces of eight be yet remaining in the hands of Machyn, 
or any other who have bought them at easy rates in England, 
and brought them over hither for their own advantage, we 
think it not fit that they be permitted to put them off but 
at the intrinsic value ; and, if the Treasurer hath put off any 
such pieces, we think fit that he be examined at what value 
he hath put them off, that so he may be answerable for the 
profit ; and that Machyn be kept in prison till the principals 
in England be taken, or further order from the Council of 
State or ourselves given. ..." 25 Aug. Ib. f. 69. 


"... As to your affairs here at present we are under 
many difficulties. The two great towns of Limerick and 
Gal way do still hold out, and my Lord Deputy and Sir 
Charles Coote have drawn away many of your forces that 
were left behind to secure the other parts of this nation, 
which we believe is done out of necessity to carry on the great 
work there ; but during this time the quarters in Ulster and 
Leinster are in great straits and hazards, and some castles and 
garrisons have been lately surprised, as we gave account in our 
last ; and by the plunder and spoil made by the enemy in our 
quarters the contributions are much lessened, whereby our 
soldiers should be paid, and by reason of the lengthening of the 
work in Connaught and the contribution taken by the enemy 
in our quarters, and the continued taking of preys and driving 
away cattle even from the gates of our garrisons, we cannot 

i65i] Small prospect of a speedy settlement 31 

see but the former supply of 2000 per mensem out of England 
must be continued for some time longer, or else your forces 
here must be put into confusion and to a desperate condition ; 
but after Connaught is reduced and the quarters in other 
parts secured we hope that charge will lessen in good 
measure. ..." 27 Aug. Ib. f. 71. 

31. Ordered by the Commissioners that Nicholas Fitzyeomans 
be set at liberty in order to raise forty or fifty able men to be 
transported by Capt. Richard Wiltshire into Spain. Aug. 27. 
Orders A/82. 42. f. 4. 


Provisions only require convoy in order to be sent to 
Trim : the plague still at Dundalk. 28 Aug. Domestic 
Corresp. A/8g. 49. f. 77. 


" Finding, by several intelligences from all parts, that the 
enemy, being dispersed in Connaught, are come towards the 
south of [the] Shannon, and have their design either to 
relieve Limerick or to make some attempt on this side the 
Shannon, Col. Venables is conjoined with Col. Hewson to 
attend about Athlone. Col. Sankey, with your party, to 
prosecute Fitzpatrick. 2 Scurlock, and his party of about 

1 Colonel George Cooke. 

2 Colonel John Fitzpatrick was the son of Florence Fitzpatrick of Castletown, 
Queen's County, and Bridget Darcy of Platin, co. Meath. His father played a 
prominent part in the Rebellion and was excepted from pardon for life and estate. 
The manner of his death is recorded below (p. 258). Of his mother it is recorded 
by Ludlow (Memoirs, i, p. 340) that she was charged with murdering the English 
" with this aggravation that she said she would make candles of their fat." 
Being found guilty by the High Court of Justice in 1653 " she was condemned 
to be burnt, and the sentence was executed accordingly." John joined the 
Confederate army and adhered to the peace of 1648/9. He was an active 
and enterprising officer and caused much trouble to the Commissioners of 
Parliament ; but he was one of the first to recognise the hopelessness of the 
struggle, and came in on terms on 7 March 1652 (see below, p. 151). 
According to his own account (see his petition in Cal. State Papers, Irel., 
1660-1662, p. 79), his submission entitled him to the retention of his estates ; 
but being " restless of subjection to that usurped power did together with 4000 
of his soldiers transport himself into Spain. He returned to Ireland at the 
Restoration and with Ormond's assistance got a special proviso inserted in the 
Act of Settlement for the restoration of his estate as his father had possessed it 
on 22 Oct. 1641 (ib. 1663-1665, p. 236). He married Elizabeth, fourth 
daughter of Thomas, Viscount Thurles, sister of the Duke of Ormond and 
widow of James Purcell, titular Baron of Loughmoe. He was included in 
James II's general act of attainder and died in 1693. 

32 Dublin menaced City -guard strengthened [i65i 

150 horse, yesterday took a great prey within a mile of this 
town, and hath taken sixty several horse, and the party that 
went hence to rescue them were repulsed with loss 25 killed 
and 22 prisoners. The particulars you will hear by these 
bearers. We shall desire you, according to former orders sent 
you, that you be vigilant to attend the motions of the enemy 
and to prosecute the orders you have received from my Lord 
Deputy. We, hearing that you were lately returned to 
Wexford with your party, held it our duty to give you 
advertisement of the present danger, that the several garrisons 
and quarters within Leinster are in, especially at this present 
in the absence of our forces, the enemy being heightened 
and much strengthened by this late attempt on this place. 
We hear, by the prisoners that were sent from the enemy, 
that they have 500 horse in Leinster and 1500 foot, and they 
look for Sir Walter Dungan * out of Connaught." 2 Sept. 

" P.S. Since the writing hereof we are credibly informed 
that Dungan is within ten miles of this place at Maynooth." 
Ib. f. 83. 

34. Ordered by the Commissioners that, because Scurlock 
has seized several persons belonging to Dublin in order to 
exact ransom, Lady Dungan, Miles Power and others at Castle- 
town be arrested. 2 Sept. Orders A/82. 42. f. 9. 

35. Ordered that, considering the state of affairs at Dublin, 
all train-bands and other inhabitants of the city, who are 
charged with horse or arms, do forthwith prepare their respec- 
tive horses, and all persons able to bear arms do immediately 
provide serviceable arms for themselves, sons, and servants to 
defend the city against any attempt on it. 2 Sept. Ib. f. 10. 

1 Sir Walter Dungan, or Dongan, was the eldest son and heir of Sir John 
Dongan of Castletown, co. Kildare, who with Patrick Scurlock represented 
Newcastle in Parliament in 1634. On the outbreak of the Rebellion his house 
was burned by the rebels and he and his family were compelled to take refuge 
in Dublin. He and Walter crossed over to England to testify to their loyalty 
and returning to Ireland served under Ormond. Sir John died about 1649, 
and Sir Walter was appointed Commissary-General of the Irish Horse. He 
played an active part in the war ; was appointed a Commissioner to arrange the 
Articles of Kilkenny and retired to Spain. (Cf. Thurloe, State Papers, iv, p. 628.) 
He died abroad and was succeeded by his brother William, who, on the 
Restoration, claimed and recovered the family estates ; was created Viscount 
Dongan and afterwards Earl of Limerick. He sat in James' Parliament, but 
was killed at the battle of the Boyne. Col. State Papers, Irel., 1660-1662, 
pp. 50, 262; Ludlow, Memoirs, i, 315; D' Alton, King James' Army List, 
p. 261. 

1651] Baggotrath preyed by the Enemy 33 


" The present posture and condition of this city and the 
garrisons in Leinster is best known to yourself, and in what 
danger they are in, either to relieve themselves or send any 
succour to any castle or garrison, in case any enemy make 
any attempt upon them. A sad ensample we had yesterday 
by a party of the enemy from Wicklow mountains under 
Scurlock, consisting of about 150 horse and some 30 foot, 
who came to drive away the cows, horse, and cattle, that were 
grazing at Baggotrath, within a mile of this town ; and upon 
the notice thereof Captain Hewlett 1 drew forth with what 
forces could be raised of his own troop, the new raised troop 
of auxiliaries within this city, and some part of Captain 
Ward's troop, in all not inferior in number to the enemy ; 
but the enemy fell upon such of them as pursued closely and 
did worst them. Captain Howlett came off wounded, we 
hope not mortal, 25 slain at the place, 21 taken prisoners ; 
but are since returned on their parole, and not a few men 
in the pursuit cut and wounded. The number of horse taken 
by them is a great loss to us, and a greater advantage to 
them. We fear they have no less than 100 horse, 60 whereof 
are very good and serviceable horses. We see 'tis not our 
number or strength or cause that will do our work, if the 
Lord our God and his gracious assisting presence be not also 
with us. The good Lord teach us to make a good use of this 
sad stroke now upon us ! 

" By this blow our little outward strength we had is much 
weakened, and what to do if any further attempt should be 
made on this city or any garrison in Leinster we know not. 
We are credibly informed that the party of the enemy in 
Leinster is in all 500 horse and 1500 foot, before this additional 
strength they got by this our loss, and they are in expectation 
of the additional strength of Sir W. Dungan and his party, 
and then we or some of your garrisons must expect some 
attempt. In the meantime they are settling the contribution 
within Leinster to encourage their own party. We know 

1 Perhaps to be identified with Capt. William Hewlet. If so, he recovered 
from his wound and survived till 1667, when he was hanged for his share in the 
execution of Charlea I. Col. State Papers, Irel., 1667, p. 488 and cf. Hist MSS. 
Comm., 8th Kept., App., pp. 502, 512. _ 

34 Hewson recalled to Dublin [1651 

the necessity of your conjunction and being in a body about 
Athlone, where you find the forces of the enemy to gather, 
and we hope you will not fall to any work at Galway in hopes 
to recover that place with the hazard of the loss of this city and 
these garrisons. We do not understand how such counsels may 
consist with the interest of England in these parts, from whence 
they must expect their infesting, being nearest to them, and 
Galway and those parts further from them, either to be relieved 
by them, or whence any enemy may come to them, if there be 
any likelihood of any sudden engagement between you, and 
the several parties with you against the enemy. We know 
'tis best for you to hold your conjunction and not to divide ; 
but, if that be not for you, we hope your party with Sir 
Theophilus Jones and Col. Venables, with the moving bodies 
with Commissary-General Reynolds and those with him, may 
spare some foot and horse to come hither, that we may be 
in some posture to defend ourselves, and relieve our Leinster 
garrisons, as they shall be in any strait ; but at present we 
cannot either relieve ourselves, having no men competent or 
fitting to defend our line against an enemy, much less to send 
any relief or succour to any of the garrisons. We know not 
in what condition you are in, and therefore cannot advise at 
this distance ; but do pray you to be sensible of our condition 
and what loss it may be to England if this place, Drogheda, 
Ross, or any other of the garrisons upon the great rivers should 
be lost. 

" We hear Col. Cooke with his party are returned to Wexford. 
We have sent to him and advised to draw forth again and 
pursue his last orders from my Lord, which was to join with 
Sankey on attending Fitzpatrick and the enemy in those 
parts. Upon consideration of your weakness of body to 
attend field service as formerly, and indeed of the great want 
we have of you, both for counsel and action here, we are of 
opinion it were very fitting you did come to this place, where 
there is no little want of you to these ends, and to that 
purpose have written to my Lord Deputy and do hereby 
signify the same to you. 

" As for news out of England the last we had we send 
you herewith [wanting] , and a copy of Digby 's * letter to 

1 General Sir John Digby : died 1652. 

1651] Garrison at Maynooth alarmed 35 

Clanricarde, 1 which Digby is brother to Lord George Digby, 
and follows his steps in upholding their party with lies and 
falsehood, which is still their refuge, as you may well perceive 
by that letter. The mischance he mentions in his letter 
that befel the frigate, that should have carried him to 
France, was that, when the Lord of Derby 2 landed, the 
country people did fire three of his frigates and vessels 
that transported his men, and amongst others Cotterell, 
that old pirate, is taken by the country people as prisoner, 
as we hear. The troops of Captain Pemberton and Captain 
Alland 3 (lying at Maynooth till they should receive further 
orders) had an alarm that Dungan and his party were to 
be about Maynooth on Tuesday night, and hearing of our 
loss here at Dublin, they came to us yesterday and are now 
in and about this city, and, as we have intelligence, they shall 
move. The bread could not be gotten ready till this day. If 
Col. Venables be not with you, send the enclosed [wanting] to 
him with the news from England, if he know it not already. 
You may break open the enclosed to him and seal it again 
before you send it to him. We hope you will consider of 
the sad condition of this place and garrisons in these parts 
and remember us also in your prayers. ..." 3 Sept. 
Domestic Corresp. A/8g. 49. ff. 84-7. 


" We have received since our return from the north three 
letters from your Lordship, to all which, having this oppor- 

1 Ulick Burke, fifth earl of Clanricarde, born in 1604, was a consistent 
supporter of the royalist cause in Ireland, and when Ormond retired from the 
Government in Dec. 1650 he transferred his powers to him as Lord Deputy ; but 
his authority was not generally acknowledged by the Irish, especially the 
clerical party, who were anxious to enlist the assistance of the Duke of Lorraine 
on conditions which he refused to approve. He was excepted by name from 
pardon for life and estate in the Act of Settlement of 12 Aug. 1652 ; but 
afterwards came to terms with the Government, and being allowed to transport 
himself to England he died at his house at Summerhill in Kent in July 1657. 
His Memoirs are a valuable source of information for the war and particularly 
as regards the negotiations with the Duke of Lorraine in 1651. 

2 James Stanley, seventh Earl of Derby, known as the " martyr earl." 

3 Captain Henry Alland, of Col. Pretty's regiment of horse, disbanded in Sept. 
1655 and allotted lands in co. Waterford (Prendergast, Cromwellian Settlement, 
p. 218), was one of the few officers who remained faithful to Ludlow, who 
appointed him Governor of Passage in 1659. Ho was arrested at a conventicle 
at Dublin in Nov. 1662, at the same time as Major-General John Desborough, 
on a charge of plotting against the Government. Cal. State Papers, Irel. 
1660-1662, p. 617. 

36 Estimated charges for Wexford Precinct [1651 

tunity (which we have long waited for) we return you this 
account. Your first was of 5th July, touching a pension to 
be settled on Major Walker's wife, your Lordship's Ensign's 
wife and Mrs Saul ; all which we have settled according to 
your Lordship's intimation, as may appear by the enclosed 
orders [wanting]. We desire the blanks therein may be filled 
up and the same conveyed to the several persons. 

" Your second was of I2th July, touching pay for the forces 
in the Precinct of Wexford. Touching which, we answer that, 
before our going into Ulster, we had estimated the charge of 
the pay for the forces to be maintained there, viz. 14 foot 
companies, consisting of 100 in each, besides officers and 3 
troops of horse, viz. Col. Cooke's troop, consisting of 100 troops 
besides officers, Captain Bolton's * and Captain Towgood's, 2 
consisting each of 80 besides officers ; the charge of whom, with 
40 dragoons, staff officers, baggage, horse drivers, muster 
master, commissary of provisions and stores, and five gunners, 
came to per mensem, at 35. 3d. each foot soldier, and 75. 3d. to 
each trooper, in money and bread 1845. 15. 8 ; towards 
payment of which was assessed on the County of Wexford 
1500 and on part of Wicklow 250 ; which assessment came 
short to answer the charge 95 per mensem. To supply which 
defect, and what else might fall short in some wasted baronies, 
we assigned 400 a month (for two months) to be paid by 
Mr Standish 3 out of the London treasury, 400 whereof, we 
understand, hath been received by them. But if the 
14 foot companies be recruited, as your Lordship's letter 

1 Captain William Bolton of Col. Pretty's regiment of horse disbanded in 
Sept. 1655. The estate of Mount Bolton obtained by him in settlement of 
his arrears is situated about ten miles from Waterford. 

2 Captain Sampson Towgood, apparently of a Somersetshire family, 
acquired, in addition to the estate of Tibraghny, or Tyburoughny in 
co. Kilkenny, considerable property in New Ross and Cork. He belonged 
to the Coote-Broghill party and signed the letter reproaching Ludlow with 
his behaviour at the eve of the Restoration. (Ludlow, Memoirs, ii, 455.) 
In 1663 he married Anne Hall, and died in 1670. His property passed to his 
brother George of Ballincolla (co. Cork), near Castletown, who, dying about 
1680, left a son, Sampson of Kilcolman, who died in April 1693. The 
Towgoods were related by marriage to the Gookins. 

3 James Standish, Deputy Treasurer for the Army in Ireland. " 1 think," 
wrote Fleetwood in a letter recommending Standish to the attention of 
Secretary Thurloe (State Papers, iii, p. 445), " I may say with much confidence, 
that there was never any person served a State with greater faithfulness and 
good husbandry than himself." Standish acquired certain lands in co. Kildare 
by purchase, and was confirmed in the possession of them by special order of 
Charles II. 

1651] Kilkea and Monk's Grange captured by the Irish 37 

seems to advise they should, to 120 in a company, it will 
amount the charge to 182 per mensem more, which in all 
makes 2027. 15. 8 ; towards which, if but 900 be raised out 
of the County of Wexford and about 450 in bread and 
cheese, at ninepence bread and sixpence cheese, as your 
Lordship hath ordered them allowance of, there will be wanting 
to pay up those forces 677. 15. 8, per mensem, which we know 
not how otherwise will be supplied than out of the treasury 
that comes from England. We have the last week sent to 
Wexford for their present supply 300 out of the receipts of 
customs at Dublin, which, when 1000 more is paid for corn, 
provisions and other incidents concerning the army, and for 
which we have this day given our order for payment of, there 
will remain in the treasury here but (as may appear undei 
the Treasurer's hand herewith sent) 100. And, that your 
Lordship may better judge how little possibility there is of 
supplying the defects at Wexford from this place, we have, 
enclosed [wanting], sent also the state of the Revenue and 
charge in this precinct faithfully and exactly so far as we 
can at present come to the certain knowledge of particulars. 
You will likewise find by a paper enclosed [wanting] what 
a small proportion of the cash from England is appointed for 
this place and upon what consideration the alteration was 
made, and yet that proportion is not fully transmitted hither. 
" The drawing of Col. Hewson with all his forces so far towards 
Connaught hath given an opportunity to the enemy in these 
quarters to grow numerous, and bold insomuch that about 
fourteen days since they have surprised Kilkea and Monk's 
Grange upon the Barrow. Scurlock, having the command of 
the forces in Wicklow and those parts, is grown of con- 
siderable strength, reported to have under his command in 
Leinster 500 horse and 1500 foot, and no force at all left to 
oppose him, but Capt. Hewlett, commanding Col. Hewson's 
troop, which, although it goes for 150 horse, hath not in 
it 80 serviceable horses. The sense of our weakness here hath 
led us to order the enlisting of all the able horse we have 
in town (being about 100), and to form them into a troop 
for the strengthening of guards within the town, we having 
none but townsmen (and most of them very unfit and careless) 
to keep the town. This our weak posture and condition being 

38 Irish elated by their successes [1651 

well known to the enemy, produced a sad effect on the last 
Lord's Day, when, about noon, Scurlock, with about 150 
horse and 30 lire-locks, came to Ring's End and Baggotrath, 
and preyed all the cattle in these grounds, and amongst the 
rest all the draught oxen and many horses, whereof 28 horses 
were belonging to a commanded party sent the night before 
by Col. Hewson, for a convoy to some provisions which he writ 
for. For the recovery of the prey Capt. Hewlett got 30 or 40 of 
his men together, with which and about 40 more of the town 
horse he pursued five miles, and there the enemy (having chosen 
their ground and had full view of his strength) engaged, and 
[he] was immediately worsted, himself wounded in the head and 
back ; Capt. Sankey, who was with him, taken prisoner with 
22 more, 25 slain, about 100 horses in the fight and prey lost 
and above 120 cows and oxen. He [Scurlock] gave Capt. 
Sankey and all the soldiers taken their parole for ten days ; 
but the townsmen he keeps to ransom. 

" Last night Major Pemberton's, Capt. Ward's and Capt. 
Alland's troops (being come to Maynooth to stay there 
till the convoy came to them) came to this town upon 
intelligence that Dungan, with 800 horse and 4000 foot was 
come into those quarters, and was to be at Castletown within 
two miles of Maynooth that night. What truth may be in this 
report we cannot yet judge ; but we find that the enemy's 
spirits are so heightened in these parts that the contributions 
in all these quarters will be wholly lost, and the garrisons 
endangered unless some considerable force be in these parts 
to disperse them. We understand that Col. Hewson is very 
infirm in health and unable to bear those marches, which will 
be requisite in prosecuting the service in the field, and his 
presence and advice here would be very useful, which we 
humbly offer to your Lordship's consideration. We give 
your Lordship also an account that we have, in all places 
where we have yet been, left a dormant warrant in the hands of 
the Chief Governors or Commissioners of the Revenue, for the 
respective Treasurers' payment, out of the receipts of custom 
or excise [of] such sums of money for fortifications, intelligence 
and other incidents, as, upon advice with the said Governors 
and Commissioners, we conceived would be necessary at present ; 
and the like order for 200 was left with Col. Sankey, as we 

1661] The Plague begins to abate at Dublin 39 

also had done at Waterford, Wexford, Kilkenny, Carlow etc., 
and have by the enclosed order granted 300 more, as we shall 
be ready to do to other places upon intimation from the re- 
spective Governors or Commissioners of their respective wants. 

" Having presented your Lordship with the present condition 
of this precinct we thought fit in the next place to trouble you 
with the state of your affairs in Ulster, which you will find (so 
far as they came to our knowledge upon the place) set down in 
the paper enclosed [wanting] . 

" Your Lordship's third letter was of 23rd August, wherein 
you gave us great cause to return our most humble thanks for 
the very exact relation therein sent us, of the present condition 
of affairs in the parts near your Lordship, and of your sense and 
apprehension of the overtures made by the Council, in order 
to a northern expedition, which we shall take the boldness to 
present to the Council in your Lordship's own language, which 
indeed will admit no variation to advantage, and doubtless will 
be very satisfactory in all the particulars, that design being 
now probably laid aside by a special hand of Divine Providence 
changing the scene and stage of the war (we hope) in much 
mercy and love to his people, and in order to set a period to 
their troubles and their adversaries' power, however to bring 
his glorious purposes to pass. The enclosed papers [wanting] 
will inform your Lordship of the last news we received from 
England. We are in daily expectation of further news from 
thence, which we shall endeavour to have conveyed to your 
Lordship as soon as it comes to our hands. Col. Monck 
commands in chief in Scotland, being Lieut. -General of the 
Ordnance. St Johnstoun was delivered unto the Lord Lieu- 
tenant before he came away and Monck is in Stirling town, 
and planted his guns upon the church to play against the 
castles. The sickness hath been very much in this town. 
Fifty and sixty died weekly for many weeks past : it now 
begins to abate. Captain Wilsheer died four days since 
of a surfeit with eating fresh herrings. His partners will 
be much prejudiced by a bargain he made to procure and 
deliver in Spain 300 men, if the merchant can fasten it 
upon them, there being no way found here tp furnish 
him with so many men. The enclosed paper [wanting] is 
a copy of a letter intercepted three days since coming 

40 God's merciful dispensations 

from the Isle of Man from Digby or Dives 1 to Clanri- 
carde. We have sent enclosed a character [i.e. cypher] to be 
made use of between your Lordship and us if occasion require. 
The affairs in Ireland seem at present to be attended with 
many difficulties, the enemy growing numerous in very many 
quarters notwithstanding the many victories God hath given 
your forces against them, by reason whereof the contributions 
in most places in Ireland fall short of answering the charge of 
the forces appointed to be paid in the respective precincts ; 
the treasury from England slow in coming over to answer these 
defects ; nor much to be expected thence as things now stand. 
Our hope is in God that through his grace the deliverance of his 
people from this trade of war is near at hand, and that the power 
of these men of blood draws to an end. His merciful dis- 
pensations to his servants are the more sweet and apparent 
when they break through straits and difficulties. The Lord, 
that hath made you faithful to carry on his work, fill you with 
his wisdom, and arm you with his power to finish the same to 
the honour of his name and comfort of his people." 3 Sept. 
Ib. if. 91-7. 


" Having received letters from Col. Venables, expressing his 
desire and offering his advice, that it would be of much 

1 Sir Lewis Dives or Dyve (1599-1669), a well-known royalist agent, was the 
son of John Dyve of Bromham, Bedfordshire, and Beatrix, daughter of Charles 
Walcot, who afterward =t married John Digby, first Earl of Bristol. Pepys says 
that he was a great gambler in his time and tells a " pretty story " of his escape 
after Charles' execution (Diary, Ed. Wheatley, vii, 228, 262) which is con- 
firmed in the main point by Ludlow (Memoirs, i, 220). He served in Ireland 
under Ormond in 1650, and a letter of hi^ describing the siege of Clonmel is 
printed in Gilbert, Contemp. Hist, of Affairs, ii, p. 410. See his Life in 
Diet. Natl. Biog. 

2 The Commissioners were Cols. Venables, Arthur Hill, Robert Barrow, James 
Traill, Tobias Norris and Major George Rawdon. For Venables see p. 12. 

Colonel Arthur Hill, the younger son of Moses Hill (from whom the Earls of 
Hillsbo rough descend), was born in 1600. On the death of his nephew Francis, 
son of his elder brother Peter, in 1 637, he succeeded to the large family estates 
in co. Down and Antrim. He raised a loyalist regiment at the outbreak of 
the Rebellion in 1641, refused to take the Covenant and continued to serve 
under the Parliament ; but afterwards used his influence to support the 
Restoration. See Life in Diet. Natl. Biog. 

Col. Robert Barrow, apparently of an Oxfordshire family, came to Ireland in 
1649 as Lt. -colonel in Venables' regiment. He is described by Adair (True 
Narrative, pp. 207-208) as an Anabaptist and a strong opponent of Presby- 
terianism, but " not of a malicious disposition." He acquired a 150 
adventure from one Wm. Brisby, salter, of London, which was satisfied with 
lands in the barony of Ards, co. Down, belonging to William Montgomery of 

is ~i65i] Additional Commissioner for Ulster 41 

advantage to the public service that some of your number 
were constantly residing in the field with the forces, for 
the better ordering of affairs there, which for several reasons 
we conceive advisable, and for that and other reasons, we 
thought fit to add this bearer Sir George Blundell x to your 
number, who we hope will be very diligent and serviceable 

Rosemount ; but he was induced to surrender his claim by Henry Cromwell 
on receiving payment of the debt. (Col. State Papers. Irel., 1647-1660, pp. 481, 
534 ; Hill, Montgomery MSS., p. 203 sqq.) In 1659 he played a prominent 
part as negotiator between Ludlow and Monck and the army leaders in 
Ireland. Ludlow, Memoirs, ii, pp. 128, 129, 136, 141, 159, 176. 

Lt.-Col. James Tra*'ll, " a very learned and religious master," had been tutor 
and travelling companion to Jame^ Hamilton, second Viscount Claneboy, on 
the Continent in 1633-1635. He served in Lord Clane boy's regiment, receiving 
a commission as Captain of Foot from the Parliament in April 1648. He was a 
jQaan,of great probity of character and much trusted by the Government in the 
matter of the assessments. He seems to have acquired a small estate in the 
neighbourhood of Larne and was one of the executors of Lord Clanebov's will. 
Lowry, Hamilton MSS., pp. 40-42, 84 ; Gal. State Papers, Irel., 1633-1647, 
pp. 392, 611; ib. 1847-1860, pp. 12, 383, 661. 

Tobias Norris apparently of Newcastle, co. Down, was on the outbreak of 
the Rebellion employed by the Lords Justices in providing clothes for the army 
in Ulster. He invested all his money (3336) in his business, was appointed 
Commissary at Belfast for victualling the army in Ulster in Aug. 1646, and, 
being only partly repaid the debt owing to him, he was assigned lands in the 
barony of Glenarm, co. Antrim, in settlement of the remainder in 1655. Col. 
State Papers, Irel., 1633-1647, pp. 494, 770; ib. 1647-1660, pp. 19, 574; ib. 
1663-1665, p. 340. 

Major George Rawdon (1604-1684) of Rawdon near Leeds, began life as 
private secretary to Lord Conway and Killulta, by whom he was probably 
induced to settle in Ulster, where he acquired considerable property at Moira, 
co. Down. He acted as agent for the management of the Conway estates 
and on the outbreak of the Rebellion successfully- defended Lisbum against 
Sir Phelim O'Neill. In 1645 he was made Major of Col. Hill's regiment 
of horse and served in Ulster till the execution of Charles I. He accepted 
the office of a Commissioner of Revenue under the Commonwealth in his 
own and Lord Conway's interest ; but he was a lukewarm supporter of 
the Government and took an active part in preparing the Restoration. 
He was a vigorous correspondent, and his letters, of which many have been 
printed 1 in the Calendars (Irish and Domestic) of State Papers throw much 
interesting light on the state of affairs in co. Down during his lifetime. See 
Life in Diet. Natl. Biog. 

The main business occupying the Commissioners was the sequestration of 
Delinquents' estates. For more on this subject see below, p. 71. 

1 Sir George Blundell was the eldest son of Sir Francis Blundell, who came to 
Ireland at the beginning of James I's reign, and having received a reversion of 
the office of Surveyor-General in succession to Sir William Parsons in 1609, sat 
for Lifford in Parliament in 1613-1615, and being knighted at the same time, 
afterwards obtained a grant of 500 acres in the plantation of Wexford, and was 
appointed Vice-Treasurer of Ireland in 1 622, having paid 2750 for the office ; 
but died a year or two later. An interesting " Discourse concerning the Planta- 
tions " by him is preserved in Harl. MS. 3292, ff. 40-5. His widow resided at 
Dublin with her family during the Rebellion. Sir George offered his services 
to Government, was recommended by the Irish Committee to IJfonck for 
employment and appointed (as above) a Commissioner of Revenue at Belfast 
in 1651. He supported the Restoration and was returned M.P. for 
Philipstown in 1661. 

42 Dundalk and Omagh preyed by the Irish 

and therefore have advised him to hasten down to you with 
all possible speed. ..." 5 Sept. Ib. f. 100. 


" These are to let you know that we do much long to hear 
from you, and the result you shall take upon the last letter 
directed to you. We shall now only inform you, that we have 
lately heard from Col. Cooke at Wexf ord, who is, we hope, 
upon his march to conjoin with Col. Sankey, according to 
my Lord's orders. Our news from Scotland, by one that is 
lately come from thence, is that Stirling Castle is rendered 
to Col. Monck 1 ; and we do hear from the north, from 
several hands, that the quarters in Ulster are in very great 
danger, now all the forces both horse and foot are drawn away ; 
Dundalk quarters are preyed and some corn there burnt. If 
Col. Venables be not with you let him know so much, and 
have copies of the enclosed, if he has not heard of it before. 
In what posture affairs are with you we know not, and there- 
fore at this distance cannot advise. We see all parts are in 
danger and much fear. The Lord of Counsel give you 
wisdom and counsel and also be present in all your under- 
takings for him and his glory, which is the prayer of your 
assured etc. 

"P.S. The troops of Capt. Alland, Pemberton and Ward 
were the last night at Maynooth. The Liffey being up they 
could not pass ; but hope this day to pass to Kildare, where 
we have ordered them to be in readiness to attend the 
enemy's motions until further orders." 8 Sept. Ib. f. 101. 


" , . . By letters from Derry the 29 th August we are 
informed that the country of Omagh is preyed by the enemy, 
and the British men, women and children stripped and 
some slain ; the enemy faced the Omagh with about 300 horse 
and seven or eight hundred foot. All the forces of Ulster are 
with Col. Venables. Dundalk was lately preyed and some 
corn thereabouts fired. ..." 8 Sept. Ib. f. 102. 

1 Stirling Castle surrendered on 14 Aug. 

1651] Rumours of an intended invasion 43 


" We have received intelligence from the north of Ireland 
this day, that Bartlett l and another came to the bay of 
Carrickfergus and took a merchant ship out of the Channel, and 
that he lieth still about Glenarm, northward of Carrickfergus, 
where he took some prisoners and plundered the town. We 
have likewise intelligence that Stirling castle is rendered to 
Lt. -General Monck, and that there are 2000 of the Scots forces 
under the Earl of Galloway 2 about Port Patrick in Scotland, 
and lest there may be a design of transporting the forces into 
the north of Ireland, to create new troubles there, there being 
no probability of their subsistence any longer in that part of 
Scotland. We conceive it necessary that one or more ships of 
war should ply for some time between Dunluce and Carlingford, 
to endeavour the prevention of such a design, if any such should 
be attempted. We have despatched this boat of purpose to 
give you this advertisement, and to desire your special care for 
the preservation of those coasts, so far as it may be consistent 
with other commands lying upon you of greater importance. 
What occurrences of affairs either from England or Scotland 
comes to your knowledge we desire you to communicate to your 
assured friends." 8 Sept. Ib. f. 103. 

42. Ordered by the Commissioners that Thursday, 25th Sept. 
be kept as a day of thanksgiving for the Scottish victory. 
12 Sept. Orders A/82. 42. f. 19. 


" This day we received yours of 12 th inst. September and 
are glad that the good hand of Providence hath brought you 
into these parts for the security of these quarters and for the 
further diversion and dissipation of the enemies." Concludes 

1 Capt. John Bartlett, an active royalist privateer, had with his brother, 
Capt. Thomas, greatly contributed to the relief of Drogheda in 1642. He was 
rewarded at the Restoration for his loyalty, and in compensation for^his losses 
was appointed to guard the Irish Channel. 

2 Galway in original : the person meant was James Stewart, Earl of 
Galloway (1604-1671). 

44 Discovery of false and clipped money [1651 

with rejoicings at the good news from England. 1 15 Sept. 
Domestic Corresp. A/Sg. 49. f. 108. 


" In our letter of igth August last we gave your Lordships 
an account of the beginning of a discovery of some persons 
in London, that have made it a trade to send over into 
Ireland great quantities of dipt and false money, both gold 
and silver, and of the examination and confession of one 
Christopher Jones, who, being taken upon suspicion, hath 
discovered his correspondents. The persons mentioned in 
that discovery are Thomas Hartup, servant to Mr Robert 
Fenn a merchant in Bradstreet, 2 William Smith a packing 
porter in Basingshaw Street, 3 London, Richard Hill a refiner 
in Woodstreet and one Mr Booth a goldsmith in Cheapside, 
next the Naghead tavern. We hope these are apprehended 
and examined ; but fearing that [our] letters might have 
miscarried, we again send a copy thereof enclosed. 

" Since which former letter we do find that in six hogsheads 
of coperas there was sent over four little barrels of pieces 
of eight, 4 of about 200 in each barrel ; one of them was 
sent over from the said Mr Hill to Mr Toxteth at Drogheda, 
who is a treasurer there, and the other three from one Mr 
Markes, servant to Alderman Avery, unto one Mr Taylor of 
Dublin, lately dead ; but the said pieces of eight sent to 
Taylor were packed up in Hill's house and by his privity. 
The said Taylor was servant to Alderman Kenrick or to 
another merchant in London of that name. We do not find 
that Alderman Fenn, Alderman Avery, or Alderman Ken- 
rick 5 were at the least privy hereto ; but their servants made 
use of what cash they could come by to promote their design. 
Upon the news of Taylor's death, the said Mr Markes, servant 

1 The victory at Worcester on 3 Sept. 

2 Bread Street. 

3 Basinghall Street. 

4 The old monetary system of Spain was based on the hard silver dollar (equal 
to 4s. 2d. to 4s. 9d.), called a piece of eight apparently because it contained 
eight reals, Mexican Plate, which was the chief money of account in Spanish 
America. The price of the piece of eight or Spanish Royal was fixed for pay- 
ments in Ireland in 1646 at 5s. 

6 Alderman John Kendrick and Samuel Avery, two well-known London 
citizens, were appointed treasurers for receiving money subscribed under the 
Doubling Ordinance in 1643. As Adventurers both acquired large estates in 

1651] Arrests in connection with the same 45 

to Alderman A very, is come to Chester, to come over about 
Taylor's estate, which is of some good value and with whom 
Markes was a partner. Some passages that fell out at Taylor's 
death we send herewith [wanting]. Napper, that was agent 
for Taylor, we have committed, whom we find to be a very 
dangerous fellow and pretended to come over to practise 
physic. He lived alone in a great house near the river side, 
none living with him there but the said Taylor, a single person. 
Since Taylor's death the said Napper caused Taylor's writings 
and four little firkins of the counterfeit and base money to be 
hid in a garden, and buried underground ; and there was also a 
desk of letters and accounts belonging to Taylor hidden in the 
same manner. We do find there was some quantity of gold 
sent from the parties above named unto the said Taylor, but it 
is not yet discovered. Napper, being examined, what it was 
that Taylor wished him to have a care of ; his answer was, it 
was an acquittance from Taylor's master unto the said Taylor, 
which was in the hogshead of tobacco, and that he had sent the 
same in a letter to Markes ; but, we having intercepted that 
letter, there was no such matter therein. We find Hartup hath 
some notice of Jones's discovery : a copy of a letter written by 
him we send enclosed [wanting], and by another letter, written 
in a counterfeit hand by another name, they desire to know 
whether Jones be dead or alive. The coin that is before us is 
of several sorts. We think some of it may be of the Peru silver, 
and in their letter is called fine cloth, which cost them three 
shillings and sixpence, as they say, a yard ; but there is 
some coarser, and we suspect is of a more base condition. 
A copy of one of Booth's letters sent to Taylor about the 
said counterfeit money we send herewith [wanting]. The 
books and writings of Jones sent to England before his 
apprehension were stayed by our orders at Chester, and are 
coming over to us. We have given your Lordships account 
of this particular, hoping that the further discovery hereof 
may prevent for the future in some measure this great 
growing mischief." 17 Sept. Ib. ff. 109-110. 


" We have not of late troubled you with our letters, not 
having anything worth your knowledge to impart unto you, 

46 Limerick closely besieged by Ireton [i65i 

and shall now let you know the present posture of your 
affairs here. Limerick is close besieged with strong forts 
round about it, and Sir Hardress Waller x with the greatest 
part of the foot of the marching army and nine troops of horse, 
to man the works and make good the siege. The Lord 
Deputy and Lieut. -General with twelve troops of horse, 
the life guard and three troops of dragoons and about 2000 
foot in a moving body to attend any motions and attempts 
of the enemy, who as they gather together and make any 
attempt is ready to meet with them. The enemy it * doth 
consist of 2000 old foot and about five or six hundred horse 
under Murtough O'Brien 3 and David Roche, 4 who have been 
a growing troublesome enemy, and have put my Lord and his 
party to very hard marches in bogs and woods to find them 
out, but yet through the help of God your forces have been 
enabled to disperse them and have frustrated their attempts, 
and have lodged some garrisons where their several haunts 
are ; and what forces are not placed in the said garrisons, 
being ten troops of horse and 1500 foot, are so placed as to 
prevent the field enemy on that side the Shannon from attempt- 
ing anything on Limerick, and to countenance the garrisons 

1 Sir Hardress Waller, of a Kentish family, born about 1604, seems to have 
come to Ireland, probably at the suggestion of Richard Boyle, Earl of Cork, 
about 1625, and to have settled down at Waterford. Through his marriage with 
Elizabeth, daughter and co-heiress of Sir John Dowdall of Kilfinny, co. 
Limerick, he acquired a considerable estate at Castletown in that county. He 
represented Askeaton in Parliament in 1634 ; served both in England and 
Ireland during the war ; was appointed one of Charles I's judges and signed 
the death warrant. He took a prominent part in the conquest and settle- 
ment of Ireland and at the Restoration escaped to France, but returned 
and surrendered himself, and was imprisoned for life, dying about 1666. 
See Life in Diet. NatL Biog. 2 Yt in original. 

3 Col. Murtough O'Brien of Dromore, co. Clare, served on the royalist side 
both in England (1643-1644) and Ireland, receiving a commission from Ormoncl 
as colonel of a regiment of foot in 1649. He adhered to the Peace of 1648/9 and 
was appointed Commander-in-Chief of the Irish forces in co. Clare. He sur- 
rendered to the forces of the Commonwealth on 21 April 1652. (For Articles 
between him and Sir Hardress Waller see below, pp. 183-5. ) But taking advan- 
tage of the terms of the capitulation he joined Muskerry in Munster and 
continued fighting under him till his surrender at Ross, after which he threw in 
his lot with O'Sullivan Beare and O'Driscoll (see below, p. 327). He escaped 
abroad and returning to Ireland at the Restoration recovered possession of his 
property. See his Petition in Col. State Papers, Irel., 1660-1662, p. 251. 

4 To which of the numerous branches of the Roche family in Munster this 
David Roche belonged is not quite certain ; but lie seems to have been a son 
of Maurice, Lord Roche of Fermoy (Portland MSS., i, 556) and may perhaps 
be identified with that David Roche of Glenanoro who sat in the General 
Assembly of the Confederation. He apparently held a command under 
Viscount Muskerry and shared in the defeat at Macroom in April 1 650. In 
Ludlow's Memoirs he figures as David Rock. 

1851] State of affairs in Munster 47 

and to receive provisions from the Shannon, and to justify 
the siege at Limerick as occasion serves. 

" The Lord Broghill, 1 with the Munster horse, with two 
troops of horse and one of dragoons from the marching 
army, and the party designed for Kerry, and the old foot 
out of two regiments in the County of Cork, doth attend 
the motions of Muskerry, 2 who since his rout 3 is grown 
strong again, and in that rout, whereof you have heard, the 
heat of that service was not a little on the troops sent from 
the marching army. 

" Col. Sankey, with six troops of horse and five or six of 
dragoons, is gone up towards Birr to relieve and countenance 
the garrisons in those parts, and to prosecute Fitzpatrick, who 
hath reigned and done much mischief in those parts and 
about Kilkenny and Tipperary ; and Col. Cooke is ordered 
to join with Col. Sankey, and, as we heard lately from him, 
he is marched, as we hope, according to those orders. The 
number of horse and foot with Col. Cooke, that he hath 
marched into the field with, is not yet come to our knowledge. 
This account we had of our forces in these parts as they were 
the 23rd August last. 

1 Roger Boyle, Baron Broghill and afterwards Earl of Orrery, son of Richard, 
first Earl of Cork, born in 1621 and educated at Trinity College, Dublin, after 
spending several years on the Continent, married Lady Margaret Howard 
in 1640 and returning to Ireland on the very eve of the Rebellion took an active 
part in the defence of the English interest in Munster. He disapproved of 
Charles' treaty with the Irish and going over to the side of the Parliament 
afterwards, though not very willingly, joined Cromwell and was instrumental in 
securing the surrender of the Munster garrisons. He was left with a " flying 
camp " in Munster, and on 10 April 1650 inflicted a severe defeat on the Irish 
under the command of Boetius Egan, Bishop of Ross, at Macroom. After 
Cromwell's death he was, with Sir Charles Coote, an active agent in paving 
the way for the Restoration and was rewarded for his services with the title 
of Earl of Orrery. He was the avowed leader of the " English Interest " and 
secretly opposed to Ormond. After suffering greatly from gout he died in 1679. 
His Letters, published in 1742, form a valuable commentary on events following 
the Restoration. See Life in Diet. Natl. Biog. 

2 Donough MacCarthy, second Viscount Muskerry, married Ormond's sister 
Eleanor, but at the beginning of the Rebellion he threw in his lot with the Con- 
federates, was arrested and imprisoned by Rinuccini for supporting the peace ; 
wasappointed a Commissioner of Trust and Commander-in Chief of the Royalist 
Forces in Munster. He surrendered on terms to Ludlow in June 1652 and 
transported himself and 5000 men into Spain ; but returned to stand his trial 
on a charge of murder before the High Court of Justice at Dublin in 1653 
(see Hickson, Irish Massacres, ii, 192-204) when he was acquitted. fLe was 
created Earl of Clancarty by Charles II in 1658 ; restored to his estates at the 
Restoration, and died in London in Aug. 1665. 

