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16 OCTOBER 1990 

InFonasa TiOn 


PRS Report— 

East Asia 

Southeast Asia 

Vietnam: TAP CH! CONG SAN 
No 4, April 1990 

rer a 
East Asia 
Southeast Asia 

No 4, April 1990 

Ha ee 

| This report is a translation of the table of contents and selected articles from the monthly theoretical and political 
journal of the Vietnam Communist Party published in Hanoi Notations in the table of contents indicate articles 
previously published or not translated | 

The 8th Plenum of the CPV Central Committee (6th Term) 
[Published in FBIS-EAS- 90-060, 28 Mar 90 by i 
Put the Lofty ts of President Ho Chi wb tate Actual Practice in Today's Life 
(Nguyen Van Linh, published in FBIS-EAS. 90-095 16 May 90 pp 53-56) 
Dialectics in the Military Thinking of President Ho Chi Minh /Hoang Minh Thao. not translated) 
Ho Chi Minh—A Great Culturist, /Song Thanh, not translated) 
President Ho Chi Minh and the Implementation of Human Rights in Our Country /Deo Tr Uc) 
President Ho's Measures for 1-34 New Culture /Do Huy, not translated] 
Fifteen Year>—Look Back in Order To See the Future /Tran Bach Dang/ 

iio — ee — 

Exchange of Opinions 
Measures To Renovate Education /Ho Ngoc Dai, not translated) oy) 
Opinions and Experience 
A Number of Political and Social Problems With Respect to Today's Youths /'u Mao/ 10 
Standardize and Control the Quality of Agricultural Products in Our Country 
(Hoang Manh Tuan. not translated) 13 
A Number of New Views on Foreign Economics /Luu Van Dat, not translated] 13 
The Explosion of Credit Funds—Something That Is Both Welcome and Cause for Concern 
/Huy Minh, not translated) . 13 
Consumer Goods Packaging and Labeling and Export Activities in Our Country 
/Pham Phu Uynh; not translated) ...... 13 
The Buon Gia Vam State Farm Has Done a Good Job of Managing Forest Assets 
[Nguyen Thanh Van, not translated) - 13 
The Correct Orientation of a Local Industrial Federation (Nguyen Ngoc Khiem, not translated] 13 
The Employment Problem Based on Actual Studies in a Number of Southern Provinces 
{Truong Xuan Truong/ .... 14 
The World: Issues and Events 

Welcoming a New Era in the World Economy /Le Tinh, not translated i8 

16 October 1990 

The 8th Plenum of the CPV Central Committee 
(6th Term) 

00000000 Hanoi TAP CHI CONG SAN in Vietnamese 
No 4, Apr 90 pp 1-4 

[Article Published in FBIS-EAS-90-060, 28 Mar 90 
pp 66-67) 

Put the Lofty of President Ho Chi 
Minh Into Retna! Prontine in Today's Life 
00000000 Hanoi TAP CHI CONG SAN in Vietnamese 
No 4, Apr 90 pp 5-8, 20 

Article by Nguyen Van Linh, published in FBIS- 
AS-90-095, 16 May 90 pp 53-56) 

Dialectics in the Military Thinking of President 
Ho Chi Minh 

00000000 Hanoi TAP CHI CONG SAN in Vietnamese 
No 4, Apr 90 pp 9-13, 30 

{Article by Hoang Minh Thao, not translated] 

Ho Chi Minh—A Great Culturist 

00000000 Hanoi TAP CHI CONG SAN in Vietnamese 
No 4. Apr 90 pp 14-20 

{Article by Song Thanh, not translated) 

President Ho Chi Minh and the Implementation 
of Human Rights in Our Country 

902602614 Hanoi TAP CHI CONG SAN 
in Vietnamese No 4, Apr 90 pp 21-25 

[Article by Dao Tri Uc, PhD in Law, head of the State 
and Law Institute of the Social Planning Commission] 