3 For an account of this skirmish on 25 July 1651 see Gilbert, Contemporary 
Hist., iii, 247. 

48 Difficulties attending the siege of Galway [1051 

" Sir Charles Coote with his party' cloth lie before Galway 
on one side thereof; but he wants forces to make a close 
siege to the other side. Commissary-General Reynolds, Col. 
Hewson, Sir Theophilus Jones and Col. Venables have 
orders to conjoin and make a body about Athlone, to watch 
and follow Clanricarde and that body he was gathering to him 
about Jamestown 1 out of Ulster and Leinster, to disturb the 
siege of Limerick or Galway ; and by the good blessing of God 
that body is dispersed, and by report (but the certainty we 
cannot affirm) Clanricarde and Castlehaven, 2 with some other 
of that rank are gone towards Sligo in order to go beyond sea ; 
but the forces being dispersed, some are gone into Cavan and 
other parts of Ulster, who were kept from doing further mis- 
chief by Venables ; but upon his motion towards Athlone, as 
above said, did take that advantage and have preyed and 
taken away the cows and cattle about Omagh, the frontier of 
your Ulster quarters, in the County of Tyrone. And also 
another party did prey Dundalk and attempted a castle within 
a mile of Dundalk and were repulsed ; but did burn the corn 
about Dundalk and have threatened those quarters ; but Col. 
Venables consisting of (sic) about 1500 old foot and 500 horse, 
with the addition of three troops belonging to Col. Hewson, 
is now in Cavan, to engage/if he can, that party of the enemy 
that came out of Connaught into Cavan under O'Reilly, 3 and 

1 Jamestown in co. Leitrim. 

2 James Touchet, Earl of Castlehaven, grandson of George Touchet, an 
Ulster planter, was on the point of leaving Ireland when the Rebellion broke out. 
Being a Roman Catholic and having by his conduct aroused the suspicion of the 
Lords Justices Parsons and Borlase he was arrested ; but escaping from con- 
finement he joined the Confederates and served on their side till the peace of 
1646, when he went over to Ormond. In 1649 he was appointed General of 
Horse and took an active part in the war against the Commonwealth ; but his 
efforts to raise the siege of Limerick proving futile he and Clanricarde retired 
into West Connaught in the autumn of 1651 (hence the report alluded to by the 
Commissioners) though it was not till April in the following year that he left 
Ireland for the purpose of soliciting assistance abroad. He died in 1684. His 
Memoirs, published in 1680, are a valuable source of information for the war 
in Ireland from 1642 to 1651. See Life in Diet. Natl. Biog. 

3 This was Philip Mac Hugh O'Reilly, chief of the O'Reillies of co. Cavan, and 
returned as knight of the shire to Parliament in 1639, but ejected in 1642. 
He was one of the originators of the Rebellion and is generally admitted to have 
exercised a restraining influence over his followers, though the same cannot be 
said of his wife, Rose ny Neill, the sister of Owen O'Neill (see Hickson, Irish 
Massacres, i, 218-220, 303-312, particularly Deposition Ixxxiii). He was 
chosen one of the representatives of Ulster on the Supreme Council of the Con- 
federation and as colonel under Owen Roe O'Neill played an active part during 
the war. He held out at Ballinacargy till the end of April 1652, when he waa 
allowed to transport himself and his men into Spain. (Of. Thurloe, State 

1651] The marching- ay my busy in Leinster and Ulster 49 

are joined with the Ulster Tories, who are now much more 
numerous than Venables and his party ; but if they do not 
engage with him he is ordered to reduce Ballinacargy, 
O'Reilly's castle the strong fort of the enemy in Cavan, 
where he is to plant a good party of horse and foot after 
the same is reduced ; and a new troop is lately raised about 
Antrim and Down to secure the passes into those counties 
during the absence of Venables. Commissary-General Reynolds 
with the addition of the Leinster forces do attend the motion 
of Dungan, the Commissary-General of the enemy, and 
the residue of Clanricarde and the Leinster forces, whom he 
hath pursued into the King's County throughout a great 
fastness called Glanmaliere, 1 and hath followed them into 
Leinster over the Barrow, who are in a flying posture and come 
into Wicklow, and are joined with Scurlock, Grace, 2 and the 
Tories, and other parties of the enemy in Leinster. The party 
now with Commissary-General Reynolds and the Leinster 
forces do consist of 800 horse and dragoons and 600 foot. This 
is the present posture, as we do understand, of your marching 
army and other your forces here in Ireland. 

" It is a sad and unpleasing story to relate to you the plunder- 
ings and spoils the enemy have made in most of your quarters 

Papers, ii, p. 630. According to D' Alton (King James's Army List, p. 926), he 
died in 1655 and was buried in the Irish monastery at Louvain. See Life in 
Diet. Natl Biog. 

1 Glanmaliere (Hib. Claim Maoilughra) a thickly wooded district lying at 
the headwaters of the Barrow, partly in King's County, partly in Queen's 
County, was the tribe land of the O'Dempsies. In the plantation of Leix and 
Offaly (Eng. Hist. Review, Jan. 1891) it was assigned to Owen MacHugh 
O'Dempsy as a reward for his loyalty. The estate, one of the best in Ireland, 
pas-ed to his son, Sir Terence, who married Cleopatra Gary, a near kinswoman 
of Henry Cary, Lord Falkland, and was created Viscount Clanmaliere in 1631, 
and sat in Parliament in 1634. From him it descended to his younger brother, 
Lewis, who forfeited it for his share in the Rebellion, when it was assigned as 
satisfaction for a number of Adventurers. Lewis was tried on a charge of 
murder before the High Court of Justice at Kilkenny in 1652 and though not 
found guilty was kept a close prisoner at Dublin till the Restoration (Prender- 
gast, Ireland from the Restoration, pp. 52-53, 74). His position at the Restora- 
tion was a peculiar one, for not being able to claim recovery as an innocent, 
he was juggled out of his estate by Henry Bennet, afterwards Earl of Arlington. 
Cal. State Papers, Irel., 1660-1665 passim. 

2 Col. Richard Grace, younger son of Robert Grace, Baron of Courtown, 
co. Kilkenny, served as a royalist in England till 1646, when he returned to 
Ireland, raised a regiment and played an active part during the w^r there. 
After an obstinate resistance he surrendered to Col. Sankey on terms in Aug. 
1652, and was allowed to transport himself abroad with 1200 men. He re- 
covered his estate of Mogheely at the Restoration, was made Chamberlain to 
the Duke of York, and died fighting in his cause as Governor of Athlone in 1691 
See Life in Diet. Natl. Biog. 

50 Heavy losses Need of fresh recruits 

during the absence of your forces ; they having driven away 
the cows and cattle from several of your garrisons, as 
Kilkenny, Ross, Dublin, Dundalk, Omagh, and other places 
in Munster and Leinster besides the loss of several small parties, 
as sixty horse from Carlow all or most of them put to the 
sword ; fifty about the Newry all put to the sword ; twenty- 
four killed in the party that went lately out of Dublin to 
rescue the prey and twenty-two taken prisoners and above 
sixty good and serviceable horse taken then by the enemy, 
besides the taking of some small castles, as Kilkea within six 
miles of Carlow, where now the Commissary-General is at 
present in order to the reducing the garrison of Monksgrange 
upon the Barrow, and Carnew in the county of Wicklow. 1 

" By all that is above mentioned it will appear that the work 
is not yet done in Ireland ; and as you may well perceive 
your forces have not been idle or [blank] all this summer so 
there is much to be yet done, what God will have us to wait and 
look up to him and to him alone and not to any arm of flesh, 
and therefore we desire of all, due acknowledgements of praise 
may be given to him for what he hath done, so his grace, mercy 
and blessing may be begged to be vouchsafed unto his unworthy 
servants here ; and we beseech you to consider that this 
summer's action hath been a great wasting to your horse and 
foot, and though many recruits have come over in number, 
yet I (sic) would we had not much cause to complain and say 
a great part of them lame, blind, children, aged and fitter for 
the hospital than an army, and all of them without clothes. 
And for your army and forces they are now engaged in sieges 
or in chase of the enemy ; but the contributions and assess- 
ments, that could be raised for their pay, are much decreased 
and made impossible to be raised in many places, by the great 
wasting the enemy have made in all quarters of late, so as we 
hope you will see a necessity that supplies for money and addi- 
tions of forces and especially of horse be continued and sent 
over, without which your service here is likely to be prolonged. 
We have given the account of further particulars to the Council 
of State, from whom you will receive a more full state of these 
affairs." 18 Sept. Ib. ff. 111-114. 

1 This paragraph wag omitted from the letter as officially published in 
Several Proceedings, p. 1627. 

1651] Great abatement in Leinster assessments 51 


" The singular mercies of our God, manifested to his 
praise and his people's deliverance, by the success it hath 
pleased him to give your forces at Worcester, and by uniting 
the hearts of the people of England, beyond most men's 
expectations, to engage against the common enemy, doth 
much rejoice your servants here, and seems to promise a 
speedy period to this trade of war in your dominions, by 
admitting you liberty to apply your counsels and forces for 
the reducing those places, which hitherto have stood in opposi- 
tion against you, and to provide seasonable assistance for such 
as yet labour under difficulties in your service, for which end 
we think it necessary to give your Lordships the faithfulest 
account we can of your affairs here. And in the first place 
humbly present to your perusal here enclosed [wanting] a copy 
of the Lord Deputy's letter to us of 23rd August, wherein you 
will find the state of your affairs at Limerick and in the adjacent 
parts of Connaught and Munster (as they then stood), and his 
sense of the overtures made by your Lordships in order to a 
northern expedition, very fully set down. In the next place we 
hold it our duty to acquaint you with the state of your forces 
and Revenue in these parts at present, it being far different from 
what it was when we last presented the same to your Lordships 
by our letter of ist July last, as will appear by the enclosed copy 
of our letter to the Lord Deputy of the 3rd inst., and by the 
enclosed note of the state of the Revenue here, whereby your 
Lordships will perceive what great abatement there is in the 
assessment within Leinster, including Wexford, by the enemy's 
late wasting the country, in the absence and employment of the 
forces in Connaught and elsewhere, [and] how impossible it will 
be for your forces to subsist, without a speedy and considerable 
supply of money to be sent hither for the relief of the forces 
assigned to be paid here, which we humbly desire may be taken 
into present consideration. 

" In our letter of ist July, before mentioned, we acquainted 
your Lordships that the defect then had caused us tp charge 
by exchange upon the Treasurers 4000, and desired from the 
last of July there should be 2000 per mensem reserved in 
the Treasurers' hands for pay of the forces here, which 2000 

52 Great damage done by pirates 

per mensem for these two months, viz. August and September, 
we must be necessitated to charge by Bills of Exchange upon 
the Treasurers, and we humbly desire that for the next three 
months, viz. from September to the latter end of December 
there may be 2500 per mensem reserved and assigned for the 
pay of the Leinster forces ; the Wexford forces being more 
properly to be supplied from the treasury that shall be sent to 
Waterford, for the Munster forces. Without these supplies 
(over and above clothes and other usual deductions) we cannot 
see how your forces in Leinster can subsist without a consider- 
able part of the army, 1 and are likely to be much in action after 
the reducing of Limerick and Galway : this increase of 500 
per mensem being necessitated by the non-solvency of several 
counties, lately wasted and the cattle driven away by the 
enemy in the absence of your forces in Connaught and else- 
where, and by the addition of recruits and some other forces 
now returned out of Connaught and sent to be provided for 
here. We likewise desire that the clothes formerly writ for 
may be timely provided and sent over. 

" From Ulster we had advertisement that Bartlett and Coach 
are upon those coasts doing great mischiefs, landing a hundred 
men at a time, to plunder the country and take prisoners. 
They have taken a merchant ship of great value out of the 
harbour of Carrickf ergus, and have totally destroyed fishing and 
trade in those parts, and very much impeded the contributions 
there, which must maintain the forces, as by the enclosed paper 
[wanting], being a copy of a letter from the Commissioners 
there, may appear. Upon the first advertisement we received 
hereof we hired a boat to go to sea to try whether they could 
find any of your ships of forces, to whom we write our advice to 
ply that way, as well for the relief of the inhabitants, as to 
prevent a design of landing men there from Scotland, in case 
those western levies about Port Patrick, under the Earl of 
Galloway, should be intended for such a design ; but as yet our 
boat is not returned. We hope that the sad condition of those 
parts will move your Lordships to some speedy and effectual 
resolution for the reducing of the Isle of Man, which (if our 
intelligence be true) will be gained without much difficulty, 
the inhabitants being (as we are informed) weary of their 

1 Sic in original ; but something seems to have been omitted by the copyist. 

Plot to surprise Athlone Castle frustrated 53 

landlords and very desirous to be under your govern- 

" We humbly conceive it very advisable to send a considerable 
number of horse and foot into Ireland to prosecute your service 
here more effectually ; your horse here being very much worn 
out, and the foot being too few to carry on the war in all places, 
insomuch that Galway could not hitherto (for want of foot) be 
blocked up on all sides ; and there being likewise many places 
which must be strongly garrisoned near the woods and bogs, 
to break the strength of the enemy in those fastnesses, before 
the country can be inhabited by any friends of yours. .This 
and the reducing the Isle of Man may be effected under one 
charge, if in your wisdom it be thought convenient. 

" We are necessitated further to certify your Lordships that 
there is here great want of ammunition, there being not in the 
store at present fifty barrels of powder and but a small pro- 
portion of ball, which is a very inconsiderable quantity for 
field service and the furnishing so many garrisons as are to be 
supplied out of the stores here. Two hundred barrels of powder, 
with match and ball proportionable, is the least that will be 
requisite to be sent hither, and the stores constantly supplied 
to that proportion, and therefore we humbly desire that that 
quantity may be speedily supplied and sent hither. There was 
400 barrels of powder ordered the last year to be sent hither, 
whereof there came to the stores here but 160 barrels ; the rest 
were landed at Waterford for the service of the field, by my 
Lord Deputy's order, and of the fifty now in the stores con- 
tinual marchings and supplying all emergencies in these parts 
of Ireland do daily consume the same, and without a further 
supply here your service will suffer much. 

" We received advertisement this day that there was a plot 
upon the castle of Athlone to surprise it, wherein the Lord 
Costello's lady and the Lord Taaffe's lady * had a hand. One 
that was engaged in the plot discovered the same to the 
Governor, who so managed the matter that, when they made 
their attempt, he killed fifty of them, took Sir Lucas Dillon's 

1 These two adventurous ladies were sisters, the daughters of Si? Nicholas 
White of Leixlip. Frances married Thomas, fourth Viscount Dillon of Costello- 
Gallen, co. Mayo, who had recently surrendered Athlone to Coote. Mary 
married Theobald, second Viscount Taaffe, who was then abroad in connection 
with the abortive Lorraine Treaty. 

54 An invitation to the Church in New England 

son prisoner, who led them on ; and the two ladies are 
prisoners. We dare not presume to be further troublesome 
to your Lordships at present and therefore we humbly. . . ." 
18 Sept. Ib. ff. 116-119. 


" We received yours of May 5th, and should have been 
glad you had been in a condition of freedom to have 
come shortly over into Ireland, according to our desire in 
a former letter to you, where is to be found not only a 
comfortable seed-plot for your labours, as your letter seems 
to import you sensible of, but thereby you might have been 
able experimentally to have given your and our friends in New 
England a taste of the condition of this country, for the better 
encouragement of the removals hither, of such of them, whose 
hearts the Lord shall stir up to look back again towards their 
native country, which to encourage according to the power 
invested in us by the Parliament of England, so we do hereby 
give full assurance to those our friends, that they shall enjoy 
free liberty of conscience in all religious or spiritual matters, 
as fully as they now do in New England, or as the Lord shall 
hereafter further make known to them to be his will, for the 
more high exalting the kingdom of Jesus Christ in the power 
and purity of Gospel ordinances and Church fellowship, as we 
shall also improve our best endeavours with the Parliament 
for their enjoyment of convenient lands fitting for husbandry 
and other improvements in healthful air, and near unto mari- 
time towns or secure places fit for traffic and merchandising, 
where they may live together upon as easy terms and rates 
(if not more easy) either in purchase of inheritance by such as 
are able, or taking to farm for three lives or years by others, 
as shall be held out to other English persons by the Parliament. 
In which aforesaid particulars we are no whit doubtful but the 
Parliament will be very ready to confirm and to hold out such 
encouragement to them, as shall demonstrate that their chief 
care is to plant Ireland with a godly seed and generation of 

1 No doubt Dr Thomas Harrison. Harrison, born at Kingston-upon-Hull, 
Yorkshire, in 1619, was taken when quite a child by his parents to New England, 
where he was for some time chaplain to the Governor of Virginia, but becoming 
distasteful owing to his extreme views, he returned to England and succeeded 
Dr Goodwin a^ minister of the Independent congregation of St Dunstan's-in- 
the-Ea^t. He accepted the call to Ireland and was appointed minister of 
Christ Church, Dublin, at a salary of 300. See Life in Diet. Natl. Biog. 

1651] Kilkea Castle recaptured by Reynolds 55 

men fearing his name, as soon as they can be at leisure to con- 
sider of what encouragement shall be fit, which we believe will 
be such as shall administer plentiful subsistence and encourage- 
ment to all undertakers." 18 Sept. Ib. L 120-1. 


" Since our former letters we have received intelligence that 
Kilkea Castle was rendered up yesterday to Commissary- 
General Reynolds. The commander of that place, rendering 
to mercy, was shot to death ; the rest, not being above fifteen, 
had quarter and were exchanged. Since that the Commissary- 
General, with some of that party are gone to take in a castle 
in Kildare, called Clonnah [Clonagh] upon the Barrow, en- 
vironed with a bog. We have likewise intelligence that Col. 
Venables with his party hath fallen upon Ballinacargy in the 
county of Cavan, according to orders mentioned in our last 
letter, and having spent two days in the battery of that 
castle, hath sent for more powder and ammunition to Dublin, 
but as places send hither for supplies, so we are loath to 
mention what small quantity of ammunition is left here, but 
upon this occasion sending into the stores, we do find there is 
not above twenty barrels left, in whatsoever exigencies your 
affairs should be in ; and therefore, that the stores may be 
supplied, we beseech your Lordships to take some effectual 
course that powder may be sent hither, as we have written 
at large by our last letters ; and for the present exigency 
we have sent to Mr Whalley at Chester, to send hither 
twenty barrels of powder, with proportion of ammunition 
answerable. The powder, ball and [blank] that Col. Venables 
had in this service he had from hence, and so also 
Commissary-General Reynolds did the like, for reducing the 
castle abovesaid." 22 Sept. Ib. f. 125. 

49. Ordered by the Commissioners that Thursday, 2nd 
October be kept as a day of thanksgiving for the late victories 
in England. 22 Sept. Orders A/82. 42. f. 23. 


" Since our last to your Lordships about the coining business, 
upon the examination of that matter, we have found 300 or 
400 at least in counterfeited half-crowns, and some other money 

56 Quantity of false money seized [i65i 

of the coin of England, and some 27 or thereabouts in counter- 
feited new gold. Some of the half-crowns are so bad that there 
is not two pence of silver in one half, and all was in the custody 
of Taylor and one Christopher Napper an ancient man. Taylor 
is dead ; but Napper that lived with him in the house, hath 
used all kinds of subtle ways to conceal and embezzle the 
estate of Taylor, and amongst other particulars had conveyed 
this parcel of counterfeited money, as above said, into several 
private houses in an obscure way, and though this be clearly 
proved, yet he denies this money came into his hands, and 
though we do believe there was a good considerable quantity 
of the counterfeit gold, to the value of about 500 in Taylor's 
hands, at his death, yet we cannot find out more than the said 
27. There is one Nathaniel Markes, servant to Alderman 
A very, that was partner with Taylor, and we do suspect him 
guilty of this conspiracy, and he doth appear to us to be privy 
to the uttering this counterfeit and base money, who upon 
Taylor's death is coming over to Dublin, and is now at Chester ; 
but upon search of the letters that came this week from England 
we found this letter, the copy whereof is enclosed [wanting], 
which was written as we do suspect by Major Richard Hill of 
Wood Street ; the original we do keep till we can send it by an 
express. When Markes doth come over we shall secure him 
here, and further acquaint your Lordships with what particu- 
lars shall further come to our knowledge in this matter. 

" In our last we then acquainted your Lordships that Com- 
missary-General Reynolds with his party had pursued Dungan, 
Grace and that party from about the Shannon to Glanmaliere, 
and hence had followed them into Wicklow, and that the enemy 
were dispersed and the Commissary-General was about the 
reducing Kilkea, which is since reduced and he gone to reduce 
Clonagh upon the Barrow ; but that dispersed enemy is 
(according to their old manner) within a few days gathered 
together again, and Grace with his party is as we heard yesterday 
about Tecroghan, 1 and have driven away the prey in those 
quarters, and have burnt part of the corn, and is feared to do 

1 Tecroghan Castle, apparently Teach-Gioghrain i.e. Gighran's House a 
few miles north-west of Trim, was a strong fortress commanding the upper 
waters of the Boyne. It was surrendered by Sir Robert Talbot to Colonels 
Reynolds and Theophilus Jones on 16 June 1650. See Gilbert, Contemp. 
Hist., ii, 91. 

1851] Great need of money and ammunition 57 

more mischief that way. Commissary-General Reynolds and 
his party is gone, as we hear, to attend this body of enemy ; 
and were that party with Commissary-General Reynolds gone 
towards Connaught, as he intends, that garrison of Tecroghan, 
which is a very considerable place, would be lost, and, if taken, 
of much advantage to the enemy, and is feared will so be if he 
come not timely to relieve the same, we not being able, for 
want of money, to have in any one garrison at one time above 
a fortnight's provision for bread, and not having ammunition 
above the quantity of half-a-barrel of powder for each garrison ; 
and in this posture are most of our garrisons in Leinster, being 
in all about sixty. After the Commissary- General is gone with 
his party there will not be any forces left in all Leinster, that will 
be able to go into the field upon any necessity or emergency 
whatsoever to relieve any garrison, and indeed not able to 
defend this place. And in this posture we are likely to con- 
tinue till Limerick be reduced, which some fear may be a 
winter's work. 

" Yesterday Sir Theophilus Jones and Col. Abbot l came 
to this place and demanded pay for their recruits, assigned 
for pay in Leinster, their quarters assigned to them being 
insolvent at present under the enemy's power, so as we were 
enforced to borrow 2000 to pay them and other parts of 
the army ; there not being any money in the treasury, we 
have taken up the same of merchants here, and charge this 
2000 by Bills of Exchange upon the Treasurers-of-War. A 
copy of our Order we send herewith enclosed [wanting], which 
we beseech your Lordships to order the Treasurers-at-War to 
pay ; and we do expect within a short time to be enforced 
to take up 2000 more for the payment of other forces assigned 
to be paid out of the Leinster treasury. We shall trouble your 
Lordships no further at present, having lately given you a large 
and long account of your affairs, of which letters we do humbly 
crave to hear some return which is much longed and looked 
for by. . . ." 23 Sept. Domestic Corresp. A/Sg. 49. ff. 131-2. 

1 Colonel Daniel Abbot came to Ireland with Cromwell as colonel of a regi- 
ment of dragoons. He fought through the war and was chosen %n agent for 
assigning lands to the army. His own arrears were satisfied in the barony of 
Moyfenrath, but led to a legal dispute with Dr Henry Jones. He was suspected 
of being opposed to the Restoration and in 1663 he took part in Blood s plot 
to upset the Government. 
but he managed to escape. 

to upset the Government. A reward of 100 was offered for his apprehension ; 

58 Postal arrangements A day of Thanksgiving [1651 


" The public service having been much hindered this 
summer for want of constant intercourse to and from the 
Council, occasioned by the enemy's taking two packet-boats, 
belonging to Major Thomas Swift at Holyhead, we thought 
it would be of public advantage to send unto Major Swift a 
boat built frigatewise (and a good sailer) taken from the 
Scots the last summer, and put into her two small guns. . . ." 

24 Sept. Ib. f. 136. 


The plague in Dublin abating : nineteen died last week. 
Lady Ireton 2 at Chester, intending to join her husband. 

25 Sept. Ib. f. 137. 


" We shall not at present trouble your Lordship any further 
than to send your Lordship the enclosed papers, by which it 
will appear to your Lordship what great deliverance the 
Lord hath wrought for our land and nation. The Lord 
raise up our spirits more and more to himself by his 
gracious dealings with us and for us ! The Parliament have 
appointed Thursday the 2nd October to be held a general 
day of thanksgiving (for this so seasonable a mercy) in 
England, Scotland and Ireland. Our wants grow upon us very 
fast by the enemy's daily wasting the country, and no supply 
comes to us from England. The enemy yesterday burnt 
Castlejordan 3 and 300 haggards of corn about Tecroghan. 

1 Ludlow married about 1649 Elizabeth, daughter of William Thomas of 
Wenvoe, Glamorganshire. 

2 Bridget Cromwell, Oliver's eldest daughter, who next year married Charles 

8 Ca tlejordan, some distance south-west of Tecroghan Castle, at the head 
of the river Boyne on the borders of co. Meath and King's County, formed part 
of the estate of Thomas Lynagh, forfeited to the Crown for his share in the re- 
bellion of the Geraldines in Henry VIII's reign. A lease of it was granted in 
1551 to Elizabeth Duke, widow of Henry Duke, as a reward for her husband's 
services. The widow Duke married Richard Croft, who obtained a grant of it 
with remainder to the widow's sons by her first husband, Sir Henry and 
Edward, in 1566. Sir Henry had two daughters : Mary, who married Captain 
Richard Gifford of Ballymagarret, co. Roscommon, and Anne, wife of Sir 
Edward Loftus of Rathfarnham. Captain Gifford was slain in Nov. 1598 by 
the Irish under tragic circumstances and his widow shortly afterwards married 
Sir Francis Ru^he, one of whose daughters, as above stated, married Sir 
Charles Coote. 

1651] Castlejordan captured by the Irish 59 

They do burn or prey one place or other every day, taking 
advantage of the absence of the forces appointed for the pro- 
tection and safety of these quarters. But our confidence is that 
the Lord will own us in the main and set a sudden period to the 
power and dominion of these men of blood fitted to destruction. 
" P.S. There is brought into Ireland of late very great 
quantity of base money Peru pieces of eight, holding three 
shillings and sixpence silver and no more, counterfeit English 
money, especially half-crowns and new gold of the late King's 
stamp. We have made some considerable discovery of this 
practice, which we conceive will hazard the lives of some in 
England. We are informed that the agents for the Treasurers- 
at-War have been instrumental in the bringing over very much 
of that base Peru money and we fear some of the counterfeit 
English money. We hear that Mr Standish hath lately paid 
out a considerable parcel of new gold, which we suspect may 
be of that counterfeit gold, although he doth not know it, 
and therefore it were not amiss (as we humbly conceive) that 
inquiry should be made from whence that gold came, if it 
proves counterfeit, which will not be discovered but by 
cutting." 25 Sept. Ib. ff. 138-9. 


" Understanding by your letter to Col. Hewson your 
purpose of sitting down before Roscommon, we cannot but 
offer our opinion to you in regard the enemy is on foot in 
several parts embodied, and apt to disturb the Parliament's 
quarters in these parts, and they have taken Castlejordan 
and do threaten the parts adjacent ; also 3000 horse and foot 
lie within five miles of Col. Venables, and ready to disturb 
his siege and interrupt his provisions from Carlingford, and 
upon his desire there is sent from hence powder, ball and 
other necessaries, now going to Trim, but cannot march for 
want of convoy. Fitzpatrick, Grace and others are in a 
body, as you may perceive by the enclosed [wanting]. We 
do conceive it may much conduce to the public service 
(unless you see very good cause to the contrary) ^hat you, 
with your own party of horse and dragoons do speedily march 
to Col. Venables, to countenance his party, and in your way 
(if it be possible) to convoy to him the provisions now ready at 

60 Sequestration of Delinquents' estates [I65i 

Trim ; for we fear he is not able to send from his party a convoy 
sufficient and maintain the siege with security. These quarters 
about Dublin are also very destitute of help, and therefore 
we shall be glad that you would assign some of your party 
in pursuance of Col. Hewson's letter unto you." 27 Sept. 
Ib. f. 141. 

55. Ordered by the Commissioners that, Mr Andrew Wyke, 
minister, be appointed to preach the Gospel at Lisnegarvy 
[Lisburn] and Belfast. 3 Oct. Orders A/82. 42. f. 25. 

56. Ordered by the Commissioners that the estates, real and 
personal, in Ireland of all such persons, who have been seques- 
tered in England for delinquency, be forthwith sequestered by 
the Commissioners of the Revenue in the Province of Ulster, 
and within the respective precincts in Ireland, and the profits 
of such estates be converted to the use of the public until 
further ordered by the Parliament. 4 Oct. Ib. f. 28. 

57. Ordered by the Commissioners that, in accordance with 
the Order of Parliament for the assessment of Ireland, the whole 
Precinct of Ulster and all the counties, cities and places 
within the same, with the County of Louth (except the Barony 
of Ferrard) be charged with a monthly tax of 5430, i.e. 
Co. Antrim 1500 ; Co. Down 1250 ; Co. Donegal 700 ; 
Co. Armagh 350 ; Co. Cavan 800 ; Co. Louth 330 ; Co. 
Londonderry 250 ; Co. Fermanagh 150 ; Co. Tyrone with 
the Barony of Trough [Co. Monaghan] 100 ; and to continue 
for six months from ist November next ensuing and twenty- 
eight days to the month. 4 Oct. Ib. f. 29. 


" We have sent Mr Wyke 2 (a minister of the Gospel, and a 

1 Mr Timothy Taylor (D.D.) was an Independent minister attached to the 
army, afterwards stationed at Ballinderry, near Lisburn, from whence he went 
to Carrickfergus. 

2 Wyke, called Weeks in the Adair MSS., resided at Lisburn and received a 
salary of 120, afterwards raised to 140. For the proceedings of these two 
clergymen see Reid, Hist, of the Presbyterian Church in Ireland, ii, 164-171. 
Ed. 1867. " The Commissioners," wrote Rawdon to Lord Conway, " have sent 
us a rare minister, one Mr Weeks, a most powerful preacher, so that the con- 
gregation at Lisnegarvy (Lisburn) is very great, and look upon it as a very 
great mercy and providence." (Col. State Papers, Irel., 1647-1660, p. 383.) 
Rawdon afterwards changed his opinion about Wyke. Ib. p. 667. 

i65i] Commissioners' care to promote religion 61 

man of a meek spirit so far as we can discern) to preach 
the Gospel in the north, to whom we desire you to give 
all due encouragement, so far as you find him useful in the 
work of the 'Gospel. And, because there is great scarcity of 
persons fitly qualified to be sent out to preach to the people, 
we desire you to countenance and encourage frequent Christian 
meetings, both publicly and privately, to confer with each 
others about Gospel duties, and declare unto one another their 
experiences of the Lord's love and gracious dealing to them, 
to exercise their gifts in prayer and exhortations for the refresh- 
ing and edifying one another in love and in the knowledge 
of the Lord Jesus, avoiding vain and unnecessary questions 
and disputations, which administer strife, that the Lord Jesus 
may thereby be glorified, his name exalted and the present 
defect of instruments in some measure supplied. All which we 
leave to your Christian consideration to practise as the Lord 
shall lead out your spirits and rest yours." 4 Oct. Domes- 
tic Corresp. A/8g. 49. f. 144. 


" We have in our despatches of i8th and 2$rd September 
presented your Lordships with the state of your affairs here, 
and therein the great want of money, powder, match and 
bullet in your treasuries and stores here, which in every 
particular increaseth upon us the stores of corn being 
empty, our ammunition very low and some parts of our 
quarters daily wasted by the enemy's preying all the cattle, 
and firing corn and hay, who increase in numbers and 
grow more bold and insolent every day than other. Dungan, 
Scurlock and their party about ten days since stormed Ross 1 
and took it (only the church and a house being fortified stood 
out) and after they had plundered the town, killed some 
twenty of our men and exacted 700 composition to save it 
from burning, they quitted the place having intelligence that 
some of your forces were drawing towards them. The rebels 
are endeavouring an universal rising in all countries, threatening 

1 In co. Wexford ; c/. Hore, Hist, of New Eoss, p. 332-333, and Gilbert, Con- 
temp. Hi*t., iii, p. 66, where the event is wrongly assigned to 1652. The 
writer asserts that 400 per month was levied by Dungan on the town, but that 
the contribution was never paid nor intended to be exacted. 

62 V enables forced to retire from Ballinacargy [i65i 

excommunication, fire and sword to all those that do not rise 
with them. The Lord may be now gathering them together 
to pour upon them a full cup of his indignation. Col. Venables 
hath been necessitated to draw off from before Ballinacargy for 
the reasons mentioned in the enclosed [wanting], being a copy 
of his letters to us, upon receipt whereof we have immediately 
returned him the enclosed answer [wanting] and hope that by 
this time he and his party are upon their march to Cavan. 
We are necessitated to draw upon the Treasurers-at-War 
2000 for supply of the Leinster forces, being the last 2000 
of the 4000 mentioned in our letters of i8th September, to 
be for the months of August and September. We have 
enclosed sent a copy of our order for the taking up of the 
said last 2000." Details as to charges for provisions etc. 

" We are now issuing our warrants for the furnishing 
of the stores in all garrisons with provision of corn, as well 
for the present supply of the forces with bread, as for stores 
to carry on the service in the spring ; but we are informed 
that such a quantity of corn, as will be requisite, cannot be 
forced out of the country, their course being to burn their corn 
in the straw x and carry it into woods, bogs and islands, and 
there bury it in wooden huts under ground, as soon as they 
have intimation of intendment to force any quantity from them, 
and without force or ready money it is thought they will not 
part with it. We promise payment for what corn shall be 
brought in upon our warrants out of the assessments of Decem- 
ber, January and February, in hope that by that time, through 
your Lordships' care, the Lord will open a way to bring your 
servants out of their straits and your affairs into a better 
posture." 7 Oct. Ib. ff. 150-2. 


" By our last of i8th September we gave an account how 
your military affairs then stood, and as to Munster and 
Connaught we cannot add anything to what we then informed, 
not having since heard anything of moment from those parts, 
so as we do believe the sieges and your services there are 
much what in the same posture as they then stood. As to 

On this practice, which was due chiefly to the dampness of the climate, 
Joyce, Social Hist, of Irel., ii, p. 342. 

1 On this 

1651] New Ross stormed by the Irish 63 

the forces in the north, under Col. Venables, he had lately 
besieged Ballinacargy, a place very considerable within the 
County of Cavan ; but not finding such other help coming to his 
assistance as was intended and expected, and wanting ammuni- 
tion and provisions his men began to fall sick, and finding the 
enemy had 400 in that fort and within two miles another great 
body of 2300 foot and about six or seven hundred horse, and 
finding the enemy to retreat to a bog that did befriend them, 
when your forces marched towards them, and not being able to 
send any party considerable for any supplies, without too much 
weakening of their party, that had so powerful an enemy so 
near to them, and your forces in other parts were all so 
employed that none could be spared to carry the provisions 
that were in readiness for them, they were constrained to rise 
from the siege and drew near their own quarters at Dundalk ; 
and after their supplies from Belfast, Carlingford and other 
parts are come to them, they are resolved to return to the 
County of Cavan, and if the enemy will not fight with them, 
yet they hope to hinder the enemy from any other design, 
either towards Connaught or elsewhere, and to take the best 
quarter they can, to place a good part of your forces this 
winter, that may be in readiness to attend the motions of 
the enemy in those parts upon all occasions. 

" In Leinster the enemy is very active, and hath several bodies 
that are in motion in several parties, and having preyed and 
wasted about Wexford hath stormed Ross, killed twenty of 
your soldiers, taken sixteen barrels of powder with match and 
ball proportionable ; but your soldiers held the church and an 
house lately fortified, and the enemy having stayed a night and 
a day did retreat with some loss ; but took 700 of the inhabit- 
ants to save the town from burning. Commissary-General 
Reynolds, Col. Sankey and Col. Axtell * are conjoined before 

1 Of Axtell, Lndlow has left the following short but fairly complete sketch 
(Memoirs, ii, 322) : " Colonel Daniel Axtoll had been captain, major and lieu- 
tenant-colonel in a regiment of foot [Hewson's] ; in the last of which employ- 
ments he had assisted at the trial and execution of the late King [c/. on this 
point Gardiner, Civil War, iv, 300-301]. When Lieutenant-General Cromwell 
was sent by the Parliament into Ireland with an army against the rebels and the 
regiment in which Col. Axtell served was drawn out by lot for that expedition, 
he cheerfully undertook the employment ; and for his fidelity, courage and 
conduct, wa" soon preferred to the head of a regiment ; and not long after was 
made Governor of Kilkenny and the adjacent precinct, which important trust 
he discharged with diligence and success. In this station he shewed a more 

64 Leinster quarters wasted by the Enemy [i65i 

Ballybawn, Fitzpatrick's stronghold in the King's County, 
and, as we hear, Fit zpat rick, Westmeath and Grace's forces 
are gathering together to remove the siege if they can. Another 
body of the enemy, said to be 2000, were the 30 th September 
at Mullingar, attempting the castle there and burnt part of the 
town ; but were beaten off with the loss of forty men on the 
enemy's part and several of their officers wounded. But (sic) 
Sir Theophilus Jones, having two troops with him, came very 
seasonably, and the enemy left the place and in a bog left six 
of their horses. This morning we hear that Scurlock and his 
party, that had been at Wexford and Ross, are now in a body 
in Wicklow within six miles of this place. They are reported to 
be about 2000 horse and foot ; but here is no force to remove 
them. Col. Cooke and Col. Pretty are to attend their motions ; 
but where they are at present we do not understand. By this 
you may discern how active the enemy is and how your forces 
are not idle. 

" As to your sea affairs in these parts, we have not seen nor 
heard of any one Parliament ship between Carrickfergus 
and Waterford since July, so as the enemy at sea hath done 
much mischief. One Bartlett about Carrickfergus hath taken 
vessels out of the harbour, landed men on shore and taken 
men out of their houses ; and as to Wexford, there was of late 
a ship of three guns that hath taken eleven English barks at 
that port, and none dare go out or come in there for want of 
clearing the seas, which is a great hindrance to the fishing and 
other trading at this season, so as your customs and excise 
must needs sink if not prevented. It is no small trouble to us 
to see that that little part of this wasted country that do pay 
contribution is so preyed and burnt by the enemy, that we know 
not how the poor soldiery can (out of their assessments) be 
paid ; but for this must and do most humbly pray * may be sent 
to your forces here in the several parts of the nation, which we 
humbly present to your care and beseech the Lord to teach us 

than ordinary zeal in punishing those Irish who had been guilty of murdering 
the Protestants [Ludlow ought to have added that he was temporarily 
suspended from service by Ireton for his brutal behaviour towards the Irish] ; 
and on this account, as well as for what he had done in relation to the late King^ 
the Court had procured him [1660] to be excepted out of the Act of Indemnity. ' 
He was executed on 19 Oct. 1660. (Pe^pys^ Diary, i, 264.) A curious proof of 
how he was feared by the Irish is to be found in Fitzpatrick's stipulation 
(below, p. 160), that he should not be placed under his power. 
1 Some word like money omitted in the original. 

1651] Commerce and fishing interrupted by pirates 65 

to submit to his holy will and to believe and wait, that he may 
be gracious to us." 8 Oct. Ib. ff. 146-8. 


" Captain Bartlett with his vessel and one other private 
frigate of twenty guns, who lately came from the Isle of Man, 
with some cavaliers and goods, lies this morning (as we are 
certainly informed) on the south side of the mouth of this Bay, 
in expectation of making prize of some ships, that they have 
intelligence are coming hither laden from Holland and France 
and other parts, to the endangering of the loss of all trade in 
these parts. We therefore hereby order and require that 
Captain Johnson, or some other good ship of sufficient force, 
be forthwith speeded thither to look after those pirates and to 
open a way for trade in these seas. They have taken to them 
some fisher boats wherewith they did, as we are informed, in- 
tend to come by night, and cut the cables and carry away the 
ships now lying in the harbour, and this was attempted the last 
night by those boats ; but they were beaten off and so dis- 
appointed. This being a matter of great importance to the 
Commonwealth we have sent the bearer as an express to give 
you notice hereof and to require your assistance, whereof you 
are not to fail." 10 Oct. Ib. f. 158. 

62. Ordered by the Commissioners that Captain Stephen 
Rich, commander of the Jacob of Dublin, be authorised to 
press six sea-men for the service of the Parliament. 13 Oct. 
Orders A/82. 42. f. 37. 

63. Ordered by the Commissioners that the goods of Henry 
Taylor, deceased, Nath. Markes, Thos. Hartup, and Christopher 
Napper, convicted of coining base money, be sold before they 
depreciate in value. 13 Oct. Ib. f. 38. 


" Last night we received a letter from you acquainting us 
with the good news of the routing and dispersing those Irish 

66 Difficulty of provisioning Wexford garrisons [i65i 

foot that were marching over the Barrow, and about three 
days before we received another intimating the great straits 
of the garrisons and forces under your command. We perceive 
withal that our letters of 2gth August and 2nd September 
were not then come to your hands ; but we hope by this time 
they may be sent you. We send you here enclosed a copy of 
our last letter to the Lord Deputy, so far as it concerned your 
forces and the condition of your precinct, as likewise our letter 
now prepared for the Commissioners of the Public Revenue at 
Wexford. The supplies of rye and cheese mentioned therein, 
had been sent away to them some days since ; but two pirates 
with frigates of great force rove hereabouts and hover about 
the mouth of our harbour, so that as yet we dare not venture 
the bark we have laden under the convoy of Captain Rich's 
small frigate. We have sent orders to other garrisons for the 
buying in and storing up of good quantities of bread-corn 
and other grain ; but we forbear to send the like into your 
quarters, not knowing how the same can be put in execution, 
but we would be glad to receive your advice therein, and, if 
you think such orders in your parts may be of any use, 
upon the first notice thereof given by yourself, we shall 
speed them away to yourself or Commissioners of Revenue ; 
but if no corn can be gotten in your quarters, we hope you 
will take the best course you can that the enemy do not 
make use thereof ; and for the supply of the garrisons we 
desire you to let us know what quantity of bread or other 
grain or cheese will be necessary for relief of your garrison 
under your command, and we will write as effectually as we 
can to the Council of State for the same." 13 Oct. Domestic 
Corresp. A/8g. 49. f. 161. 

65. Ordered by the Commissioners that, whereas the excise 
on salt is evaded by salting herrings at sea, three shillings be 
levied on every barrel of salted herrings or salted codfish 
exported. 16 Oct. Orders A/82. 42. f. 44. 


' ' You will understand by the enclosed [wanting] copy of 

1 Liout.-Col. Francis Fo\yke, or Foulke, received a commission as Sergoant- 
Major in Col. Richard Townshond's regiment appointed for Ireland in 1646. 

1651] Packet-boat captured by pirates 67 

an examination taken lately at Dublin that John Lorgan l 
of Kilclocher 2 in the County of Louth, who conveyed Sir 
Thomas Armstrong 3 to the Isle of Man, upon inquiry made 
after him, is fled leaving his boat in Bullock, 4 which is seized 
on. We desire you to endeavour to apprehend him and 
diligently to inquire of him whether he did deliver the letters, 
mentioned in the examination, to Mr Baxter, and what were 
the contents thereof and from whence they were written. ..." 
18 Oct. Ib. f. 163. 


" Having this opportunity of the safe conveying of our 
letters by Captain Sherwine, who came this morning to anchor 
in this harbour, in his way to the Isle of Man, and having no 
time to send your Lordships a particular account of your 
affairs here, we thought fit humbly to acquaint you that two 
pirates riding in this Bay, near the mouth of this harbour, 
for the space of sixteen days last past, took very many prizes 
and ruined many people, and on Saturday last took a vessel 
coming to this harbour from Chester water, wherein were 
many passengers, who disputed with the pirates until by 

He served during the war and was appointed Governor of Drogheda. He 
received lands at Camphire, co. Waterford, in settlement of his arrears ; de- 
clared for the Restoration, and seized Youghal in the interest of the Coote- 
Broghill faction. 

1 Hib. O'Lorcain. 

2 Killclogher, now called Clogher, a few miles north of Drogheda on the 

3 Cf. Gilbert, Contemp. Hist., ii,p. 160. Sir Thomas Armstrong (probably third 
son of Andrew Armstrong and ancestor of the Armstrongs of Ballycumber), 
received a commission as Quartermaster-General of the Horse in Ireland on 
4 Feb. 1640 (Cal. State Papers, Irel., 1633-1647, p. 235). He served during the 
war as a Parliamentarian till the execution of Charles, when he went over to 
Ormond's side and was rewarded with a baronetcy. He took part in the battle 
of Rathmines and was one of the defenders of Drogheda. During a sortie, 
when most of his men were cut off he managed to escape to the Isle of Man, 
where he commanded in the interest of the Countess of Derby till 31 Oct. 1651, 
when he surrendered Castle Rushen on terms to Col. Duckenfield. (Hist. MSS. 
Comm., 5th Rept., App., p. 342.) He took part in the royalist plot against 
Cromwell in 1655, was arrested and afterwards transported to the West Indies. 
(Thurloe, State Papers, i, 712, 720 ; Ludlow, Memoirs, i, 417.) At the Re- 
storation he received a grant for coining brass and copper farthings and was 
reappointed Quartermaster-General of the Horse ; but died in Nov. 1662. He 
was succeeded by his son, Sir Thomas, who was executed in 1684fc>r his share 
in the Rye House Plot. (Cal. State Papers, Irel., 1660-1663, pp. 75, 280, 633.) 
The account in Burke's Peerage and Landed Gentry apparently confuses father 
and son. 

4 Bullock harbour between Dalkey and Kingstown. 

68 Meelick Island and Castle Muff captured [1651 

grenades thrown aboard them by the enemy their powder 
was fired, and many of the passengers destroyed ; and the 
same morning took the packet-boat coming from Holyhead, 
wherein (as we are informed) were some despatches from 
your Lordships and a mail of Acts to be conveyed to us, 
which we mention that your Lordships may be pleased (if you 
conceive it necessary) to order the said despatches to be tran- 
scribed and sent, we having received no signification of your 
Lordships' pleasure concerning the affairs committed to our 
care since we came to this place, except one express brought 
us in the north touching an expedition into Scotland. 

"This morning Captain Sherwine took one of the pirates, 
whose name is Willmot, being captain of a vessel of six guns. 
Major Meredith 1 with sixty horse, about fourteen days since, 
was pursued by Col. Reilly with 120 horse ; in which engage- 
ment Col. Reilly was slain and some other ten prisoners, and 
thirty horse taken and the whole party defeated. Upon the 
loth of this month Meelick Island in the Shannon, between 
Portumna and Ragharah 2 was taken by Sir Charles Coote's 
forces, a breach being made, your forces stormed twice and 
were both times repelled ; but the third time the place was 
carried, 140 killed and drowned, 200 taken prisoners, besides 
officers, whereof eight captains. These were part of Fitz- 
patrick's forces. Col. Venables fell sick and was brought to 
Carlingford, where he was for some days speechless ; but we are 
informed this day there is some hope of his recovery. Col. 
Barrow commands those forces in Col. Venables' absence and 
is marched towards Cavan. In his march he took Castle 
Mough 3 being the Lord Slane's house and garrison ; but him- 
self was not there. The place was surrendered upon mercy : 
the half of them had quarter for life and the other half executed. 

" Upon the nth of this month Col. Cooke, Col. Axtell and Col. 
Pretty, with a party of 600 horse and 400 foot engaged Dungan 
and Scurlock with that party which stormed Ross, being in 

1 Major William Meredith was the son and heir of Sir Robert Meredith of 
Greenhills, co. Kildare, Chancellor of the Irish Exchequer. Ho was an active 
'49 officer, and was chosen an agent for the setting out arrears to the Army. 
Remarried in 1655 Mary, daughter of Sir Robert King, and succeeded to the 
title on the death of his father on 17 Oct. 1668 ; but died without issue. 

a Rachra, now Shannon Bridge. 

8 Evidently Muff, between Kingscourt and Bailieborough, co. Cavan. There 
are still the remains of a castle there. 

1651] Signs of a general rising amongst the Irish 69 

number about 2000, at a ford upon the Barrow, near Monaster- 
evin and worsted them, their foot being totally routed, and as 
many of them as our force could overtake, before they got into 
the bogs and woods, were knocked in the head ; yet the same 
party are again drawn together and are now about the Naas 
twelve miles hence, being reported to be 3000 through the con- 
junction of other forces. The O'Dwyers and several gentlemen 
in Tipperary and the Lord Muskerry in the south have drawn 
great numbers together. We do conceive there is some intend- 
ment of a general rising : agents from several counties being 
sent unto us to know what the people shall trust to concerning 
their lives and religion. The Lord Deputy, to prevent their 
rising, hath given order for the securing of several gentlemen 
in Tipperary and those parts. 

" We are informed from Limerick that all kind of provisions 
are very plentiful and cheap at the leaguer, and that the 
soldiers have built them houses and stables and made 
provision of forage for all winter ; but it is hoped the town 
will be necessitated to surrender shortly, it being much visited 
by the plague and in want of provisions. If it proves a 
winter siege it will go very hard with many of your garrisons 
and quarters, unless a considerable supply of force come from 
England to prosecute effectually the reducing the country to 
your obedience, which we humbly desire, as we did in a former 
letter, that a considerable party of horse and foot may be sent 
over with speed sufficiently armed, clothed and otherwise 
provided for of pay, which will contribute much to a speedy 
reducement of this island, your forces being grown thin through 
sickness, hard marches, and their being divided into several 
parties in your service. . . ." 22 Oct. Ib. ff. 164-6. 


" We have received yours of the I3th of this month, and 
for your giving licence to fish at Loch Ryan in Scotland we 
conceive you have done well in not meddling with it, there 
being fish enough upon this coast to employ more boats than 
you have. . . . We are glad to hear of Col. Venables' 
recovery. ..." 27 Oct. Ib. f. 170. 


" Whereas by a late letter we did represent the necessity 

70 Money, provisions and ammunition wanted [i65i 

and our humble desires of your Lordships' care in furnishing 
the treasury at Dublin with 2500 per mensem for the months 
of October, November and December, towards the payment 
of the forces within this precinct, and for that end did 
desire so much money might remain in the Treasurers' 
hands at London to be drawn upon them by Bills of 
Exchange. But we finding money so scarce here that it 
cannot be taken up, and that there is not at present in 
the treasury here one week's pay for the forces in this pre- 
cinct, it hath necessitated us by this post to acquaint the 
Treasurers-at-War at London and also their Deputy (whom we 
hear is now at Chester, coming over hither) with our condition, 
and to desire that 2500, for supply of this month of October, 
may be speeded to us either from London or from Chester, to 
be taken up there by Bills of Exchange, in the which we humbly 
desire your Lordships' furtherance, and also that the like sum 
of 2500 per mensem for the months of November and December 
may remain in the said Treasurers' hands to be drawn by us by 
Bills of Exchange as aforesaid, or else to be conveyed to us in 
specie from London. 

" We gave your Lordships a former account that we had issued 
out warrants for the furnishing of all the out -garrisons within 
the counties of Dublin, Kildare, Carlow, Trim l and Westmeath 
for three months, with a competent store of bread-corn to be 
taken up in the countries, and paid for according to such rates 
and prices as the like grain was sold for on the last market-day 
in September ; but not being able to make competent provisions 
of grain to furnish the stores at Dublin, for the necessary 
subsistence of the soldiery to be maintained there this winter, 
and the further furnishing the aforesaid garrisons, we humbly 
pray that 1000 quarters of wheat, 100 tons of cheese, and 1000 
quarters of rye may be, in convenient time, sent hither from 
England or Wales ; which provisions we desire may be paid for 
out of the money assigned for Ireland, to be raised by sale of 
Delinquents' estates, and not to be abated out of the 2500 per 
mensem, desired to be sent hither in specie as aforesaid. By 
our letters of i8th September we acquainted your Lordships with 
the small store of powder, match and bullet in the stores here, 
and desired that 200 barrels of powder at least, with match and 

1 I.e. Meath. 

1651] Limerick rumoured to have surrendered 71 

bullet proportionable, might be sent hither with what speed 
might be ; since when that small store of ammunition is ex- 
hausted to that low proportion as is not fit to be committed to 
paper for your Lordships' better information. We do humbly 
and earnestly pray that the said proportion of ammunition 
may be hastened to us. 

" We cannot give your Lordships full assurance that 
Limerick is reduced, having no despatch concerning the 
same from the Lord Deputy or any officer engaged upon 
service ; but we have within these three days received 
information from Wexford and from Athlone that the place 
is surrendered to the Lord Deputy, 1 upon what terms we yet 
hear not. In the meantime the enemy in several parts are 
gathering together in bodies and commits great spoils upon our 
quarters, which will much lessen the monthly contributions 
from thence expected. Sir Walter Dungan, Commissary- 
General of the rebels' horse, whose forces were lately dispersed 
by Col. Cooke, are embodied again in the County of Wicklow, 
and, by the accession of the Lord of Westmeath 2 and other 
forces, are now between two or three thousand horse and 
foot in the County of Wicklow. Col. Hewson, Col. Cooke and 
Sir Theophilus Jones, with about 1500 horse and foot, looking 
after them." 28 Oct. Ib. ff. 174-6. 


" The additional directions and resolutions you desire in 
yours of the 13th inst. from the Newry (which are come to 
our hands) you shall hereby these receive. The Order 3 we 
lately sent you touching sequestration did point at those 
that have been sequestered in England, and as for others 
we leave you to pursue your former Instructions, so far as 
the same appear to be for the advantage of the State and 

1 Limerick surrendered to Ireton on 27 October. 

* Richard Nugent, second Earl of Westmeath, succeeded his grandfather, 
Richard, the first Earl, in 1642. Being in England at the time he returned to 
Ireland in 1644, took his seat in Parliament and in 1645 raised a regiment 
of foot for the King's service. He was instrumental in bringing about the 
Peace of 1648/9, and after Ormond's retirement co-operated with Clanricarde, 
being appointed general of all the forces in Leinster. He submitted to the 
Parliament on the Articles of Kilkenny in May 1652 and was allo^d to trans- 
port himself abroad ; but returning in 1659 he was arrested and imprisoned. 
He recovered his liberty and estates at the Restoration and died in 1684. 

3 See No. 56. 

72 The case of the Ulster Delinquents [1051 

increase of the Public Revenue. We usually allow the wives 
and children of Delinquents some part of the sequestered 
estate, not exceeding a fifth part, provided that they, to 
whom it is allowed, be under protection, and that their 
portion be liable to contributions equally with others ; and 
we leave it free to you to grant the same allowances, where 
you shall find just and equitable grounds for it. As to 
the particular persons you mention, whose necessitous con- 
ditions require the like relief, we are willing they and their 
families should be looked upon as capable thereof, whether they 
have wives or not ; but in all cases where sequestrations are 
actually made, the personal estates of Delinquents as well as 
the real ought to be sequestered. For Col. Con way's * estate 
we shall do him right upon his petition, when he appears before 
us ; but in the meantime the sequestration on the Lord 
Conway' s estate is to be prosecuted. As for those that plead 
particular articles for exemption from common charges and 
contributions (as Col. Trevor 2 does) we desire you to examine 
them and certify us how you find them and what your judgment 
is upon them. As to the supplying of the defects of contribu- 
tions of wasted counties out of counties that are solvent, our 
meaning is very much misunderstood therein to our prejudice. 
The thing we had in our eye, and most immediately in our care, 
was the making of a certain provision for the forces, without 
which the British quarters cannot subsist, and not [the] favour- 
ing the Irish, which may easily appear by the power given to 
the Commissioners of the Revenue, to assess and levy what is 

1 This was Col. Edward Con way, son of Edward, second Viscount Conway and 
Killultagh, whom he succeeded in 1655. The political principles of the Con- 
ways, father and son, resembled those of the famou- Vicar of Bray, their sole 
object being to preserve the large estates in England and Ireland amassed by the 
founder of the family, Sir Fulk Conway, in James I's reign. In this policy they 
were eminently successful. Col. Edward was created Earl of Conway in 1679 
and died in 1683. A characteristic letter from Rawdon to Lord Conway, 
20 Nov. 1651, on the subject of the sequestrations is printed in the Calendar 
of State Papers, Irel., 1647-1660, p. 283. 

8 Col. Marcus Trevor, son of Sir Edward Trevor of Rosetrevor, co. Down, 
who died about 1642, served in Ireland at the beginning of the Rebellion, but 
coming to England with the Irish levies in 1643 he fought on the royalist side 
at the battle of Marston Moor. Returning to Ireland he took an active part in 
the war, but with Lords Montgomery and Moore submitted to Cromwell at 
Clonmel in April 1650. He was however considered a dangerous person and a 
sharp eye was kept upon him by the Government. He supported the Restora- 
tion, was one of the knights of the shire for co. Down in Parliament in 1661, 
and being created Viscount Dungannon in 1662 died in 1670. See Life in 
Diet. Natl. Biog. 

i65i] News of the Capitulation of Limerick 73 

assessed upon the Irish quarters, so far as the same can be 
levied ; and we conceive that those defects of the Irish counties, 
with the increase of the assessment, will not amount to so much 
upon the British, as the ease they have by taking of 1 dry quarters 
and other irregular taxes. We pity the nakedness of the 
soldiers ; but they have clothes coming over from England, 
as we are assured by Mr Rowe's 2 last letter, and yet in the 
meantime you shall do well to furnish them with shoes and 
stockings during their instant necessity, which must be 
defrayed by the excise or some other way/' 28 Oct. 
Ib. ff. 179-80. 


" Yours of the 22nd inst. are come to our hands, which 
acquaints us with your readiness (in pursuance of our 
last order) to store your garrisons with corn this winter, 
but that the ruinous, wasted condition of your quarters 
hinders and crosses your compliance therein. We are sorry 
to hear of the difficulties you have been and do still lie under. 
We desire you to make provision of 600 barrels of corn that 
your letter did mention. We do not know at present where 
to lay the payment for the same but upon the contributions, 
at three payments in the months of December, January and 
February. We have written as earnestly as we could to the 
Council of State for money to supply our necessities, which are 
very great in all parts, and we do believe the letters from 
thence in answer to ours were cast away when the packet was 
lately taken, so as we know not what provisions are designed 
for your quarters. . . ." 28 Oct. Ib. f. 182. 


" We have this day received intelligence from Col. Sankey, 
under his own hand, of the news of the rendering of Limerick 

1 Sic ; but the sense requires " off." 

2 Mathias Howe, apparently to be identified with the Mr Howe who was 
sent to Ireland in 1647 as Secretary to the Commissioners appointed by Parlia- 
ment to receive the surrender of Dublin from Ormond (Hist. MSS.Comm., 8th 
Kept., App., p. 212.) He afterwards found employment under the Common- 
wealth in managing the details of the Cromwellian Settlement ; but there is 
considerable difficulty in distinguishing him from certain other Mr Rowes of 
the period. 

74 The army decimated by sickness [i65i 

unto my Lord Deputy, a copy whereof [wanting] we send you 
enclosed. We doubt not but his Excellency will give you 
a full account of this great and seasonable mercy, as soon 
as the difficulty of the passage from the place where now 
his Lordship is will permit. We shall only add that the 
enemy hath considerable parties in several parts of this nation, 
whereof we have lately given particular account (so far as hath 
come to our notice) to the Council of State ; and the forces 
before Limerick, and those that have been in continual marches 
in attending the motions of the enemy all this summer, have 
been much wasted, especially the new recruits, so as there will 
be a necessity of more forces to be sent over, which we do 
beseech you to consider of, so as this work may be vigorously 
carried on and your servants here enabled to reduce those 
enemies, that we hope are gathered together, that, in the Lord's 
due time, they may be destroyed. We are now preparing to go 
to Athlone, fifty miles from this city, upon the Shannon, my 
Lord Deputy holding that to be the most fit place for the head- 
quarter this winter, where we shall meet his Lordship in order 
to settle those parts and put in execution such orders as we have 
or shall receive from the Parliament." 28 Oct. Ib. ff. 184-5. 


Renewing request for clothes, provisions etc. for the army. 
" The continual duty and long marches of all your forces 
in all parts this summer hath much wasted your men, and they 
do daily fall sick and drop away, and the enemy doth rather 
increase, especially of late, being heightened with the con- 
tributions and supplies they have gained in all our quarters 
this summer. At Ross they took 5000 1 in money and 
sixteen barrels of powder, and to this day they daily prey 
and drive away cattle in all parts to the very doors of our 
garrisons. We are informed by one, that is lately come from 
the camp before Limerick, that assured us that 2000 of your 
forces, most of them the late recruits, died there this summer, 
and many do daily there fall sick ; and the like we hear from 
all parts in the several quarters, so as there is necessity of 
supplies to be sent over." 28 Oct. Ib. ff. 185-6. 

1 But see above, pp. 61, 63. 

i65i] Engrossers of corn to be punished 75 


" Captain Sankey 1 of Sir Theophilus Jones' regiment is a 
prisoner with Sir Walter Dungan, and now at liberty upon 
his parole. He is one that we value for his fidelity and 
good service, and not having here any prisoner of the enemy's 
of his rank, Sir Walter Dungan hath proposed that Capt. 
Richard Talbot, 2 lieutenant to Sir Walter Dungan, and 
some others may be released for him. We pray your 
Lordship therefore to give the said Richard Talbot his 
liberty. . . ." 28 Oct. Ib. f. 187. 


" Necessity enforced us to draw upon the Treasurers- 
at-War 1000 for payment and satisfaction of merchants, 
whom we contracted with for corn to be delivered into 
the public stores, and we have given order to Alderman 
Daniel Hutchinson to take up the same here and charge 
it upon the Treasurers by Bills of Exchange. This sum 
we humbly desire may be ordered by your Lordships to be 
punctually paid out of such monies as are, or shall be appointed 
for the service of Ireland out of the sale of Delinquents' estates, 
or out of any other treasure, besides that which is immediately 
designed for the monthly pay of the army here." 30 Oct. 
f. 190. 

76. Ordered by the Commissioners that Col. Hewson do 
raise 400 men for the public service. 30 Oct. Orders A/82. 
42. f. 51- 

77. Ordered by the Same that all engrossers of corn and 
victuals be strictly punished. 7 Nov. Ib. f. 56. 

1 Captain Henry Sankey, taken prisoner as related above, p. 38, was con- 
jecturally a nephew of Col. Hierome Sankey, with whom he seems to have 
come to Ireland in 1649. He was charged with and tried for (1652) the murder 
of an Irishman (Hickson, Irish Massacres, ii, p. 230) but was apparently 

* Youngest son of Sir William Talbot, better known to his contemporaries 
a little later on as Col. Dick Talbot, and to posterity as the famous Duke of 
Tyrconnel. He was at this time barely twenty-one years old, and had already 
an adventurous career behind him. He surrendered next year and left Ire- 
land for Spain in the company of his nephew, Sir Walter Dungan. See Life 
in Diet. Natl. Biog. 

76 A solemn Day of Thanksgiving [i65i 



" . . . We hope upon the drawing of Col. Venables' forces 
out of the field, you will be able to discharge your country 
volunteer troop and bands, and so ease them of that duty they 
have undergone this summer. . . . The stipend you assign for 
Mr Lang 2 and your employing him in the ministry as you 
have done, in compliance with the recommendatory letters of 
the Lord Lieutenant is well approved of ; but he and all others 
that bear any office or receive any salary from the Common- 
wealth are to subscribe the Engagement. We have appointed 
Wednesday come fortnight next to be kept as a solemn day of 
thanksgiving to Almighty God for the delivering of Limerick 
into the Parliament's possession. ..." n Nov. Ib. ff. 193-4. 


Expressing their satisfaction at his recovery and their 
recognition of his claim for arrears. " Brian O'Neill 3 (to 
whom we no longer allow that title of Baronet) setting 

1 The Commissioners were Major Bolton, Ralph King, Owen Wynne and 
John Reeves. 

2 A certain John Lang was minister of the church at Ballymote, co. Sligo, 
at a salary of 50 ; but I think the reference is to a Mr James Lang, minister at 
Killashandra, co. Cavan, who likewise received 50 a year. For the terms of 
the Engagement, to be true and faithful to the Commonwealth of England as 
the same is now established without Kong or House of Lords, in its final form, 
see Gardiner, Hist, of the Commonwealth, i, p. 8 n. By order of the Parliament, 
12 Oct. 1649, the obligation of signing it was made compulsory on all state 
officials, including all ministers admitted to a benefice. Ib. p. 197. 

3 Brian O'Neill, of the O'Neills of Upper Clannaboy (Hib, Clann-Aodh- 
Buidhe), comprising north-east co. Down, appears at an early age to have 
taken to the profession of arms (Hill, Montgomery MSS., p. 367 n.) and is said 
to have seen service under the Prince of Orange in Holland. Returning to 
Ireland, he received a commission in the Irish army and was one of those officers 
to whom Charles' design of employing the army in England was communi- 
cated (Macguire's Relation in Nalson, ii, 546). Subsequently he went to 
England, and joining the King's standard, he was for his bravery at the battle 
of Edgehill created a baronet. Coming afterwards to Ireland he served under 
Ormond, and being taken prisoner by Preston, in 1647, he was exchanged for 
Captain Stephens (Gal. State Papers, Irel., 1633-1647, pp. 365, 640, 649). In the 
following year he appears to have fallen into the hands of Col. John Jones 
(ib. 1648-1660, p. 772). He survived the Restoration, dying about 1670. By 
his first wife, Jane Finch (of the Nottingham branch), he had one son, Sir Brian, 
who became Baron of the Exchequer in 1687 (cf. King, State of the Protestants, 
4th ed., p. 70), and was apparently the author of a history of Ireland (Hist. MSS. 
Comm., 8th Rept., Pt. iii, p. 40). His second wife was Sarah, daughter of 
Patrick Savage of Portaferry and Jean Montgomery, by whom he had also a 
son, Hugh. Both brothers adhered to the cause of James II, and by so doing 
forfeited what had remained to them of the family estates. 

1651] Monthly assessments to be strictly enforced 77 

forth his indigent condition here, whereunto he is reduced 
by being banished from his estate, and thereby deprived 
(as he alleges) from making any considerable benefit of it ; 
wherefore, in regard the posture of affairs is now altered for 
the better, we are willing his banishment be recalled if you 
think fit, and accordingly return him to you, to take what 
security you please of him, and do otherwise as you judge 
most safe and consistent with the public peace." u Nov. 
Ib. ff. 195-6. 


"... We have lately despatched very earnest letters 
to the Commissioners of the Public Revenue, to be exceed- 
ing strict in collecting and levying the monthly assessments 
according to instructions given them, and to require that 
from solvent places, which is not answered out of waste 
baronies or counties that stand out ; and we do not doubt 
their conformity therein ; and since you yourself and 
Col. Venables are in the Commission with the rest, it will 
be much in your own power to see that the contribution be as 
well paid in Ulster, as it is in other provinces, and that your 
forces be in equal condition with others, so that no discourage- 
ment ought to arise to you or to the soldiers under your com- 
mand in that respect. Col. Venables proposes to us about (sic) 
destroying and burning of that corn which the enemy in Cavan 
and other places have reserved for seed the next year, and he 
offers it as a fit means to distress, and so force the enemy 
from his bogs and fastnesses ; but indeed we dare not at this 
distance interpose our advice in matters of that nature, nor will 
we give any order in it. You best understand how feasible the 
business is, and how little hazard there will be of wasting your 
men, or exposing your other quarters to the incursions of 
the enemies in attempting it, and therefore to your further 
deliberation and consultation we must leave it." n Nov. 
Ib. ft. 198-9. 


" We have now at last sent down Justice Dungan * into 

1 Thomas Diingan, or more correctly Dongan, said by D' Alton to have been 
of the same family as Sir Walter Dongan (above, p. 32), was apparently the son 

78 The case of the Rev. Jerome O'Quin [i65i 

Ulster for the administration of justice in those parts. . . ." 
12 Nov. Ib. L 200. 


" We have received some information that Mr Jerome 
O'Quin, 1 living in those parts, is somewhat embittered against 
the interest of England, and hath of late publicly expressed 
the same in prayers and other public exercises. We desire 
you to inform yourself of the matter of fact, and, if 
you find him under that temptation, we are of opinion 
that his service in the work of the Lord might be of much 
advantage in other parts of Ireland, as in Dublin, Limerick, 
or Kilkenny, or other parts where there are Irish that cannot 
speak English. ..." 13 Nov. Ib. f. 202. 

83. Ordered by the Commissioners that in accordance with 
the Order of Parliament for the assessment of taxes in Ireland, 
the Province of Leinster do pay the monthly charge of 4800, 
viz. Co. Dublin 800 ; City of Dublin 200 ; Co. Kildare 600 ; 
Co. Carlo w 500 ; Co. Meath 1500 ; Co. Westmeath 500 ; 
Co. Longford 500 ; baronies in Queen's Co. 100 ; Barony 
of Ferrard in Co. Louth 100; to continue for six months 
commencing ist November and reckoning twenty-eight days to 
the month. 13 Nov. Orders A/82. 42. f. 61. 

of William Dongan, Clerk of the Hanaper. He is described as Counsellor-at- 
Law in 1644, in which year he succeeded Thomas Bavand as one of the Justices 
of the Court of Chief Place in Ireland. In 1651 he was created Third Baron of 
the Exchequer and retained his place at the Restoration ; but in consequence 
of old age and bodily infirmity he resigned in 1663, his wife having predeceased 
him in 1653. D' Alton, King James' Army List, p. 259 ; Gal State Papers, 
Irel., 1644, p. 349 ; ib. 1663, p. 9. 

1 Mr Jerome or Jeremiah O'Quin, a native apparently of Templepatrick, co. 
Antrim, graduated M.A. at Glasgow University hi 1644. He was ordained 
Presbyterian minister of Billy near Bushmills in 1646. But, having by his 
refusal to condemn the execution of Charles I drawn down on him the censure 
of the Presbytery, he was suspended from his charge, together with the Rev. 
James Ker of Ballymoney. His and Ker's case was brought to the notice of 
Col. Venables, and a pamphlet entitled " News from Ireland concerning the 
proceedings of the Presbytery . . . against Mr James Ker and Mr Jeremy 
O' Queen, etc., published at London, 9 July 1650, won for the two ejected 
ministers the sympathy of the Independents. O'Quin, however, as the above 
letter shows, began to doubt whether he had acted rightly and finally recon- 
ciled himself to the Presbytery ; but he was not removed from his charge 
at Billy. He died on 31 January 1658. His epitaph describes him as 
"pastor mollis." Both he and Ker, according to Adair, were "men of great 
reputation for honesty and zeal, though of little learning and no great 
judgement." Reid, Hist. Presb. Ch., ii, pp. 41, 114, 234. 

1661] Ireton proposes to make AMone his headquarters 79 


" Your Lordship's letter of 7th October last came formerly 
to us ; but wanting an opportunity of safe conveyance till 
this present we could not sooner give an account in answer 
thereunto. As to our sudden coming to Athlone we do find 
some difficulty therein at present first, in regard Col. 
Jones's wife hath of late been and doth still continue in 
such weakness as there is little hope of life, and Mr Corbett's 
wife still is at the waterside at Chester coming over, but 
by contrary winds is still there detained ; also we do not 
hear, since the rendering of Limerick, what motions or pre- 
parations are towards Gal way or Roscommon, so as we know 
not whether the affairs in those remote parts of Connaught, 
from Athlone side, may not necessitate your Lordship's absence. 
But yet, if your Lordship shall propose to come to Athlone, and 
do judge our present coming to your Lordship thither to be of 
use and service to the public, we shall be ready to break through 
these difficulties and leave them as God in his providence shall 
please to dispose, and shall apply ourselves to attend your 
Lordship and the public service according to our duty. 

" We have formerly by ours of 3rd September last given your 
Lordship an account of the provisions for the Ulster forces for 
six months from ist inst. November ; and as to Leinster forces 
we send enclosed a copy of the assessment for Leinster forces. 
As to Munster, we are at such a distance from them, and 
at such an incapacity to be informed of the posture of your 
forces there, and the condition of the country, as we do 
humbly beseech your Lordship to give such directions therein, 
as may be consistent with the condition of your forces there 
and of the country. As to the Precincts of Kilkenny, 
Wexford, and Water ford, we do find the condition of those 
parts to be such, as they cannot bear any increase, nor indeed 
not well able to endure what was laid on them the six months 
last past. As to the charge for the fortifying of Athlone and 
other incident charges, to make that place of use to the public 
service of this nation, we do fear whether they in Englf nd will 
take it well that such a charge be borne by them, and therefore, 
upon consideration had of the charge that that work is like to 
amount unto, are of opinion that it will be most fit that it be 

8o Low condition of the stores and treasury [i65i 

done at the public charge of this nation, it being likely that the 
benefit may and will arise thereby to the whole nation, and 
therefore [suggest] that 2000 be laid as a tax on the four pro- 
vinces, by 500 on each province, and the same to be paid to 
some fitting person, to be laid out for that service ; only this we 
humbly offer to your Lordship's consideration, and as we shall 
understand your Lordship's approbation thereof we shall cause 
the same to be done accordingly. As to the Commissioners for 
the Revenue of Connaught we do fully concur with your 
Lordship therein, and do hope within a little time that pro- 
vince may, by God's help, be so reduced, as our being there 
may be of more use than yet it is of, for the further settling the 
Public Revenue there. Our last letters from England, being 
two weeks' packet, and one by an express (as we hear) were met 
with by the enemy, and so they were thrown overboard, and 
since, (being four weeks) we have not any intelligence from 
England, the wind having been so tempestuous and contrary, 
so as we cannot hear how the Isle of Man doth stand at 
present." 13 Nov. Domestic Corresp. A/8g. 49. ff. 203-5. 


" We hold it our duty to give your Lordship an account 
of the low condition of the stores and treasury here. There 
is not in the stores 30 barrels of powder, and but very 
little corn, and, if corn be supplied out of the assessments 
of the country, we cannot see how the soldiers will be paid, 
the assessments being already too short for the pay of the 
forces near 2500 per mensem, and, except we have con- 
siderable supplies from England within very few days, we 
shall not be able to pay the soldiers upon their next muster. 
We have not one penny of money in the treasury but what 
we have borrowed to defray necessary incident charges, out 
of which we have ordered Major Sumner 1 to receive 100 
towards defraying the charge of the fortifications at Athlone. 
This is the hardest pinch of want that your affairs here have 
been under since your Lordship came to Ireland ; but we hope 

1 Major Miles Symner, a '49 officer, was afterwards appointed a Commissioner 
along with Dr Petty, who describes him as " a person of known integrity and 
judgment," and Vincent Gookin, for the distribution of lands, on the basis 
of the Down Survey. His own arrears had not been settled in 1665, when he 
died. He was a benefactor to the Library of Trinity College, Dublin. 

1651] News of the reduction of the Isle of Man 8l 

the Lord will open a way for supplying these wants in his due 
time. We did foresee these straits coming upon us, and have 
long since often and earnestly written to the Council for season- 
able supplies in each particular, which we hope to receive by 
the next return." 13 Nov. Ib. f. 207. 


"This day we had several letters from England, whereby 
you may perceive what great things God hath been pleased 
to do there of late. Guernsey and Jersey are now in 
possession of the Parliament's forces, as our letters inform 
us and as the particulars set forth ; the Isle of Man also 
is totally reduced, as we hear from Captain Sherwine, that 
doth command a frigate for the Parliament that went 
thither to attend that service, being done, 1 was come to 
Beaumaris, and Captain Rich, that this day came from 
those parts, did speak with him, and he assured us of the truth 
thereof. A regiment of horse is now at Milford to come for 
Ireland also, and some foot are marching for the waterside ; 
also direction is given for the forces in the Isle of Man, that can 
be spared there, to come for Ireland ; clothes, ammunition and 
treasure are shipped and coming also for Ireland. The Scots' 
King, as the printed papers mention, is in Paris. The Lord 
St John, young Sir Henry Vane, Mr Richard Sal way with the 
Lieutenant-general and Major-general are to go Commissioners 
into Scotland to settle affairs there. 2 Impart this to the head- 
quarters." 14 Nov. Ib. f. 208. 


" Being informed by Captain Rich, who came on Saturday 
last to this harbour out of Anglesea, that the party under 
your command in the Isle of Man are in some distress 
for want of salt, and fearing these winds debar you from 
supply from England, we have despatched him to you with 
a small quantity of salt for your present supply, in case 
you stand in need of it, and to know the certainty how 

1 Sic ; but the sen-e seems to require " which being done." 

2 The Commissioners appointed, 23 Oct., to go to Scotland to a*ange a 
union with England were Chief Justice Oliver St John, Sir Henry Vane, Richard 
Salwey, Major-General Lambert, Major-General Dean, Col. Monck, Col. Fen- 
wick and Col. Tichborne. 

3 Col. Robt. Duckenfield of Dukinfield, Cheshire. See Life in Diet. Natl Biog. 

82 Clare Castle surrendered to Ludlow 

the Lord hath appeared with you in your great undertaking, 
and wherein we may be serviceable to you in the carrying on of 
the work committed to your care in the place where you are, 
and what number of the forces, now with you, are to be trans- 
ported into Ireland, and for what part of Ireland they are 
designed, that quarters may be appointed for them. The 
quantity of salt is 26 barrels, which, at 145. the barrel, amounts 
to 18. 4. o, which we desire may be paid to Captain Rich 
upon delivery of the salt, so as the merchant, with whom we 
have contracted, may be satisfied ; but if you have no need of 
it, we have appointed him to bring the salt back. The freight 
of the salt is not valued in this price. 

" P.S. We pray you to hasten away by the first opportunity 
the powder and ammunition, which is shipped for this place, 
whereof there is very great want. Limerick was rendered to 
my Lord Deputy on 28 October, and since that Clare Castle * 
is also rendered to Lieutenant-General Ludlow." 17 Nov. 
Ib. f. 210. 

88. Ordered by the Commissioners that Wednesday, 26th 
inst. Nov. be observed as a day of public thanksgiving for the 
surrender of Limerick. 18 Nov. Orders A/82. 42. f. 69. 


" In our last despatch we informed your Lordships of 
the surrender of Limerick ; since which time we are informed 
by Commissary-General Reynolds that Clare Castle is sur- 
rendered to Lieutenant-General Ludlow, and we hope that 
your forces in Connaught will lay a close siege on all sides 
to Galway. The Lord Deputy intends to make Athlone his 
headquarters this winter, and hath given orders for the 
building of some houses in the town, and fortifying of the 
same, as being conceived the most advantageous place for 
a strong inland garrison of any in Ireland, being seated on 
the Shannon and in the centre of the nation ; but the charge 
of the fortification, being estimated to amount to 2000, 
doth at this time (when we labour under so much want of 
money) very much discourage us to advise the prosecution of 

1 Clare Castle surrendered to Ludlow on 5 November. For Articles of 
Surrender see below, No. 98 (i). 

1651] Commissioners forced to borrow money 83 

that work. Major Sumner, the engineer, was this last week in 
this town, sent hither to confer with us about that work, and 
to provide tools and other necessaries, and press artificers for 
that service, unto whom we advanced 100, which we were fain 
to borrow, there being no money in the treasury. We intend 
to wait on the Lord Deputy at Athlone as soon as we hear his 
Lordship is there, or that our being there may be of service 
to you, and shall take the best care we can that that place may 
be made useful for your service, and my Lord Deputy's design 
(in making that the station of a large party) be prosecuted. 

We have often troubled your Lordships with a representation 
of the state of your affairs in this province, therein setting forth 
the necessity of a constant supply of money for this place, 
wherein we propounded no more than what was of mere 
necessity for the carrying on of your service, nor indeed so 
much, as the state of affairs are at present. Our present 
want of money is very great, which we long since foresaw would 
fall upon us, unless prevented by your Lordships' care, as by 
our several despatches will appear, an abstract of which we 
have here enclosed sent to remind your Lordships of what 
we formerly writ. The necessity of carrying on your affairs 
here, and no signification of your pleasure made known unto us 
upon any of the said despatches, we did humbly conceive that 
your Lordships did approve of what we propounded in order to 
the said supplies. The Deputy-Treasurer * here, being now in 
England, and his deputy, 2 appointed in his absence, dying of 
the plague, we not knowing how else to supply the pay of the 
forces, did order Alderman Daniel Hut chin son to take up here 
two sums of 2000, each sum, and to charge the same upon the 
Treasurers-at-War, being propounded for the pay of these forces 
for the months of August and September. We have likewise 
caused to be drawn upon the Treasurers-at-War 1000, for corn 
delivered into the stores by Mr Vanhoven, 3 in part of a greater 
sum due to him, without which corn your forces could not have 
subsisted ; and a good part of that corn is already spent in your 

1 Jas. Standish. ^ 

2 John Houghton : original will in Public Record Office, Dublin. 

3 Gerard or Garrett Vanhoven or Van Howen, a native of Amsterdam, settled 
down as a merchant at Dublin and obtained letters of denization in 1646. 
He seems to have had a good deal to do with the provisioning of the army 
during the war, and died intestate in 1661. 

84 Army in great straits for want of money U65i 

service for your forces. There are delivered into the stores here 
1200 cassocks and breeches, better cloth and larger than the 
clothes sent hither the last year. They stand in about i6s. 4d. 
the suit, and amount unto 971. 5. o ; for which we have caused 
a Bill of Exchange to be drawn upon the Treasurers-at-War, 
which we humbly desire may be, by your Lordships' order, 
satisfied, we having formerly acquainted your Lordships with 
our purpose to provide some clothes here unless your Lordships 
signified your pleasure to the contrary. We humbly desire the 
clothes provided by your Lordships' care for all your forces 
may be hastened, there being great want of them. 

"Your Lordships, the i8th July last, ordered 8000 to be 
sent to Carrickfergus for the forces in Ulster, and because 
that money is not yet come, we were necessitated to give order 
to the Commissioners of the Revenue in Ulster to charge the 
Treasurers-at-War with 2200 of the said 8000, and to 
Alderman Hutchinson with 1000 of the said 8000, both 
which sums were for the forces under Col. Venables' 
command. The residue of the said 8000 is, by my Lord 
Deputy's order, appointed for Sir Charles Coote's forces 
(part of the Ulster forces in Connaught) which may better be 
conveyed to him from hence than [from] Ulster. We mention 
this to the end the said remainder (being not yet sent over) 
may be sent hither for Sir Charles Coote. The sense of the 
straits your affairs are in here, for want of money, makes us 
presume to be thus troublesome to you, assuring your Lord- 
ships that less than 2500 per mensem for the months of 
October, November and December, besides what is already 
charged from hence, will not carry on your service here for the 
Leinster forces within Dublin Precinct. As for such sums 
as you shall please to send into Ireland we beseech your 
Lordships they may come with the clothes, and that money 
may be provided. 

" P.S. We have issued out orders for the furnishing of the 
stores at Trim, Mullingar, Carlow and Athy with 5000 barrels 
of corn, and all the other garrisons in this province with three 
months' provision of corn, the said corn to be brought in by the 
country, and to be paid for out of their assessments, we having 
no other way left to provide bread for the soldiers, and to have 
stores in those places the next spring, without which your 

1651] Persons arrested for uttering false coin 85 

forces cannot march forth, there being no bread to be had for 
them, but what they carry with them. This we mention that 
your Lordships may better perceive what necessity there is of 
answering the former Bills, charged upon the Treasurers, and 
continuing the supply formerly desired of 2500 per mensem for 
these three months for this place/' 19 Nov. Ib. ff. 211-4. 


" We have formerly given your Lordships an account of 
some discoveries made by us here of counterfeiting gold and 
other English com, and sending over from England great sums 
of counterfeit, base and clipped money, and also given your 
Lordships the names of some parties we have in prison here, 
and of some of their confederates in London viz. Thomas 
Hartup, Major Richard Hill in Woodstreet and one Booth a 
goldsmith in Cheapside. The matter appears in our judgment 
to be of high concernment, and the rather for that advice came 
in a letter from London from one of the parties concerned, which 
we have good grounds to believe to be the hand of Major Hill 
(having compared the superscription of that letter with other 
letters of his in our custody) for poisoning Christopher Jones 
now in prison here, who made the first discovery and fixed it 
upon Hartup. We do humbly desire your Lordships' pleasure 
and speedy direction what your Lordships please to command 
us to do further therein." 19 Nov. Ib. f. 218. 


" We understand that the 8000 appointed for the Ulster 
forces, by order of the Council of loth 1 July last, is now 
sent to you to be transported thither ; but, forasmuch as 
divers of the forces heretofore belonging to that province 
are now in Connaught, the Lord Deputy hath ordered the 
greatest part thereof to be sent into Connaught for supply 
of those forces there. We pray you therefore to send hither 
the said 8000, or so much of it as is in your hands, and 
we will take order to see it distributed to the, several 
provinces according to the Lord Deputy's directions for the 
several forces of Ulster." 19 Nov. Ib. f. 220. 

1 Sic : recte 18th. Of. No. 89. 

86 Steps to be taken to fortify Athlone [i65i 


" We have not any late news since the taking of Limerick, 
but that Clare Castle in the County of Thomond [Clare] is 
rendered to the Lieut. -General. At that castle lay our great 
guns, surprised the last summer by the enemy as they 
were carrying thither to batter the place. It is also reported 
by the enemy that the Lord Deputy hath caused four of 
the twenty-two excepted persons by the Articles of Limerick 
to be shot, the Bishop of that place being one of them. The 
Governor thereof is also a prisoner." 19 Nov. Ib. f. 221. 


The same letter mutatis mutandis, with following addition. 
" We humbly desire your Lordship's furtherance in procuring 
the supplies of money and other particulars in our letters to 
the Council mentioned to be expedited, which will be a special 
obligation upon yours etc/' 19 Nov. Ib. f. 221. 


" We received yours of the nth inst., and as to Major 
Sumner we hope he is long before this come to you, and we 
hope the works and reparations at Athlone are in such a good 
forwardness, as the season of the year and the small helps 
now to be gotten will well permit, and we believe your eye 
and care will much further the same. As to the providing of 
corn we do hold it a very necessary work, and do desire 
you to commend it to the Commissioners of the Revenue 
within Connaught, to make timely provision of what corn 
can be gotten out of Roscommon, or the islands, or other 
parts in Connaught side, and that a fit person of trust be 
appointed to take care of the corn and hay that shall come into 
the public stores there. As to the corn out of the adjacent 
parts to Athlone on Leinster side, we have conferred with the 
Commissioners of the Revenue of this precinct, and have 
ordered that the baronies therein mentioned do bring in the 
quantities of corn mentioned to Athlone, which we do beseech 
you to give some direction to some of the forces with you to see 
the same made effective ; but as to the payment thereof, the 
same must be made out of the treasury by my Lord Deputy's 

165X] Financial difficulties 87 

order, of which we have written to my Lord Deputy, and do 
desire that you would see the same done accordingly. As 
to the Barony of Kilkenny 1 to be assigned to your troops, we 
shall be ready to give you all furtherance therein ; but at this 
distance cannot give any positive order therein ; but we hold 
most fit that business of that kind be done by my Lord Deputy 
and his immediate order. But this we shall further confer with 
you about at our meeting with you, and do desire to hear from 
you where my Lord Deputy now is and when he doth come to 
Athlone, that accordingly we may dispose of ourselves in order 
to our coming thither." 22 Nov. Ib. ff. 236-7. 


" In our last of the I3th present (a duplicate whereof 
we herewith send lest the former might miscarry) we gave 
your Excellency an account of the state of your treasury and 
stores ; since which time there is little alteration in either. 
What supplies are like to be had for this place will appear 
to your Lordship by perusal of the enclosed copy [wanting] 
of Mr Rowe's letter to us. The whole ordered for supply 
of the defects in the treasury here is but 6000, whereof 
4000 we have drawn upon the Treasurers-at-War for supply- 
ing the defects in the months of August and September, and 
for the months of October, November and December. We 
did by many despatches move the Council that 2500 per 
mensem might be ordered for this place, there being no other 
way, visible to us, left for supplying the defects in those months, 
but out of the English treasury ; but we find no other provision 
made than the remainder of the said 6000, so that unless your 
Excellency be pleased to direct some course for supplying the 
want of the treasury here, we cannot discern how your forces 
in this precinct can be paid up, upon an equal foot of account 
with the rest of your forces in other parts ; the treasury here 
being already indebted (for money borrowed upon account of 
the Bills which the Treasurers gave for 2500, part of the said 
6000, and mentioned by Mr Rowe), the sum of 1400, which 
with the 4000 above mentioned makes the sum of ^5400, so 
that there remaineth but 600 of the said 6000 unissued. 