[Text) The target of establishing and solidifying the 
people's regime was clearly expressed by President Ho 
Chi Minh as follows: “Today, we have built the Demo- 
cratic Republic of Vietaam. But in an independent 
country, if the peopic don't have freedom, independence 
is meaningless.” [Footnote |] [Ho Chi Minh: “For Inde- 
pendence and Freedom and for Sociaiism,.” Su That 
Publishing House, Hanoi, 1970, page 58) 

the interests of the ruling class, If that 1s 80, why do we 
say that “all power belongs to the people’ Concerning 
this, Marx wrote: “Only th the common rights of 
society can a class demand w rule.” [Footnote 
2) (C. Marx and F. Engels, “Selected Works,” Su That 
Publishing House, Hanoi, 1980, volume |, page 40] 

Within the sphere of bourgeois democracy, particularly 
just after the victory of the bourgeois revolution, in 
exercising its political power, the bourgeois class, too, 
must accept a diffusion of power Moreover, even within 
the bourgeois class, there are various interest groups. 
Recognizing the interests of the various classes is a good 
way to maintain the interests and political power of the 
bourgeois class. 

In the socialist revolution and in socialist construction, 
combining the class nature and human nature of political 
power is a fundamental problem. Above all, this is 
manifested in the interests of the workers in conjunction 
with the interests of other laboring classes. Because of 
this, this must not and can not manifest power in an 
isolated manner On the other hand (and this is an even 
more important problem), to reach its class goals, which 
are also the common targets of society, the worker class 
must have various forms of power to promptly and 
adequately acknowledge and reflect the interests of the 
other elements of society and represent the different 
needs of sucial progress. 

But the problem is not simply one of a quantitative 
increase in social interests but new qualitative develop- 
ment if we are to have a formula for satisfying the 
different interests This is a dynamic political mecha- 
nism. In this, one factor does not have to yield to 
another Instead. this must be a coordinated mechanism 
with the various factors stimulating each other based on 
interests and the motive force of interests—economic 
interests, social interests. political interests, and so on. 

If the powers “of the people” and “for the people” 
symbolize the nature and targets of our system, political 
power “by the people” is automatically implemented 
Besides the functions that manifest the nature of this, 
this is the “total amount” that indicates the level of 

development of socialist democracy in our system 

When talking about the party, President Ho Chi Minh 
clearly said that “party solidarity is not enough for the 
revolution to succeed There musi be solidarity among 
the people of the entire country.” And “as compared 
with the total number of people, there are very few party 
members. with only one party member for hundreds of 
people.” [Footnote 3) [Ho Chi Minh, “Collected 
Works,” Su That Publishing House, Hanoi, 1984, 
volume 4. page 450] This viewpoint shows that President 
Ho was imbued with Lenin's view that “a small number 
of people, meaning the party. cannot implement social- 
ism... Only after tens of millions of people have studied 

ways to establish socialism will it be possible to imple: 
ment socialiem.” [Footnote 4] [V 1. Lenin, “Collected 
Works,” Progress Publishing House, Moscow, 1977, 
volume 36. page 64] 

When talking about the thoughts of President Ho on 
mass work, many researchers have focused only on the 
concept of serving the masses. Because of this, mass 
agitation has been viewed mainly from that perspective 
and based on the need to “become deeply involved with 
the masses,” “listen” to the views of the masses, “asso- 
ciate closely” with the masses, and so on Naturally, 
those are very important themes of mass agitation 
President Ho strongly criticized the “revolutionary man- 
daring’ and “gentiemen” in the zones and provinces 
who put on airs when they go to localities [Footnote 5] 
Ho Chi Minh, “Collected Works,” Su That Publishing 

ouse, Hanoi, 1984, volume 4, page 461) He criticized 
those who thought that they could gain the love of the 
people just by calling themselves “communists.” [Foot- 
note 6] [Ibid., volume 5, page 184] He pointed out that 
an important standard for evaluating the revolutionary 
quality of various echelon cadres 1s whether they “stay in 
close contact with the masses and always give attention 
to the interests of the masses.” [Footnote 7) [Ibid., 
volume 4, pages 494, 495) 

But there is another aspect of President Ho's thinking to 
which researchers have given little attention. That is his 
thinking on the true role of the masses with respect to the 
ime, or his ideas on a regime “by the people.” He 

to the people as the “masters” of the country 

and — and as the subject of civil power as imple- 
mented by citizens. No one can grant them power or give 
them “more” or “less” power. Since the very first days of 
the Democratic Republic of Vietnam, he realized that 
the regime could maintain its popular nature and 
struggle on behalf of the people only if the people built 
that regime As everyone knows, the first general clection 
in Vietnam was organized in very difficull conditions 
only several months after seizing power. But the clection 
was a brilliant success. President Ho made an emotional 

appeal to the people to vote 

“Tomorrow is 6 January 1946. Tomorrow is a day that 
will pul our nation on a new path. Tomorrow is a 
glorious day for our people, because tomorrow is the day 
of the general election and tomorrow is the first day in 
Vietnam's history in which the people will begin to 
exercise their human nmghts Tomorrow, our people will 
freely choose people worthy to represent them and carry 
out the tasks of the country.” [Footnote 8) [Ho Chi 
Minh, “Selected Works.” Su That Publishing House, 
Hanoi, 1960, volume |, page 228] 

On the other hand, just afier the new regime was 
established. President Ho realized that steps had to be 
taken to guard against and oppose bureaucratic cen. 
tralism. He saw the danger of the regime becoming 
corrupted and of the masses being left out of the power 
mechanism. He spoke many times about ‘revolutionary 
mandarins,” just as Engels had talked about ‘proletarian 

JPRS-ATC 90-010 
16 October 1990 

mandarins.” In his well-known work “The State and 
Revolution,” Lenin clearly said thal 4 proper state is a 
worker state But using tricky bureaucratic practices, 
there are those who want to prevent this 

Why is there political corruption, and why are people lef 
out of the power mechanism”? 

The reason for this has to do with the bureaucratic and 
command mechanim and dogmatic views concerning 
socialiam That mechanism and those views have held 
back the development of the people's political character 
and their social activeness Every manifestation of inde- 
pendent thinking is in danger of being labeled as “leftist” 
or “rightist.” Individuals and individualism are synon- 
ymous with “petty bourgeois manifestations or the 
“bourgeoisie.” In “Change Work Methods,” which was 
written in 1947, President Ho discussed the evils of such 
manifestations. He said that we have many talented and 
creative people. Bul because our leadership methods are 
weak and bureaucratic practices are still strong, these 
people are buried and not promoted. [Footnote ®| [Ho 
Chi Minh, “Collected Works,” Su That Publishing 
House, Hanoi, 1984, volume 4, pages 452, 453) 

The bureaucratic apparatus and mechanism must be 
subordinate to the individual and not to laws, which 
could easily lead to granting and maintaining special 
rights and privileges The changes have reached the point 
where special rights and privileges are part of the steps 
for evaluating people It has reached the point where 
people have become the target of subjective desires The 
head of an organization has the power to “promote” 
whomever he wants or to abuse or dismiss “stubborn” 
people. President Ho pointed out that in such circum. 
stances, the masses don't say anything, not because they 
don't have ideas about this, but because they don't think 
that higher echelons will listen or take action and 
because they fear being reprimanded [Footnote 10) 
[Ibid., pages 456, 457] changes have stunted the 
creativity and active nature of the people, and so how 
can we talk about the people's concept of citizenship” 

But the main reason for the slow development of a 
concept of citizenship and of a political culture 1s the low 
level of economic development. Even now, in building 
the economy and renovating politics, the correct obser- 
vations of President Ho on the “main characteristics” of 
our country in the process of advancing to socialism 
must be used as the basis for proposing policies and 

Clearly, given our poor and backward economic cond. 
tions, even though the regime is theirs, the laboring 
people do not have an adequate cconomic basis to 
become closely involved with it. The strongest motive 
for maintaming political power is still economic inter. 
ests Added to that, the localities have been divided into 
closed in. self-sufficient zones that have little interaction 
with and that are not dependent on the centralized 
distribution mechanism of the state. In such conditions. 
certain people now “think and act on behalf of the 

16 October 1990 

people "' It has reached the point where the interests and 
desires of the people are ignored. 