1 I.e. Kilkenny West in co. Westmeath. 

88 Quarterly assessments anticipated 

There is 2000 of the 4000 we charged upon the Treasurers, 
which Mr Rowe saith he cannot tell whether they will 
answer the same or no. Besides the defects above mentioned, 
there is another charge now drawing on, which will lessen the 
Revenue of the assessments for the next three months very 

" Upon consideration had of the necessity of furnishing your 
stores and garrisons with corn, and of the course your Excel- 
lency formerly prescribed in that particular, we have (upon 
advice with Col. Hewson, Sir Robert King * and others) issued 
out orders for the furnishing of the stores at Trim, Mullingar, 
Carlow and Athy with 5000 barrels of corn, and all other 
garrisons within this precinct with three months' provision of 
corn, the said corn to be brought in by the country, and to be 
paid for out of their assessments for the months of December, 
January and February. What this corn will amount unto 
cannot yet be certified ; but it is very certain that, unless 
some course be taken for the supplying of what shall be 
defalked for the said corn out of those said months' assess- 
ment, the pay of the said forces will fail. All which we 
humbly conceive necessary to offer to your Lordship's 

" We hope in a short time to wait on your Lordship in Con- 
naught (although the obstructions which lie in the way of some 
of us be not yet removed) where we may have opportunity to 
represent the aforesaid particulars at large. As to the great 
fault laid to Alderman Hutchinson, we are glad to hear that 

1 Sir Robert King, brother of Edward King, Milton's friend, and brother-in- 
law of Sir Gerard Lowther, Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, Ireland, was the 
eldest son of Sir John King of Boyle Abbey, co. Roscommon, and his wife 
Catherine, grand -niece of Sir William Drury. He became Muster Master- 
General and Clerk of the Cheque in 1618, and, being knighted in 1 621, he repre- 
sented the borough of Boyle in Parliament in 1634 and 1639, and was returned 
M.P. for co. Roscommon in 1640. In November 1641 he was appointed 
Governor of Boyle Castle, but retired to England the following year, and taking 
the side of the Parliament he was appointed a commissioner for the affairs of 
Ulster in 1645 and a commissioner to receive the surrender of Dublin from 
Ormond in 1647. In May 1651 he was made a commissioner of the public 
revenue and shortly afterwards a trustee of Trinity College, Dublin. On 23 May 
1653 he was appointed an over eer of the poor within the city and precinct of 
Dublin, and in Nov. that year he was sworn a member of the Council of State. 
He represented the counties of Sligo, Roscommon and Leitrim in the united 
Parliament in 1654, and in Nov. 1655 order was given for the satisfaction of 
1224. 17s. 6d.due to him in the Barony of Clanwilliam. He died in 1657 
and was succeeded by his eldest son, Sir John, afterwards Baron Kingston. 
Cf. Lodge, Peerage, iii, 223-226. 

1651] Money advanced by Alderman Hutchinson 89 

Alderman Allen 1 is so sensible of that matter, and we hope that 
fault done by [the] Deputy-Treasurers in Ireland, or their agents 
in London, will be amended for the future, though we have good 
cause to suspect that that practice hath been too much used 
by some of their deputies or agents. But the truth is that the 
Deputy-Treasurer here, being gone to England, where he is 
still, and Mr Houghton, his deputy left in his absence, being 
since dead of the plague, we could not tell how to answer the 
payments to be made to the soldiery, but by making use of 
that honest man Mr Alderman Hutchinson, and to take up 
monies on his credit here, who freely offered his service therein ; 
and he doth confess that of some he hath taken 403. per cent, 
and of some nothing, and he saith he is at charge in keeping a 
factor at London to look after the Bills and to satisfy those from 
whom he doth take it ; and further he saith that he hath often 
taken up monies for the public service in this kind formerly, 
and hath been forced to give money here to have return made 
in London, and he will freely account what money he hath paid, 
and what he hath received by way of profit or loss for returns 
at London, and in the whole he is a great loser, but yet submits 
himself to have any allowance or no allowance as shall be 
judged reasonable and fitting. We have sent your Excellency 
an abstract of our last letter to the Council and former des- 
patches about monies, and an abstract of the charge and 
revenue here, and we do humbly offer it to your Lordship's 
consideration, if it be not necessary that your Excellency also 
do signify to them what is fitting to be done, and if your Lord- 
ship shall please to send any despatch we shall see it sent hence 
by the first opportunity. . . ." 25 Nov. Ib. ff. 224-7. 

95 (i). Order for assessment upon counties and places in the 
Precinct of Dublin as above, No. 83. 

95 (ii). Total charge of forces in the Precinct of Dublin 
8369. ii. o. Towards which the monthly assessment solvent 

1 Apparently Alderman Francis Allen, M.P. for Cockermouth, one of the 
Treasurers-at-War. What the fault laid to the charge of the Deputy- 
Trea-urers wa^s, does not appear: but in January 1652 Wolla^on, Allen, 
Andrews and De thick were superseded by Wm. Leman and John Blackwell, 
jun., as Treasurers. For a curious scene between Cromwell and Allen at the 
dissolution of the Long Parliament, in connection with the treasurership, see 
Ludlow, Memoirs, i, p. 354. Allen died 6 Sept. 1658. 

go Cross winds and stormy weather [i65i 

amounts to 4500 ; the profits of customs, excise and se- 
questration rents, including tithes and other casual profits 
within said precinct, estimated to amount to 1200 per mensem. 
So that there will want to balance per mensem 2669. n. o. The 
salaries of the Commissioners of Parliament and their officers 
are not included in this account, nor those of the judges and 
Commissioners-General of the Revenue. Ib. ff. 227-31. 


" We desire you to take notice that Athlone is designed 
by the Lord Deputy to be the headquarters this winter, 
and therefore, for supply thereof, it is necessary that East- 
meath, Longford and the King's County be wholly assigned 
for sending in provisions thither, and consequently the 
garrisons in Eastmeath must be supplied out of Westmeath, 
and for the supply of Tecroghan the barony of Carberry 2 
is to be appropriated. ..." 25 Nov. Ib. f. 232. 


" Having this opportunity, by this messenger, we could 
not let him pass without a line unto you, though at present 
we have no news or anything worthy your notice since 
our last letter unto you. The cross winds and tempestuous 
weather of late we do believe doth keep your lady from 
coming over to this place ; but we do hear that Captain 
Sherwine, commander of a very good frigate, lies at Beaumaris, 
who is and will be ready to convey over your lady by the 
first opportunity. . . ." 25 Nov. Ib. f . 234. 


" We have troubled your Lordships with many despatches 
expressing the condition of your affairs here, and because the 
last, of the igth of November, might miscarry (the packet 
boat having set out hence in a very stormy night) we have 
here sent enclosed a duplicate of the same. Since which time 
there is no alteration in affairs here, save that our necessities 
grow more and more upon us, which we humbly desire may 

1 Henry Pretty, John Bennett, Ed. Davis, Jas. Paisley and John Hewetson. 
* Carbury, oo. Kildare. 

1651] Lord Deputy reported to be ill 91 

be taken into your serious consideration, and that a speedy 
signification of your Lordships' pleasure, in those particulars 
represented to your Lordships in the said papers, may be 
sent us. Col. Abbot who came from Limerick, and was there 
on Friday, 2ist November last, informed us that the Lord 
Deputy was then very ill of a fever, and that the disease was not 
come to the height. We hope the Lord will spare his life to 
carry on the work committed to his trust, God having qualified 
and much enabled him for so great a trust. Since the surrender 
of Limerick, Clare Castle in Thomond, [and] Carrick Colta, 1 a 
strong castle of Sir Dan O'Brien, 2 upon the furthest point in 
Thomond, on the mouth of the Shannon, were rendered to 
Lt.-General Ludlow. A copy of the Articles we have here 
enclosed. The castle of the Neale 3 in the county of Mayo 
(being reported to be a place of good strength and of great use 
to straiten the enemy in Eri-Connaught 4 and stop relief to 
Galway) is delivered to Sir Charles Coote. 

"Having neither money in the treasury, nor corn in the stores 
here to furnish the soldiers with bread, we have taken up of 
one William Burleton 300, which we intend to employ to buy 
corn for the present use of the forces, without which they cannot 
subsist, and have ordered Mr Daniel Hutchinson to charge the 
same upon the Treasurers-at-War. We humbly desire your 
Lordships to order the same to be paid accordingly. If we 

1 Carrigaholt (Carraic-an-Chobhlaigh i.e. the rock of the fleet) surrendered 
on 7 Nov. " Liberty was given by the Articles to such as desired it, to go and 
join the Lord Muskerry's party in the county of Kerry ; the rest to return home, 
with promise of protection as long as they behaved themselves peaceably, 
excepting only such who should appear to have been guilty of murder in the 
first year of the war, or afterwards " (Ludlow, Memoirs, i, 291). From 
Clare to Carrigaholt is about thirty-three miles. Beyond Kilrush the road 
passes an arm of the Shannon, fairly dry at low water. The tide appears to 
have been in when Ludlow passed, as he speaks of the soldiers having to wade 
through the water on a bitterly cold day up to their waists. 

2 Sir Daniel O'Brien of Moyarta and Carrigaholt was the third son of Con, 
third Earl of Thomond. He threw in his lot with the Confederates and in Nov. 
1641 took an active part in the siege of Ballyally Castle ; but an attempt made 
by him to capture Bunratty, a castle of his nephew, Barnaby, sixth Earl of 
Thomond, failed. He submitted to the Parliament on the Articles made 
with Lord Muskerry in June 1652 and was one of the hostages for their per- 
formance. He afterwards joined Charles II abroad and shared his privations. 
He was rewarded for his loyalty by being created Viscount Clare in 1663, but 
died in the same year at a very advanced age. See Life in Diet. NatL Biog. 

3 The castle of the Neale (Caislean-na-h Elle) in co. Mayo, a little TO the south 
of Ballinrobe, commanding the strip of land between Lough Mask and Lough 
Corrib, came into the possession of John Browne, the ancestor of Lord Kilmaine, 
about 1580. 

4 I.e. Tar or West Connacht. 

92 Executions at the surrender of Limerick [1651 

could have procured a more considerable sum we had not 
troubled your Lordships to order so small a parcel. 

" Of the twenty-two men excepted from the benefit of the 
Articles for the surrender of Limerick seven were executed, 
viz. Major-General Purcell, 1 the Bishop of Emly, 2 Mr Strich, 3 
the late Mayor of Limerick, Sir Geoffrey Galway, 4 Geoffrey 
Baron, 5 a lawyer, Dr Higgins, 6 and Dominick Fanning, 7 an 
alderman. Hugh O'Neill, 8 the Governor, is pardoned for life ; 

1 Patrick Purcell of Croagh, near Adare, co. Limerick, is said (Morison, 
Threnodia, p. 68) to have served in the Imperial army against Sweden and 
France. If so he probably returned to Ireland with Preston in 1642, and join- 
ing the Confederates he was given a company of foot in Col. Browne's regiment 
(Cal. State Papers, Irel., 1633-1647, p. 573). After the peace of 1648 he was raised 
to the rank of colonel, and took part as major-general at the battle of Rath- 
mines on 2 Aug. 1649 (Carte, Life of Ormond, ii, p. 80). In consequence of his 
misconduct or misfortune on that occasion he was removed from his command 
by Ormond, for which the latter was censured by the Synod at Jamestown on 
12 Aug. (Moran, Spicil, Ossor., iii, p. 80). Purcell, who hitherto had been 
regarded as an Ormondist (ib. ii, p. 82-84) thereupon went over to the clerical 
party. On the surrender of Limerick he was found with the Bishop of Emly 
in the pest house (Ludlow, Memoirs, i, p. 287). He married Mary, youngest 
daughter of Thomas Fitzmaurice, Earl of Kerry. Lodge, Peerage, ii, p. 198. 

2 Terence Albert O'Brien, O.S.D., consecrated Bishop of Emly by Rinuccini in 
1647, was a strong anti-Ormondist and signed the Clonmacnoise Declaration 
on 13 Dec. 1649. He met his fate with fortitude. Moran, SpiciL Ossor., i, 
p. 331. 

3 Thomas Strich, a resolute nuncioist, was the leader of the party that 
refused to admit Ormond into the city in 1650. Strich and Strich's Castle 
are well-known names in Limerick. " Little James Strich wrote me of late 
from St Malos : he tells me his mother, great-mother, brethren and sisters, and 
uncles remaineth in a little island upon the river of Limerick called Ashnish. 
His uncle Patrick Strich died four days after his arrival at St Malos. ... I 
would wish you had one of Thomas Strich's children to be presented to some 
Cardinal." Letter of Edward Berry, July 1653, in Moran s SpiciL Ossor., i, 
403. See also Bagwell, Irel. under the Stuarts, ii, p. 271 . 

4 Sir Geoffrey Galway was M.P. for Limerick city in 1634. 

5 Geoffrey Baron, brother of Bonaventure Baron and nephew of Luke 
Wadding, was a member of the Supreme Council and Treasurer of the Con- 
federation. For some time he had been agent of the Confederates at the Court 
of France. When charged by Ireton with rebellion he declared that he had 
merely taken up arms as Ireton had done for the liberty and religion of his 
country. Ludlow, Memoirs, i, p. 288, and cf. Gilbert, Contemp. Hist., iii, p. 20. 

6 Higgins, a physician, was powder-maker and money coiner to the besieged. 
Cf. Bagwell, Ireland under the Stuarts, ii, p. 274. 

7 According to Borlase, Hist, of the Rebellion, p. 300, Alderman Fanning 
had been created Mayor of Limerick in 1646 by Rinuccini's influence, owing 
to his refusal to proclaim the Peace. He managed to evade detection when 
Limerick surrendered ; but returning to the town ** to fetch some money he had 
privately hid," and " going to his own house, his wife refused to receive him, 
or to assist him in anything ; whereupon he departed, and after he had walked 
up and down the streets some time (the weather being extreme cold) he went 
to the mainguard, where was a good fire, and being asked . . . who he was, 
voluntarily confessed that he was Dominick Fanning, for whom such strict 
search had been made ; he was thereupon apprehended and the next morn- 
ing . . . hanged." 

''Hugh O'Neill, nephew of Owen Roe O'Neill, was born in the Spanish Nether- 

1651] Articles for the capitulation of Clare Castle 93 

and some others, about eight of them are not taken." i Dec. 
Ib. ff. 238-9. Enclosed. 


" i. That the Castle and all places of strength within the 
same, with all the arms, ammunition, stores and other utensils 
of war (except hereafter excepted) shall be delivered up to such 
as shall be appointed to receive the same, without embezzle- 
ment or spoil by. 8 of the clock to-morrow morning, being the 
5th of Nov. 

"2. In consideration whereof all the officers and soldiers shall 
have free liberty to march away with their arms, bag and 
baggage, drums beating, colours flying, muskets laden, matches 
lighted and bullets in bouche. 

"3. That all persons of what degree and quality soever shall 
have liberty to march away with bag and baggage, chattel of 
all sorts. 

" 4. That all persons (except Roman priests, Jesuits, and 
friars) who desire to live in protection shall have liberty so to 
do, they submitting themselves to all Acts and Ordinances of 

"5. That convoys and passes shall be allowed to such of 
them as desire the same. 

" 6. That Col. Stephen White shall have the benefit of these 
Articles, in case he accept of it within twelve days. 

" 7. That each musketeer shall carry with him half-a-pound 
of powder with match and bullet proportionable. 

lauds. Coming to Ireland with his uncle in 1642 he was taken prisoner in a 
skirmish between the Irish and the Lagan forces under Sir Wm. Stewart. He 
was exchanged after the battle of Benburb in 1646 and created Major-General of 
the Irish forces in Ulster. He was sent by his uncle to the relief of Ormond 
after the latter' s defeat at Rathmines on 2 Aug. 1649 with 2000 men, and was 
by him appointed Governor of Clonmel. Contrary to expectation he succeeded 
in keeping Cromwell at bay and inflicted heavy loss on him ; but being forced 
to surrender he escaped with the bulk of the garrison to Waterford. He was 
afterwards appointed Governor of Limerick, but was greatly hampered in his 
defence of the place by the intrigues of the peace party. After the surrender 
of the town he was condemned to death by a council of war ; but tfle sentence 
was rescinded (c/. Ludlow's Memoirs, i, *p. 288), and being sent a prisoner 
to England he was by the intervention of the Spanish ambassador liberated 
and allowed to retire to Spain, where he died apparently in 1660. See Life 
in Diet. Nail. Biog. 

94 News of Iretoris death [i65i 

" 8. That none shall suffer for another man's default in the 
breach of the Articles. 

" 9. That two hostages be delivered to the Lieut.-Col. for the 
performance of these Articles. In testimony whereof we have 
hereunto set our hands the day and year within written. 
Edm. Ludlow, William Butler, Don. O'Connor." 4 Nov. 
Ib. f. 240. 


" Since the writing of our last, the most sad news of the 
Lord Deputy's death at Limerick on the 26th November came 
unto us. The Lord endue us all with faith and patience to 
submit to his will in all things, and to have our dependence 
above instruments. We humbly conceive it very much 
imports your service that some be appointed to supply this 
great trust. We have, upon the present posture of your affairs, 
taken into consideration the necessity of appointing one to 
command your forces in chief, until your further order, accord- 
ing to the resolutions x enclosed, which we have despatched into 
the several parts of this nation. We have at present resolved 
to go to Kilkenny, where we believe many other of your servants 
of the army will be ready to meet with us, and afterwards we 
do believe there will be some necessity of our going into Con- 
naught for a while." 2 Dec. Ib. f. 241. 


" Since the writing of the enclosed we have received the 
sad news of the death of that incomparable man, the late 
Lord Deputy, who expired of a fever at Limerick the 26th 
of the last month, by which we have been put upon the 
enclosed resolutions, * which we offer to your Lordship's 
consideration. We have this testimony within us that we 
had no other aim than the promotion of the public service, 
and we are sure the Lt. -General is so self-denying a gentleman, 
that he will with more cheerfulness lay it down than he now 
takes it up, when it shall seem so good to the wisdom of the 
Parliament or your Excellency. Upon discourse with the Lord 
Deputy in his lifetime, we found his opinion was that presidents 

1 Below, Nos. 101, 102, 103. 

1651] Galway summoned to surrender 95 

of provinces were an unnecessary burthen to the state and 
country, and we are so much of the same judgement, that we 
humbly offer it may be well considered of before any more be 
named. We desire not to add to your Lordship's just cause of 
sorrow by any repetition of the loss the Commonwealth hath 
by the death of the Lord Deputy, or how much we are like to 
suffer by it, in our own particulars ; but rather to beseech the 
Lord to support you under it for the public good of these nations 
and the private comfort of my Lord your etc." 2 Dec. 
Ib. f. 243. Enclosed. ^ 


" Sir, I shall not now do you the courtesy as to summon 
you at such a distance, because your gravity once chid me for it 
as unadvisedly. But for the good men's sake of the city, who 
perhaps may not be so airy in the notion of a soldier's honour, 
as to understand the quibble of it, or to find that worth or weight 
in them, to admit in balance against the more feeling concern- 
ments of their own safety and subsistence, though men of your 
unhappy breeding think such glorious trifles worth the sacri- 
ficing or venturing of other men's lives and interests for 
(however you would your own), I have here sent to them a 
sober tender of conditions, which they may (perhaps) think it 
behoves them to consider, while there is time, and rather at 
distance than stay till the refusal bring mischief or danger nearer 
to their doors. This if you shall fairly communicate as 'tis 
directed, and especially if you be found compliant to the sub- 
stance and effect of it (waving the frivolous impertinences of a 
soldier's honour or humour rather), you may partake in the 

1 Thomas Preston, Viscount Tara, the son of Christopher, Lord Gormanston, 
was born in 1585. Taking to the profession of arms he served first in the 
Spanish Netherlands, greatly distinguishing himself by his defence of Louvain in 
1635 against a combined French and Dutch attack. He came to Ireland in 
1642, and joining the Confederates, he was appointed commander-in -chief of 
the Leinster forces. He was defeated near New Ross by Ormond in 1643. 
Afterwards he obtained some unimportant successes and in 1645 he captured 
Duncannon fort. But he was of a jealous disposition and his quarrels with 
Castlehaven and Owen O'Neill were detrimental to the Confederate cause. 
After being defeated by Col. Michael Jones at Dangan Hill on 8 Au. 1648, he 
was appointed Governor of Waterford, which after an able defence he sur- 
rendered to Ireton on honourable terms. Withdrawing to Connaught he 
supported Clanricarde, and in 1651 he was made Governor of Galway. After 
holding out till April 1652 he slipped away, as Ireton predicted, to the Con- 
tinent, where he died, apparently in 1653. See Life in Diet. Natl. Biog. 

96 Preston's answer to Irelon's summons [1651 

benefit of such conditions as your quality renders you capable 
of. If you smother or suppress it you may guess whose head 
shall pay for the trouble or mischief that shall follow, if God 
enable us to reach it, as I doubt not but he will ; because he is, 
and we have eminently found him still to be a righteous judge, 
pleading the quarrel of the innocent, and a severe avenger of 
their blood against those that spill it or lightly regard it, as well 
as a merciful father and faithful master to those that seek and 
serve him. Sir, your servant H. Ireton. Clare Castle. 
7 Nov." Ib. ff. 244-5. 


" Sir, It would prove no courtesy unto me your summoning 
me at such a distance, but rather a discourtesy, which had, in 
my opinion, rendered you guilty of a second error against the 
rules of war. You may not think strange that the people of 
this town should stand upon soldiers' honour and have skill to 
oppose an enemy, who have of themselves (without the assistance 
of others) long since stood out against the threats and attempts 
of the Lord Forbes, 1 who was general of a fleet when he besieged 
them, and forced him to retire without any loss to themselves. 
If my profession be unhappy (as you term it) I cannot but 
admire you should follow the same, which, if hitherto [it] hath 
proved to your content, may hereafter prove unhappy to you 

1 Preston's statement of the facts of the case is incorrect. Galway owed its 
safety not to its own exertions, but to the Earl of Clanr carde, who interfered 
first between Captain Willoughby and afterwards between Lord Forbes and 
the citizens. The money for Forbes' expedition was raised under an Ordin- 
ance of the House of Commons, 14 April 1642, accepting the proposals of 
" divert pious and well-affected persons " to equip twelve ships with 1000 or 
more land forces at their own charge for the service of Ireland (Rushworth, 
iv, p. 776). The Adventurers stipulated for naming their officers, for hanging 
and shooting rebels, and for keeping whatever spoil they could take (Prender- 
gast, Crom. Settlement, p. 74). Forbes was accompanied on his buccaneering 
expedition by the famous Puritan divine, Hugh Peters (Carte, Life of Ormond, 
i, 347) who published an account of it under the title " A True Relation of the 
Passages of God's Providence in a Voyage for Ireland," Lond., 1642. On the 
eve of his departure from Galway Forbes got possession of the ancient burial- 
place of St Mary's Church, outside the town, and having dug up the graves 
" burnt the coffins and bones of those that were buried there." For his whole 
proceedings see Clanricarde's Memoirs. Ed. 1757, pp. 203-282. No mention 
is made 01 the expedition either in Forbes' Memoirs of the Earls of Granard or 
in the article on Forbes in the Diet. Nail. Biog. At the time he was barely 
nineteen. He was a strong Presbyterian and his conduct was no doubt 
dictated by a desire to avenge the sufferings of his mother, Lady Forbes, who, 
after holding out in Castle Forbes, co. Longford, against the rebels for nearly 
six months, escaped with difficulty to Dublin. 

Iretoris letter to the citizens of Galway 97 

according to your own judgment of it ; and if men of that 
profession shall be backward in venturing men's lives in a just 
cause (such as I own being for my Religion, King and Country) 
they shall hardly attain to the effecting of any great enterprise ; 
but such as hazard men's lives without a just cause will one day 
answer for their blood before God, the just judge, in which 
(when you reflect on your own actions) you will find yourself 
as guilty as others. Your letter to the mayor, aldermen and 
burgesses of this town I delivered them, knowing their honest 
and gallant resolution to be such as they may not be drawn or 
tempted to any the least distrust or jealousy of the soldiery 
amongst them, which you endeavour by your letter to fill their 
imaginations withal, for your own ends and their utter ruin ; 
and had I suppressed or smothered it, I cannot guess whose 
head here should be subject to pay for it ; for I hold that the 
heads of those with you are as unsettled on their shoulders 
as any I know in this town. Your servant, Th. Preston. 
Taragh. Galway. 12 Nov." Ib. f. 245. 


" Gentlemen, I suppose you cannot but understand that (as 
God hath pleased to bless and dispose of our affairs) we have 
no place considerable in Ireland to intend next but your city, 
where I believe you must needs feel some restraint already 
both to your trading and supplies, and cannot but foresee more 
coming on, that will reduce you (by God's blessing continuing 
with us) to extremity ere long, though * we should not at all 
deal with you in a more forcible way, and, therefore, though I 
can expect little fruit of a formal summons at this distance and 
season, if you be under the power of a mercenary soldiery, who 
will perhaps pretend point of honour not to yield before more 
extremity or immediate force at hand, but really intend their 
own interests, so far as to keep themselves in a warm quarter and 
good pay, whilst they can, though thereby (besides first milk- 
ing of you dry) they bring you into as bad a condition aj; last, 
as those in Limerick and other places have done the poor people 
that maintained them, and then getting as good conditions as 

1 I.e. even if. 

98 An offer and a warning [1651 

they can for themselves to be gone, leave you with your more 
weighty interests behind to stand at the stake ; yet, not knowing 
but your wisdom may have kept you so far masters of yourselves 
and your city, as to be able to rid yourselves of such guests, 
when you see cause, I thought fit hereby to offer you, as once I 
did to Limerick last year, whilst they were their own masters, 
that, if you will yet open your gates and submit to the State of 
England, you shall find more mercy and favour to all, save the 
original authors of the Rebellion, the first engagers in command, 
or council therein before the first General Assembly, or such as 
sat therein, than you shall ever have from me by bargaining for 
yourselves ; or if you think it better for you to capitulate for 
conditions, I shall (if you accept them without further trouble 
to us) , give you the same in effect which I tendered to Limerick l 
at my first sitting down before it this year, in case they would 
have surrendered then, so as to have set us free for other work 
the remainder of the summer, which if, upon the sad example of 
what they by the refusal then have lost, and what they came to 
at last, after all the distresses and impoverishments and miseries 
of the siege, you incline to lay hold on while you may, and 
so prevent the like miseries, you shall soon understand them 
from me. 

" Now indeed, though you should not be overmastered 
by an hungry sharking soldiery, yet the multitude of priests, 
those incendiaries of blood and mischief amongst men, and of 
other desperate persons, engaged upon their principles in the 
beginning of this Rebellion and in the murders and outrages 
therein committed, which I understand you have amongst you, 
makes me apt to doubt that, by reception and protecting of them 
and adherence thus far unto them, (if not by any bloody and 
treacherous actings of your own) you may, in the righteous 
judgement of God be so far involved with them in the same guilt, 
as to be doomed to partake with them in the same plague, and 
given up to be either overawed or deluded thereunto by the 
same persons with whom, and for whose sake, you have so made 
yourselves partakers in the guilt, or (at least.) I am sure such as 
those amongst you (so far as they can prevail to overpower 
you or deceive you) will endeavour to engage you deep, as 
render you as desperate as themselves, and make your wealth 

1 See below, No. 109 (i). 

1661] The offer rejected 99 

and strength serve to maintain or perfect them and their 
broken wicked interest, as long as ever they can ; yet, what- 
ever issue it have, I shall have the satisfaction in myself of 
having discharged such a duty towards the saving and real good 
of men (if capable of it) and in having by this a good trial how 
God suffers you to be inclined for mercy or judgement to your- 
selves, and see the more light, what dealing he calls for to- 
wards you from our hands. If you shall be blinded or hardened 
to the refusal of this mercy, whilst you may have it, and to put 
the State of England and us their servants to the charge, hard- 
ship, and labour of drawing before you to besiege you, when 
there is no town but yours to protract the end of the war, you 
may well expect (since we having nothing else considerable to 
do) that we shall endeavour to the utmost to make you pay 
dearly for it in the issue, and more than others before you, by 
how much you alone do (with less reason or hopes and more 
malignant obstinacy) lengthen out our charge and trouble, and 
make yourselves the single and more singular mark of justice. 
But if there be (as I am not without hope there may be) a 
generation amongst you more peaceable, or providently in- 
clined, and not so violent or mad as the rest, who would willingly 
embrace mercy while they may, but are overpowered by a 
faction of other desperate ones, I shall be glad for those that are 
so minded, if God gives them hearts to do that right to them- 
selves, as to use some means whereby we may know them, and 
who the rest are that oppose it (or the principals of them) that 
so we may have some ground of discrimination (when God shall 
give it into our power) to use that tenderness towards them, 
and severity towards others which God in such case would call 
for and we should desire." 7 Nov. Ib. ff. 246-9. 


" We received yours dated at the Castle of Clare the 7th of 
this instant, wherein you seem (under the cloud of a friendly 
advice) to set distrust and jealousies betwixt us and the soldiery 
amongst us, which perhaps the like hath wrought your desired 
effects of division and distraction in Limerick and other places to 
their own ruin ; yet have we that confidence in the Omnipotent 

loo Ludlow appointed Commander -in-Chief [1651 

God, who is the author and fountain of union and charity, that 
nothing shall be able to rend or break the settled conjunction 
which is between us in the town, so that, howsoever God shall be 
pleased to direct our intentions, it will appear, by the effect, to 
be the general act of all without exception. You were pleased 
to speak in your letter of conditions offered to Limerick the last 
year, and likewise of others offered by you to them when first you 
sat before that city this year, of both which we, being ignorant, 
cannot give that full resolution upon those offers by you made. 
We do expect from you that full scope of both those conditions 
mentioned in your letter, and that without exception of any 
person or persons in, or of this town, whereupon we will return 
unto you such answer and resolution as God shall direct us, and 
which shall become good Christians and men of our condition 
and quality, and so we remain, your servants, Richard Kilwarty, 
Mayor, Oliver French, Stephen French, Tho. Linch, James 
Linch, John Stephens, Dom. Browne, John Blake. 1 Galway. 
12 Nov." Ib. ff. 249-50. 

" Note. Sent likewise enclosed to his Excellency the Lord 
Lieutenant, the Articles betwixt Lorraine and the Irish Com- 
missioners." 2 

101. Ordered by the Commissioners that, notwithstanding 
the death of the Lord Deputy Ireton, all commissions from him 
be in force until further notice, provided they were in force on 
or before 25 Nov. last. 2 Dec. Orders A/82. 42. f. 79. 

102. Ordered that Lt. -General Edmund Ludlow be Coin- 
mander-in-Chief of all the forces of the Parliament in Ireland 
until the pleasure of the Parliament be known. 2 Dec. 
Ib. f. 80. 

103. Ordered that the above two Orders be sent to Sir 
H. Waller, Sir C. Coote, Commissary-General Reynolds, Lord 
Broghill, Cols. Sankey, Phaire, 3 Lawrence, Axtell, Cooke, Pretty, 
and Venables. 2 Dec. Domestic Corresp. A/8g. 49. f. 251. 

1 Recorder. 

8 The Articles, signed 2 July 1651, are printed in Clanricarde's Memoirs, 
App., pp. 34-36. 

3 Robert Phaire, regicide, governor at this time of co. Cork. See Life in 
Diet. Natl. Biog., and below, p. 506. 

i65i] Waller to lay up corn at Limerick 101 


" Upon consideration of the present condition of Limerick we 
are of opinion, and conceive it advisable that such of the forces, 
as you shall judge necessary and fitting, be fixed in the castle 
or some other citadels, forts and gates in Limerick so that the 
rest may be in a readiness for other services. We intend (if the 
Lord please) to be at Kilkenny within fourteen days, where we 
shall be glad to see you, and to receive your advice and assist- 
ance in the settling of the affairs of the army and those parts, 
if you can be conveniently spared from that charge. In the 
meantime, we conceive it necessary to desire you to take upon 
you the trouble of settling the forces in their quarters, and to 
assign them forage, so as may be with most equality to them and 
ease to the country, until some further course be had therein ; 
and likewise to issue your warrants for payment of fourteen days' 
pay to such forces, as have usually received pay, or were ap- 
pointed to be paid by his Excellency out of the English treasury, 
according to such rules and instructions as his Lordship pre- 
scribed for the pay of the said forces, and to give assignations, 
to such of the forces in your quarters, out of the Revenue of those 
parts, as are yet undisposed of, or not assigned to any particular 

" When we come to Kilkenny we desire that Mr Standish may 
be there, that from him we may understand the state of that 
treasury, and what rules and method his Lordship did prescribe 
for the issuing out of that treasure, which rules, we presume, 
were made with so much judgment and deliberation as will not 
admit much alteration to advantage. We desire you to take 
care that considerable quantities of corn be brought into 
Limerick and other garrisons in those parts, and in other secure 
castles and garrisons in Connaught, and the same to be paid for 
out of the English treasury, for which we will give order to 
Mr Standish, when he shall come to us. We desire you in the 
meantime, either by the Commissioners of the Revenue, or 
such others as you shall judge fitting to be employed therein, 
to issue out orders for the bringing in such corn, and to appoint 
such reasonable rates for the same, as the same can be afforded 
at in those parts ; and [that] such monies as my Lord Deputy 

102 Commissioners going to Kilkenny 

had appointed to be disposed for that service, and not effectively 
issued out, be reserved for that use and not otherwise disposed 
of, until further order from us, whereof we desire you to give 
notice to Mr Standish, and, in his absence, to his deputies, and 
to all other treasurers in those parts." 2 Dec. Ib. ff. 252-3. 


" We intend (God willing) to be at Kilkenny after a short 
time, for the better settlement of the affairs of the army ; 
and being informed that the plague hath been in most places 
there, we apprehend it not safe to lodge in dispersed houses 
as formerly ; wherefore we desire that some chambers may 
be forthwith provided, either in the Castle, or in the house 
where we sat at our being there last time (which may be 
most convenient for you) ; if the bedding, for ourselves and 
servants, be such as hath not been used by infected persons (in 
which case we shall rely upon your especial care) it matters not 
how mean other accoutrements are. We desire also that some 
firing and beer may be laid in for our use. There will come with 
us Sir Robert King, two ministers, a doctor of physic and two 
or three other gentlemen." 2 Dec. Ib. f. 254. 


" . . . We shall now only desire you to take care for the carry- 
ing on and perfecting of the works, forts and reparations about 
Athlone, that being as we judge a fit place for a good party 
to be in readiness, as any opportunity shall be offered, and 
to cause the Lord Deputy's instructions given therein to be 
observed. And, as to the charge, when we shall hear from you 
what was intended and ordered, by my Lord Deputy to that 
end, we shall do our endeavour to see the same performed. ..." 
3 Dec. Ib. L 255. 


" We send you herewith three books of customs and some 
additional instructions, as rules for the officers of the customs 
within your precinct to act by, to whom we pray you to 
submit the same. We have also sent you some books of excise, 
according to which the respective officers within your precinct 

1651] The army to be placed on an equality of pay 103 

are to act. We desire that some of them may be sent to the 
officers of the customs, that they may know how to collect the 
excise of goods imported. You shall also receive some Acts of 
Parliament for encouragement of navigation, which we desire 
may be published and dispersed. We desire you to proceed in 
the management of the affairs of those parts, according to such 
instructions as you have received from the late Lord Deputy, 
and inform yourselves of what monthly tax may be imposed 
upon the several counties within your precinct, towards the 
support of the army, so as the inhabitants may be charged 
according to the proportion of their estates, as is at present 
necessitated to be done in other parts of this nation, and yet of 
[i.e. by] the insupportableness of the burden the people may not 
be enforced to quit their stations. An account whereof, as also 
of your progress in settlement of other matters concerning the 
Public Revenue within your inspection, and of your opinions 
what is fit further to be done for promoting public advan- 
tage, we desire we may receive from you, or by one of your 
number, if one may be spared, at Kilkenny, where we intend 
to be about a fortnight hence." 3 Dec. ff. 257-8. 

The same letter with the same enclosures. 3 Dec. 


." We have seen some parts of a letter written by your Lord- 
ship to Sir Robert King, in which you mention much satisfac- 
tion you received by a promise of the late Lord Deputy's, 
that the forces under your command should be put in equal 
condition with the rest of the army in matter of their pay. 
We have therefore thought fit to let you know that we con- 
ceive it agreeable to equity, and the mind of the Parliament 
that all their forces in this land should be equally paid, and 
you may be assured that we shall endeavour to see that 
executed at our meeting, which we hope shall be shortly in 
Connaught ; but, if anything should divert that our intention, 
we shall desire to see your Lordship at Kilkenny, where 
we intend (if God please) to be shortly, and shall %ive your 
Lordship timely notice of our being there, in case we shall 
not come into Connaught. In the meantime, we rest confident 

IO4 Coote to proceed in the treaty with Galway [i65i 

that your Lordship will carefully employ your forces in that 
province, as may be most advantageous for the public service. 
" We have, upon debate, thought it convenient to advise your 
Lordship to proceed in the treaty with Galway, according to 
the Articles proposed by the late Lord Deputy to them, being 
the same formerly offered to the City of Limerick ; and if they 
shall make such exceptions to the proposals, as the Com- 
missioners of Limerick did, you may make to them the like 
explanations as his Lordship made, to as many of their 
exceptions as you conceive to be of public advantage to grant ; 
and for your clearer understanding of our intention in this 
particular, we have sent you enclosed a copy of our resolutions 
[wanting] upon that debate, together with copies of the said 
Articles and of the exceptions thereunto, and the concessions 
and explanations thereupon. The Articles you may (if you 
find it necessary) communicate to the Governor and inhabitants 
of the town ; but the exceptions and answers to them you are 
to keep to yourself to make use of as you shall find occasion." 
3 Dec. Ib. ff. 260-1. Enclosed. 


"i. An article for the surrender etc. 

"2. That in consideration of the surrender etc., all persons 
whatsoever shall have quarter for their lives, and liberty of 
their persons without pillage, plunder or military violence 
to their persons or goods, during their continuance under 
safe conduct or protection, by virtue of the ensuing Articles 

" 3. That all officers and soldiers of the forces in pay, and not 
belonging to the militia of the City of Limerick shall have liberty 
to march away to any garrison or quarter of the Irish party, 
with their horses and arms and other equipage (suitable to the 
several qualities they serve in respectively) bag and baggage, 
drums beating, colours flying, their firearms laden and primed, 
bandoliers and flasks full of powder, matches lighted at both 
ends, and to have such carriage for their goods, as the country 
will afford, provided for them, they paying reasonable rates for 

1651] On the terms formerly offered to Limerick 105 

the same ; and shall be allowed months' time for the 
removal of any goods to them belonging, which they leave 
behind them, except arms, ammunition or other furniture of 

" 4. That all other persons of what quality soever, now in the 
said City, that desire to march with them, shall have liberty so 
to do, with the same freedom and privilege, time and benefit for 
the carrying away of their bag and baggage and removing of 
their goods (excepting ammunition, and all arms or other 
furniture of war save travelling arms, with which they shall 
be allowed to march) as is granted to the soldiers in the last 
preceding article. 

"5. That any of the officers, soldiers or others now in the 
City (except clergymen and such as were in arms or otherwise 
in hostility with or for those that committed the murders 
and outrages in the first insurrection before the first General 
Assembly) if, within days, they desire to lay down arms 

and submit to the Parliament of England, shall be admitted so 
to do, and to live at their homes or with their friends, and shall 
have protection to their persons and estates, on the same terms 
as the rest of the inhabitants of the country, of the same con- 
dition or qualification with themselves. 

11 6. That all the citizens or inhabitants in the said City, 
that are freemen or members of the Corporation and were so 
before the i October 1650, and all the widows and children of 
them that were such, with their families and servants, who shall 
be willing to live under the government of the Commonwealth of 
England, and submit to contribution proportionable with their 
neighbours (except such as come within the exception made 
in the last precedent article), shall freely enjoy all their 
personal estates, wherever the same be (except arms, ammuni- 
tion and other furniture of war) to themselves and their 
assigns, paying to the State of England the third part of the 
value of their personal estates visible within this dominion, 
from such only as have personal estates to the value of 100 
and upwards ; but the rest to enjoy the whole freely, and 
shall likewise enjoy two-third parts of their estates real, 
without the City of Limerick and liberties thereof? or the 
full value thereof to themselves, their heirs, or assigns, and 
shall also enjoy their respective interests in the houses of 

io6 Conditions offered by Ireton to Limerick [i65i 

the city, except such of them as shall be thought fit to be 
removed out of the garrison, in order to the security 
thereof, who shall have liberty to set out or sell their said 
houses to the best advantage of themselves, their heirs, or 
assigns, paying (in case of sale) a third part of the price they 
make to the use of the State of England ; and shall have 
months' time (after warning given them to depart) for removal 
and disposal of themselves, their families and goods, as they shall 
please, and protection to live in any part of this dominion 
within the power of the Parliament of England, not being a 
garrison nor country planted entirely with English, or set apart 
to be so, or shall have passes to remove to any foreign parts, if 
they so desire ; and those of the said citizens (not within the 
aforesaid exception) who shall submit upon these terms, and 
perform the same upon their parts, shall have indemnity for 
anything done in the prosecution of the war." Ib. ff. 262-4. 


" i. Soldiers, civil men and all other persons of what quality 
soever in the City, laying down arms and submitting to protec- 
tion denied it if in arms or hostility before the first Assembly 
or members of it, and denied licence to pass over the seas. 

"2. Soldiers not allowed ordinary shipping, ammunition and 
all other war furniture. 

"3. Soldiers denied to levy arrears, and no expressed quarter 
granted to runaways, or heretofore protected, nor a certain 
time allowed for the residence of such of them and others, as 
shall determine to pass beyond the seas, in the Parliament's 
quarters for a convenient time, nor indemnity for them against 
private suits during such time. 

"4. Persons admitted to protection not granted any posi- 
tive permanent condition for the enjoyment of their lives and 
interests, nor any indemnity for mean acts since the wars, nor 
any allowance made for their horses and travelling arms, saving 
the townsmen, and no express security for such as have been in 
quarter or protection heretofore, nor any Article dispensing 
with uses of money falling due since 21 October 1641. 

"5. No condition for freedom of religion. 

1651] Exceptions taken to them by the citizens 107 

" 6. A third part of the personal interest of the townsmen 
reserved to the State of England. 

" 7. A third part of the cathedral freeholds, and inheritance 
likewise reserved to the State of England. 

"8. A third part of the value of the estates, which the 
inhabitants of Limerick or any of them shall be commanded 
by the State to set or dispose of, also reserved for the State of 

"9. No positive allowance given them, or any of them at 
their own pleasure, without any command of the State, to set 
or otherwise dispose of their estates throughout the kingdom, 
and freely to pass the seas with their wives, children, families 
and goods. 

" 10. No Article for the continuance of the incorporation 
and its incorporate inheritance. 

"ii. No Article or positive allowance for the merchants and 
traders of the City to deal at home and abroad in the latitude 
and freedom any Englishman doth. 

"12. Natives of the City enjoined to sale of their estates in 
the City at the pleasure of the State. 

" 13. No saving to them of their real estates in other cities 
and corporations in this kingdom." Ib. ff. 264-6. 


"i. To the first exception, we shall allow a proviso for the 
citizens as followeth, viz. Provided and it is hereby declared, 
concerning all and every the citizens of Limerick, that they or 
any of them, being engaged in arms in the besieging and reducing 
the Castle of Limerick after the coming of the Irish forces under 
General Barry 1 into the town (though it was before the first 

1 Garret Barry, of the noble family of Barrymore, held a commission as 
lieut.-col. in the army of 8000 men raised by Straff ord in 1639 for service in 
England, and when, on the insistence of the Long Parliament that army was 
disbanded, he was appointed to convey 1000 men abroad. On 26 Nov. 1641 
the Lords Justices reported that he had assembled 1000 men near Kinsale, on 
pretence of taking them to Spain, and had refused to disperse them as ordered. 
Shortly afterwards the rebellion spread to Munster, and Barry having been 
elected to command the insurgent forces of that province, he app^red before 
Limerick in April 1642. He was admitted by the Irish into the city ; but the 
loyalists retired, under the command of Captain William Courtenay, into the 
castle. After holding out from 18 May to 25 June, and losing 223 men, chiefly 
by sickness and hunger, including the Bishop of Limerick, Dr George Webb, 

io8 How far the exceptions may be allowed [i65i 

General Assembly) shall not conclude to be understood to con- 
clude them, or any of them, within the exception aforegoing, 
except such of them as shall appear, by sufficient evidence, to 
have contrived, procured, endeavoured, or wittingly furthered 
the letting in the Irish forces into the town, or to have been 
otherwise guilty (as parties or immediate accessaries) to some 
particular murders of the English or Protestant people before 
the first General Assembly. Also to the soldiery, nobility and 
gentry now in the City, we are content that they be admitted to 
live in protection, they submitting themselves and their estates 
to the judgment of the Parliament of England, although they 
were in arms during the first year of the war. 