On the other hand, during the war, the state apparatus 
had to take the lead in organizing the national welfare 
and the people's livelihood, As a result, the people 
became used to depending on the state. They did not 
clearly see their role, That was fertile ground for the 
growth of bureaucratic centraliam. 

The question here is: Should and can democracy and the 
powers of the people and by the people be implemented 
in conditions in which the economy is still poor and 
backward or must this wait until a certain level of 
economic development has been reached” 

The past 45 years of building and consolidating the 
regime in our country have shown that this is essential 
and that the problem of building a political structure and 
power mechanism is one of the leading problems. 

The above arguments about the process of building 
political and legal mechanisms that can be used as tools 
by the people in performing their role as political masters 
in our country have affirmed that in Vietnam and in a 
number of other Asian and African countries (unlike in 
European countries), the process of developing political 
mechanisms, political character, and political culture 
takes place both within and outside the scope of eco- 
nomic interests. Or this can economic interests, 
particularly in the sphere of democratic freedoms. The 
aim of strengthening and promoting democratic values 
and preconditions before the economic preconditions 
are might 1s to accelerate the democratic process, create 
the conditions for the people to learn about democracy, 
form the capabilities of citizens, and use the ee 
of the people in building a civilized and 

society After the economy has been tabi- 
lized, and expanded, political concepts and mechanisms 
must be given more attention and placed within the orbit 
of economic development and economic and social 
interests Creating and solidifying the economic and 
social preconditions will build a clear path for imple- 
menting the powers of the people. 

By implementing the ideas of President Ho, a = 
giving attention to basic methods and paths in 

perfect democracy, improve cultural and pola stan 
dards. and improve the self-management ties of 
the people This is the path for developing the economy 

and renovating ihe economic mechanism. On one hand, 
economic democracy is a recognition of the social role of 
the economic elements and economic forces. On the 

other hand, in the sphere of the ; 
means giving production and commerci:! nghts to 
production installations. In this process, there will 
ually be a reduction in the pressure applied from 
down, and the creativity and independence of 

will be strengthened through implementing the 
ship and business nm and clearly 


3 3 

citizens unless the economic and social interests of the 
people are clear, Here, we can see more clearly the 
viewpoints on the relationship between economic reno- 
vation and political renovation. As the economy grows 
and becomes more varied, political concepts and the 
concept of citizenship will have a basis for developing 
and becoming more varied That is the objective basis of 
political renovation and the construction of an effective 
political system 

President Ho frequently said that if an organizational or 
work method was not suiied to the masses, we must have 
the courage to abandon or change that method. If a 
method is suited to the masses, even if we don't yet have 
such a method, we must take steps to implement it 
[Footnote 11] [Tbid., volume 4, pages 459, 460) We must 

ly understand that idea in order to renovate the 

and forms used to implement the powers of the 
people That is, we must renovate the political system in 
our country. This political system must be the product of 
economic democracy, and it must ensure economic 
development. It must reflect and fully represent the 
interests and progressive needs of al! classes, people, and 
elements in society Such a political system must be 
planned in such a way so as to reduce manifestations of 
bureaucratism and individualism, misuse of power, cor- 
ruption, and irresponsible acts as much as possible. To 
do this, there must be a structure of organizations that 
truly represent the powers of the people. These must 
have real capabilities so that they can represent the 
people. In doing this, the people's system of representa- 
tives must be maintained, and the management organi- 
zations must not be allowed to go outside the orbit of 
maintaining the powers of the people There must be 
forms to implement democracy directly and laws to 
guarantee the democratic mghts of the people in the 
spheres of carrying on press and publishing activities, 
establishing associations, holding meetings and marches, 
going on strike, and exercising religious freedoms. The 
laws must be of the people, by the people. and for the 
people. To this end, there must be a mechanism to 
formulate, ——- and implement laws in a demo- 
cratic and scient manner There must also be a 
mechanism to contro! and inspect the activities of the 
OTBANIZALIONS, agencies, Mass organizations, and citizens 
to ensure that they are obeying the constitution and laws. 
The legal system—civi!, criminal, and administrative 
laws—+tr ust be renovated. The organizations that uphold 
the laws and the laws thai serve as a basis for the 
activities of these organizations—the Labor Law, the 
Civil Code and civil proceedings, the Criminal Code and 
criminal proceedings, the administrative laws, and the 
laws on the organization and activities of organizations 
such as the public security forces, the organs of control, 
and the courts—must be renovated Today. this renova- 
tion is being carried on very slowly, and there sre still no 
clear guidelines. The legal system must be thoroughly 
renovated in a democratic, humane, and effective 

manner based on ensuring the independence and objec- 
tive nature of the judicial organizations, strengthening 
them materially and providing them with technical 

equipment, raising the professional standards— 
particularly the level of understanding of the law—of the 
cadres in the judicial and clearly deter. 
mining the ive scientific bases in evaluating 
the results of the activities of the judicial organizations. 

Thus, in order to implement the of the pecnie, 
synchronized efforts must be , and there must be 
basic and all-round renovation. As President Ho 
reminded us, we must not “cling obstinately to the old 

President Ho's Measures for Building a New 

00000000 Hanoi TAP CHI CONG SAN in Vietnamese 
No 4, Apr 90 pp 26-30 

[Article by Do Huy, not translated] 

Fifteen Vears—Look Back in Order To See the 

902E0236A Hanoi TAP CHI CONG SAN 
in Vietnamese No 4, Apr 90 pp 31-37 

{Article by Tran Bach Dang) 

[Text] Editor's Note: Summarizing the construction and 
defense of our socialist Vietnamese fatherland during the 
past |5 years based and, based on that, learning practical 

actively if this is to be done well. We have printed the 
following article in order to add another voice in sum- 
marizing things. [end ed.tor's note. 

than construction. No one comparison is rational, 
because that is too simple and there are ve and 
objective conditions. The specific needs of society in 
each historical stage change in terms of character, 
strategy and methods of implementation. 

The past |5 years are now most 
useful thing 1s that we can learn economic lessons from 
those |5 years for use now 

agree completely with the statement by Tuan Tu: Nature 
continues to operate normally without consideration for 

social sphere, man plays a decisive role. 

Although just a very short period, these past 15 years 
have been very rich years. 

Economic historians in the country will have much to 
say about different periods of these 15 years of 

starting from after the great victory on 30 April 1975, 
using vanous documents and maps to reflect the progress 

16 October 1990 

made and the challenges faced by our economy. In this 
article, | will start from thal everyone can 
understand without req any special knowledge in 
order to highlight the main stages of the past 15 years. 
The value of the divisions in this article is relative and 
even subjective. Obviously, | have relied on the phe- 
nomena in Ho Chi Minh City and southern Vietnam—a 
region which, like it of not, is representative of our 
country's new period of development. 

1, From 30 April 1975 to the end of 1976 

In the space of about 18 months, the south's economy in 
continued to function in accord with the thi 
over from the old system such as consumer 
and a number of raw materials. During that period, the 

economic sphere even though 
very difficult to “achieve a status quo,” not only for 
political reasons but also because we had to shift from a 
wartime to a peacetime economy, the old sources of aid 
had dried up, former foreign customers had canceled the 
contracts, corporations had pulled out of the 
country, and international financial organizations 
refused to give us any loans or aid. 

2. From the beginning of 1977 to the end of 1978 

to reform the compradors was expanded to the commer- 
cial bourgeoisie and the bourgeoisie in general. Along 
with this, there were serious floods that did great damage 
to the crops in the Mekong Delta. In the rural areas, we 

to transform ure. Production collectives, 

ives, and state were established. The com- 
mercial sector was nationalized, the system of distribu- 
tion in kind began to be applied in the urban and rural 
areas. The production of agricultural products and con- 
sumer goods stagnated because of the lack of raw mate- 
rials, because the mechanism was not tied to commodity 
production, and because the management mechanisr 
was changed suddenly and the people in charge lack« 