" 2. To the second, we cannot allow any ordnance or other 
furniture of war, but what is granted by our Articles, only we are 
content that all ships belonging to any private persons remain 
to the disposal of the owners. 

"3. To the third, we shall not grant any power to levy any 
arrears in our quarters ; but as to runaways and heretofore 
protected persons, although they be not mentioned expressly, 
yet it is intended that quarter should extend to them. We are 
willing to prefix a time and grant indemnity from suits during 
that time as is mentioned in the exception. 

"4. To the fourth, we shall willingly allow the protected 
persons horse and travelling arms as we do to other protected 
people. As to people formerly protected and not within the 
reach of the exception, paying the arrears of their contribution 
due to the Parliament party, they shall be received into pro- 
tection as formerly. For the rest we do adhere to our Articles. 

"5. To the fifth, we shall not treat concerning religion. 

"6. To the sixth, we shall adhere to our Articles, unless they 
be willing to waive their indemnity to private suits. 

"7. To the seventh, we must adhere to our proposals. 

"8. To the eighth, we must adhere to our proposals. 

"9. To the ninth, it is intended that all such of the citizens, 
as are by these Articles allowed to enjoy their estates real and 
personal, should have full liberty to sell and dispose of their said 

Courtenay surrendered on favourable terms. There is an interesting Diary of 
the Siege in MSS., Trinity College, Dublin, F. 4, 1 6. According to Carte the Irish 
laid a boom across the river, of which the Diary makes no mention, but which 
explains the failure of the ships in getting close enough to the castle to relieve 

1651] A Day of Humiliation 109 

estates to their best advantage, and liberty, with their wives 
and families and goods, to pass beyond the seas when they shall 
think good. 

" 10. To the tenth, we shall not treat of it. 

"ii. To the eleventh, it is intended that all such of the 
citizens within the exception shall have full liberty to. trade at 
home and abroad as other English subjects. 

" 12. To the twelfth, the proviso of our proposition enjoined 
no sale of any part of their estates in the City. 

" 13. To the thirteenth, it is intended they should enjoy all 
their real estates in any corporation or place of this dominion 
except garrisons." Ib. ff. 266-8. 

110. Ordered by the Commissioners that, Thursday, nth 
inst. December, and Thursday following, the i8th of the same 
month, be kept as days of humiliation, on account of the 
raging of the plague, especially in Limerick, and of the great 
storms at sea which prevent the arrival of provisions. 6 Dec. 
Orders A/82. 42. f. 84. 

111. Ordered by the Same that leases for not more than three 
years be granted of empty houses in Dublin. 6 Dec. Ib. f. 85. 

112. Ordered by the Same that lands to the value of 220 
per annum be settled on Colonel Venables, as they were worth 
in 1640, in full satisfaction of all his arrears due to him for 
service in England. 10 Dec. Ib. f. 86. 

113. Ordered by the Same that Sir Charles Coote be put in 
possession of the manors, castles, towns, and lands of 
Gormanstown and Tullock, according to a late survey by 
Mr Richard Francis, in pursuance of an Order of Parliament 
for the settlement on him of 500 a year. 16 Dec. Ib. f. 89. 


" We have received information by your last letter that 
there appears reason for moving the House in our desires con- 

1 Thomas Scot or Scott was returned M.P. for Aylesbury in the plffce of Sir 
Ralph Verney in 1645, and was one of those who signed the warrant for Charles' 
execution. He was an ardent republican and opposed Cromwell's dissolution 
of the Long Parliament, as he did his establishment of a House of Lords. After 
Cromwell's death he acted as intermediary between the Rump and Monck ; 

no Commissioners forced to borrow money 

cerning our own particular business, which we formerly troubled 
you with, hoping the House will be pleased to grant (and our 
necessities enforcing) we have presumed to take up of Alder- 
man Preston l of Dublin 750, which is a quarter's salary to 
each of us and have charged it upon the Treasurers-at-War 
by Bills of Exchange, which we send in the enclosed letter 
to them. We desire your endeavours to have the said 
Bills accepted and the monies paid accordingly ; and if the 
House be willing to alter their former resolves of paying our 
salaries in Ireland, then we desire that the Treasurers-at-War 
may make payment of the 750 out of the monies designed for 
Ireland, and we take order for the reimbursing of it to their 
Deputy-Treasurer here, though we fear some occasions of excep- 
tion may be given to the soldiery thereby (especially as things 
now stand) when they shall observe so great a diminution made 
of the treasury whereby they are supported. If we shall hear 
that it is the pleasure of the House that our salaries for the 
future be paid at London, as we desire, then we shall be forced 
to charge more monies on the Treasurers there, our expenses 
in travelling, and keeping many horses for that purpose, being 
greater than we could foresee them to be, and have nothing here 
to defray the same or support ourselves, but what our masters 
do furnish us with. We desire you to pardon the giving you this 
trouble." 17 Dec. Domestic Corresp. A/Sg. 49. f. 273-4. 


"... We think fit to let you know that the Council of 
State and ourselves do expect that Ulster must bear its own 
burden ; and if the forces there be more than you can pay, 
and that a fewer number may serve for the necessary defence 
of that country, and carrying on the public service, we desire 
to know how many you can spare that they may be dis- 
banded or disposed of otherwise. We understand that the 

but the readmission of the excluded members put an end to his power. He 
fled to the Continent, but was taken at Brussels, and being brought back to 
England he was condemned to death and executed on 17 Oct. 1660, meeting his 
fate with great fortitude. (See Life in Diet. Natl. Biog.). In his capacity as 
member of the Committee of Both Houses for Irish Affairs, and subsequently 
on the Committee of the Council of State for Irish Affairs, he exercised con- 
siderable influence on the management of affairs in Ireland. 

1 John Preston, a Dublin merchant, u Protestant and a stout Common- 
wealth man. 

1651] Urgent necessity of further supplies in 

4500 designed for the Connaught forces out of the 8000, 
ordered by the Council for Ulster, the loth of June last, is now 
landed with you. We do therefore require you to keep the 
same carefully till Sir Charles Coote shall send for it, and that 
it be delivered to such as he shall appoint to receive it, without 
further order than this our letter, and that it be not disposed of 
any other way." 17 Dec. Ib. f. 275. 


" This day we take our journey for Kilkenny, and from 
thence we intend (if the Lord please) to go into Connaught, 
to endeavour the settlement of your affairs in those parts 
until the Parliament or your Lordships shall appoint how 
the military affairs shall be managed for the future. We 
humbly desire that what commands your Lordships shall 
send us may be conveyed by Chester post, we having taken 
order here for the conveying them to us as soon as they come 
to this town. Your Lordships well know that the wants 
your forces are in will probably be represented, and insisted 
upon more earnestly than formerly, and those that serve your 
Lordships here have not those advantages in the affections of 
the soldiers, nor that power over them to prevent or quiet 
irregularities, as his Excellency had, which we humbly offer to 
consideration, that the supplies intended may be hastened. We 
are satisfied that we need not insist upon this particular further 
than to mind your Lordships thereof. 

" The present condition of your forces in those two provinces, 1 
where we are now going, being not yet made known unto us, 
further than in a general representation of their wants, makes 
us incapable of propounding anything in particular to your 
Lordships. Upon advice with Captain Sherwine what naval 
force is necessary to keep this Channel from the north of 
Scotland to the Bay of Wexford, he hath propounded the 
particulars enclosed [wanting], which we humbly conceive 
rational and for your service, and therefore humbly offer 
that, and what further force will be necessary to secure the 
southern and western coasts, to your Lordships' consideration. 
The soldiers are in so much want of clothes here, that we 
have been forced this week to provide 400 suits and 2000 

1 I.e. Minister and Connaught. 

112 Hindrances to trade to be removed 

shirts, for such of them as are most necessitous, fearing that 
the provision of clothes your Lordships sent will not come 
time enough to supply the wants of many poor creatures, 
that are almost naked and in a starving condition." 18 Dec. 
Ib. L 276. 


"We have observed in Dublin, and by many here are 
informed, that the trade of this dominion is exceedingly de- 
cayed, through the straits unto which merchants have been 
exposed, who may not without public prejudice transport, 
and cannot, it seems, return their money, neither procure 
here any other commodity to their advantage except cattle, 
hides etc., the exportation of which at present (with respect 
to public advantage) are prohibited, so that we think it neces- 
sary for the repairing of trade (which so much conduceth to the 
public good) to consider of some speedy way to remove such dis- 
couragements from the merchant, and (until further considera- 
tion may be had hereof) we judge it reasonable, that their money 
should be received here by you, and Bills given them by you for 
their repayment by the Treasurers-at-War in England, which 
may be done the more securely in regard there is now beforehand 
a visible security of above 100,000 for the supply of these 
affairs, besides the extraordinary need we shall have of more 
money than is now come over, before the next supply can possibly 
come. You are therefore hereby desired to receive 2700 from 
Captain Thomas White, a merchant now in Waterford, whose 
discouragement (as he informs us) is as abovesaid, and any other 
sum or sums from English merchants in those parts (especially 
from such whose cases may be the same) not exceeding in all the 
sum of 10,000 until further orders and that to be good current 
money." Kilkenny, 23 Dec. Ib. f. 277. 


" On Saturday night last we came well (through the 
mercy of the Lord) to Kilkenny, where we had an account 
of the President's safe arrival on the night before at 
Waterford, with the very seasonable supply of money 
from you, which truly was so exceeding wanted, that the 
forces in all parts (under the pay of the Treasury) were greatly 

1651] Money arrived : more wanted 113 

distressed, as we fear they will yet be again, before the next 
supply can possibly come over : the arrears already contracted 
since the last money was exhausted, notwithstanding the small 
allowance to the poor soldiery, by which, if constant paid, they 
can scarce subsist in this time of scarcity, amounting to very near 
as much as the 40,000 now happily arrived. We esteemed it 
our parts therefore, to despatch these unto your Lordships, 
humbly to request your speedy sending away the next proportion 
of money appointed for these forces, that, under their and our 
sad sense of the great loss of your late faithful servant our 
General, they might not be further exposed to the distraction, 
that (if not so timely supplied) may attend their too intolerable 
exigency. And in regard provisions (especially of bread-corn) 
hath held at very great rates all this last summer, so that very 
slender stores have been laid up in any garrison, neither can be 
now obtained without far greater charge than it may be had from 
England, nor money out of this proportion with any conveniency 
disbursed therein, through the arrears aforesaid, and growing 
charge by the recruits, which we understand are daily expected 
(and indeed very greatly wanted), of which 400 foot are now 
very seasonably arrived, we likewise humbly desire your Lord- 
ships' effectual care for the speedy sending over the proportion 
of wheat and other provision, written for in November last by 
the Lord Deputy from Limerick, which will be shortly also 
greatly wanted, and, through the blessing of the Lord, we shall 
by all means perform our utmost for the best improvement of 
all for the advantage of your affairs." Kilkenny, 23 Dec. 
Ib. if. 278-9. 


"Since the death of the Lord Deputy we have made a 
more particular inquiry into the condition of the enemy, 
whose numbers now in arms within the several parts of this 
dominion, according to our best information, we do not judge 
to be less than 30,000, besides the people generally ready to 
join with them upon any occasion, yet many of them incline 
to come in and accept conditions, to which purpose several of 
their considerable officers have made overtures unto yours, for 
the most part insisting upon licence to go beyond sea for the 

H4 Irish officers desire to enter Spanish service [icoi-2 

King of Spain's service, and therein to continue in command of 
such regiments or companies as they can carry over with them. 
We humbly desire your advice and commands herein, and, if 
the admitting any to come in, upon the conditions aforesaid, be 
conceived to be of public advantage, we humbly offer that 
merchants may be employed to treat with the Spanish ambassa- 
dors concerning the charge of their transportation, and securing 
unto them the said conditions ; and if any, who offer to come 
in as aforesaid, shall be refused those conditions, we desire to 
understand under what qualifications such persons shall be 
excepted. We further conceive that it might much conduce 
to the settling the affairs of this nation, if some general tenders 
were made to the inhabitants. We desire the Parliament's 
direction with all possible expedition and remain etc. (Signed) 
Edmund Ludlow, Miles Corbett, Jno. Jones, Hardress Waller, 
Broghill, Jno. Reynolds, Jno. Hewson, Robt. King, Geo. Cooke, 
Hier. Sankey, Danl. Abbott, Danl. Axtell, Robt. Sanders, 1 
Richd. Lawrence, Wm. Lee." 2 Kilkenny, 26 Dec. Ib. f. 280. 

120. Ordered by the Commissioners that, in accordance with 
the Order of Parliament for the assessment of taxes in Ireland, 
the counties, cities and places within the Precinct of Limerick 
be taxed with the monthly charge of 3150, viz. Co. Clare 1350; 
Co. Limerick 1600 ; City of Limerick 200, to continue for 
six months beginning from 3 December last, i Jan. 165 J. 
Orders A/82. 42. f. 99. 

121. Ordered by the Commissioners that the assessments 
mentioned be put in execution in the following precincts : 
CORK, Co. Cork 2800, with the Baronies of Coshmore and 
Coshbride in Co. Waterford 144, per mensem, beginning from 

1 Colonel Robert Sanders or Saunders, after serving in the Parliamentary 
army in England, came to Ireland apparently before Cromwell. He obtained a 
seven years lease of Castlemartyr in co. Cork and certain lands in and near 
Youghal in May 1651. In 1657 order was given for a renewal of the lease for 
thirty-one years, in part compensation for his Irish arrears. His English arrears 
were settled by a grant of lands in co. Wexford. According to Ludlow (ii, 74) 
he was cashiered by Cromwell for his affection to the Parliament and on the 
restoration of the Long Parliament in 1659 he was rewarded by being made 
Governor of Kinsale ; but in the negotiations that led to the restoration of 
Charles II he seems to have thrown in his lot with the Coote-Broghill party. 

2 Of Colonel William Lee or Leigh we only know that, as Governor of Water- 
ford in 1659, he took an active part against Ludlow, who describes him (ii, 196) 
as having supported the usurpation of Cromwell and being an Anabaptist. 

1652] Protection offered to Irish who submit 115 

i December last ; CLONMEL, Co. Tipperary 2400, with the 
Baronies of Decies and Glenahiry and Dungarvan in Co. 
Waterford, 450 and certain portions in King's Co. 300 
(whereof is solvent 150 ; the rest to be charged within the 
Precinct of Dublin and to bear 300) beginning from i December 
last ; WATERFORD, the Barony of Middle-Third 120 ; Barony 
of Gaultiere 96. n. 9. ; City of Waterford 120 ; Baronies of 
Idea and Iberkin (Ida) 150 and Barony of Iverk 83. 10. o 
in Co. Kilkenny ; KILKENNY, Co. Kilkenny 1700 (abated the 
abovesaid baronies) and that part of Queen's Co. that is laid 
to the Precinct of Kilkenny 100 ; said assessment to begin 
from 29 December .last ; WEXFORD, Co. Wexford, with the 
part of Co. Wicklow attached; but by reason of the in- 
solvency of all the Irish baronies in that precinct there can 
be levied only 900 per mensem, beginning from 16 December. 
All assessments to last six months, i Jan. Ib. ff. 103-4. 

122. Ordered by the Commissioners that such of the enemy's 
party (except priests, Jesuits and other of the Popish clergy) 
as shall come in and deliver up their arms, and shall engage 
themselves to live peaceably, and submit to the authority of the 
Parliament, shall have such protection to live in the Parliament's 
quarters, as other protected people have, and shall have the 
benefit of such terms, as the Parliament shall hold forth to per- 
sons in their condition for their advantage ; and, if the Parlia- 
ment shall hold forth any terms, which they shall not be willing 
to submit unto, they shall have one month's time (from the pub- 
lishing of such terms in their quarters) to provide for their own 
security elsewhere ; provided that in the meantime they act 
nothing to the prejudice of the Commonwealth of England ; 
provided also that such protection, as shall be granted to the 
said persons, shall not extend to exempt such of them as had a 
hand or were actors in any of the murders, massacres, or robberies, 
that were committed upon the English and Protestants in Ire- 
land, during the first year of the Rebellion, or in any other 
murders or massacres, since the said first year, committed upon 
any person not being in arms, from being questioned, according 
to the due course of law. 2 Jan. Ib. f. 105. 

123. Ordered by the Commissioners that, upon consideration 

n6 The number of the forces in pay [1652 

of Lord BroghilTs proposals for receiving into protection such of 
the Irish soldiers as shall come in and deliver up one or more 
field officers of their party, to be proceeded against according to 
justice, and assigning unto the said soldiers places of security, 
the proposals be approved ; provided that the places of security 
be none of the Parliament's garrisons, and the persons be not 
such as have had a hand in any of the murders or massacres. 
2 Jan. Ib. f. 105. 

124. Ordered by the Commissioners that all persons of this 
nation, who have submitted to the Commonwealth's forces 
since July 1649 and have, or shall take up arms again, be 
punished by death. 2 Jan. Ib. f. 107. 

125. Ordered that the Earl of Cork l be allowed to enjoy his 
estate in Ireland pro tern. 2 Jan. Ib. f. 107. 


" We have had a meeting here of all the General Officers 
and most of the Field Officers of your forces in Ireland 
(except the Ulster officers, and those with Sir Charles Coote 
in Connaught), and we bless God that we see so much of 
the spirit of prayer and of unanimity and faithfulness in 
them to promote your service. After advice with them of 
the state and condition of your forces and garrisons, and how 
your service may be prosecuted with most advantage, we have 
taken the exactest account we could of the number of your 
forces now in pay, both in field and garrisons, according to 
musters, (except those with Sir Charles Coote in Connaught, of 
whom we have made the nearest estimate we can) and find them 
in the whole to be upwards of 30,000 horse and foot. 

" We have likewise caused the monthly charge of pay to the 
said forces (according to the reducement of present pay) to be 
calculated, and have considered of the several branches of 
your Revenue here, and how much may be expected out of the 
same towards the defraying of that great charge, and what 
supplies of treasure will be requisite (according to the present 
number of your forces) to be had from England, to make up 
the present pay, and carry on your affairs here ; and find 

1 The Earl of Cork claimed to fall within the conditions of the Dublin treaty. 

1652] Cost of their maintenance 117 

that the same will amount to 19,408. 175. gd. per mensem 
at the least, as by the enclosed estimate [wanting] will ap- 
pear. All which we herewith humbly present to your Lord- 
ships with this [remark] that, as the numbers shall increase by 
recruits, and other additional forces from England, the supplies 
of money must be increased, and that the assessments will be less 
in the summer than in the winter, because the inhabitants 
have corn in winter to make money of which will be spent 
before summer. 

" We have herewith likewise sent you an estimate [wanting] 
of such supplies of ammunition, clothes, recruits of foot and 
other necessaries, as by a Council of Officers is judged needful to 
be had from England this next spring, for the carrying on this 
next summer's war. And as touching the treasure last come 
over in specie, being (as Mr Standish the Deputy -Treasurer 
informs us) short of 40,000, we find that the arrears incurred 
to your forces and train (while this supply was expected) being 
paid, there will remain, as Mr Standish (who best knows what 
those arrears amount unto) [informs us] of this supply, scarce six 
weeks' pay for the said forces and train, to be computed from 
29 December last ; whereby it will appear to your Lordships how 
necessary it is to hasten over your future supplies of money, 
warrants being already issued out of the treasure now come, for 
supplying the defects of one month's pay to such of the forces 
as have assignations for part of their pay upon the country, and 
for six weeks' pay to the rest of the forces, that have no assigna- 
tions to depend upon, and orders given for payment of the said 
arrears in course by Mr Standish out of the same, as he formerly 
used to do in the late Lord Deputy's time, whereof we expect 
shortly an account from him. 

" We humbly present unto you the account above mentioned 
of the charge of your forces and the Revenue towards the pay- 
ment of them, as your affairs here now stand, which is much 
different from what it was in the beginning of the last spring, 
in respect of the increase of charge and decay of the Revenue, 
you having now, by the gaining of Limerick and Connaught, 
above forty garrisons planted more than you had, and yet 
the Revenue of that country, which you have gained in 
Connaught doth not answer the waste which the enemy made 
upon your quarters in other parts, while your forces were attend- 

u8 Great decrease in the Revenue [1662 

ing the reducement of Limerick and the service of those parts, 
and the loss of contributions from those places which have been 
thought fit to be excluded from protection ; neither can it be 
expected that the assessments upon those counties and places 
now under contribution, will continue long at the rate they are 
now set, it being much more than the inhabited lands there are 
generally worth to be let at rack, and there being not one part 
in three inhabited ; so that as affairs now stand, your charge 
cannot possibly be diminished, and your Revenue will un- 
doubtedly decrease, for want of inhabitants and stock to till 
and improve the wasted counties, except some speedy con- 
sideration be taken for the settlement of this country. To 
which end we humbly offer herewith some particulars to con- 
sideration. We humbly desire that your Lordships do so order 
the provision of your forces, as that the monies, to be issued for 
the payment of clothes, ammunition and other necessaries do not 
lessen that 20,000, that is to be monthly provided for the pay of 
your forces, and that the recruits of men, ammunition, clothes, 
tents, corn and other particulars (now and formerly sent for) be 
sent over before the end of April next, at which time we hope, 
through the help and blessing of God, your army may be in 
a readiness to take the field before the enemy can be in a 
condition to make any considerable resistance. We intend (if 
God please) after some few days spent here, to go to Portumna, 
and from thence further into Connaught, as we shall find it most 
conducing to the carrying on of your affairs, and rendering you 
a more exact account of your forces and service in those parts. 
We are well assured of your Lordships' wonted care in the 
effectual ordering of the forementioned and all other necessary 
supplies for the vigorous prosecution of this service, for the 
improvement whereof nothing shall be wanting (through God's 
assistance) that lies within the power of yours etc." Kilkenny, 
7 Jan. Domestic Corresp. A/8g. 49. ff. 283-6. Enclosed. 



The Parliament has in Ireland above 350 garrisons, which 
must be continued, and the strength of the army maintained at 
not less than 30,000 men, for the reason that about 100 garrisons 

1652] Proposals to break the strength of the Irish ng 

more must be planted in Wicklow, Longford, King's and Queen's 
Counties, Kerry, Galway, Roscommon, Sligo, Mayo, Leitrim, 
Tyrone, Cavan, Fermanagh, Monaghan and Armagh, as these 
places are reduced. The enemy in arms is conceived to be not 
less than 30,000 strong, and, with the exception of those in 
garrison in Galway, Sligo, Roscommon, Jamestown and some 
other small places, lies chiefly in woods, bogs and other fast- 
nesses. These bogs possess many advantages for them. First, 
the country, being almost everywhere, in the counties mentioned, 
interlaced with vast bogs, in the midst of which are firm woody 
grounds like islands, into which they have passes or causeways, 
where no more than one horse can go abreast, and can be easily 
maintained, or suddenly broken up, and they themselves 
inured to wade through them, they can easily pass to and fro, 
and prosecute their designs of robbing and burning those places, 
which yield our forces subsistence. Secondly, these fastnesses 
being impassable for horse, and into which foot cannot go with- 
out some experience and hardship, such of our forces as make 
the attempt are subject, by cold, to get the country disease, 1 
which wastes and destroys many of them ; and being got into 
those places, their ignorance of the passes renders them incapable 
to pursue, and subject to surprises. Thirdly these fastnesses 
are of better use to them in point of strength than walled towns ; 
because they cannot be besieged, and because they can draw all 
their strength out of them to act their designs, without hazarding 
the loss of the place. In addition they have exact and constant 
intelligence from the natives, of the motions of any of our forces 
and of opportunities to act their designs upon us ; whereas our 
forces seldom or never have any intelligence of their motions 
from the natives, who are possessed with an opinion that the 
Parliament intends them no terms of mercy, and therefore en- 
deavour to preserve them, as standing between them and danger. 
For the speedier breaking of their strength we suggest : 
First, that such as are now under protection, who go out in 

1 " As Ireland is subject to most diseases in common with other countries, 
so there are some whereunto it is particularly obnoxious. ... Of this 
number is a certain sort of malignant fevers, vulgarly in Ireland called Irish 
agues. . . . The loo?eness doth also reign in Ireland . . . wherefore the 
English inhabitants have given it the name of the country disease. . . . My 
brother . . . being Physician-General of the English forces . . . hath assured 
me that these disease 7 * had their original not from any defect o^the climate, 
but of the cold and other hard-hips which the soldiers suffered in their 
marches," etc. G. Boate, Ireland's Natural Hist., Lond. 1652, ch. xxiv. 

120 Means to lessen the charge of the army [1652 

arms against the Parliament, be excepted from pardon for life 
or estate. 

Secondly, that persons now in arms (except Jesuits and other 
excepted persons) who shall lay them down and live peaceably, 
shall have the benefit of such terms as the Parliament shall hold 
forth to persons in their condition ; or, if they do not like the 
terms, but desire to serve a foreign power, they shall have 
liberty, after laying dow r n arms, to transport themselves and to 
continue in command of the forces they hold. 

It is conceived that such terms as these would move most of 
their leading men to lay down arms, and carry away most of 
their fighting men, which would add much to the security and 
peace of the inhabitants here. 

Thirdly, the country round about the rebels' fastnesses to be 
laid waste, and garrisons placed in the neighbourhood. 

Fourthly, terms to be held out to those who desire to live 
peaceably, and are not guilty of blood, in order to the security 
of their lives and encouragement to husbandry. 1 Ib. ff. 286-8. 



First, that the Adventurers upon lands in Ireland do cast 
lots where their lands shall be assigned them, according to the 
proposals annexed, to the end that they may begin to plant, 
notwithstanding the war is not yet ended, and may plant 
together to their mutual strength. 

Secondly, that a Pale be made, by securing all the passes upon 
the Boyne and the Barrow, and joining these two rivers in one 
entire line, for the better securing the inhabitants to plant and 
follow husbandry within the said line, the same being once cleared 
of the enemy, by planting a strong garrison in the fastness of 
Wicklow and another in the County of Waterford between the 
Suir and the More. 2 The advantage of such a line being made 
is that the country within it will in a short time be inhabited, 
and yield more security to the people than now they have within 
a mile of the best garrison we possess, and probably yield more 

1 The above, though only an abstract of the document, fills up certain 
lacunae in the fuller copy in the Portland MSS. i, pp. 622-623. Hist. MSS. 
Comm., 13th Kept., App. I. 

2 I.e. Avonmore (Abhain mdr), or Great Water, generally called the 

1652] How the Adventurers' claims may be ascertained 121 

profit to the Commonwealth than all the lands in Ireland 
now do. 

Thirdly, that all the forces may be fixed to their respective 
garrisons and quarters, and have lands assigned to them as well 
for their arrears, as in lieu (at least of part) of their present pay, 
to the end they may be encouraged to follow husbandry, and to 
maintain their own interest, as well as that of the Common- 
wealth, provided only that such of them as marry Irishwomen 
shall lose their commands, forfeit their arrears, and be made 
incapable to inherit lands in Ireland. Ib. ff. 288-9. 


That some counties in each province be set apart and 
divided into four allotments, each of such allotments to contain 
a sufficient proportion of land to satisfy the Adventurers, to 
the end that lots may be cast presently by the Adventurers in 
which of those allotments their proportions shall be fixed, viz : 

The first allotment to consist of the counties of Limerick 
and Kerry in Munster, and Clare and Gal way in Connaught. 

The second allotment to consist of the counties of Kilkenny, 
Wexford, Wicklow and Carlow in Leinster. 

The third allotment to consist of the counties of Westmeath 
and Longford in Leinster, and Cavan and Monaghan in Ulster. 

The fourth allotment to consist of the counties of Fermanagh 
and Donegal in Ulster and Leitrim and Sligo in Connaught. 1 

And although it be conceived that there is in any one of these 
allotments more forfeited lands than will, upon admeasurement, 
satisfy the Adventurers according to the Act ; yet that it may 
appear that not only full satisfaction is intended them, but also 
an advantage of strength and security, in having their several 
proportions assigned unto them together, which the Act doth not 
provide for, it is further propounded : 

First, that if the first allotment chance to fall short upon 
admeasurement of giving the satisfaction intended, that then 
in such case the one moiety of such defect be supplied out of 
the forfeited lands in the county of Cork, next adjacent to 
the counties of Kerry and Limerick in Munster, and the other 

1 It will be noticed that had this scheme been carried out some of the worst 
lands in Ireland would have been assigned the Adventurers. 

122 Army going into winter quarters [1052 

moiety of such defect to be supplied out of the forfeited lands 
in the county of Mayo, next adjacent to the counties of Clare 
and Galway. 

Secondly, that the second allotment proving deficient upon 
admeasurement, be supplied out of the forfeited lands in the 
Queen's and King's counties in Leinster, next adjacent to the 
said second allotment. 

Thirdly, that the defect of the third allotment be supplied out 
of the forfeited lands in the county of Fermanagh in Ulster, 
next adjacent to the said third allotment. 

Fourthly, that the defect of the fourth allotment be supplied 
out of the forfeited lands in the county of Mayo in Connaught 
and of Cavan in Ulster next adjacent to the said fourth allot- 
ment. 1 Ib. L 290. 


" . . . The provision of clothes you mention are not yet 
come, and because they are not likely to come, time enough to be 
distributed before the distress of winter be over, it is ordered, 
by the unanimous vote of all the officers present at a Council, 
that they shall not be distributed before the loth of April, that 
the army may be well clothed when they take the field. . . . 
We have given order to buy up all the corn that can be got 
here in the country, as well to prevent the enemy of relief, as to 
supply our stores, the Irish being apt to part with anything 
they have for money ; but much less is to be had here than 
we expected. ..." Kilkenny, 8 Jan. Ib. ff. 291-2. 


" Having now been in these parts three weeks, where we 
have met with all the General Officers and most of the 
Field Officers of your army, and consulted with them about 
the disposing of your forces in their winter quarters, as 
may be of most advantage to your service, and what will be 
necessary to be provided for this next summer's service we 
have given account to the Council of State. We have resolved 
the next week, by the help of God, to repair to Portumna 
in Connaught, where we do expect to meet with Sir Charles 

1 See note, p. 120. 

1652] Allowance granted the Earl of Antrim 123 

Coote and others your servants in those parts, of which we do 
hope to give account by our next. We shall only now acquaint 
you that, at this meeting with your officers and servants here, we 
have observed in them great diligence and affection, with much 
unanimity to obey your commands, and to carry on your service 
in this nation, and we could not but take notice of the good 
hand of God that so disposed of the winds, that have been very 
tempestuous and contrary many weeks together, yet, the day 
before our coming hither, the last treasure come from you, did 
safely arrive at Waterford, which hath been long expected, and 
for want thereof your forces might have soon been reduced to 
many straits. Now by this seasonable relief they are much 
refreshed, the same being disposed of, and equally distributed 
according to the course used by the Lord Deputy in his lifetime ; 
but how little thereof doth remain and what further supplies 
and necessaries are requisite to be sent hither in order to your 
service, we have given full account to the Council of State. 
There is not any considerable action now of late worthy your 
notice ; but your forces at present are in such a posture as they 
are ready to meet with all attempts of the enemy, and, by the 
blessing of God, are in a hopeful way to do good service against 
the enemy, whose motions they do daily attend. Your pleasure 
touching a Commander-in-Chief in this nation, and what quali- 
fications the Parliament shall please to hold forth to the Irish, 
hath been long expected and much desired." Kilkenny, 8 Jan. 
Ib. ff. 294-5. 


" We thought fit to acquaint you that the Earl of Antrim, 
being altogether unprovided of a convenient habitation and 
other accommodations in these parts, answerable to the late 
Lord Deputy's intentions towards him, hath received our 
pass for Ulster, where we have ordered him 40 a month 
for his present maintenance, and where we desire he may 
reside, in some such convenient place as you shall think fit, 
till the pleasure of the Parliament be made known concerning 
him. If you apprehend any prejudice that may happen to the 
Commonwealth thereby, when we are returned to Dublin be 
pleased to signify it unto yours etc." Kilkenrfy, 8 Jan. 
Ib. f. 296. 

124 Ireton's regard for Lord Antrim [1052 


"The experience, which we have had of the judgment 
and integrity of the late Lord Deputy, invites us to prosecute 
all such designs as we find him any ways inclined unto, and 
finding that his Lordship was very sensible of the hard 
condition of the Lord Antrim, who had not only submitted 
to him, but so far endeavoured to serve him, as had gained 
him some esteem and place in his Lordship's opinion, and 
some tenderness and care of his future well-being, as will 
appear unto your Lordship by the enclosed copy of a letter 
[wanting] from his Lordship to the Lord of Antrim, in which 
you will find how desirous he was to preserve him, and to free 
him from being an excepted person for life and estate ; and do 
also think fit to signify to your Lordship that in our judgment 
he (not having been so active as most others have against the 
Parliament, nor being a man of designing head, 1 or guilty of the 

1 Readers who are acquainted with Antrim's career will smile at this descrip- 
tion of him; but it is not without interest to inquire how a man from being a per- 
fervid royalist and afterwards a confidant of the ultramontane Irish party and 
a competitor for the command of their army on the death of Owen Roe O'Neill, 
should have succeeded, not indeed in hoodwinking Ireton, but in securing the 
above favourable recommendation from the Commissioners. It is not easy to 
see through the veil of mystery which shrouds Antrim's intrigues. But it may 
be taken for granted that Ireton knew his man and had good reason for treating 
him with consideration. The following facts may help to explain the mystery. 
At the close of 1647, when negotiations for a reconciliation between the Crown 
and the Confederates were on foot, Antrim, Lord Muskerry and Geoffrey 
Browne were deputed by the latter to proceed to France to arrange a treaty, 
and if possible to persuade the Prince of Wales to come to Ireland. Antrim left 
Ireland on 20 Feb. 1648, seven days before his colleagues. His object, there 
can be hardly any doubt, was to gain the ear of the Prince, and by magnifying 
his own importance to procure his appointment as Lord Lieutenant in the place 
of Ormond. Being a Catholic his appointment would, in his opinion, have 
enabled him to reconcile the national and confederate parties, and, by giving 
consistency to their policy, have enabled them to offer a more effectual resist- 
ance to the Parliament. Failing however to oust Ormond, he returned to Ireland 
and threw all his influence on the side of the opponents of the treaty. But 
being unable to prevent its conclusion, he opened up a correspondence with 
Cromwell, through Abbot Crilly, with the object of effecting an agreement 
between the native Irish and the Parliament on the basis of a toleration of the 
Catholic religion. The scheme came to nothing ; but Antrim was not discour- 
aged, and having effected an understanding with Col. Michael Jones he laboured 
to undermine Ormond's authority, and, according to Carte, was mainly 
instrumental, through his agent Hugh Rochford, recorder of Wexford, in 
bringing about the surrender of that place to Cromwell. On the death of Owen 
O'Neill he exerted himself to secure his election to the command of the Ulster 
army. Being disappointed in this respect, however, he presented himself to 
Ireton at Carlo w and tendered his personal submission. At the same time he 
gave Ireton a full account of Charles' intrigues with him and Ormond in Aug. 
1641 for subverting the Government of Ireland in his own interests (cf. Intro- 
duction, p. cxvi). He was allowed to remove to England and, his estate in co. 
Antrim having been assigned in satisfaction of Adventurers' claims, he received 

1652] Delinquents protected by the Treaty of Dublin 125 

massacres in this land) may be left out of the exception for life 
and estate." Kilkenny, 8 Jan. Ib. f. 299. 


" Upon inquiry into the management of the public affairs 
here, we found some persons (who lived in England during 
these wars and were there in arms, or otherwise acted against 
the Parliament) enjoying the benefit of their estates in Ireland. 
Whereupon we issued out orders for seizing and sequestring 
of the estates of such persons as had been sequestered in 
England [and] for delinquency against the Parliament, although 
they had compounded for their estates in England, and to 
continue the same under sequestration, until it should be 
made to appear that they had compounded, or been otherwise 
freed for their estates in Ireland. In pursuance whereof 
the Earl of Cork's estate being secured, he produced the 
Articles made with the Earl of Ormond upon the rendition 
of Dublin, and claimeth to be freed for his estate in Ireland by 
virtue thereof ; and, upon the debate of that matter, we con- 
ceived ourselves under some difficulty how to proceed therein, 
and in other cases of that nature, without some further significa- 
tion of the Parliament's sense thereupon ; and therefore we have 
stated the said doubts in the two questions enclosed, which we 
humbly desire may be (by your means) offered to the considera- 
tion of the House for their resolutions therein." Kilkenny, 
16 Jan. Ib. f. 300. 

131 (i). In the Articles of Agreement made with the Earl of 
Ormond 18 June 1647, " it is agreed and concluded, and the said 
Arthur Annesly Esq., Sir Robert King and Sir Robert Meredith 
Kts., Colonel John Moore and Colonel Michael Jones, do, for and 
in behalf of the Parliament of England, conclude, agree and 
undertake to and with the said Lord Marquis of Ormond, in 
behalf of himself and other his Majesty's subjects, that all 
Protestants whatsoever of the kingdom of Ireland (not having 

& pension of 500 from Government, subsequently increased to 800, together 
with certain lands as an innocent papist, in co. Mayo. His behaviour at 
this time almost cost him his estate at the Restoration, and indeed he only 
saved himself by boldly denying that he had ever had any dealings with Ire ton. 
See his examination in Gal. State Papers, Irel., 23 July 1661, p. 384f 

1 I.e. the Committee of the Council of State for Irish Affairs. On the origin 
of this committee see Eng. Hist. Review, xxi, pp. 591-592. 

126 Irishmen captured by Turkish pirates [1652 

been in the Irish Rebellion, though they have of late consented or 
submitted either to the Cessation of arms or the Peace concluded 
with the Irish rebels) shall be secured in their personal estates 
and goods, that they have in Ireland, and that they may live 
quietly and securely under the protection of the said Parliament 
and their forces either within England, Ireland or Wales, and 
that they shall enjoy those their estates and goods, without any 
molestation or question from the said Parliament of England, as 
any others do that have not offended the said Parliament, they 
submitting to all such Ordinances of Parliament made, or to be 
made, as all others do submit unto, who have never offended the 

" Upon which Articles the questions and doubts ensuing do 
arise, viz. First, Whether such persons as levied war or aided 
or assisted the war in England against the Parliament, having 
estates in Ireland, be included in the said Articles, and ought 
to have their estates in Ireland freed from sequestration or 
forfeiture by virtue thereof ? 

" Second, Whether such persons (being sequestrable) as have 
lived in England during the time of the Rebellion in Ireland, 
and at the time of passing the said Articles (although they for- 
merly lived and had their estates in Ireland) be included in the 
said Articles, and ought to have their estates in Ireland freed 
from sequestration or forfeiture by virtue thereof ? 

" There be divers great estates in Ireland the sequestration 
or acquittal whereof depends upon the Parliament's resolution 
herein." Ib. ff. 301-2. 


" We have received several petitions on the behalf of Nicholas 
Archer of Kilkenny, who, about two years since, coming from 
St Malo in France for Ireland, was taken at sea by a Turkish 
man-of-war and carried prisoner to Sallee 1 in Barbary, where 

1 Ever since the days of Barbarossa the Moslim pirates, that infested the 
Mediterranean and extended their ravages at times as far west as Ireland, had 
been a source of annoyance and peril to the traders of western Europe. The 
brunt of their attacks had been borne by Spain ; but many an Englishman had 
endured a similar and even a worse fate than that which befell the author of 
Don Quixote, and the sack of Baltimore in 1631 was, as the Lords Justices 
remarked, " an event without precedent even in time of war " and an affront 
such as no government could tamely submit to. The result was that in 1637 
an expedition commanded by William Rainborow was despatched to Sallee 
" for the suppressing of Turkish pirates and redeeming his Majesty's subjects." 

1652] Assessment of Connaught settled 127 

he hath remained ever since in a slavish captivity ; and 
knowing the pious care of the Parliament in this particular, 
we make bold to recommend the said Archer to your serious 
care and consideration (as conceiving him a fit object of your 
mercy and charity) in order to his redemption from his present 
sad and deplorable condition, and desire that he may be in the 
list of those that receive the benefit of your first express in that 
behalf." Kilkenny, 17 Jan. Ib. f. 303. 


" At the Lord President of Connaught's desire we have written 
unto Col. Venables, to cause the sum of 1800, of the remainder 
of the 8000 which came over from England for his Lordship's 
forces, to be delivered into your hands, or whom you shall 
appoint, which we desire may be laid out by your appointment 
for oatmeal in the most convenient parts of Ulster, to be sent 
thence to Londonderry and laid up in store for the use of the 
forces in Connaught this next summer, to be there delivered 
as directions shall be given by the Lord President. . . ." 
Portumna, 23 Jan. Ib. f. 307. 

134. Ordered by the Commissioners that the counties, baronies 
and places within the Province of Connaught be assessed with 
the monthly charge of 2850, i.e. the solvent baronies etc. in Co. 
Galway to be charged 2500, the solvent baronies in Co. Mayo 
100, and the solvent baronies in Co. Roscommon 250. The 
tax to continue three months, beginning 3 February next. 
26 Jan. Orders A/82. 42. f. 128. 

Rainborow's expedition resulted in the release of 339 captives. But its effects 
were transitory and the piratical attacks of the Moors,, and their renegade 
Christian allies, continuing with unabated energy, Edmund Casson was sent on 
a diplomatic mission in 1646 to arrange a treaty with the Deyof Algiers, secur* 
ing freedom of trade to English merchants. But there were other slave ports 
besides Algiers, and despite the vigilance of the Commonwealth's cruisers British 
subjects were continually being captured and carried off into slavery like 
Nicholas Archer. About the same time a fellow-townsman of Archer's, 
Nicholas Langton, experienced a similar fate. (See Memorials of the Family of 
Langton in Roy. Arch. Soc. New Series, iv, p. 85.) In 1655 Government fitted 
out an expedition under Blake to put an end to the terror. Blake succeeded in 
renewing Casson's treaty with the Dey of Algiers and failing to refeive satis- 
faction from the Dey of Tunis he destroyed his fleet. Three years later Captain 
John Stoakes succeeded in arranging treaties with the heads of most of these 
piratical states. 

128 Ballibawn Castle captured [ 1.652 


" Our last by Major Morgan x gave you an account of 
our then being at Kilkenny and of our purpose to go to 
Portumna in Connaught, where we have been accordingly, 
and as at Kilkenny we had a meeting with most of the 
officers of the army and of the several forces in Munster 
and Leinster, and received a full account of your affairs at 
present in those parts, so at our being at Portumna, Sir 
Charles Coote and the officers in that precinct under his 
command and under Commmissary-General Reynolds, did 
repair unto us and give us also a full account of your forces 
and affairs in those parts ; and, as we have done our en- 
deavours to settle the assessments, excise, customs and other 
revenues in those provinces to the utmost that can be raised, 
so, by advice of the officers of the army, several things have been 
taken into consideration and resolved upon, in order to the carry- 
ing on of this next summer's service, and what is necessary to be 
provided in order thereunto, and what were necessary to be sent 
from England hither in the meantime, to make your forces, now 
in their winter quarters, as useful and active against the enemy 
as may be, and of all these we have given a particular account to 
the Council of State, who we doubt not will present the same to 
you as your occasions will permit and may be for your service. 