3. From the beginning of 1979 to the fall of 1985 

The year 1979 was the lowest point ever in the south's 
economy. In that year, along with the successes in 
helping Cambodia topple Pol Pot, our country had to 
deal with a major military offensive launched by the 
Chinese along our northern border. At the same time, we 
had to continue to help Cambodia resist Pol Pot's forces. 
Because of the poor harvests in 1978, there was a 
shortage of grain. The policy of transforming agriculture 
achieved very little, the prices of agricultural products 
were irrational, control stations were set up along the 

16 October 1990 

main river and land communications routes, and Ho Chi 
Minh City had to eat other cereals besides rice and 

At the end of 1978 and the beginning of 1979, this 
situation forced the Ho Chi Minh City party organiza- 
tion to consider ways to solve these problems. ‘‘Solu- 
tions” began to appear at a number of state enterprises 
that produced consumer 5. Long An Province par- 
ticipated in this embryonic renovation by “raising sala- 
ries.” The resolution of the 6th Plenum of the CPV 
Communist Party of Vietnam) Central Committee (4th 

erm) used the experiences of Ho Chi Minh City, Long 
An Province, and several other place to formulate a 
unified policy. A number of aepects of the mechanism 
were revised. In 1980, the results were very encouraging. 
However, this was a time of fierce struggle between the 
renovationist tendencies and conservative tendencies as 
manifested on one hand by the policy to free the produc- 
tion strength, switch to economic accounting, and give 
greater authority to the bases and localities and on the 
othe: hand by the policy to implement strict planning, 
deliver products, have state subsidies and bureaucratic 
centralism, continue to “transform” agriculture, and 
extend “transforming” industry and commerce to 
manual workers, small traders, the food and drink and 
ready-made clothing sectors, and barbers. As a result, 
there were advances and retreats. The | »sitive “shoots” 
were easily destroyed. Or it was difficult to expand the 
sphere. Centralism and state subsidies continued to 
control the economic line, and the socialist construction 
model was still not in accord with Vietnam's special 
characteristics. Although it was said that “permission 
has been given to keep the five economic elements,” 
everything depended on the state sector. Nothing had 
been done to the form of ownership or the right 
to usc the means of production in the industrial (includ- 
ing small industry and handicrafts), agricultural, com- 
mercial, or service spheres. Voluntarism was main- 
tained, and the main emphasis was still on heavy 
industry. Furthermore, specific policies were often 
changed. Negative aspects appeared, and if the conser- 
vatives viewed something as negative, the “ax fell.” 
Directives, including oral directives and even resolu- 
tions of the highes! echelons of the party, regulated the 

In this long st , by the beginning of 1984, there were 
signs that the was succeeding in saving 
the economy. Throughout 1984 to the fall of 1985, the 
economy gradually recovered, production expanded, the 
purchasing power of the dong increased, and the living 
conditions of the people improved. The state subsidies 
system was relaxed, and economic accounting began to 
be used in a number of service sectors such as the grain 

4. From the fall of 1985 to the end of 1986 

The price and currency changes in September 1985 
struck a hard blow at the economy, which had just found 
the right path. The conservative backlash attacked the 

reforms and returned the situation to & point just as 
dangerous as that prior to 1979. There was a slowdown 
in production. State subsidies remained in control. 
Prices skyrocketed, as did inflation. The danger of eco- 
nomic collapse became clear for all to see. 

The Sixth Party Congress faced the truth ~ ye The 
party engaged in serious self-criticism and cially 
passed renovation resolutions on a marcocosmic scale, 
with priority given to renovating thinking concerning the 
economic mechanism. 

5. From after the Sixth Congress to the present 

The years 1987 and 1988 were a time of healing the 
wounds caused by the disastrous incidents in the fall of 
1985. This was done using a variety of new measures. 
This included gradually eliminating state subsidies, 
exploiting a number of society's commercial production 
capabilities, beginning to open the door to foreign com- 
merce and foreign investment, privatizing a number of 
consumer goods production sectors and service sectors, 
recognizing the land use rights and agricultural circula- 
tion freedoms of the peasants afier paying their taxes, 
decentralizing a number of sectors, giving more indepen- 
dence to the production and service organizations and 
the localities, and gradually democratizing social life. 

It can be said that by the end of 1988, the most damaging 
legacies of prior mistakes and the old mechanism had 
been eliminated. And as we know, 1989 presented a 
varied socioeconomic face, vhich some people called 
“prosperity.” Although this evaluation is not entirely 
correct and is somewhat of an exaggeration, the 
improvement in the socioeconomic sphere was obvious. 

Stated differently, in 1989, renovation became a part of 
life on a broad scale and to a certain depth. And by the 
time this article is published, this will have been 
underway for only about 15 months. Obviously to have 
achieved such good results in only 15 months is the 
result of a process of struggle. But there are still things 
that must be eliminated, and this will be very difficult. 

Something that is now very favorable to us is that the 
Vietnamese army has fulfilled its obligations to Cam- 
bodia. What is unfavorable to us is that almost all of the 
socialist countries have entered a period of great crisis. 
In some places, socialism, the leadership rights of the 
communist party, and the role of the laborers have been 
eliminated, or at least severely restricted. There are 
many complex reasons for this crisis, but the main 
reasons are incorrect ideas concerning socialism and the 
leading role of the communist party, the arrogance and 
corruption of a number of party members who are 
remote from the people, the lack of independence and 
realistic action, and the influence of outsiders. 

The serious confusion in a number of socialist countries 
is indicative of the pressing need to renovate thinking 

concerning socialism and the process of socialist con- 
struction, This also means that thinking must be supple- 

mented and updated There must be a thorough under- 
standing of the methodology of the founders of scientific 
socialism in accord with the historical conditions and 
realities of each country. The contradictions that have 
arisen in life must be discovered and used correctly 
Socialist construction must be tied to the interests of the 
nation and to the material and spiritual interests «each 
person in the realm of human rights and civic rights. And 
this must be tied to perfecting the leading vanguard units 
in a world that is very dynamic as a result of the leaps 
made by science and technology. 

In the last 15 years—disregarding the war, woich was 
carried on at various levels for 14 years—we have lost at 
least three important opportunities. First, after the 
country was completely liberated, if we had had e 
Marxist scientific viewpoint and had correct economic 
thinking, we could have made good use of our political 
power and our capabilities to mobilize the intelligence 
and talents of our citizens the relatively modern mate- 
rial and technical bases, and the managerial practices 
and experiences of the south in order to enable the 
country to play an important economic role in Southeast 
Asia. This would have been true in spite of the embargo 
by the United States and its allies and it spite of the fact 
that China and reactionary groups in the country still 
nurtured the idea of restoring their evil system. This 
squandering of Vietnam's assets (including brainpower), 
stemmed from arrogance in victory, trom the “self- 
reliance’ of the small peasants, and from the dogmatism 
of the petty bourgeoisie in alliance with the feudal class 
mechanism. As a result of this, we slighted the produc- 
tion and scientific and technical forces and moved 
backward instead of forward. It must be said that the 
model of socialism that northern Vietnam had followed 
since 1955 was a copy of the Soviet and Chinese models. 
On the other hand, looking at the objective conditions in 
half of the country, because the infrastructure and poten- 
tial there was very weak, because intellectual standards 
were low, and because of the need to aid the revolution 
in the south, help the revolutions in Laos and Cambodia, 
and oppose the enemy's cruel war of destruction, it was 
difficult for that model to manifest its capabilities. What 
is unfortunate is that our great victory in 1975 opened up 
a new opportunity, but the party did not respond quickly 
enough to grasp the new factors. Here, thinking became 
dogmatic, there was bureaucratic centralism, the cadres 
and party members became bogged down in outdated 
mechanisms, and rigid organizations bore most of the 


Second, after the shockwaves of 1978 and 1979, we woke 

ip and went back to the sociceconomic construction 
models. Even though we had lost many bases and people, 
it was not too late. “Removing™ the patches, whenever 
the microcosmic made progress, it was blocked or even 
smashed by the macrocosmic. Once again the old dis- 
eases caused mistakes to be made. 