" We shall now only add that in these meetings we have 
seen much of God in disposing the hearts of your officers 
and servants here, in such manner as, it doth appear unto us, 
there is a general concurrence and unity of spirit in them all to 
carry on the work of the Lord to be done in this land ; and since 
they parted from us, most of them, in their several quarters, have 
made attempts upon the enemy, and in particular Col. Sankey, 
Col. Axtell and Col. Abbot drew several parties at one time 
to Ballibawne 2 in Munster, which was Fitzpatrick's stronghold, 
and coming at three several passes at one time upon that 
place, they took the castle there, which they slighted, 3 and burnt 
great quantities of corn and provisions and all their houses, 

1 Major Anthony Morgan. See below, p. 282. 

2 In a preceding letter (p. 64) Ballybawn is said to have been situated in 
King's Co. The place intended was, perhaps, Bawn in the parish of Nenagh, 
and Barony of Upper Ormond, co. Tipperary, on the border of King's Co., 
though personally I incline to locate it 8 bout four miles east of Roscrea, 
where there are still the remains of the old castle. 

3 I.e. demolished. 

1652] Attempt to surprise Tecroghan foiled 129 

and put 500 to the sword and drove away what cattle they found 
there. The like attempt Col. Hewson, Col. Pretty and other 
parties have begun to make at Glenmalure, 1 the great fastness 
in Wicklow, and have there destroyed and burnt their corn and 
houses and all provisions of the enemy they could meet with. 
At Galway the enemy made a sally out to fetch in a prey of 
cattle ; but your forces lying in the forts near, upon notice thereof, 
fell upon them and rescued the prey and killed sixty of them 
upon the place. Most of them were citizens ; and at a gentle- 
man's castle near Tecroghan, there came two companies of 
the enemy to surprise the same; but the commander of the 
garrison of Tecroghan, upon notice thereof, sent timely to 
prevent that design, and killed forty on the place, and took 
one hundred arms ; and very many other attempts have been 
made in other parts by your forces, so as the enemy of late 
hath been straitened and many of them of late put to the 

" Our humble suit unto you is, that care may be taken to send 
over supplies of money for the payment of your forces, without 
which they will be put to miserable exigencies, and also that the 
recruits, tents, clothes, corn and ammunition and other neces- 
saries, we have mentioned in our letters to the Council of State, 
may have money provided for the buying of them, so as they 
may be timely sent hither, it much conducing to your service and 
for the ending of the war, that your forces may be in the field in 
the beginning of May next or sooner, if the horse can live abroad. 
Several of the enemy's party have made some overtures to 
come in and submit, and at our being at Kilkenny and Portumna, 
with advice of your officers there, some rules have been given 
to those commanding in chief in several quarters to receive 
such whose coming in may be for your service ; but the not 
knowing your pleasure, concerning the qualifications or terms 
to be held out to the Irish, doth render us not so serviceable in 
those particulars as otherwise we conceive we might be. Where- 
fore we humbly desire your pleasure therein may be speedily 
declared." Dublin, 4 Feb. Domestic Corresp. A/Sg. 49. 
ff. 309-11. 

1 Glenmalure (Hib. Gleann Maoilughra), a romantic valley to the south of 
Glendalough in co. Wicklow, the stronghold at one time of the O'Byrnes and 
the scene of Arthur, Lord Grey's defeat in 1580. 

130 The Commissioners at Portumna [1662 


" Since the last account of your affairs in Ireland sent 
your Lordships from Kilkenny, by Major Morgan, we have 
been at Portumna in Connaught, where we met with Sir 
Charles Coote and his officers, and find the number of 
your forces there, under the immediate command of the Lord 
President, to be (according to the last musters) thirty- four 
companies of foot, consisting of the number of 2291 private 
soldiers, besides officers, and fourteen troops of horse, con- 
sisting of the number of 982 private troopers, besides officers ; 
and find that the pay of the said forces (according to the present 
proportion of pay allowed to the rest of your forces in Ireland) 
and of the staff officers and train belonging to that brigade 
(together with 20 a week allowed to Sir Charles Coote for his 
present subsistence, to support him in the commands wherewith 
he is entrusted) doth amount per mensem unto 4975. We find 
the Revenue of Connaught (besides the County of Clare, which 
is added to the Precinct of Limerick) to be as followeth part 
of the County of Galway is charged with 2500 per mensem ; 
part of Roscommon 250 per mensem ; part of Mayo 100 per 
mensem, in all 2850 per mensem : the other part of the said 
counties (being the greater part) and the whole Counties of 
Sligo and Leitrim are in the enemy's possession, so that, for 
supplying the monthly defects of pay for the said forces, there 
must be issued out of the Grand Treasury monthly 2125. 

" Upon serious debate and advice with Sir Charles Coote and 
other officers then present, it was adjudged advantageous to 
your service that the Counties of Leitrim and Sligo, and those 
places in the other counties, which yield no contribution, should 
be declared out of protection, as well to prevent the removing 
of the inhabitants now under contribution into those places, to 
avoid the payment of the assessments, as to compel the inhabit- 
ants in those places to remove into protected places for their 
security, and thereby at least hold up your Revenue and 
withdraw relief from the enemy, which we have accordingly 

"In the representation, sent from Kilkenny, of what wasneces- 
sary to be provided for the carrying on of the war in the spring, 
we find many things to have been omitted, the comptroller of 

1652] Great scarcity of corn in all parts 131 

the train being not then present, a note of which we have here 
enclosed sent, and humbly desire that those, now sent for, may 
be provided either at London or Bristol with all convenient 
expedition. We likewise in our said representation were much 
short in the estimate of the monthly incident charges, the 
erecting of bridges over the Shannon, building of ferry boats and 
forts upon passes on that river, the making wheels and carriages 
for the train (there being sixty certified to be wanting) . The mak- 
ing of waggons for the train, the buying of oxen and horses for 
the train and carriages, and many other particulars (not herein 
or formerly mentioned) amount to very great sums, whereof 
we humbly desire that consideration may be had. 

" We have issued out orders, for the buying of considerable 
quantities of corn, to be laid up in your stores, especially in 
inland garrisons, for supplying the forces with bread, when 
they draw into the field, and that 2000 should be laid out in 
corn about Athlone for the forces in Connaught and those 
parts ; but we, being there, found there is no corn to be had 
in those parts, whereupon we ordered 1800 to be laid out for 
buying of oatmeal in Ulster, for supplying the forces that are 
and shall be drawn into Connaught the next spring ; from 
whence likewise we are informed that there is great scarcity 
there and little expectation of supply from thence, which we 
humbly mention, that care may be had for the timely sending 
of sufficient supplies into these parts. We likewise find great 
scarcity of corn in all other parts in Ireland ; but we hope 
that the port towns in Munster and Leinster will be better 
supplied by your Lordships' care than those remote and 
inland parts. Col. Hill and the rest of the Commissioners in 
Ulster inform us by letters, that the Revenue there falls 
short of answering the charge 700 per mensem, the counties 
of Fermanagh, Monaghan, Tyrone, Armagh and Cavan yield- 
ing yet no contribution or other revenue, and although we 
have ordered, and do intend to press the Commissioners 
there to raise the defective sum upon the four solvent counties 
of Down, Antrim, Londonderry and Donegal, as being best able 
to bear an additional charge of any counties in Ireland, yet we 
humbly conceive that some supply will be necessary for that 
province, either in corn for the summer service, or in nioney to 
enable them to make provision there. 

132 Defalcations in treasure transmitted [J652 

" We humbly desire that the supplies of treasure may be 
hastened, the last supply being already spent, and the forces 
begin to be in arrear and will very suddenly be in great want, 
if the supply expected arrive not in very few days ; and we 
humbly offer whether it be not fit that some persons here may 
have advice from the Treasurers-at-War what money they 
send to their Deputy in specie, and what defalcations are made 
of such monies, as your Lordships order to be sent over for the 
carrying on of your affairs, which we mention because of the 
50,000, ordered by your Lordships, and which arrived in De- 
cember last, there came but 39.220.95. 5d. in money, the rest was 
defalked for money paid in England, and a great part of those 
defalcations were for money paid to cutlers and shipmasters and 
for buying of provisions, which we conceive your Lordships 
intended not to have been abated out of the money appointed 
for the monthly pay of the soldiers. We understand, by letters 
received this day from Connaught, that the Dragon frigate, laden 
with clothes and ammunition (having been driven to sea by 
storms and in great danger) is now arrived in the Bay of Galway, 
the clothes having received some prejudice by wet. We hear 
nothing of the rest of the clothes, nor of any other provisions 
as yet arrived in any port." 5 Feb. Ib. ff. 312-5. Enclosed. 

136 (i). An estimate of what necessaries are wanting for 
the repair of the train of artillery with the bridge and boats 
and other supplies for the service in Connaught. Ib. f. 316. 


" When we were at Kilkenny we had several proposals made 
unto us by the officers then present, in order to the preventing 
the enemy of such relief as they now have from and within 
the quarters under protection, for the deterring of such 
as are under protection to go into arms again, and for the 
breaking of the enemy's strength, by admitting such, as 
shall deliver up their arms and submit to the authority of the 
Parliament, to live under protection, until the pleasure of the 
Parliament or of your Lordships be known concerning them ; 
and upon debate of them at a Council of War, the several 
Declarations and Orders enclosed 1 were agreed upon, and 

1 See above, Nos. 122-124. 

1652] Overtures for a settlement 133 

accordingly issued forth ; which we thought fit humbly to 
acquaint your Lordships with. Since which time several 
overtures have been, by some of the leading men amongst 
them, made for the laying down of arms upon terms. One 
Richard Burke, 1 the Earl of Clanricarde's next heir, who 
commands in chief the forces under Clanricarde in Connaught, 
except Galway, hath made some propositions for the rendering 
of Sligo, Jamestown, Roscommon and Drumrusk, being four 
considerable garrisons, and give you the possession of the 
counties in Connaught bordering upon the Shannon and now 
out of your possession. It was conceived at a Council of 
War, held at Portumna, that if the said places could be timely 
gained upon any honourable terms, it would very much advan- 
tage to your service, as well in saving the lives of your men, 
which would be hazarded in the forcing of those places, as in 
gaining of time for the more effectual reducing of Galway, which 
probably will not hold out long if those places were in your 
possession, and the said Burke and his adherents come in and 
submit, and therefore the votes and resolutions enclosed 
[wanting] then passed. But we have had yet no account what 
hath been done thereupon. We find that many leading men 
of the enemy would lay down arms, if they might have liberty 
to carry men into Spain, which is conceived, by those that serve 
you here, would much conduce to the settlement of the country, 
if your Lordships approve thereof. 

" It is a sad thing to consider (and we are loath to mention it) 
what vast numbers of men have perished in Ireland, by the hard- 
ship of the service, cold (through want of clothes), and diseases 
of the country. We are credibly informed by your officers 

1 This was Richard Burke, afterwards sixth Earl of Clanricarde. The follow- 
ing table will show the relationship : 

Ulick, 3rd Earl 

Richard, Richard, Sir Thorn 
died young 4th Earl 

Ulick, 5th Earl, 
d. 1657 
Margaret m. 
Lord Muskerry R 

as Sir William John Edmond 

Richard m. Mary, 
d. of the Earl of 

ichard, 6th Earl, William, 
d. 1666 7th Earl 

134 Great mortality amongst the recruits [1652 

that one third part of the recruits you sent over the last year are 
not now alive, whereby your Lordships may perceive what need 
there is of hastening over the number of recruits desired well 
clothed, and that aged, diseased persons, and children may not 
be sent over, of which sort many of the last year's recruits were, 
which hath been a great charge to your hospitals and of no use 
for your service/' 5 Feb. Ib. ff. 317-8. 


Acquainting him with the substance of the above letter. 
" We have nothing further to trouble your Excellency 
therein, but humbly to beg your care in reminding the 
Council that the particulars mentioned to them, in both 
our letters, may be speedily provided and seasonably sent 
over to us, that, through want thereof, your forces may not be 
disabled from taking the field on the first opportunity of doing 
other services upon the enemies, which we hope may be the 
latter end of April next." 5 Feb. Ib. f. 321. 


"... We desire you to go on in the necessary fortifying of the 
town of Athlone, and preparing safe quarters for your party on 
both sides the river as yours propounded, as also to repair a 
better house for your own quarter or residence there, and by 
the next you shall receive the order for 2000 to be raised for 
that purpose, out of the respective provinces in the most equal 
manner we can in the meantime think of, and desiring to hear 
from you touching your own and the enemy's condition as 
often as conveniently may be, and what corn can be had from 
Westmeath we desire may be got to Athlone ; and when we 
understand from you what quantity you can so procure and the 
price of it, we will give order for payment." 5 Feb. Ib. f. 322. 

140. Ordered by the Commissioners that the following 
places in Connaught be excluded from protection, viz : Co. 
Leitrim (except the Baronies of Leitrim, Mohill and Druma- 
haire) ; in Co. Roscommon, O'Hanly's country, 1 the territories of 

1 O'Hanly's country lay between Strokestown and Roscommon, included in 
the parishes of Kilglas, Termonbarry, Clontuskart, Kilgiffin and Lisonuffy. 

1652] Trade with Scotland to be reopened 135 

Artagh and Terchowle 1 ; Co. Mayo (except the Baronies of 
Kilmaine, Carra and Tirawley) ; in Co. Gal way, the Baronies 
of Moycullen and Ballynahinch, half-Barony of Ross, half- 
Barony of Burrishoole, half-Barony of Aran, half-Barony of 
Kill an, the Parishes of Bennagh, Kilkeran, Moylagh in the 
Barony of Tiaquin, the Parish of Ballinakill in the Barony of 
Longford ; in Co. Sligo, Barony of Coolavin (except the 
Randes) . All inhabitants to remove from the places excluded 
from protection before loth March ; such as remain after 
that date to be accounted enemies and spies. 6 Feb. Orders 
A/82. 42. f. 134. 


Announcing that they see no reason why trade should be 
longer prohibited, and authorising the Commissioners to open 
and encourage a free trading with Scotland and the Isle of 
Man, in all lawful and allowable commodities ; but, having 
regard to the present scarcity in Ireland, desiring them to take 
especial care that neither wheat nor any sort of grain nor 
victuals be exported. They approve the Commissioners' pro- 
ceeding in farming out the excise, provided the grants made 
be but for a short period. Further they commend the care 
taken by them to restrain those suspicious persons, whose 
passes were defective, but desiring them to have special regard 
to preserve any articles made by any in command for the 
service of the Commonwealth of England, though they are of 
opinion that the capitulation made with Balcarres, 2 according 
to the copy sent by them, does not extend licence for any of 
them to come to Ireland, except further licence be granted 
by any of the Commanders for the Parliament in Scotland. 
These they are willing to make good, unless the Commissioners 
anticipate any inconveniency, in which case they are desired to 
write to the Commander-in-Chief in Scotland that such licence 
be in future forborne. 12 Feb. Domestic Corresp. A/Sg. 49. 

ft. 325-8. 

1 Terchowle I take to be Tir-Tuathail (Tirhoile), a district between Lough 
Kev and Lough Allen, regarding which see O' Donovan, Four Masters a.a., 

1 The Articles of Capitulation between Alexander Lindsay, Earfcof Balcarres, 
and the English in Dec. 1651 are printed in Sir James Balfour's Annals, iv, 
pp. 345-346. 

136 Parts of Leinster excluded from protection [1652 

142. A Proclamation of the Commissioners of Parliament 
excluding Wicklow and other parts of Leinster, which are 
harbours and receptacles for the enemy and other bloody 
mischievous persons from protection, for one year beginning 
28th inst. Feb. 1 13 Feb. Orders A/82. 42. ff. 137-9. 


" Having received advice that the late Treasurers-at-War 
have laid down their Commission, and that the Parliament 
hath voted you to succeed in the employment, since which 
notice Mr Bowles, 3 who was employed here as agent or deputy 
to the said Treasurers, hath ceased to act and engage any 
further in their names, alleging his power and instructions to 
fall and to be void by the said Treasurers' discharge from their 
employment, by reason of which we have been put to very great 
straits and difficulties for money to supply the continual and 
pressing wants of our forces in this province." But we have 
ordered him to charge Bills of Exchange upon you for 3600, 
which he hath taken up here of several merchants. 17 Feb. 
Domestic Corresp. A/Sg. 49. Ib. f. 333. 

144. An account of money received from the Treasurers-at- 
War, by them paid in London until 12 February 1654, viz. 
July 1651 received by several Bills charged on the Treasurers 
payable to several persons in London, 4000 ; November 17 
to Mr Charles Walley or his order 250 ; November 18 to Mr 
Simeon Finsham 100 ; September 24 to Mr John Ord by Bill 
2000 ; October 9 to Mr John Ord 2000 ; December 2 to Mr 
Philip Goldsmith 300 ; December 16 to Mr John Ord 2200 ; 
December 24 to the same 1000; December 24 to Mr Lucas 
Lucy 320 ; December 31 to Mr Crofts 100 ; December 31 to 
Mr Joseph Denham 50 ; January 2 to Mr John Ord 200 ; 
January 5 to Major John Bligh 1200 ; January 5 to Mr Jacob 
Willet 300 ; January 7 to Mr William Cox 1500 ; January 13 
to Mr Thomas Hill 50. Total 15,570. 18 Feb. Ib. f. 340. 

1 Printed in full in Gilbert's Contemp. Hist., iii, pp. 283-284. 

2 The new Treasurers-at-War were Wm. Leman and John Blackwell, junr. 

8 Thomas Bowles was afterwards appointed a Commissioner under the Act 
of 25 August 1652 for stating the accounts of the army (CaL State Papers Irel., 
1647-1660, p. 618). He wa^ paid a salary of 300, half in cash and half in 
debentures. In 1664 information was laid that he was indebted to the State in 
the sum of 1600 and order was given for the recovery of that amount. 

1652] Counterfeit money imported from England 137 


" We have formerly given the Council an account of the 
counterfeit money that was found here in Dublin, and the 
several persons suspected to have acted in that business. We 
have formerly sent your Lordships several examinations taken 
before us, and of several letters taken by us concerning that 
business, and lately, upon the coming over of one Markes, we 
have secured him and taken his examinations and several letters 
of his own handwriting, and some letters lately intercepted by 
us that came from Hill and Booth, the copies of the letters lately 
taken and not sent formerly we do send enclosed [wanting] ; and 
for, that we do find the counterfeit money was coined in England, 
and the principals are there, we shall shortly send three prisoners 
that are here and all the original examinations and letters, and 
shall humbly leave the same to be further proceeded in, as to 
the Council shall seem just." 19 Feb. Ib. f. 341. 


" Since our last despatch to your Lordships there hath not 
been any action or alteration in your affairs here, worth your 
trouble to peruse a relation of them. Your forces in their 
respective quarters are very vigilant and active in the prosecu- 
tion of your service, and God is pleased almost every day to 
deliver some of the enemy into their hands. We have, by 
the advice of a Council of the Officers of the army at several 
meetings, issued forth and caused to be published in print 
the several Orders enclosed, which we humbly present to your 
Lordships' view and approbation (if you conceive fit) of the 
courses therein held forth, it being (as is conceived by those 
that serve you here) much conducing to the straitening of the 
enemy and ending of the war. We have in our last, and now 
again, humbly taken the boldness to inform your Lordships 
that there is no provision of corn, oatmeal, or cheese to be had 
in Ireland, for the supplying of your forces in Connaught and 
Limerick, to prosecute the war this spring in those parts, which 
we mention that your Lordships may order full and timely sup- 
plies of provisions for the forces in those parts. The country 
about Athlone, both in Connaught and Leinster, are scf wasted, 
that we are necessitated to send from this town 30,000 weight 

138 Great scarcity of corn in Ireland [1652 

of biscuits, 15,000 weight of cheese, with a considerable quantity 
of salt, for the forces at Athlone, under the command of Com- 
missary-General Reynolds, to preserve them from perishing for 
want of bread ; but the way (being sixty miles) is so far, and the 
convoy must be so considerable, that the charge of carriages and 
prejudice done to the troops by continual long marches through a 
wasted country (besides the loss of their service upon the enemy, 
during the time they are all upon convoys) amount to much 
more than the provisions can be worth in any market. 

" This summer is like to be a time of great scarcity of corn in 
Ireland, Irish wheat being the last market in this town sold for 
above 3. los. a quarter * ; and being sensible thereof when we 
were in Connaught, we then sent 1800 into Ulster, for the 
buying of oatmeal to supply the Connaught forces, in the months 
of May, June and July, lest full supplies from England should 
fail them; but the last week we received advice from the 
Commissioners in Ulster, that there is no oatmeal there to be 
had for money, who withal inform us, that they cannot possibly 
make provision of oatmeal for the forces under Col. Venables' 
command and their pay, without a timely supply of money to 
enable them to buy corn, or other grain in Lancashire, or where 
else it may be had, because the whole Revenue in Ulster (as 
they inform us) falls short 240 per mensem to pay the forces 
there. Whereupon we (not knowing whether any supply be 
intended them from England) gave them power to make use 
of the said 1800, to make provision for the march of the 
said forces in the spring, they undertaking to repay the same 
to the Grand Treasury at the latter end of the year, when the 
deduction is made out of the soldiers' pay for the said 

" Your affairs here have been of late very much straitened for 
want of money to pay the forces, occasioned, as we conceive, by 
the change of Treasurers, their Deputy here having no authority 
from them to charge them with money by exchange (as he 
allegeth) ; but the very great prejudice that was likely to ensue 
to your service, for want of money, hath necessitated us to order 
Mr Bowles, deputy or agent here to the Treasurers-at-War, to 
draw upon the principals 3600, whereof 2900 for the pay of the 

1 The average price of wheat in England from 1646-1655 was 2. 11s. 7d. 
per quarter ; from 1656-1665, 2. 10s. 3d. 


Charge of the army's maintenance 


forces of this precinct and 700 for the pay of [the] Life Guard, 
Capt. Ivory's l troop, part of Capt. Gale's 2 troop and Capt. 
Carter's company of foot, who depend for pay upon the Grand 
Treasury at Waterford, but being here, could not possibly be 
paid from thence nor in any other way. We humbly pray that 
your Lordships will be pleased to order the payment of the said 
3600 by the Treasurers, and that the merchants, may receive 
no discouragement or prejudice by being delayed in the payment 
thereof. We have formerly presented your Lordships with an 
estimate of your monthly charge in Ireland; the Revenue arising 
here towards the same ; and the monthly defects to be supplied 
from England, an abstract whereof, more exactly in some par- 
ticulars than the former, we humbly here enclosed send you, and 
most earnestly desire that an effectual course may be settled by 
your Lordships for the constant supplying of the monthly defect 
charge therein mentioned, and that the Treasurers be desired 
to give power to their agents, or deputies in Ireland, to draw 
upon them by Bills of Exchange, for what shall be wanting in 
the respective branches of the Grand Treasury here, to pay the 
forces according to the said estimates." 20 Feb. Ib. ff. 342-4. 



Limerick Precinct. Precinct Supplies 3150 Deficit 4852 8 









Monthly charge of new forces sent over this winter 
2214. 5. o. Train and incidents according to Kilkenny 
estimate 3000. Total charge 20.846. 175. gd. 

There is further to be added the pay of the Life Guard 

1 Capt. William Ivory of Ludlow's regiment of horse, belonged to an old 
co. Wexford family. In satisfaction of his arrears he received a grant of 
the Castle of Mountgarret near New Ross, with considerable lands attached. 

a Probably Anthony Gale of Crockenteagle (? Crockann) in the barony of 
Slievemargy, Queen's County. He is mentioned in the Clarke Papers, i, 166, 
as an active per on faithful to the Parliament. 

8 Whereof 460 is respited in the soldiers' pay till Cavan, Monaghan, 
Tyrone etc. be reduced and brought under contribution. 





3 11 






16 4 



18 2 




19 4 





o , 



, 240 

140 Counties yielding no Revenue [1652 

which amounts to 333. 9s. 4<I. ; likewise three companies in 
Dingle in the County of Kerry not comprehended in the former 

" If the monthly supply be not sent over in money , without de- 
ductions, it is impossible to prevent soldiers taking of free quarter, 
which will immediately destroy the monthly assessments, con- 
tract great arrears upon the State and disable such as serve the 
Parliament here to make provision for the forces when they 
march ; and such prejudice as will ensue, by taking free quarters 
one month, will not be recovered in twelve months, in respect 
of the loss in contribution or assessments, besides the many dis- 
advantages that will follow by the soldiers running in arrears of 
their present pay." Ib. ff. 345-7. 


"In Ulster: Tyrone, Fermanagh, Monaghan, Armagh (wholly). 

" In Connaught : Lei trim and Sligo (wholly), Mayo except one 
barony, Roscommon except two baronies, Galway one half out 
of protection. 

" In Munster : Kerry (wholly). 

" In Leinster : Longford, Westmeath, King's County, Queen's 
County, Wicklow. These are wholly in rebellion or waste, 
except a little we have out of Westmeath, King's and Queen's 
Counties, which amounts in all to 300 per mensem." There 
are besides large tracts yielding no Revenue : a great part of 
County Cork and Tipperary, half the County of Wexford, 
great part of the counties of Carlo w, Kildare and Dublin, 
the Barony of Burren in Clare. Besides of the parts assessed 
two parts out of three are waste, wanting inhabitants and 
cattle. Ib. i. 348. 


" . . . The despatch concerning Fitzpatrick you will re- 
ceive by the Scoutmaster-General. 1 We have sent you some 
printed orders you writ for. As touching your intention of 

1 Dr Henry Jones. 

1652] Reynolds at Athlone 141 

marching into Callough 1 we cannot at this distance judge 
of the advantage which may be gained thereby, nor of the 
conveniences which you may have for your march thither and 
stay there, although we are very well satisfied that the gaining 
and keeping of the place will very much straiten the enemy, 
and prevent their frequent passing over the Shannon in those 
parts, and therefore we must leave that to your management, 
as the Lord shall incline your heart and enable you to carry on 
the same ; and in order thereunto you may, if you see cause, 
command Capt. Ewer's 2 company to help you for some short 
time in that service. As touching clothes to be delivered out to 
the soldiers before the middle of March we conceive it not ad- 
visable for us to infringe the General Orders made at Kilkenny, 
without we see very apparent necessity for it. We are very 
much satisfied that there should be commissioners settled at 
Athlone, to manage affairs there and in the parts adjacent, 
and intend to advise, with such as are able to inform us, what 
part of the country is fit to be reduced into a precinct, to be 
annexed to Athlone and then to settle the same. In the 
meantime we cannot see how the proposals you make for the 
repairing, building, and ordering men's interests in houses in 
the town can be prosecuted without too much trouble to 
yourself. ..." 23 Feb. Ib. ff. 350-1. 



"We have received yours of the I4th of this month, by 
which we understand the continuance of your care and 
industry, in preventing the coming of relief to the rebels at 
Galway and places adjacent, for which we return you thanks, 
and doubt not but your service will receive much acknowledg- 
ment from the Parliament, as your sufferings and pains do merit 
from them. We have received your petition concerning the 

1 Callough or Callow (Hib. Caladh), still so called by the natives, is a marshy 
district of considerable extent along the eastern side of Lough Ree in the 
barony of Rathcline, co. Longford. 

8 Captain Ewer was the nephew of Col. Isaac Ewer, who came to Ireland 
with Cromwell in command of a regiment of foot and died of the plague in 
1650. Capt. Ewer's company forming part of Ludlow's regiment of horse was 
disbanded in 1656, and his uncle, Secretary Thurloe, who described him as 
"a very sober young man 
Henry Cromwell in his behalf. 

a very sober young man and valiant," greatly interested himself with 

142 Independent Church at Waterford [1652 

injury done you in the beginning of the war from the Gal way 
men, 1 which will be more seasonable to be offered, and fitter 
for us to take into consideration, when the town is upon treaty, 
or shall be rendered to the Parliament. In the meantime you 
may rest assured that we are." 23 Feb. Ib. f. 354. 


" Upon the request of Col. Lawrence, in the name of 
himself and many others of the godly inhabitants of the 
City of Waterford, we thought meet to write these lines 
to you, to invite you to come over to that city, which is 
a place likely to be a very comfortable English plantation 
in a short time, in which there are already (as we are 
informed) a considerable number of godly people, many of 
which being already members of several Independent Con- 
gregational Churches in England, and divers others with them, 
desirous to join together in fellowship, if they had but a fit man 
to take the charge of them as pastor ; and yourself, being well 
known to Col. Lawrence, Chief- Justice Cook, and many others 
of them, and earnestly desired by them all, both in order to 
the forementioned work, and also for the public preaching 
of the word to that whole city, being at this time without 
any settled minister, we desire in their behalf you will 
own this invitation, from ourselves and them, as a clear call to 
a place, where in all probability, with God's blessing, you may 
reap as much fruit of your labours in the ministry, and bring 
much glory to God in advancing and propagating the Gospel of 
his Son, which we hope is the chief thing you aim at, and there- 
fore shall propose no other encouragement to you. . . ." 2 
28 Feb. Ib. ft. 355-6. 


" Since our last despatch to your Lordships we find 
no alteration in your affairs, except in the want of the 
timely coming over of the treasure, which puts the poor 
soldiers into extremity of hardship, all kinds of provisions 
in this land being at excessive rates, and in many places 

1 See note, p. 167. 

2 Mr Knight did not apparently accept the call. The minister appointed 
was Edward Wale. 

1662] Reynolds captures Ballileague 143 

not to be had for money. We have this week sent to Athlone, 
from this town and Trim, for the relief of your forces there under 
the command of Commissary-General Reynolds, 200 barrels of 
wheat, 30 thousand weight of biscuit, and 15 thousand weight 
of cheese, there being no provision to be had in that country. 
Your forces are in good order and very active in the prosecution 
of the enemy in their respective fastnesses, upon whom they 
have done divers good services this winter, by destroying many 
of them and taking away their relief insomuch that the enemy 
themselves confess their condition to be very low and desperate, 
and many of them, who command in their respective quarters, 
have of late desired treaty in order to gain some conditions of 
peace. The last week there came to this town a trumpeter 
from the Earl of Clanricarde, with a letter to the Commander- 
in-Chief of your forces (a copy whereof and of the answers 
returned thereunto we herewith present your Lordships). 
The signification of your pleasure in answer to ours of the 
26th December from Kilkenny would much guide those that 
serve you here in affairs of this nature. We have in our 
despatches from Kilkenny of the 7th of January, and from 
Dublin of the 5th and 2oth February humbly offered to your 
consideration what we then conceived was necessary to be 
considered of by your Lordships, for the carrying on of your 
affairs here at present, and in order to the lessening of the charge 
of England the next year. ..." 

" P.S. Since the writing hereof we received information 
from Commissary-General Reynolds that he marched into the 
Callough (being an island bordering on the west, upon the 
Shannon, and environed on the other side with bogs), where 
the enemy had three garrisons, the country wholly under their 
command. Upon his first entrance the enemy quitted two of 
their garrisons, and the next day surrendered the third, being 
the fort of Ballileague, 1 a place of much importance, indifferent 
strong and capacious, and the only pass for horses over the 
Shannon between Athlone and Jamestown. The Articles 
of Surrender 2 we send enclosed. In the gaining of this place, 

1 Ballyleague, now Lanesborough, at the junction of the Shannon and the 
head of Lough Ree. 

2 Articles of agreement between the Hon. Commissary-General Reynolds 
and Captain Fargus Farrell, Governor of the fort, of Balh'league ^or the sur- 
rendering thereof, being Feb. 24, 1651. 

(1) That the fort be surrendered to the Commissary-General or whom he shall 

144 A foothold gained in co. Longford [1652 

there is gained 400 barrels of corn for your forces at Athlone, 
which we look upon as a very seasonable mercy, and likewise 
forage for some troops, which were in great necessity for want 
of quarters. It likewise interrupts the frequent conjunction 
of the Ulster and Connaught forces, and gives you good footing 
in the county of Longford, which hitherto hath been wholly 
possessed by the enemy. Capt. Scrimsheye, lieutenant of his 
troop of dragoons, fell, with the said troop, the last week, into 
the enemy's quarters, took a captain and slew thirty of his 
men. Capt. Gilbert Governor of Tecroghan took lately one 
Lt.-Col. Tyrrell, 1 a notorious active rebel and three other 
officers with him. Sir Theophilus Jones' horse forced a castle 
upon the Ennis, 2 being a pass out of Westmeath into Long- 
ford, put some found there to the sword ; and there being 
in the castle thirteen priests and friars, they leaped into the 
river (having about them 2000 in money and plate) and there 
perished." i March. Domestic Correspondence, A/go. 50. 
ff. 1-3. Enclosed. 


"Sir, Several of the nobility, clergy, and other persons of quality 
and interest in the kingdom, together with the Corporation of 

appoint to-morrow by ten of the clock in the morning, being the 25th of this 
inst. February. 

(2) That the goods there belonging to Capt. Farrell he, or whom he appoints, 
be permitted to carry them away within the space of ten days, during which 
time himself and two servants are to remain in the said fort. 

(3) That he shall be received into protection and live in the Island of Lough- 
banon and have the liberty of 12 musketeers to defend himself and family 
from idle persons, provided he gives security that they shall not act anything 
prejudicial to the State of England. 

(4) That the said Capt. Farrell be permitted to march out of the said fort 
with all his soldiers, with their arms, bag and baggage, and to return within 24 
hours, all his firearms, about the number of 30, to the officer now commanding 
the fort by order from the Commissary-General and to have allowed him three 
parts of a barrel of powder with a proportion of ball and match out of the store 
of the said fort. (Signed) Fargus Farrell. Articles of Capitulation of Cities, 
Towns and Garrisons on behalf of the Commonwealth (Public Record Office, 
Dublin), f. 51. 

1 Conjecturally Thomas Tyrrell of Kilbride in the Barony of Fartullagh, co. 
Westmeath. Thomas was a member of the Supreme Council of the Confeder- 
ates, and an opponent of Rinuccini. He was restored to his property by the 
Act of Explanation in 1665. 

2 Recte Inny (Eithne). 

1652] Clanricarde tries to arrange a settlement 145 

Galway, being met in this town, and having taken into their 
consideration the present state and condition of affairs, and the 
destructive effects of a long-continued war, have made it their 
suit and request unto me, to propose unto you the entertaining 
of a treaty, in order to a settlement in this kingdom, and for 
your safe conduct to such Commissioners as I, by their advice, 
shall think fit to employ unto you, for the carrying on of that 
matter, which request of theirs I have condescended unto by this 
express, directed to you to that effect, with this further intima- 
tion that I shall not quit or decline them or their interests, 
until I see them settled in a good condition fit for the nation to 
accept, or if that will be denied them, resolved to continue his 
Majesty's authority and protection over them to the uttermost 
trial, and do not doubt, by God's assistance, with the forces and 
arms we have already, and such aids and supplies as probably 
may come from his Majesty and his allies abroad, but that we 
may be so enabled as to alter the present state of affairs, or, if 
that should fail, at least make the conquest you have hitherto 
gained, for a long time of little use or advantage to you, and sell 
our lives at a dear rate if compelled thereto, and so leaving it 
to your consideration and expecting your timely answer and 
certain resolution I remain, your servant, Clanricarde. Galway, 
14 Feb. 

"If you please to send the safe conduct desired, I expect it may 
be sent to Sir Charles Coote, or any other you shall think fit near 
this place, with a blank for the number of five Commissioners 
and their retinue, not exceeding in the whole the number of 
twenty, whereby upon intimation from him I* may send him a 
list of the names of the Commissioners." * Ib. ff. 3-4. 


" My Lord, By your Lordship's of the I4th instant you 
propose unto me the entertainment of a treaty, in order 
to a settlement of this kingdom, and do desire my safe con- 
duct for such Commissioners as you shall think fit to employ 
unto me for the carrying of that matter ; whereunto, upon 
advice with the Commissioners of the Parliament of England 

1 This letter and Ludlow's answer, not in quite the same language and wrongly 
dated 24 March, are printed in Ludlow's Memoirs, i, pp. 306-307, and cf. ib. 
p. 504-505. 


146 Overtures rejected by Ludlow [1652 

and divers General and Field Officers of their army, I have 
thought fit to give you this return : That the settlement of 
this nation doth of right belong to the Parliament of the 
Commonwealth of England, to whom we leave the same, being 
assured they will not therein capitulate with those who ought 
to be in submission, yet stand in opposition to their authority ; 
but if the Lord have that mercy in store for any, who are 
at present in arms against them, as to incline their hearts to a 
submission to that Government, which he by his providence 
[hath placed] 1 over them, upon timely application made to their 
ministers here [on the behalf of particular persons, or places], 1 
such moderate terms will yet be consented unto, as men in their 
condition can rationally expect. As to the intimation of your 
future hopes and resolutions, I shall only say thus much, that it 
hath been the practice of those who have served the Parliament 
in this cause, to act according to their duty, and to leave the 
success to him who disposeth the issue of all things, and as the 
Lord hath hitherto enabled them exemplarily to proceed against 
those whose hearts have been hardened, upon vain and ground- 
less expectations, to withstand offers of such favour as have 
been made unto them, so I assure myself he will still own them 
in his own way and work, wherein that we may be continually 
found is the desire of your Lordship's humble servant, Ed. 
Ludlow." 24 Feb. Ib. f. 4. 


(< We thought good to acquaint you that there is a considerable 
quantity of the provision designed for Ireland, to carry on this 
summer's service, to be landed at Limerick, where we desire 
you would give your attendance in order to the receiving and 
laying up the same. . . ." 16 March. Ib. f. n. 


" The Lord President of Connaught hath written to us, 
desiring that he may be supplied with foot from you against 
the last of April, for blocking up the other side of Galway, 
which we look upon as the most considerable service that 

ir The words within the brackets are supplied from the letter as printed 
in Firth's Ludlow, i, p. 505, from M ercurius Politicu*. 
8 Query Henry Denn. 

1652] Coote presses the siege of Galway 147 

is now to be done in this country, and accordingly we recom- 
mend the care thereof to you. He doth further desire to be 
furnished with such ordnance as are now at Limerick and fit 
for use, which we also offer to you. He likewise desires 300 
barrels of powder with ball and match proportionable and 
bullets of all sorts for ordnance, and tent cloth ; all which we 
hope will be supplied out of England and will probably land 
at Limerick, from whence he may be furnished with so much 
as shall be necessary for the service. ..." 19 March. Ib. 

f. 13. 

153. Ordered by the Commissioners that the Commissioners 
of Revenue within the Precinct of Dublin do sit three days a 
week to let lands. 19 March. Orders A/82. 42. f. 168. 


"... In your Lordship's of the lothinst. 1 you mention the 
Galway men's insisting upon the third part of their goods in the 
town as the thing that is likeliest to stick with them, concern- 
ing which you will receive some intimation from the Lieut.- 
General." 20 March. Domestic Corresp. A/go. 50. f. 31. 


" The diligence and activity of your officers and soldiers 
this last winter hath been such, that the enemy thereby 
hath been much straitened in all parts of this nation and 
reduced to a low condition at present. Many of them have 
been put to the sword, and they are generally disenabled 
from being so destructive to your quarters as formerly. 
Of late many applications have been made by the Irish to 
several of your officers, who have seemed willing to submit and 
come under your protection, and some have come to such terms 
as they have been admitted, of whom Fitzpatrick (the most 
considerable of their party), who this last year hath been a 
very active enemy ; and many of your parties (that should 
have been elsewhere employed for your service) were often con- 
strained to attend his motions. The directions to treat with him 
were agreed on by advice of so many of your officer^ as could 

1 The letter is printed in Firth's Ludlow, i, p. 307 (note), from Several Pro- 
ceedings in Parliament. 

Offers of submission on the part of the Irish [1652 

well be got together, who upon return of the same to us were 
again consulted with, and it was conceived in all their opinions 
here upon the place, that the consenting to these Articles much 
conduced to your service, especially at this time, when the 
enemy do endeavour a general treaty for the whole nation, and, 
if that be denied, then to gain a general rising of the nation 
against you. But this Fitzpatrick being the first that hath 
submitted on any reasonable conditions, his example (as is con- 
ceived) may much conduce to the breaking their generally 
endeavoured union. The particulars of Col. Fitzpatrick's first 
proposals and what was after agreed upon is herewith enclosed. 
As to that of his estate (which he desires may be kept unknown 
unto his party, and so is by itself) he did much insist upon, it 
being settled on him after his father's death (who is yet living) 
before the wars began, and was then of the value of about 1000 
per annum, but was then and still is in mortgage for several 
considerable sums of money, besides other encumbrances, and 
now is all without house, tillage and cattle, being wholly waste 
and ruinous. 

" The Earl of Clanricarde hath sent a trumpet to the Lieut. - 
Genl. with a letter, the copy whereof, and the answer there- 
unto, is here enclosed. Since that, Sir Richard Barnewall, 1 
and Col. Bagenal 2 have come with a letter from an assembly 
of the Irish at Garrench, 3 which is in a fastness of the great 
bog of Glenmalier 4 in the Queen's County in Leinster and 

1 Sir Richard Bamewall, the eldest son of Sir Patrick Barnewall of Cricks- 
town, co. Meath, was born in 1602. He succeeded his father in 1624, and sat 
in Parliament in 1639 as M.P. for co. Meath. He threw in his lot with the 
confederates, and was transplanted to Connaught as an innocent papist (see 
below, p. 421) ; but was restored to his estate (which had passed into the hands 
of John Blackwell) as a nominee in the Act of Settlement. He married 
Thomasine, daughter of Edward Dowdall of Athlumney, co. Meath, and was 
succeeded by his son, Sir Patrick. 

2 Col. Walter Bagenal, a descendant of Sir Nicholas Bagenal, Knight-Marshal 
of the Army in Elizabeth's reign, was the son of George Bagenal of Dunleckney, 
co. Carlow, who died in 1625. Walter was at that time twelve years old. 
When the Rebellion broke out he threw in his lot with the Confederates ; but 
having signed an order for the execution of one William Stone as a spy in May 
1642 (i.e. before the date of the official recognition of the war) he was, though at 
the time a hostage in the hands of the Government, tried and shot for the same 
at Kilkenny in Oct. 1652. (Cf. Hickson, Irish Massacres, ii, pp. 56-61, and 
Firth, Ludlow, i, p. 330. ) He left a son Dudley, as to whom see below, p. 592. 

3 Garrench, I take to be Garryhinch, near Portarlington, on the borders of 
King's and Queen's Counties. 

4 Or Clanmaliere, a district on both sides of the Barrow, partly in Queen's 
and partly in King's County, represented by the baronies of Portnahinch and 
Upper Philipstown ; originally the tribe-land of the O'Dempsies. 

1652] Quantity of corn captured from the Enemy 149 

signed by their President, as they term him, a copy whereof, 
and the answer thereunto, with their additional paper and 
answer thereunto, is here enclosed. Since that, Sir Richard 
Blake l hath sent from Galway another letter to the same 
effect, the copy whereof and the answer thereunto are also 

" Upon advice with the officers of your army at Kilkenny, in 
December last, it was ordered that a considerable party of horse 
and foot under the command of Commissary-General Reynolds 
should be sent to Athlone (which place lies in the centre of the 
nation) ; which party is accordingly drawn thither, and the 
Commissary-General hath already made good use of them to 
your service, having reduced Ballileague and two other garrisons 
in the Callough, and thereby gained a very considerable pass 
over the Shannon, a firm hold and footing in the County of 
Longford, which county was before that wholly possessed by the 
enemy. A good quantity of corn and forage was found there 
for his forces, which he stood in great need of ; and for a further 
supply of the wants of that party, they being in a wasted 
country where relief cannot come to them by sea, we have sent 
to Athlone, from Dublin and Trim, about four months' provision 
of wheat, biscuit, and cheese. We understand that your Lord- 
ships have designed some troops of horse to come shortly over. 
We humbly offer that in our opinion there will be more need 
of foot than of "horse to carry on the remaining part of your 
service here, and we could wish that (for the ease of the great 
charge to the Commonwealth) they came over for recruits, rather 
than in entire troops and companies, which is all we shall 
trouble you with at present." 22 March. Ib. ff. 14-5. 


"i. That an act of Indemnity be given me, my father, and 
those of my party, that will submit to the present Government. 

1 Sir R. Blake of Ardfry, near Oranmore, co. Galway, M.P. for the county in 
1634 and 1639, was an active member of the Supreme Council of the Confedera- 
tion. As chairman of the General Assembly in 1648 he was an earnest advocate 
for the treaty with Ormond and is described by Carte as " a man of great 
activity, prudence, moderation and integrity." 

2 See note, p. 31. 

150 Fitzpatrick's proposals for a surrender [1652 

" 2. That we may have liberty of our religion and the due 
exercise thereof, though not affirmatively yet tacitly. 

"3. That my estate be secured myself, those under my com- 
mand and my own, free from any manner of charge. 

" 4. That if I serve the State in the service of France, that I 
may have the absolute command of all those that engage th under 
me in that service, and the disposal of all such employments as 
shall fall in that party, and that they have the same advance as 
the rest of your own party shall have, that engageth in the said 
service of France, and the same recruit from time to time during 
their continuance in your service. 

"5. That I have a troop of horse and a foot company in pay 
in this kingdom, to defend myself and my friends from Tories 
and malefactors, and that I may be capable of martial and civil 

" 6. That in case I join not with the State in the wars of 
France, I have solvent, convenient, and safe quarters, and 
garrisons for my men, until I agree with some other prince in 
league with the State. 

" 7. That I may be permitted to take up all my arrears and 
assignations, wherever it be due in this kingdom, and all other 
lawful debts. 

" 8. That if I resolve for Spain, I and my party be permitted 
to make sale of our horses and arms the best we may. 

"9. That it shall not be in the power of any Parliament 
hereafter sitting to recall any of the conditions granted to me 
or to my said party. 

" 10. That neither myself or my party be liable or subject 
to suits, satisfaction, or reparation or 1 any act committed by 
them or me since our taking up arms. 

"ii. That myself, or such of my party as pleaseth to live 
peaceably, may be at liberty at our will and pleasure to do so. 

" 12. That I may not be answerable for any unjust act 
committed by my father. 

" 13. That I may not be under the power of Col. Axtell. 

"14. That whereas the country of Upperwood 2 be out of 
the line, and no way profitable to the State, I may have a 
custodiam thereof to me and my heirs for ever." 6 March. Ib. 
ft. 17-18. 

1 Sic; read "for." * Query Upperwoods in Queen's County. 

1652] Agreement concluded with Fitzpatrick 151 


"i. That pardon for life shall be assured to Col. Fitzpatrick 
aforesaid . and all others of his party, except such persons as had 
a hand or were actors in any murders, massacres or robberies, 
which were committed upon the English and Protestants in 
Ireland during the first year of the Rebellion, or any murders 
or massacres since the first year committed upon any person, 
not being in arms. 

"2. That Col. Fitzpatrick shall have liberty to transport 
himself and his party and priests (except before excepted) into 
any the parts beyond the seas in amity with the Commonwealth 
of England, and that he shall have six months' time allowed for 
transporting them at the port of Waterford, and in the mean- 
time to reside in the Parliament's quarters or elsewhere, free 
from violence or injury offered them by the Parliament's forces, 
they engaging not to do any hostile act in the Parliament's 

" 3. That if the transportation of Col. Fitzpatrick's party as 
aforesaid may be effected in a shorter time than six months, 
it shall be done accordingly, and if, for want of wind or shipping, 
the said transportation cannot be done within the said time of 
six months, a further time shall be allowed as by the Rt. Hon. 
the Commissioners of Parliament for the affairs of Ireland shall 
be judged necessary. 

"4. That if any of Col. Fitzpatrick's party, to be by him 
transported as aforesaid, shall be found to be within the ex- 
ceptions before given, advantage shall not be taken against them 
for the present, but liberty given them to return. 

"5. That Col. Fitzpatrick or his party (except before excepted) 
shall not be subject to the suit of any person or persons for any 
act, by them or either of them, done since their being in arms. 

"6. That Col. Fitzpatrick and his party shall, at the waterside 
where they shall be transported as aforesaid, lay down and 
deliver their arms to such as shall be appointed to receive them ; 
and that he the said Col. Fitzpatrick and his party shall have 

152 Terms conceded Fitzpatrick . [1652 

liberty to sell their horses for their best advantage to those of 
the Parliament's party and to none others ; and that the said 
Col. Fitzpatrick shall, within twenty days from the date of these 
presents, give to the Commissary-General at Athlone, or to the 
officer there commanding in chief, a true list of the names and 
numbers of his party, who are to receive the benefit of these and 
the following concessions ; and that thenceforth they do no 
hostile act to the prejudice of the Parliament's quarters or party. 

" 7. That the consideration of quarters for Col. Fitzpatrick's 
party, who are to be by him transported as aforesaid, be deferred 
until the time of his giving in the list of the names and numbers 
of his said party mentioned in the precedent crticle, at which 
time the said Col. Fitzpatrick shall deliver in the particulars of 
his present assignations, whereby a course for the subsistence 
of his said party, until the time of their transportation as afore- 
said, may be taken into consideration to be in order to the place 
of their transportation, as shall be thought most convenient. 

" 8. That if Col. Fitzpatrick or any of his party (except before 
excepted) shall desire to live peaceably in Ireland they shall be 
admitted so to do, they submitting, as all others, to the payment 
of contribution and to all Ordinances of Parliament ; pro- 
vided that this shall not extend to give protection to priests, 
Jesuits, or others of the Popish clergy to live in the Parliament's 
quarters ; provided also that this their desires be declared to the 
Commissary-General aforesaid, within twenty days from the date 
of these presents, and the names of the said persons be delivered 
in writing, to whom protection if desired shall be given as is 

" 9. That for performance of these Articles Col. Fitzpatrick 
shall deliver sufficient hostages to the Commissary-General at 
Athlone, or to the officer there commanding in chief, when the 
same shall be required by the said Commissary-General. 

"10. That Col. Fitzpatrick shall not be answerable for any 
unjust act done by his father. 

" ii. That particular or personal actions of Col. Fitzpatrick's 
party, or any of them, contrary to the above Articles, or any of 
them, shall not extend further than to the persons so acting, 
Col. Fitzpatrick and the rest of his party, and every of them, 
using their utmost endeavours for bringing to justice the persons 
so acting. 

1652] A secret clause added 153 

" 12. That if any doubt shall arise concerning the true intent 
and meaning of the premisses, or any part of them, it shall be 
left to the Commissary-General aforesaid to clear the sense, 
as occasion shall be offered. 

" 13. Lastly for performance of all and singular the premisses 
the parties hereunto have to these presents interchangeably set 
to their hands and seals the day and the year first above written. 
John Fitzpatrick. 

" Signed, sealed and delivered in the presence of Hen. Owen, 1 
W. Waller, Cyprian Grace, Jo. Coghlan. 2 " 7 March, ff. 18-20. 


" In consideration of the Articles and conditions to be 
performed by Col. Fitzpatrick agreed upon at Streamstown 
in the County of Westmeath, and dated with these presents, 
we do promise to mediate effectually with the Rt. Hon. 
the Commissioners of Parliament of the Commonwealth of 
England for the affairs of Ireland, that he, the said Col. 
Fitzpatrick, shall enjoy his estate or the value thereof, and 
that, if the same be not thought fit to be granted to him 
as aforesaid, then, and in that case, he the said Col. Fitzpatrick 
shall be freed from the obligation in the said Articles at his 
election, he declaring his dissent to the Commissary-General at 
Athlone, or to the officer there commanding in chief, within 
ten days after intimation thereof given him. Witness our 
hands and seals this 7th day of March 1651 [-2]. 

"In presence of us Hen. Owen, Jo. Coghlan, W. Waller, 
Cyprian Grace, John Reynolds, Hen. Jones, 3 Theo. Jones, 
Wm. Rives. 4 " 

1 Major Henry Owen of Reynolds' regiment, Governor of Maryborough and 
a Coote-Broghill man. 

2 Col. John Coghlan of Streamstown, King's County. He died apparently 
abroad about 1660 ; but his son John recovered the estate. 

3 Dr Henry Jones, brother of Sir Theophilus and Col. Michael Jones. He 
served as a commissioner, along with seven other clergymen of the Church of 
England, to take evidence as to the robberies and murders committed at the 
beginning of the Rebellion, and was consecrated Bishop of Clogher in October 
1645. But on the abolition of the Hierarchy he changed his mitre for a helmet 
and accepted the post of Scoutmaster-General to the Parliament's Army in 
Ireland. At the Restoration he was raised to the bishopric of Meath. But 
whether as bishop or scoutmaster he was consistent in his unrelenting hatred 
towards the Irish Catholics. See Life in Diet. Natl. Biog. 

4 Col. William Reeves. 

154 Reasons for conceding Fitzpatrick's terms [1052 

" This I acknowledge to be a true copy as witness my hand. 
J. Fitzpatrick." 7 March. Ib. f. 21. 


"i. That therein will be a weakening of the rebells' party, 
from whom so active a commander with considerable numbers 
of men may be withdrawn. Col. Fitzpatrick's last musters : 
His own regiment of foot, consisting of forty-six companies, 
2234 > Col. Maghir's 1 regiment, 900 ; Col. Walsh's 2 regiment, 
700 ; Lord Clanmalier's 3 regiment, lately reduced into three 
companies, 400. Total 4934. Col. Fitzpatrick's regiment of 
horse 350. Total horse and foot 5284. 

" 2. That there will be some security to our quarters and 
designs in our next year's expedition ; for, while our army (under 
his Excellency's command) was last before Limerick, we were 
often alarmed by this enemy (at distance) , which occasioned the 
sending from that leaguer considerable parties against him, and 
the attending that enemy in that time was made the principal 
part of Col. Sankey's work, with considerable forces in that 
summer's service, yet even then did Col. Fitzpatrick surprise 
two of our garrisons Rachra and Meelick with divers other 
great annoyances to our quarters, and if this enemy were then 
so troublesome to our quarters (our Limerick army being so 
near him, and he attended upon constantly, or for the most part 
with a considerable part of ours at his heels) how dangerous 
may he be to our quarters in Munster and Leinster, when, in the 

1 This was, I think, John Meagher (as the name is now written) of Grange, 
co. Tipperary. 

2 Apparently Col. Walter Walsh or Brenagh. He did not come in with 
Fitzpatrick ; but continued to hold out till 19 April 1652, when he surrendered 
on his own account to Sir H. Waller. See Articles in Gilbert, Contemp. Hist., 
iii, p. 310. 

8 Lewis O'Dempsey, second Viscount Clanmalier, was the son of Anthony, 
heir-apparent of Sir Terence O'Dempsey, first Viscount, whom he predeceased 
in 1638, and Jane, daughter of Sir John Moore of Croghan Castle. According 
to his petition (Cal. State Papers, Irel., 1666, p. 43) he laboured to protect the 
distressed English on the outbreak of the Rebellion, was a constant adherent 
of the peaces of 1646 and 1648, and was for his opposition to Rinuccini 
excommunicated by him. All the same, being unable to clear himself of the 
charge of complicity in the Rebellion, he was condemned to the loss of his estate 
and imprisonment. At the Restoration he failed to take out a decree, and 
though judged innocent he was jostled out of his estate by Sir Henry Bennet, 
afterwards Earl of Arlington. His case attracted much attention, and the 
Earl of Roscommon made an energetic but fruitless appeal to the House of 
Lords to repair the injustice done him. 

1652] The concessions no loss to the State 155 

next year's service, our army shall be for the most part drawn 
out of those two provinces further off into Connaught, where he 
may find opportunity and more advantages for annoying us; and 
if that may not be an occasion of some diversion to our designs 
in Connaught and elsewhere, yet may it be otherwise a prejudice 
in leaving (necessarily) a more than ordinary force to attend and 
divert this enemy. 

"3. As in the former consideration he is found to be a con- 
siderable enemy, so in this also, that, notwithstanding his being 
between two of our active commanders, Col. Sankey in Tipperary 
and Col. Axtell in Kilkenny, any many attempts having been 
by them made on him severally and sometimes together, yet 
have they little disadvantaged him, in regard of his quarters in 
bogs and woods and places almost inaccessible, whereby the 
work is made unto us the more troublesome. 

' ' 4. Col. Fitzpatrick's submission may be leading to the break- 
ing of the Irish confederacy and to their insisting on national 
conditions, and may bring in others by submission to provide 
in time for their security, whereas our breaking off with him 
may discourage others and harden them in their rebellion. 

" 5. Herein Col. Fitzpatrick's party and others of the rebels 
may be brought (probably) to engage against each other. 

"6. In this will Col. Fitzpatrick's party be taken off from 
acting against us, at least during the six months in the Articles 
limited, for which we shall have from him sufficient hostages, as 
is in those Articles provided, during which time of six months 
much of our work elsewhere may be (by the blessing of God) 
carried on to effect. 

"7. It will be a considerable service to have such a party of 
the enemy (or many of them) to be transported out of Ireland, 
and this may be leading also to other officers in the Irish army 
to carry away their parties accordingly. 

"8. The delivering up of so many arms (which will not be 
readily recruited by the Irish) and their putting their horses 
into our hands (as in those Articles) will be a considerable 
advantage to the service. 

" 9. That in the meantime the State is not at any loss in their 
concessions to Fitzpatrick, not parting with anything of dis- 
advantage to their affairs, nor giving anything of whifh we can 
hinder that enemy ; on the contrary, Fitzpatrick is actually 

156 Secret clause likely to damage Fitzpatrick [1052 

bound not to prejudice our quarters by any hostile act, for 
performance whereof hostages are to be given us." Ib. ff. 26-7. 


" i. That it is impossible to keep their party together, to be 
transported beyond the seas, if .not by such a way of subsistence, 
he not having yet contracted with a foreign State concerning it. 

"2. That otherwise our advantages in that design before 
specified will be lost. 

" 3. That this will be no charge to the State it lying only on 
the quarters. 

"4. That it will be no burden to the quarters more than 
formerly in their contributing to that party and not so much as 
before, if done in a more orderly way than formerly. 

"5. The quarters will undergo that charge more willingly, it 
being only for a time limited, and they afterwards to be freed 
from that party. 

" 6. That in the quarters so assigned, we give but what is not 
in our power for the present to take from them." Ib. f. 28. 


" I. Whether consideration of the advantages to the State 
before specified, may not be valuable and more than equivalent 
to the granting Fitzpatrick's estate or the value of it to him ? 

"2. Fitzpatrick's estate was before the Rebellion not above 
1000 per annum (others account it much under that value) ; 
it is also much engaged by mortgages and other encumbrances 
to some of our party, whereby it is become much less consider- 
able to the State. 

"3. The granting of Fitzpatrick's estate, or the value thereof 
unto him, will not be a prejudice to the State, as to the making it 
exemplary and leading unto others, who on like considerations 
of submission and service may insist upon and expect the like 
conditions ; for this is in way of a private transaction with 
Fitzpatrick, which he will be careful to conceal, and to that end 
desired it to be omitted in that paper of Articles, which must 
have been by him necessarily imparted to others, lest he might 
be thought (by those of his party) to have insisted on conditions 

1652] Overtures for an honourable settlement 157 

in that kind for himself only, and not for his party, who might 
thereupon break away from him. 

"4. If it should be known and insisted upon by others, it may 
be conceived that, on like considerations as before specified, to 
give unto some few leading persons and considerable heads of 
parties in each province, as shall be found necessary, some part 
of their estates or the value thereof, as to Dungan, Scurlock etc. 
will be to the State's advantage, or no considerable dis- 
advantage." Ib. ff. 28-9. 


" As the horrid mischiefs unavoidably accompanying all wars 
(though upon never so just grounds undertaken) are such, and so 
many and so recently experimented throughout this unfortunate 
kingdom, as no man can without horror think, much less dilate 
upon a theme so lamentably tragical, even so the manifold 
blessings derived from a firm and honourable peace, are so 
obvious to each understanding, as I may not presume to trouble 
men of so great judgment, as you are, with any comment there- 
upon. Therefore to proceed briefly to the purpose : Be pleased 
to understand that the kingdom is advertised from all parts of 
a free and noble disposition in the Commonwealth of England 
to grant honourable and [blank] conditions of peace unto this 
people and nation, to the acceptance whereof I dare assure you 
of their willing and real inclinations. In order whereunto I do, 
in this and other the provinces' behalf, request your safe 
conducts unto each province, with blanks to meet, elect, and 
authorise members of the said respective provinces to meet 
with the members so to be elected by other the provinces, at 
some convenient place within this province, and thence to 
authorise commissioners to present proposals to such as are or 
shall be thereunto authorised by the Commonwealth of England, 
and conclude on such transactions as shall be agreed upon, (your 
garrisons in each province being so obstructive as the members 

1 Gerald Fitzgerald, called Gerald Oge Fitzgerald of Timogue, Queen's County, 
was tho son of Gerald, a natural son of Gerald, eleventh Earl of Kildare. He 
was an active member of the Confederation. The estate which he forfeited for 
his share in the Rebellion was at the Restoration conferred on nis relation 
Robert Fitzgerald, grandfather of James, Duke of Leinster. 

2 Viz. at Garryhinch. 

158 Overtures rejected by Ludlow [1652 

may not with safety come together to the aforesaid purpose) 
unanimity in this kind amongst the provinces being much more 
conducible to a general quiet, than the particular address of any 
province apart. This I hope and expect will produce that so 
much and so passionately desired a settlement, which ought to be 
the prayer and wishes of all honest and well-affected persons. 
Sir Richard Barnewall Bart, and Col. Walter Bagenall are 
authorised and employed by the assembly of this province to 
solicit the contents hereof, to whom I shall request you will be 
pleased to give full credit in what they shall offer in that par- 
ticular and other matters, it being the sense of this province 
I should signify so much unto you, to which subscribes Sir, Your 
most humble servant Gerald Fitzgerald. Garrench, 20 February 

I65IC-2]." 1 Ib. if. 21-2. 



"In yours of the gth inst. which came to my hand the I7th 
(signed by command of the Great Council at Galway assembled, 
as you are pleased to style them, whose authority I may not 
acknowledge) you reiterate in effect the former application from 
the Earl of Clanricarde for the settlement of this nation, differing 
only in this, that, whereas he would have capitulated in that 
affair on the place, you propose for licence to be given unto 
Commissioners to repair to the Parliament of England about the 
same, which hath been occasioned through this mistake (as I 
conceive) you apprehending that denial to proceed merely from 
the want of power in the ministers of the Parliament here, 
whereas indeed the chief ground thereof was the unreasonable- 
ness of the proposition itself, which was, in my judgment, in 
effect thus, that such (who are guilty of a bloody and cruel 
massacre, at least engaged in the withholding of them from 
justice who are so, whom the righteous hand of God hath prose- 
cuted from field to field, from city to city even to the gates of 
Galway) should be admitted to capitulate about the settlement 
of this nation with the Parliament of England (their lawful 
magistrate) whom God hath not only permitted to be raised to 
their present height as you term it, but by his own outstretched 

1 The answer of the Commissioners to these Proposals is printed in Ludlow's 
Memoirs, App. IV, i, p. 507-508, dated 12 March. 

1652] Absolute submission required 159 

arm and glorious presence hath enabled to become a terror to 
evildoers, and an encouragement to them that do well, and this 
capitulation to be before they have either owned their guilt, or 
delivered up those Achans to justice for whose iniquity the 
land mourns. Indeed if once the Lord would truly humble you 
under his omnipotent hand, for your raising and fomenting this 
unnatural quarrel between two nations of late linked in love, 
allied in blood, and not different in laws (as yourselves confess), 
and would incline you timely and readily to submit to their 
authority (as the greatest part of the nation have already done) 
I should then hope that deliverance were drawing nigh (at least) 
to a remnant of those amongst you, who yet continue in dis- 
obedience, and that such of you might be capable of the fruits 
of that settlement which (at this time) the Parliament of 
England is intent upon. But while you insist upon the justice 
of your cause and persevere in your hostility, it's not the ad- 
vantages we may partake of by a settlement, nor the uncertainty 
of a tedious war, proved by experience of former ages, or backed 
by a number of people in arms capable of foreign succours, nor 
fear of having this country rendered useless unto us, that ought 
to deter us from doing our duty, or invite us to this sinful or 
unworthy compliance with you. As touching the cessation 
you propose, for the avoiding the further effusion of Christian 
blood, I could wish that this tenderness had (in the beginning) 
possessed your spirits ; but how such a cessation can be satis- 
factory to the Parliament of England appears not to me, seeing 
they have been at so vast a charge in their preparations for the 
putting a speedy issue to this war, which by the Lord's assist- 
ance shall be heartily prosecuted by your servant Ed. Ludlow. 
Dublin." 19 March. Ib. ff. 24-5. 


" We have often minded your Lordships of the state of your 
Revenue, and the monthly charge of your forces within the 
Precinct of Dublin, and what monthly supplies would be needful 
for the payment of your forces in this precinct, which was for the 
months of June, July, August and September 2000 per mensem, 
and for the succeeding months 2500 per mensem, and in most of 
our despatches we acquainted your Lordships with theftiecessity 
of having that supply constantly made good here, and that there- 

160 Lambert appointed Lord Deputy [1652 

fore we would order Bills of Exchange to be drawn from time 
to time upon the Treasurers-at-War for the same, unless your 
Lordships signified your pleasure to the contrary, and having 
received no intimation of your Lordships' disapprobation 
of that course, we have (as often as we were pressed unto it by 
necessity) prosecuted the way we propounded, which the former 
Treasurers duly answered ; but Capt. Black well, 1 since the 
change of the Treasurers, not only refused payment of those 
Bills, which we charged on him for the pay of your forces here 
(being within the compass of our advices to your Lordships) but 
hath likewise prohibited the agent here for obeying our Order 
in drawing those Bills upon them. . . ." 22 March. Ib. f. 34. 


" The diligence and activity of your officers and soldiers 
this last winter hath been such that the enemy thereby hath 
been much straitened in all parts of this nation, and reduced 
to a low condition at present, many of them have been put 
to the sword and they are generally disenabled from being 
so destructive to your quarters as formerly. Of late many 
applications have been made by the Irish ... to submit . . . 
amongst whom Col. Fitzpatrick . . . There hath also been 
applications . . . for a national treaty . . . but of all these, 
and the answers thereto, we have given particular account to 
the Council of State." 2 22 March. Ib. f. 37. 


" We having received lately advertisement that the Par- 
liament have appointed your Lordship Deputy-General, and 
to command their forces in Ireland, and that your Lordship 
hath accepted of that employment, we cannot but, in duty 
to their service and respect to yourself, give you a short 
account of the present state of affairs. Your forces here 

1 John Blackwell junr. of Mortlake, Surrey, Deputy to the Treasurers-at-War. 
See below, p. 358. 

2 This letter is printed in full in Ludlow's Memoirs. Ed Firth, i, App. IV, 
p. 510. 

8 Lambert was appointed Lord Deputy to Cromwell by Parliament on 30 
January 1652 in succession to Ire ton ; but the Lord-Lieutenancy being shortly 
afterwards abolished, and with it of course the office of Lord Deputy, Lambert 
refused to accept the post with the lower title of Lieutenant-General, where- 
upon Fleetwood was appointed in his place. See Life in Diet. Natl. Biog. 

1652] Situation of affairs explained to him 161 

are in very good condition and posture, and unanimous in 

the prosecuting of the war, which, through the presence of 

God with them, may be speedily brought to a good issue. The 

spirits of the enemy seem at present to be much dejected 

through their hopelessness to stand long on their own bottom, 

or to receive relief from foreign parts, which hath occasioned 

several of their officers and parties to lay down their arms, 

and submit freely without any capitulation, and many of the 

rest have offered to come in upon conditions, amongst which 

Col. John Fitzpatrick, one of the chief of their party (who gave 

of (sic) 5082 men, horse and foot, and did possess places of great 

fastness in the Province of Leinster and Munster) hath the last 

week submitted upon Articles agreed on by the Commissioners 

appointed to treat with him. This party under his command 

was an occasion the last year of great interruption to the siege 

at Limerick and opposition of other forces who attended their 

motions, and probably they might have continued so this next 

summer had they not in this manner been taken off. Some 

applications have been made by the Lord of Clanricarde and 

others, to whom answers have been returned, copies of which 

proceedings we send your Lordship enclosed for your better 

information. We have formerly made known to the Council, 

and Committee of Irish Affairs the recruits, monies, and 

other provisions, which at a Council of your officers have 

been judged necessary to carry on affairs here, which we 

humbly desire your Lordship to move for, and take care that 

they may be effectually speeded over before your Lordship 

leaves England ; otherwise we fear many of them may not 

come so timely as to do that service to which they are intended ; 

and that your Lordship will be pleased to improve your interest, 

to procure a settlement of a constant monthly supply of monies 

for the pay of your forces here, according to the estimate sent 

by us to the Council in our letter of 2oth February last and 

remaining (we suppose) with the Committee of Irish Affairs. 

But since that estimate some entire troops and companies are 

already come over, and there are many more appointed (as we 

hear) to come over ; and, if it be not too late to move them, 

we are humbly of opinion that there is more need of f jot than 

horse to carry on the service here, and it would much lessen the 

charge if they could come over as recruits rather than in entire 

162 Soldiers not to leave the country without passes [1652 

troops or companies. But of these and other particulars worthy 
of your Lordship's notice we shall be ready to give your Lord- 
ship a further account when we shall have the happiness to 
meet your Lordship here." 22 March. Ib. ff. 38-9. 

159. Ordered by the Commissioners that, whereas very many 
businesses lie before the Commissioners of Parliament, that they 
cannot read and answer all petitions coming before them, Sir 
Robert King, Col. Hewson, Mr Attorney, 1 and Col. Henry Mark- 
ham 2 or any two or more of them be desired to sit with some 
one or more of the said Commissioners, upon Tuesdays and 
Thursdays in the afternoon, weekly, to hear and answer 
petitions. 24 March. Orders A/82. 42. f. 171. 

160. Ordered by the Same that, whereas it is the practice 
of soldiers, sent over by the Parliament for their service in 
Ireland, to desert their colonels and to ship themselves abroad 
in great numbers, a stop be put to the transporting of soldiers 
and other persons out of Ireland beyond the seas without 
proper passes. 25 March. Ib. f. 174. 


" . . . As for the troop of dragoons sent out of Scotland, if you 
find yourselves unable to maintain them, we desire they may be 
sent up to Athlone, or a company of 100 foot instead of them, 
and we shall take care they be provided for. We have likewise 
perused the Earl of Antrim's petition, and are content he may 
enjoy the tithes mentioned in your letter, as they were let the 
last year, provided he gives sufficient security to answer the 
same to the Commonwealth, and withal that, in consideration 
of the benefit he shall make thereby, he gives a full discharge of 
what is in arrear to him of the allowance assigned him by the 
late Deputy and ourselves at Kilkenny." 6 April. Ib. f. 45. 

1 William Basill of Donnacarney, near Dublin, was the nephew of Martin 
Basill of Drumboe, co. Donegal, to whose estate he succeeded on the death 
of his cousin Anne. He was appointed Attorney-General of Ireland in July 
1649. He married Mary, daughter of Sir Wm. Caulfeild, and died in Nov. 
1693. Cf. Lodge, Peerage. Ed. Archdall, iii, p. 138. 

8 Markham's office was that of inspector, along with Col. Thomas Herbert, 
of precincts. He obtained a grant of the town and lands of Confy, co. Kildare, 
ana being a Coote-Broghill man he was allowed to retain possession of them. 

1652] Articles for the surrender of Galway 163 


" Your Lordship's letter from Terrilan l the 6th inst. was 
delivered to us by Col. Cole 2 at seven this evening, and we, 
rinding it to be a matter of very great concernment, we 
have imparted the same to sundry officers of the army now 
present with us, and after consultation and debate had there- 
upon, we could not satisfy ourselves to concur to the con- 
firmation thereof, 3 as now they stand, and therefore, by the 
advice of the said officers, have made such resolutions and 
alterations therein, as are mentioned in the enclosed, which we 
commend unto your Lordship's care to communicate to the 
inhabitants of Galway, and to let them know, that in duty and 
honour to the Parliament, we cannot consent unto the Articles 4 

1 Terrilan or Tyrellan, near the town of Galway, a seat of the Earl of Clan- 
ricarde, fell to the lot of Sir C. Coote, but was restored by him at the Restora- 
tion. It was thither Coote inveigled Col. Sadler in 1659, while he made himself 
master of Galway. See the story in Prendergast's Ireland from the Restoration, 
p. 5, and c/. Ludlow's Memoirs, ii, p. 187. 

2 Col. John Cole. 

3 Cf. Ludlow's Memoirs, i, p. 307-308. 

4 Articles of agreement made, concluded and agreed upon by and between 
Col. John Cole, Col. Robt. Russell, Lt.-Col. John Puckle, Major John King, 
Major Alex. Brayfield, Adjut.-Genl. Holcroft and Capt. Oliver St George, 
commissioners appointed by the Rt. Hon. Sir C. Coote Kt. and Bart., Lord 
President of Connaught on the behalf of the Parliament of the Commonwealth 
of England of the one part and Sir Robuck Lynch Bart., Sir Valentine Blake 
Kt. and Bart., Sir Richard Blake Kt., Sir Oliver French Kt., John Blake Esq., 
Arthur Lynch Esq., one of the sheriffs of Galway, Thomas Lynch and 
Dominick Blake of Galway, burgesses, for and on the behalf of themselves and 
the Mayor, sheriffs, burgesses and commonalty of Galway, and of the freemen, 
natives, inhabitants and residents thereof of the other part ; bearing date the 
5th day of April 1652, concerning the rendition and surrender of the town of 
Galway as followeth : 

1. Imprimis. It is concluded, accorded and agreed by and between the 
said parties that the town of Galway, the forts, fortifications, artilleries, 
magazines, ammunition, and all other furniture of war thereunto belonging, 
shall be delivered unto Sir C. Coote Kt. and Bart-. Lord President of Connaught, 
or whom he shall appoint, for the use of the Commonwealth of England by or 
upon the 12th inst. at ten of the clock in the morning, in consideration of the 
Articles hereafter specified. 

2. It is concluded and agreed upon by and between the said parties that in 
consideration of the said surrender all persons of what degree or quality soever 
within the said town shall have quarter for their lives, and liberty of their 
persons, without any pillage, plunder, or military violence to their persons or 
goods during their obedience to the laws and government of the Parliament of 
the Commonweatlh of England by virtue of the ensuing Articles respectively ; 
and these Articles to extend to all such as are free of the said town of Galwaj', 
their wives, widows, factors and tenants in the country or beyond the seas, 
provided that by freemen it be understood only the native merchants, inhabit- 
ants and tradesmen of the said town and not Lords, or any other nersons who 
have not attained their freedom by merit or undergone public office* in the said 

3. It is concluded and agreed upon by and between the said parties, that all 

164 Commissioners refuse to confirm Articles [1652 

made with them and the soldiery, otherwise than with the said 
alterations, and in case they shall not agree thereto, if your 
Lordship be free, we cannot but advise your Lordship to desist 
in any further proceeding therein ; but if they shall consent to 
these alterations, your Lordship having thus far proceeded with 
them, we shall then give our consent unto the said Articles with 
the said alterations." 10 April. Ib. L 46. Enclosed. 

persons of what quality soever comprehended within the second Article shall 
have six months' time to depart (if they desire it) with their goods to any part 
of this nation, or beyond seas, and that they shall have effectual passes for 
themselves and their goods, and shall be protected in the meantime, and have 
liberty to sell their estates and goods, provided that ammunition and all arms 
(save travelling arms which they may carry with them) and other furniture of 
war be not included in this Article. 

4. It is concluded and agreed upon by and between the said parties, that the 
clergymen now in Gal way shall have liberty to continue there six months after 
the conclusion of this Treaty, and shall have effectual passes (when they desire 
it within that time) for themselves and the goods properly belonging to them, to 
go beyond seas, provided that during that time they act nothing prejudicial to 
the State of England, and likewise that the names of all such clergymen shall be 
made known to the Lord President before the surrender of the said town ; and 
that all manner of persons of what quality soever, according to the exposition of 
the second Article shall have indemnity for all past offences, criminal and capital 
acts and offences done in the prosecution of this war from the 23rd of Oct. 1641 
until the conclusion of this Treaty, except Brian Roe, Mahon More, Stephen 
Lynch, Dominic Kerwan, and Walter Martin, who had their hands immediately 
in the effusion of the blood of Capt. Clerke's men, and such other person or 
persons as shall be hereafter found by good proofs to have had their immediate 
hands in any particular murder of the English or Protestant people before the 
corporation entered into acts of hostility (first) in this war, which was on the 
19th of March 1641[-2] ; and that all such persons (excepting before excepted) 
that for the future shall submit to the government of the Parliament of the 
Commonwealth of England shall be admitted to do, and to live at their homes, 
or with their friends, and shall have protection during their obedience to the 
said government to their persons, goods and estates, on the same terms that the 
rest of the inhabitants of the county of the same condition and qualifications 
with themselves have, so as the benefit of the protection last mentioned in the 
Article shall not extend to clergymen further than six months as before men- 

5. It is concluded and agreed upon by and between the said parties that all 
persons whatsoever included in the second Article, who are willing to submit to 
the government of the Parliament of the Commonwealth of England (except be- 
fore excepted in the 4th Article) shall enjoy their respective estates and interests 
to themselves and their heirs for ever, in all and every the houses, castles, lands, 
tenements and hereditaments within the said town and the old and new liber- 
ties and franchises thereof, so far as the power of the sheriffs of Galway extends, 
and the burgage lands belonging to the said town without any exemption., 
diminution, mark of distinction, or removal of persons, or families whatsoever, 
unless it be upon just grounds, and good proofs of their future misdemeanour, 
which may endanger the security of the said town, and in that case such 
persons to be removed and yet to be at liberty to carry away their goods, 
and to let or sell their houses and estates, to their best advantage, paying 
(in case of sale) a third part of the price they make to the use of the State of 
England ; and that no contribution or other imposition be charged upon 
the said town, or any of the natives, or inhabitants thereof, but in proportion 
with other the subjects of the said State residing in cities, or towns in 
England or Ireland, according to their respective fortunes and interests ; 

1C52] Articles submitted to a Council of War 165 


Upon serious consideration taken of the Articles agreed 
upon for the surrender of Galway and advice thereupon had 
at a Council of War. It is resolved as f olloweth : 

"i. That we cannot consent that any persons who were actors 
or had a hand in the murders, massacres, and robberies com- 
mitted upon the English or Protestants in Ireland in the first 
year of the Rebellion, or in any other murders or massacres since 
the said first year committed, by or upon any person not being 
in arms, should have any benefit by the Articles for the surrender 
of Galway, other than for their marching out of the town to such 
place as is or shall be agreed upon. 

and that they and every of them shall quietly enjoy two parts of all their 
real estates, in three parts to be divided, to themselves and their heirs for ever 
in all other parts whatsoever within this Dominion not before expressed in 
this Article, paying contribution thereout in proportion with their neighbours 
under the laws, obedience, and government of the Parliament ; and in case any 
part of their said real estates shall happen to be contiguous to any considerable 
castle, fortification, or straigth within this Dominion conceived to be necessary 
for any particular plantation, that then such person or persons (proprietors of 
the same) shall be satisfied and paid (in case there be castles and houses upon 
the lands so taken from them) the full value of such castles and houses according 
as indifferent men mutually named by the proprietors and such as shall 
entrusted by the State shall agree upon ; and upon any difference between 
them, an umpire shall be named by both parties to determine the same, or the 
proprietors to be satisfied in other castles and houses of equal value and good- 
ness with their own, and shall have exchange of lands, tenements, and heredita- 
ments of like quantity and value with the lands, tenements, and hereditaments 
so taken from them as aforesaid ; and both the castles, houses, lands, tenements 
and hereditaments to be in such county where the said castles, houses, lands, 
tenements and hereditaments so taken from them lie unless the said county be 
entirely set apart for a plantation, and then the above satisfaction shall be 
given to them in the next adjacent county within the said province, that shall 
not be so entirely planted as aforesaid ; and that upon surrender of the said 
town, they and every of them shall and may enter into and enjoy the possessions 
of their real estates (notwithstanding any custodiam or leases granted of them) 
and continue in possession of them, until some persons be appointed by the 
Parliament or their ministers to dispose of one -third part thereof for the use 
of the Parliament, as is agreed in the preceding Articles ; and that they and 
every of them shall enjoy freely all their goods and chattels, real and personal, 
wheresoever the same shall be (all arms, ammunition and other furniture of war, 
travelling arms, excepted) to themselves, their executors and assigns ; and 
for the difference which did arise between the said parties concerning the com- 
position of 5000 demanded and insisted upon, in consideration of the third 
part of the said goods and chattels, the same is referred by consent of both 
parties to the Commissioners or other chief ministers of the Parliament in this 
Dominion, to whom the said town are to make their application for remittal or 
mitigation of the said composition, or otherwise the said 5000 to be paid to 
the use of the State of England. 

6. It is concluded and agreed upon by and between the said parties that the 
Mayor, sheriffs, burgesses and commonalty of the said town, and th^r successors, 
shall have and enjoy all liberties, customs, privileges and immunities granted to 
them by charter, and shall hereafter be governed by their charter privileges 
and fundamental laws of England, as in time of peace, until the Parliament 

166 Objections taken to the Articles [1652 

" 2. We cannot consent that such inhabitants and citizens in 
Galway, who shall be thought fit, by the Parliament or their 
ministers, to be removed out of the said town of Galway, in order 
to the security thereof, shall be permitted to enjoy their estates 
and interests in the town, otherwise than was offered by the 
late Lord Deputy to the City of Limerick, that is to say, that no 
Irish inhabitant or citizen of Galway be permitted to enjoy their 
interests in the houses or other real estate in that town, who 
shall be thought fit, by the Parliament or their ministers, to be 
removed out of the said garrison in order to the security thereof ; 
but in such case, such persons, so to be removed, shall have liberty 
to sell their said houses and other estate to the best advantage 
of themselves, their heirs, or assigns, paying (in case of sale) a 
third part of the price they make, to the use of the Common- 
er their ministers appointed to that purpose shall confirm, renew, alter 
or enlarge the same ; and that they shall have full liberty to trade at 
home and abroad as other English subjects have ; and that all prisoners 
being natives or inhabitants of the said town, and soldiers of the garrison of 
Galway and Isles of Aran in pay, shall be set at liberty without ransom ; 
and if it shall happen after this agreement any person or persons included in 
these Articles, or any ship, goods, or merchandise, belonging to them or any of 
them be taken by sea or land, coming to the said town, or going from it, 
shall be set at liberty and their goods and merchandise shall be restored to 
them as aforesaid, provided they act nothing prejudicial to the State and that 
all ships belonging to any person or persons franchised by them or any of 
them shall remain to the disposal of the owner, except such ships as by any 
former Articles are agreed upon to the contrary ; and that the disbursements 
of those, who canted the houses of absentees, shall be secured unto them for 
the time past, only so far as law and the customs and privileges of the town- 
charter will justify the same. 

7. It is concluded and agreed upon by and between the said parties that in 
case of breach of these Articles, or any of them, the same shall not be deemed 
or construed, but the act of such person or persons as shall be found to be 
actors thereof, and they only to be proceeded against as the law prescribes. 

It is concluded and agreed upon by and between the said parties that the Lord 
President shall procure these Articles and all and every particular in them 
contained and depending on them, within twenty days to be ratified, approved 
and confirmed by the Commissioners- General or other chief ministers of the 
Parliament in Ireland ; and likewise that the Lord President shall, with as 
much speed as may be, promise these Articles to be secured by an Act of Parlia- 
ment to be passed for that purpose in England ; and in the meantime shall be 
as inviolably observed and kept to them as if they were enacted in Parliament. 

It is concluded and agreed upon by and between the said parties, that Sir 
Valentine Blake, Sir Oliver French, John Blake Esq and Dominick Blake 
be this day delivered as hostages, and the New Castle over against Tyrriland, 
and the fort in Mutton Island, to be surrendered to-morrow by twelve of the 
clock to the Lord President, or whom he shall appoint for the performance 
of the surrender. 

In witness whereof the said parties to these presents have interchangeably 
set their hands the day and year above written Robuck Lynch, Robt. Russell, 
Valentine Blake, John King, Oliver French, Alex. Brayfield, Thomas Lynch, 
Oliver St George, John Blake, John Cole, Arthur Lynch, John Puckle, Dom- 
inick Blake, Charles Holcroft. Articles of Capitulation etc. ff. 119-123. 

1052] Alterations to be made in them 167 

wealth, and shall have three months' time (after warning given 
them to depart) for the removal and disposal of themselves, 
their families and goods, as they shall please, and protection to 
live in any part of this dominion within the power of the Parlia- 
ment not being a garrison, nor county set apart to be planted 
with English, or shall have liberty to remove to any foreign 
parts if they desire it. 

" 3. That we cannot consent that tenants or factors in the 
country or beyond the seas should be included by these Articles, 
as the words in the second article do import. 

"4. As to that clause in the Articles, which relates to the real 
estates lying without the town and the liberties thereof, be- 
longing to the freemen of Galway, we cannot consent any further 
therein than that they do enjoy two parts in three of the same, 
or the value thereof as the Parliament shall direct. 

" 5. We cannot consent that any absentees, who have 
adhered to the Parliament, should have their houses detained 
from them by virtue of the latter part of the sixth article. 

" 6. We cannot consent that the Governor, soldiers and in- 
habitants of the Isle of Aran should have any other conditions 
as to their real estates, than such as are granted to the freemen of 
Galway for their lands lying in the country. 

"7. We do consent that the exceptions of those that had a 
hand in the murder of Captain Clarke's men, 1 should extend 
not further than to those persons that are named in the said 
exceptions, and those that had an immediate hand in that 
murder, or gave order or command for the murdering of them, 
and not to extend to such as only gave order or consented unto 
the seizure of the said ship. 

"8. That if they shall consent to these resolutions we shall 
then give our consent to the Articles with the said alterations." 
ii April. Ib. ff. 47-8. 


" The Articles for the surrender of Galway coming to our 
hands late last night, and finding that some things in them 

1 The " murder " referred to took place in May 1642. It was really a small 
affair, as appears from Clanricarde's Memoirs, p. 146. " Some young men," he 
says, " of Galway surprized an English ship, killed two and hurt others, and took 
some ordnance and barrels of powder . . . upon pretence th*t their goods 
and some young merchants of the town were detained in England." See also 
Col. State Papers, Irel., 1664, p. 410. 

168 Commissioners excuse themselves [1652 

may admit a hard construction, in order to the security of 
that place, and the honour and justice of the nation, we 
conceive it our duty to transmit them to your Lordships 
with all possible speed, together with an account of what we 
have advised in that matter. Being informed upon the 
late Lord Deputy's death that the Articles tendered by his 
Lordship for the surrender of Galway were not communicated 
to the citizens and townsmen, and that, if those terms were 
tendered unto them, it were probable the town would be sur- 
rendered, whereupon by our letters and instructions dated 3rd 
December last, we gave Sir Charles Coote advice to proceed in a 
treaty upon the said Articles ; but limited him in time to the 
loth of January ; since which time Sir Charles Coote, by letters 
of the loth of March, intimated that the town intended to 
come to a treaty, and that he conceived they would submit 
to the first article, and that he would do nothing therein 
without advice with Sir Hardress Waller or Commissary- 
General Reynolds, upon which the Lieutenant-General advised 
him that the condition of your affairs both in England, Scotland 
and Ireland were (through the blessing of God) much better 
than when those Articles were first tendered, and that large 
supply of men and all other necessary provision were made by 
your Lordships to enable your forces to block them up close, 
and therefore the inhabitants could not in reason expect such 

" Since which we had no advertisement of any particulars of 
those transactions until we received these Articles ; and finding 
by them that the terms therein granted were to be approved of 
by us, which we conceive implies a submitting of them to our 
judgment, we have the last night passed the enclosed resolu- 
tions, and sent them speedily with a letter of advice to Sir 
Charles Coote, which we hope will be with him to-morrow 
morning ; but in regard the soldiers are already marched out of 
the town, and the fort, and Mutton Island, which commands the 
harbour, being delivered to your forces, and the conditions on 
their part in a great measure performed, we thought it not ad- 
visable in honour and justice to make any further alterations or 
diminutions of the terms granted, although they be larger than 
we can in our judgment approve of. We have humbly made 
bold to give your Lordships this account of the particulars of 

1652] Articles for the surrender of Roscommon 169 

that transaction, lest we might suffer in the Parliament's or 
your Lordships' opinion, as consenting to the granting of such 
terms as might present us remiss of the honour and service of 
the Parliament ; and we cannot but judge that Sir Charles 
Coote, in what he did herein, did act very faithfully, and con- 
ceived what he consented unto was for your service. 

" We have enclosed sent your Lordships the Articles for 
surrender of Roscommon. 1 The Commissary-General is gone 
to Ballintobber, 2 which was fired upon his coming, and from 
thence to Jamestown, which place he hopes to reduce to your 
possession very suddenly. We have also transmitted herewith 
the papers of agreement between your ministers here and 
Col. Fitzpatrick and Col. O'Dwyer, 3 upon their and their parties 
laying down of arms, which agreements have wrought good 

1 Articles of Agreement between Lt.-Col. Francis Gore and Major John 
Disbrow on the behalf of the Rt. Hon. Commissary-Genl. Reynolds on the one 
part and Captain Edmund Daly on the other part. Concluded April 3rd, 

1. That the Castle of Roscommon now under the command of Capt. Ed. Daly 
shall be surrendered unto Commissary-Genl. Reynolds, or to any other whom 
he shall appoint, by five of the clock in the afternoon. 

2. That all stores of ammunition and provision shall be delivered unto 
Commissary-Genl. Reynolds or unto any other whom he shall appoint without 

3. That Capt. Daly, Capt. Dennis Meed, and their officers shall have their 
horses, pistols, and swords ; the soldiers their swords and skeans, and two 
servants belonging to the said Captain their horses and arms. 

4. They are to have liberty for the space of twenty-eight days to carry such 
goods as are properly their own, unto such places as they shall think convenient, 
and enjoy their crops now in the ground, provided they come under protection, 
and pay their proportions of contributions : their chaplain and chirurgeon 
have liberty to go with them. 

5. That such goods as do belong unto Col. Richard Burke, except store of 
ammunition and provision, shall be disposed of by the said Captain and con- 
veyed to such places as they shall think fit, and such corn, as belongs unto the 
foresaid Colonel, shall be preserved for his use to make sale thereof to the 
Parliament's party, provided he come under protection, within twenty-eight 
days after the date hereof. 

6. That the said Capt. Daly have liberty to make use of the barn within the 
bawn to lay in his goods for the time above mentioned, and his wife Ellis Vrine 
alias Daly is to be freed from any debts until there be a settlement. 

7. That Ensign John M'Cooge now in restraint with O'Connor Roe shall have 
his enlargement, provided the Commissary-General consent thereto, and shall 
enjoy his crop now in ground, provided he come under protection and pay 
his proportion of contribution. 

For the due performance of the above-mentioned Articles I have hereto 
set my hand, the day and year above written. Edmond Daly. Articles of 
Capitulation, f. 54. 

2 In co. Roscommon, between Longford and Strokestown. 

3 Col. Philip O'Dwyer, Commander-in-Chief of the Irish forces in Water- 
ford and Tipperary, was the first to follow Fitzpatrick's example, ^or Articles 
between him and Col. Sankey on 23 March 1652 see Gilbert s Contemp. Hist, 
of Affairs, iii, 294 ; cf. also Ludlow's Memoirs, i, p. 311. 

170 Galway Articles submitted to Parliament [1652 

effects amongst the Irish by dividing and distracting them in 
their designs." n April. Ib. ff. 49-50. 


" Upon the loth inst., at seven in the evening, Sir Charles 
Coote's letter, concerning the treaty with those of Galway, 
was brought unto us, a copy whereof, and of the Articles 
therein mentioned for the citizens and also for the soldiery 
is here enclosed; and, upon the perusal thereof, finding the 
great concernment of those Articles unto your interest, we 
sent for such officers of the army, as were here in this place, 
to consult with them what answer were fit to return. The re- 
sult of that debate, and of the answer, we do likewise send here- 
with, which about two of the clock in the morning we sent away. 
We shall only add that upon the death of the Lord Deputy, 
hearing that his Lordship in his life had offered to them of 
Galway the Articles he had proposed to Limerick at his first 
coming to that place, but had not sent the Articles themselves, 
we did write to Sir Charles Coote, by ours of the 3rd December, 
to treat with them according to those Articles proposed by the 
late Lord Deputy, and did send him a copy of those Articles, 
and did limit that treaty to continue no longer than the loth of 
January following ; but that proffer was not accepted. Upon 
the nth of March last, we received a letter from Sir Charles 
Coote, signifying that he had received a message from the 
Mayor of Galway, and that he did expect proposals from them 
upon Tuesday following, and therein expressed that he would 
act nothing therein, without the advice of the Major-General 
or Commissary-General, or both, if the business required such 
haste as our directions could not be received. By all this, we 
do hope it will appear that no act done by us hath given any 
ground to those concessions now given to those of Galway. 
This week we do purpose to remove to Kilkenny, and there 
expect to meet with your servants and officers of the army 
about the disposal of the provisions that, by your care, hath 
been sent us. The consultations there taken for the disposal 
of your forces in the several parts of this nation, for this next 
summer's service shall with the first opportunity be presented 
to you." 12 April. Ib. f. 51. 

1652] Colonel Cooke killed in a skirmish 171 


" The Lord is pleased sometimes to mingle the many 
great successes he gives your forces, against a cruel and 
barbarous enemy, with bitter dispensations, thereby to mind 
us how frail and weak we are of ourselves, and how necessary 
it is for us to have our dependence on him for strength and 
protection, when the arm of flesh seems to be strong and 
the power of the enemy weak and inconsiderable. Col. 
George Cooke, 1 coming from Wexford to Dublin, with a 
small convoy of twenty horse, met Captain Nash, 2 a very active 
enemy, and his troop, and engaged with him; wherein the 
Captain, a lieutenant and a trooper of the enemy's party were 
slain and the rest put to flight ; in which engagement Col. 
Cooke received a shot with a brace of bullets, whereof he 
immediately died, there being two or three others of his party 
wounded. This happened between Gorin [Gowran] and 
Loughlin [Leighlin] in the County of Kilkenny 3 on the ist 
of this inst. April. His body is brought to Carlow and there 
interred. The merit of the gentleman was very great in his 
zeal to God, and your service, and in his activity and valour 
against the common enemy, in which he hath been sundry 
times successful. His wife, being with child here, is so far 
overcome with grief and sadness, that her recovery is much 
doubted by her friends. He left behind him two children by a 
former wife, and towards the maintenance and support of his 
said wife and children hath left but a very small estate (as we 
are informed) other than his expectation from the Parliament, 
for the arrears due to him 'for service here and in England, 
which is conceived to be very considerable, which we humbly 
mention that the Parliament may be pleased to take considera- 
tion of them, and appoint such provision to be made for them as 
God shall put into their hearts." 13 April. Ib. f. 55. 

1 See p. 9, note. 

2 Capt. Nash, Naish or Nasse was one of the most active of the Irish officers 
in Leinster, especially in co. Kilkenny. According to the author of The 
Aphorismical Discovery, " at his fall the flower of chivalry in the county of 
Kilkenny did crack." Contemp. Hist, of Affairs, iii, p. 71. Cf. Borlase, 
Rebellion, p. 294. , 

8 At Carrignabrocke according to the Contemp. Hist., iii, p. 71. Carrigna- 
brack is near Paulstown. 

172 Apologies for keeping Dr Winter in Ireland [1052 


" Christian friends, The good hand of God having brought 
Mr Winter (your sometimes pastor) into this island, where he 
hath received a great seal of his ministry (besides the 
gathering into church fellowship a body of visible saints) 
and though his return to you this summer (at least for a 
season for your refreshment in spirit) may be expected by 
you, as we understand by him it is, and his desires as great 
of seeing your faces and beholding your order, yet the great 
work that lies upon his shoulders in this populous city, where 
able ministers are very scarce, and the great importunities 
of the flock (so lately gathered) that he will not yet leave 
them, hath caused us earnestly to desire his continuance in this 
place until the next year, when (through God's leave and good 
pleasure) he may make a journey to you. In the meantime, as 
we hope your due consideration of the great service the Lord 
hath for his labourers (who are but few) to do in his vineyard 
here, will in some measure quiet your minds, so we believe you 
doubt not but Mr Winter hath you often in remembrance before 
the Throne of Grace, that the Lord will supply all your wants 
through his Son, and instruct you by his Spirit in all wisdom 
and understanding, which also are the prayers of your assured 
loving and Christian friends in the Lord Jesus." 13 April. 
Ib. L 56. 


" Since the closing of the last packet the Articles 
and letters enclosed (for the surrender of Jamestown, 2 

1 Dr Samuel Winter, independent minister at (Nottingham near Hull, was 
granted leave of absence by his congregation to assist in settling the religious af- 
fairs of Ireland. Coming over with the commissioners in 1651 he was appointed 
minister of St Nicholas at a salary of 200. A leading elder of his congrega- 
tion was Alderman Daniel Hutchinson, whose name frequently occurs in this 
correspondence. Winter was a great admirer of Henry Cromwell and got up a 
testimonial expressing approval of his government. He was appointed Provost 
of Trinity College, Dublin, in 1651, but was removed on the eve of the Restora- 
tion and apparently returned to his charge in England. He died in Dec. 1660. 
See Life in Did. Natl. Biog. and The Register of Provost Winter, published by the 
Parish Register Society of Dublin. 

2 In co. Leitrim, near Carrick-on-Shannon. 

Articles of agreement between Commissary-General Reynolds and Col. John 
Kelly, concluded on April 7th, 1652. 

1. That Jamestown be surrendered by three of the clock in the afternoon, 
\\ith all the stores of ammunition and public stores of provision. 

.2. That the Governor, officers, and soldiers shall have quarter of life, liberty 

1652] Surrender of Jamestown and Drumrusk 173 

Drumrusk * and other places to your possession, and for several 
commanders and forces of the enemy's parties laying down of 
arms) are come to our hands, by which it will appear to your 
Lordships how necessary a signification of your pleasure, 
touching transportation of Irish, would be to your servants 
and ministers, and how well the character of the Parliament's 

to depart the town with their arms, colours flying, bullets in boss (bouche), 
one barrel of powder, match and bullet proportionable and six days' provision, 
bag and baggage, with a safe convoy to any place desired. 

3. That such of the inhabitants as desire to stay shall have protection, enjoy 
all their goods and corn in ground, paying contribution according to their 
estates, and those who will remove shall have six weeks' time to remove their 

4. That Col. John Kelly, and such of his friends, as shall submit to the State, 
at or before the last of this month, shall enjoy their estates in land, goods and 
chattels as freely as others of their condition upon a general settlement, and that 
such officers, soldiers, and others as desire the protection of the State, shall be 
admitted thereunto, provided they lay down arms before the end of this month ; 
provided also they are not guilty of the massacres and robberies committed 
upon the English in the first year of the war, nor under protection, nor served 
the Parliament in their armies since the llth August 1649. 

5. That the said Col. John Kelly shall have licence any time for four months, 
ensuing the date hereof, to depart this nation, if he shall desire the same, and 
in the meantime four servants with their horses and arms, be allowed unto him, 
in passing to and fro (for his security) in the Parliament's quarters, where his 
occasions are, and that his wife, and children shall enjoy the benefit of these 
Articles in his absence. 

6. That Col. John Kelly shall have liberty to reside in the Castle of Aharahan 
[ ? Ahascragh] or elsewhere upon his estate free from molestation with twelve 
musketeers for his defence, and that arrears of the contribution there due, be 
not laid upon him for his estate lying in the half -barony of Killian [co. 
Gal way]. Articles of Capitulation, f. 55. 

1 Now Carrick-on-Shannon. Articles of agreement between Commissary - 
Genl. Reynolds and Col. Richard Bourke, concluded April 8th, 1652. 

1. That the garrison of Drumruske shall be surrendered to the Commissary- 
Genl. with all the arms, ammunition, artillery, and stores therein contained by 
three of the clock in the afternoon, except hereafter excepted. 

2. That Col. Rich. Bourke, the officers, and soldiers shall have quarter of 
life and liberty to march forth, with their arms, horses, bag and baggage, colours 
flying, drums beating, lit matches, six shot of powder, and that such as 
desire the same shall be admitted into protection of the State of England, and 
receive passes to return to their several habitations, where they shall reside free 
from prejudice or molestation, and that all others of his company, together with 
the said Col. Rich. Bourke, shall have liberty to march in the County of Galway 
in order to their transportation, where they are to remain during the space of 
two months, and to receive maintenance for that time out of their former 
quarters, assigned unto them by the Irish party, in the half -barony of Loughrea 
and the half-barony of Athenry, and if before the expiration thereof, agreement 
be not made for their entertainment into the service of the King of Spain or 
some foreign prince, that then they shall lay down arms, and be received into 
protection, or that such of them, as desire the same, may have leave to transport 
themselves from any port of Ireland into Spain or any foreign part, provided 
none of them had a hand in the massacres and robberies acted against the 
English in the first year of the war, or that have not been in protection of the 
State of England or served them in their armies in Ireland formerly .0 

3. That all inhabitants of the garrison shall enjoy their goods, cattle, and corn 
in ground, paying contribution according to their ability, and that such of 

174 Commissioners going to Kilkenny [1052 

favour is placed upon their Commissary-General. We humbly 
desire that your Lordships will be pleased to communicate 
these particulars to the Parliament. We have no time to 
represent the same unto them, being ready to take horse for 
Kilkenny." 14 April. Ib. f. 57. 

them, as desire to remove, shall have one month's liberty to convey their goods 
to any place they shall desire. 

4. That Col. Rich. Bourke shall have a discharge for any goods left in the 
castle to the use of the owner thereof. 

5. That Col. Rich. Bourke give security to Sir Charles Coote, Lord President 
of Connaught, that no hostile act shall be committed by his regiment during 
their continuance in arms to any of the Parliament's forces, nor any other 
prejudice to the quarters than in receiving subsistence from them according 
to their former assignations and no more. 

6. That Lt.-Col. Wm. Taaffe with his company shall be admitted to the 
benefit of these Articles upon the surrender of Ballinafad unto Commissary - 
Genl. Reynolds, and have two months' maintenance for his company allowed 
him, in his former assignations in the County of Sligo. 

I. That Major Walter Phillips with his company be included within the same 
Articles with Col. Bourke, and out of the creaghts in the barony of Castaloe 
[Costello, co. Mayo] he is allowed to raise two months' maintenance for which 
charge consideration shall be made unto them in their future contribution. 

8. That Capt. James Lambert and his company be included within the same 
Articles with Col. Bourke's company, and have liberty to raise two months' 
maintenance out of his former assignations in the barony of Dunkellin and 
County of Galway. 

9. That Capt. Hugh M'Dermott with his company be included within the 
said Articles, and have 2 months' maintenance allowed to him out of his 
former assignations in the barony of Boyle and County of Roscommon. 

10. That Capt. Miles Phillips shall be included within the same Articles, and 
have 2 months maintenance allowed to him out of his former assignations in 
the barony of Gallon and County of Mayo. 

II. That Capt. Murrough O'M'Loghlin and his company shall be included 
within the same Articles and have 2 months' maintenance allowed to him out of 
his former assignations in the barony of Longford and county of Galway. 

12. That the arms now in the possession of the respective companies of foot 
in the said Colonel's regiment shall not be wilfully embezzled. 

13. That the benefit of these assignations shall not be extended to any of 
that regiment who shall not depart the nation, and instead of those who shall 
withdraw themselves, it shall be lawful for Col. Bourke, to complete his 
regiment by bringing any who are with the Irish party now in arms into those 

14. That passes be delivered unto Col. Bourke and his officers for their safe 
travelling in manner following, viz. : To Col. Bourke 4 servants, their horses 
and arms ; To Lt.-Col. Taaffe 3 servants, their horses and arms ; To Major 
Phillips 2 servants, their horses and arms ; To each captain 1 servant, his 
horse and arms. 

15. That Col. Rich. Bourke shall have liberty to convey all his goods into the 
island of Insinutris (? Iniscaltra), thence to Dunsandle in the county of Galway. 

16. That Col. Rich. Bourke shall have liberty to enjoy his land at Dunsandle, 
paying contribution, and his wife shall be admitted into protection, and have 
the benefit thereof, or whom he shall appoint in his absence, as others, upon the 
settlement of his condition, who are admitted into protection. 

17. That in case no agreement can be made by the said Colonel for the 
transportation of that regiment, within that time, it is intended that the said 
Colonel shall have liberty to transport his regiment any time hereafter, pro- 
vided they be no charge to the country after the expiration of the two months 
above mentioned. 

1652] The allowance granted the Earl of Antrim 175 


" Upon second thoughts of the order sent you by us, con- 
cerning the setting of the tithes of the Route and Glynnes 1 to the 
Earl of Antrim, we are desirous to let you know that it is' our 
intent that the said Earl should only reap as much benefit by the 
said tithes, as will supply what is wanting of the fifth part of his 
estate to make up 40 per mensem, and therefore, if upon further 
consideration and inspection into the value of the said tithes, 
you find you can set them for more, we desire you to set them 
for the best advantage of the State, and out of the whole rent to 
cause allowance to be made to the Earl of Antrim of 20 per 
mensem, which is the sum you mention in your letters to be 
wanting of the 40 per mensem, that we formerly ordered for 
his Lordship out of the fifth part of his estate, if it had 
amounted to so much." 14 April. Ib. f. 58. 


" We have received yours of the I5th inst. from Galway 
by Major King 2 and Major Brayfield, 3 with your explanation 
of the Articles of Galway in answer to the Resolves sent you 

18. That the corn now sown at Carrick Drumruske by the said Colonel shall 
be praized by indifferent men, and paid him within one month, and the growing 
contribution thereof to be deducted out of the price. 

19. That Col. Rich. Bourke shall give sufficient security and hostages out 
of each company of his regiment unto the said President of Connaught, or 
Commissary-Genl. Reynolds within one month for the performance of these 

20. That if agreement be made with the Spanish agent, that the com- 
panies of Col. Bourke's regiment meet at a rendezvous at Loughrea in the 
County of Galway, and there lay down arms, according to the agreement made 
upon the surrender of Drumruske, and if that agreement be not made according 
to the time limited in these Articles, that then the respective companies deliver 
their arms to the officer commanding the next garrison to the quarters assigned 
during the two months before mentioned, at or before the expiration of the said 
time, whereupon they are to be admitted to receive the benefit of the provision 
made for them by these Articles, in case no agreement be made for their trans- 
portation, In witness of the above-mentioned agreement I have hereto set my 
hand. [Signature wanting.] Articles of Capitulation, if. 56-8. 

1 Practically represented by the baronies of Gary and Lower Glenarm in 
co. Antrim. 

2 Major John King, son of Sir Robert King, of Sir Charles Coote's regiment, 
disbanded 1655, afterwards a Commissioner for setting out lands in co. 

3 Major, afterwards Col., Alexander Brayfield, Governor of Athlone, a staunch 
republican, regarded with favour by Fleetwood, but according to H. Cromwell 
" a busy and turbulent person and a promoter of seditious papers." * He refused 
to surrender Athlone to Coote in 1659, but was betrayed by the garrison. 
Ludlow, Memoirs, ii, p. 188. 

176 Commissioners comments on Cooles letter [1652 

from Dublin the loth of this present, and though in some 
things your said answers reach to the satisfaction of the said 
Resolves, yet they are not satisfactory unto us ; because 
it doth not appear that the Commissioners, that treated 
for the town, did agree to that explanation your Lordship 
hath sent us, and if they had assented with your Lordship 
to those explanations and no further, yet the dissatisfaction 
mentioned in the said Resolves would still remain, because 
in some things they differ materially from the said Resolves, 
which we have sent to the Parliament ; and to give our appro- 
bation upon other terms, than what we have laid before the 
Parliament, we hold it noways becoming us to do, until their 
further pleasure be known. Therefore we desire your Lordship, 
for the avoiding of future disputes and mistakes in this matter, 
forthwith to impart the said Resolves unto the Commissioners 
of the town, or to others authorised to that purpose, and to let 
them know, that until they have assented to the substance and 
matter of the said Resolves, and, that they do consent that the 
Articles be declared to be construed according to the substance 
and matter of the said Resolves, we cannot assent unto nor 
approve of the said Articles ; and, because the well-ordering of 
many other affairs may depend much upon the result of this 
business, we desire your Lordship to let them know, that it is 
expected they do declare themselves and their sense concerning 
the said Articles in writing, to be delivered to your Lordship 
within six days after this comes to your hands, otherwise we 
shall hold ourselves disobliged of the consent we gave, and is 
mentioned in the said Resolves." Kilkenny, 20 April. Ib. f. 61. 


" By ours of this date, that comes to you with this, you 
will understand our resolutions concerning the Explanations 
of the Articles of Gal way sent us by Major King and Major 
Brayfield, and, as we noways question either your Lord- 
ship's integrity, or the gentlemen employed by you in that 
affair, so we desire you to believe that we shall be always 
ready to make the best interpretation our judgments will lead 
us to of all your actions. We expect very shortly here a meet- 
ing of most of the General Officers, at which time we shall 
communicate unto them your desires concerning the building of 

1652] A Spanish agent in Ireland 177 

those citadels in Galway, the stores of provisions, and also the 
further addition of foot mentioned in your letter ; and what re- 
sults their meeting produceth to that purpose shall be speedily 
imparted unto your Lordship." Kilkenny, 20 April. Ib. f. 62. 


"... We consent that the 300 men you write of, be 
raised and transported, so that they be under the command 
of Major Peter Talbot, 2 a late officer of the Irish party, a 
civil gentleman, as we are informed, who is desirous to 
engage in the King of Spain's service, and to whom we 
have given power to raise the said 300 men, who will apply 
himself to you to make his conditions. We are consenting 
likewise that you do make up the said 300 men and the 800 
(or other number of Irish already transported) not exceeding 
the number of 2000 Irish, formerly allowed by the late Lord 
Deputy. . . ." Kilkenny, 21 April. Ib. f. 64. 


" We received a petition from William Adams of Coleraine, 
alderman, and William Gardiner, sheriff of the City of Derry, 
in behalf of themselves and the rest of the tanners residing 
in and about Coleraine and Derry, setting forth that they 
petitioned you for licence to peel bark in the woods of the 
Glynnes and County of Londonderry. . . . And though it 
be of very much concernment to have the wood in those 
parts carefully preserved, yet, seeing the tanners thereabouts 
cannot be provided with bark anywhere else, and also being 
not willing any useful or profitable trade should decay 
amongst you, our desire is that you license the tanners in and 
about the places aforesaid to cut and fell such numbers of trees, 
and to peel the bark thereof, as you in your discretion, shall 
find necessary, to furnish them with bark for their particular 
trades and not for transportation, they paying for the said 

1 Foyssot or Foissott had as far back as 1644 been employed as an agent on 
behalf of Spain for raising recruits in Ireland. Three letters from him to 
General Preston in 1647 are printed in the Cal. State Papers, Irel., 1633-1647. 

2 Perhaps the favour shown to Talbot was due to the fact that wfiile Ireton 
was engaged in besieging Limerick he had entered into terms with him to 
surrender Clare Castle, of which he was then governor. The design however 
was suspected, and Talbot was seized and imprisoned by his own men. 


178 Exportation of wolf-dogs prohibited [1052 

bark such price as it shall be worth. ..." Kilkenny, 26 
April Ib. f. 66. 


Forasmuch as we are credibly informed that wolves * do 
much increase, and destroy many cattle in several parts of this 
dominion and that some of the enemy's parties, who have laid 
down arms and have liberty to go beyond the sea, and others, do 
attempt to carry away several such great dogs, as are commonly 
called wolf-dogs, whereby the breed of them would (if not pre- 
vented) speedily decay, these are therefore to prohibit all persons 
from exporting any of the said dogs. Kilkenny, 27 April. 
Orders A/82. 42. f. 202. 


For the more effectual discovery of such rebels, thieves 
and Tories as resort unto, or are harboured in places not 
excluded from protection, by whom many murders and 
robberies are committed, and for preventing of relief and 
intelligence to the rebels by persons living in protection, it 
is declared that all persons, above the age of ten, shall register 
their names, places of abode, to what family they belong, 
their qualities or callings, age, sex, stature, colour of hair etc. 
These descriptions are to be kept in a book, and the person 
signified is to receive a ticket or pass. All persons not 
registering within forty days after publication are to be 
accounted spies and enemies and to be imprisoned. Kilkenny, 
29 April. Ib. ff. 211-7. 


" Upon the I7th of April last many of your servants came 
into Kilkenny and had a meeting with sundry of the General 
and Field Officers. The first two or three days we were 
entertained as with accounts of treaties from many parties 
of the enemy, so with the daily sad news of several small 
parties of yours, which more seriously affected us all with 

1 The wolf did not disappear from Ireland till late in the eighteenth century. 
For an interesting note on wolves and wolf-dogs see Hill, Montgomery MSS., 
p. 117 ; also Ed. Hogan's Hist, of the Irish Wolf dog. Dublin, 1897. 

1652] Commissioners' lenity towards the Irish 179 

what hath been often but too slightly upon our hearts, viz. the 
observance of our general aptness to lenity towards (and com- 
posure with) the enemy, and the several visitations upon us, 
which ordinarily have been the consequence thereof, which, with 
the sense we have of the blood-guiltiness of this people in a time 
of peace, doth (through dread of the Lord only we trust) occasion 
much remorse for particular weaknesses past in most minds 
here concerning some treaties, which are liable to be attended 
with sparing whom he is pursuing with his great displeasure ; 
and whether our patient attending rather his further severity 
upon them (though that may occasion your further great care 
and charge, and perhaps the greater hardship of your poor 
servants here) be not most safe and advisable. 

' ' And whilst we were in debate hereof, and of our dealing 
with those who yet continue in rebellion, an abstract of some 
particular murders was produced by the Scoutmaster-General * 
(who hath the original examinations 2 of them more at large), 
which indeed much informed not only ourselves and other of your 
officers, which came over in this last expedition, but others, who 
have been here from the beginning of the war professed they had 
never formerly such full and particular knowledge and sense 
thereof, and indeed so deeply were all affected with the barbarous 
wickedness of the actors in these cruel murders and massacres 
(being so publicly in most places committed) that we are much 
afraid our behaviour towards this people may never sufficiently 
avenge the same ; and fearing lest others, who are at greater 
distance, might be moved to the lenity we have found no small 
temptation in ourselves, and we not knowing but that the Parlia- 
ment might shortly be in pursuance of a speedy settlement of 
this nation, and thereby some tender concessions might be 
concluded, through your being unacquainted with these abomi- 
nations, we have caused this enclosed abstract 3 to be tran- 

1 Dr Henry Jones ; see note, p. 153. 

2 These examinations, in 33 vols, are now in the library of Trinity College, 
Dublin. (F. 2, 2-22, and F. 3, 1-12.) A selection was published in Ireland in 
the Seventeenth Century or the Irish Massacres of 1641-2, by Miss Mary 
Hickson, London, 1884. Unfortunately, owing to the want of an Index, the 
book is practically useless for historical purposes. That the examinations 
should have been regarded by Dr Jones as his private property is not the 
least curious fact connected with them. The best thing Jones dfe in his life 
was to leave his library, including the Book of Durrow, to the College. 

3 The Abstract is too long to print, and besides as documentary proof of the 
" Massacres " it is entirely worthless. (See on this point Eng. Hist. Review, 

180 Blood-guiltiness of the Irish nation [1052 

scribed and made fit for your view ; and considering that so 
many murders have been committed, that few of the former 
English were left undestroyed, especially who had any particular 
knowledge of the massacre, and of those the greatest part are 
since deceased, so that few of the rebels can be particularly 
discriminated by any evidence now to be produced, as the 
usual course of justice doth require, yet those barbarous, cruel 
murders having been so generally joined in, and since justified 
by the whole nation, we humbly offer to your most serious con- 
sideration whether (as in duty towards God, the great avenger 
of such villanies, who hath from the beginning of this war to 
this present always, in your appeal by war against them, 
appeared so signally, some of them being now already in your 
power, and there being some good hopes of reducing many more 
of them) some rules should not be by you held forth, either by 
the present despatch of the qualifications and exceptions 
formerly sent you, or such other as you (in your wisdom) shall 
judge fitting to prescribe unto your servants here, and your 
commands therein, and in all other ways of truth and justice 

i, 740-744.) As illustrating its contents I merely give the first and last entries, 
referring to counties Kilkenny and Fermanagh. 

" County of Kilkenny. A young girl stript about Easter 1642 in the City of 
Kilkenny by a butcher, her belly ript up that her entrails fell out, where the 
Mayor (on complaint of the mother) bad away with her and despatch her, 
whereupon the mother received 17 or 18 wounds, and her other child was also 
extremely wounded, and all forced out of the City by men, women and boys 
throwing stones and dirt at them, so as the two children died in a ditch. The 
Alderman of Kilkenny petitioned their council that Phillip Purcell Esq. might 
be punished for relieving of Protestants. A woman and 2 children in the City 
of Kilkenny was by the inhabitants hunted, baited and torn with dogs, stabbed 
with skeans, one of her children's guts being pulled out. At Kilkenny 7 English- 
men hanged and one Irishman, because he was taken in their company. Twelve 
murdered at the Graige, one of them (being a woman with child) had her belly 
ript up, the child falling out alive ; and a child of a year and a half old hanged, 
another of them (named Robert Pine) being twice hanged up, was cast into his 
grave and so buried quick (sitting up and saying Christ receive my soul). An 
old man hanged and afterwards dragged up and down till his bowels fell out. 
Christopher Morley and two English boys of Castlecomer hanged. One other 
English boy (8 or 9 years old) had his head cleft and before he was dead hanged 
on his father's tenter-hooks. About 3 score men, women and children murdered 
at the Graige, many of them buried alive. 

" County of Fermanagh. Arthur Champin and 16 more with him murdered. 
At another time 24. At another time 2 murdered. One killed and 14 hanged. 
Seven hanged at one time and divers others put to death. Four score men, 
women and children burned and killed in Lisgoole. At Monea Castle 8 mur- 
dered. At Tully Castle 4 score murdered. Near Cordiller 300. One more 
hanged. Fourteen Protestants hanged. Forty Protestants in the parish of 
Newtown murdered. Eighteen murdered. Thirty murdered in the parish of 
Clankelly. Twelve murdered in Newtown. William Ogdeii murdered. 
Sixty (another says 100) murdered at Tully after quarter given or promised 
them. Fifteen hanged at Lowtherstown. Two murdered at Kmawley." 

1652] Slimmer service of the army settled 181 

shall be duly observed by your." Kilkenny, 5 May. 
Domestic Corresp. A/go. 50. ff. 69-70. 


"It is now full three weeks since our coming from Dublin, 
and hitherto our abode hath been in this place, where we have 
met with most of your General and Field Officers (saving 
those in Ulster and those remote parts). Your affairs there 
(upon Col. Venables coming to us) being in some good measure 
settled and ordered at our being at Dublin ; and as, by your 
great care, there hath been good plenty of provisions timely 
made and provided for the carrying on of your service here 
this summer (for which the hungry and poor naked soldiers 
have good cause to bless God for you) so we have (by the general 
advice of your officers) disposed of the same, as may best conduce 
to that end ; and (by the same advice and directions, and to 
that great end) your forces are ordered and disposed of for this 
summer's service in the several provinces and parts of this nation, 
and therein care hath been taken for the securing your garrisons 
in all parts; and there are in the several provinces moving parties 
ready to attend all motions of the enemy, and in Wicklow and 
many other places (where the enemy doth lie in bogs, woods and 
other fastnesses) there are new garrisons planted, to prevent, as 
much as may be, their incursions into your quarters, and to fall 
in upon the enemy as opportunity shall be offered ; and besides, 
there is two considerable bodies both of horse and foot, one to 
attend the motions of Muskerry and his party about Kerry 
(which is yet wholly in the enemy's power), where are many 
ports and harbours fit to receive relief from foreign parts, and 
another about Athy in Leinster to be ready to follow the motions 
of the enemy from the bogs and woods in those parts, where 
also the enemy is very considerable, and both these parties 
are to have communion with the other forces in those parts 
adjacent as occasion shall be offered. 

" We have had late intelligence from good hands that Clanri- 
carde and the enemy from Connaught (having slighted * and 
burnt all, or most of their garrisons in those parts) are gone or 
going towards Ulster to join with Sir Phelim O'Neill, 2 Col. 

1 I.e. thrown down. Cf. Merry Wives of Windsor, Act iii, sc. 5. 

a As the leader of the Ulster Irish Sir Phelim O'Neill had played a large r61e 

182 Sharp skirmish with the Irish [1052 

Farrell, and other the enemy in Cavan and other parts of 
Ulster ; and thereupon orders are gone to three troops to join 
with Col. Venables. And the party under Sir Charles Coote, and 
the Commissary-General's party about Athlone, are to follow 
the enemy, if their motion be that way. And for the execution 
of those resolutions, some of the officers are gone from us, the 
present exigency of affairs calling for the same. 

" And before your forces could be in the field (the horse being 
weak with much duty this winter, any grass not yet to be had in 
most parts), the enemy have appeared in some places and have 
driven away cattle and other prey from some of your quarters, 
and have made sudden incursions by small parties, and have 
surprised the horse of two troops of dragoons; and hearing of our 
parties drawing towards them, they did, about the end of the last 
week move towards [Wexford], 1 whereupon two troops of horse 
were sent to the relief of your forces there, and by their timely 
coming they met with the enemy, who had preyed the quarters 
to the walls of Wexford, and being in their return with their 
prey (of at least 500 cows) our party (under command of Lieut. - 
Col. Throgmorton) met with them, your forces being 140 horse 
and 400 foot, and the enemy had (as the prisoners relate and 
were so estimated) about 250 horse and about 500 foot ; and in 
this your poor foot (not having pikes, whereof there is a general 
want) were hereby put hardly to it, and in the first encounter 
your horse made some small retreat, but (through the good hand 
of the Lord, who still appears for you and against your enemies) 
after a sharp and short dispute were broken, and 200 killed in the 
place and on the pursuit (as we can learn by best intelligence) 
and some officers of the enemy both killed and taken prisoners. 
Of our party were twenty-one lost and 100 wounded ; but no 
officer lost and but few wounded. 2 

in the Rebellion in its earliest stage. But his failure to capture Drogheda and 
the superior military ability of his cousin Owen Roe had greatly diminished his 
importance and forced him, for the greater part of the war, into the back- 
ground. As the war drew to a close he emerged from his obscurity as a guerilla 
chief, and public attention being attracted to him it was remembered that in 
taking up arms in 1641, he had alleged having had the express authority of 
Charles for doing so. The Government of the Commonwealth was extremely 
anxious to prove this point and shortly afterwards offered a reward of 100 
for his capture. See Life in Diet. Nail. Biog. 

1 Supplied from the letter actually sent and now in the Tanner MSS. liii, 
22 ; printed in Ludlow's Memoirs, i, App. IV, p. 514. 

2 As to this skirmish see Ludlow's Memoirs, i, p. 315 and Contemp. Hist, of 
Affairs, iii, pp. 86, 390. 

1652] Irish incensed against Fitzpatrick 183 

"As to Fitzpatrick (who was the first that came in and sub- 
mitted) all the Irish party are highly incensed against [him], and 
(to render him odious) have divulged this enclosed Declaration 
against him, and the clergy have excommunicated him and all 
that join with him, and some of his party have been cut off by 
the enemy, who did also cut off the ears of some whom they took 
prisoners, and Fitzpatrick hath met also with some of the enemy. 
But that, that much distracts your affairs concerning those per- 
sons, that are by engagement to be transported, is, that they 
must lie in our quarters till shipping be provided for them. But 
while we were in some straits about this there is one Captain 
White that hath contracted with Fitzpatrick for 2000 men, and 
we hope 1000 of them will be shipped next week, and by this 
means you will have a good riddance of those troublesome guests, 
there being visibly ready to be transported (had we but shipping 
ready) of Fitzpatrick's men 2000, of O'Dwyer's party about 1000 
(who are come in and arms already brought in to us), of Murtogh 
O'Brien's 1 party in Clare 2000 (whereof 1200 are already come 

1 See also p. 70, note. 

Articles of agreement made and concluded upon at Limerick the 21st of 
April 1652 between Major-Genl. Sir H. Waller, Col. Peter Stubber, Commander- 
in-Chief of the forces in the county of Clare, Col. Thos. Sadler, Lt.-Col. John 
Nelson, Governor of Kilmallock and the rest of the Council of War for, and in 
the behalf of the Parliament of the Commonwealth of England on the one part 
and Col. Murtogh O'Brien, Commander-m-Chief of the Irish Brigade in the 
County of Clare, Col. Daniel M'Namara and Lt.-Col. Fitzgerald, Commissioners 
entrusted and authorized by that Brigade on the other part as followeth, viz. 
Imprimis. That all the forces of horse and foot under Col. Murtogh O'Brien's 
command shall by the 10th of May next deliver up their arms and horses at 
or near the Castle of Clare, or Innish (Ennis) to Major-Genl. Sir~Hardress 
Waller, or whom he shall appoint for the service of the Commonwealth of 
England, and till that time the county where now they quarter is to provide 
for them. 

2. That in consideration thereof the said Col. Murtogh O'Brien with his whole 
party, that shall so deliver up their horses and arms (except what is hereafter 
excepted) shall have protection for their lives and personal estates, and live in 
such places as shall be thought fit by Major-Genl. Sir H. Waller in any place 
within our quarters, garrisons excepted, they acting nothing during that time 
to the prejudice of the Parliament, their forces or garrisons. 

3. The horsemen so delivering up their arms shall have liberty to sell their 
horses in the Parliament's quarters to their best advantage. 

4. That the aforesaid party shall have protection given them and quarters 
appointed them as shall be judged fit by Major-Genl. Sir H. Waller until the 
last of May next. 

5. That as to the real estate of any of these parties they shall have equal 
benefit with others under the like qualifications in any Articles that shall here- 
after be held out from the Parliament of the Commonwealth of England, or hath 
been since the first of February last. ^ 

6. That such of them as desire to transport themselves to serve any foreign 
State in amity with the State of England shall have liberty to treat with any 
agent or agents for that end and purpose, for the space of one year after the date 

184 Articles for the surrender of Clare forces [1052 

in and laid down their arms) ; and of those in the north (there 
are come in and mentioned in Col. Venables' letter enclosed) 
[wanting] there may be 2000 more, besides many others that 

hereof, and also to transport themselves, if they can so agree, to any such 
places ; provided they give sufficient security that they be not transported any 
otherwise to the disservice of the State of England. 

7. To the end the country may receive the less prejudice during their neces- 
sary continuance together according to the time limited, and that they may be 
enabled to satisfy the country for their quarters, the said Col. Murtogh O'Brien 
shall have liberty to collect and receive a month's contribution for all the 
officers and soldiers of his Brigade that shall at or before 10th May next bring 
in their arms as aforesaid. 

8. That the said Col. Murtogh O'Brien with all Commission Officers of his 
Brigade (excepting the excepted) shall enjoy their horses and arms with such 
attendance as shall be thought fit by Major-Genl. Sir H. Waller. 

9. That upon submission of the said Brigade of Col. Murtogh O'Brien all 
prisoners of both sides shall be enlarged and set at liberty, and those of Col. 
M. O'Brien to have protection of their lives, they giving sufficient security for 
their future good demeanour, and those who cannot give sufficient security 
to be transported for such places in amity with the Parliament of England, 
under such officers of their party as they shall choose, that shall make any such 
condition with any foreign nation as is before mentioned : Provided that the 
benefit of all or any the Articles aforesaid extend not to any one that hath been 
guilty of murders or massacres of any of the English, or any adhering to them 
since the year 1641. And for the avoiding of any scruples which at any time here- 
after may arise in the construction of the word murder, it is hereby declared and 
intended that the said murder shall be construed and extend to such person or 
persons as have in the year aforesaid or since murdered any English person or 
others not then in arms, and that the same shall not extend to any men killed 
where forts or castles were besieged in the year aforesaid or since, and that the 
same shall extend only to such person or persons as have committed or acted 
any such murder if any be, and not to others. 

10. That all crimes, offences, and trespasses of what nature or condition 
soever done or committed as soldiers since the first day of the wars of Ireland in 
the year 1641, by the said Col. Murtogh O'Brien, or any officer or soldier of 
the said Brigade against any of the English nation or any of their adherents 
shall be absolutely forgiven to the said Colonel and all other the officers and 
soldiers of the party, so that the said Colonel nor any of the said party shall 
ever hereafter be questioned for act or acts done since the wars (except before 

11. Provided that the benefit of these Articles extend not to any priest, or 
other of the Romish clergy in orders further than the said Major-Genl. doth 
undertake industriously to solicit the Commissioners of Parliament that such of 
the clergy in orders, having no other act or crime laid to their charge than 
officiating their function as priests not being suffered to live in quarters or 
protection, shall have passes and liberty to go beyond the seas, nor to any other 
officer or soldier that hath taken away the lives of our party after quarter given, 
and provided also that the benefit of them extend not to any that have been 
formerly of the Parliament's party and deserted their colours since the Lord- 
Lieutenant Cromwell's first arrival and are or may be now in the said party. 

12. That if it appears that any horseman embezzles his horse or arms, or any 
foot soldier his arms or any part of them he shall upon the proof thereof, forfeit 
the benefit of these Articles ; and lastly it is concluded and agreed upon that 
the breach of these Articles in any one person shall not extend to reach further 
than the person that is so found guilty of the said breach, and that if any of the 
said party of what quality or condition whatsoever shall delay the accepting of 
the said Articles, it shall be free for as many of the rest as shall think fit to come 
and enjoy the full benefit of them. And moreover the Major-Genl. doth 
give way besides the month's pay allowed them at their coming in, that they 

1652] Applications of the Irish to treat 185 

(of late) have submitted and made agreement with Commissary- 
General Reynolds. 1 

"There have of late been many applications made from several 
chief officers of the enemy's party to treat, since the agreement 
with Fitzpatrick, and that business is ready for a conclusion, and 
to that end the Commissary-General, Col. Hewson, Col. Law- 
rence, Col. Axtell, Adjutant-General Allen, with some others are 
gone with instructions, agreed on at a Council of Officers, by an 
unanimous consent, the effect whereof are the conditions Col. 
Venables was authorised to give to those in Ulster, and the effect 
and matter of their instructions are mentioned in the Articles 
agreed on in Ulster, which are enclosed [wanting], and that 

shall reckon and account with the country for what they can demand of them as 
pay, and as the country is able, they shall satisfy them in a reasonable manner, 
wherein if the country and they differ upon the sum demanded as too heavy 
and burdensome, it shall be then referred to the Major-Genl. to set down what 
the country is willing and able to pay, as also further to such of the said party as 
by their future carriage and demeanour shall give testimony and satisfaction 
of their good affection and change of their judgments and ways, such endeavour 
shall be used as they be rendered or deemed capable of employment or trust in 
the Parliament's service, so long as it shall be thought fit ; and in regard that 
officers of Col. Murtogh O'Brien allege that they are under the command of the 
Lord Muskerry, it is concluded and agreed that if the Lord Muskerry shall make 
better conditions for his party in Kerry, than is granted to Col. Murtogh O'Brien's 
party before the last 01 May next, then Col. Murtogh O'Brien shall have the 
benefit of such Articles as shall be given to the Lord of Muskerry's party ; and 
lastly the Commissioners of Col. Murtogh O'Brien, whose hands are here 
subscribed do engage themselves within six days after the date hereof, to send 
to Col. Stubbers to Clare Castle the number of officers and soldiers of Col. 
O'Brien's party that accept of these conditions, and sufficient hostages for per- 
formance thereof. In testimony whereof we the undernamed do interchange- 
ably set our hands and seals the day and year above written. Peter Stubber, 
Thomas Sadler, John Nelson. Signed, sealed and delivered in presence of us, 
William Miller, Donogh M'Namara, Daniel M'Namara, Ben Lucas, Geo. Degor. 

I do hereby testify that I received Col. Murtogh O'Brien's party upon Articles 
which I well remember to be for the materials and substantial parts according 
to this copy, the original being delivered and approved of by the then Commis- 
sioners of the Commonwealth, and the performance thereof at no time ques- 
tioned or infringed nor any complaint hitherto (that I have ever heard of) for 
any breach of any of the said Articles, as witness my hand and seal this 22nd of 
November 1655. Har. Waller. I do hereby further certify that more particu-