16 October 1990 

Third, the situation in 1984 and the beginning of 1985 
improved. But instead of exploiting that, we “turned off 
the light’ by adjusting prices in a subjective, volunta- 
ristic, and authoritarian manner. In the final analysis, 
there was only one reason for the slowness of those 10 

Fortunately, the Sixth Party Congress launched a reno- 
vation movement aimed at overcoming this slowness 
and generating new development. The ups and downs of 
these 15 years have given us much valuable experience. 

The country is seeing some initial “rays of light.” The 
problems do not stop with the encouraging res on 
grain production, the stabilization of prices, or the 
reduction in tnflation. The problem, as others before us 
have said, is: If you use money as an example, you can 
mend the bonnet and gown neatly. If you use history as 
an example, you will know success and defeat. 

Nurturing those initial rays of light is very painstaking. 
It's hard work and painful to bring about those rays. 

These 15 years have been a great teacher of ours. They 
have taught us to avoid dogmatism and to avoid copying 
the models of other places. We must start from our 
country’s specific circumstances in order to formulate 
targets for each period and formulate strategies and 
tactics and deploy suitable forces to hit those targets. We 
must not gain knowledg ‘hrough hearsay only ~r imitate 
others blindly. The failures in 13 of those 15 years were, 
in the final analysis, due to dogmatism, from our view- 
points to our social organization. Our so-called “view- 
point’ was not a proletarian viewpoint or Vietnamese 
proletarian viewpoint. Reforming, nationalicing, and 
cooperativizing things regardless of the specific condi- 
tions and results are the things that brought us close to 
feudalism. And there were many other things: back- 
ground-ism and verdicts on matters large and small that 
were made by certain people in power instead of the 
public. The resolution of the Fourth Party Congress set a 
target of 20 million tons of grain, a target that was hit 15 
years later. That shows the level of our idealism. 

The old dogma is viewed as no longer having the strength 
to threaten our country, people, or party—although it is 
still dangerous. But today, there is a new dogma. This 
says: East Europe and the Soviet Union are carrying on 
reforms. Vietnam should follow their example. 

We were foolish once, and this caused us much grief for 
almost 15 years—in the north, the damage began in 
1955. No one can be so stupid a second time. What is 
happening in Eastern Europe? The tumors must be 
removed. But once the sphere of renovation has been 
broken and disturbances have arisen, it will be difficult 
for socialism to survive. National independence, democ- 
racy, and the material lives of each upright citizen are 
being threatened. Think about who is profiting from this. 
Many parties and organizations are disseminating all 
types of information, some of which is true and some of 
which isn't. So-called “data" aimed at slandering honest 
people have become the orthodox view. Is this what 

16 October 1990 

those who had hoped to establish a wholesome and 
wonderful society want? Evil elements and opportunists 
will make use of injustices in many ways and, like 
magicians, turn everything upside down. 

We must understand this lesson very clearly. Although 
we still face difficulties, we know what we must do. Some 
people have used Thailand as an example to criticize our 
slowness. We don't need to explain that Thailand's 
situation is different from ours. But based on the devel- 
opment trends of 1989, we do not think that Vietn. m is 
“at the bottom’ among countries in Southeast Asia And 
this view has a scientific basis. | will cite a «.nple 
example, Vietnam is a socialist country. It is also a 
third-world country. But we have a very small foreign 
debt. Today, we owe only $3 billion and 8 billion rubles 
(which is approximately $1.3 billion if you use the 
ruble-to-dollar exchange rate announced by the Soviet 
government, that is, 6 rubles to the dollar [as published]) 
at a time time when our gross social product is approx- 
imately $16 billion. 

The most important thing with respect to the nation’s 
fate and the lives of the Vietnamese people is that the 
situation must be stabilized. The scope of stability is 
very broad: The state must not overturn the renovation 
policy as happened in the fall of 1985. A few deviations 
here and there must not cause us to restore state subsi- 
dies and administrative centralism. We must promote 
renovation even more and use economic results to eval- 
uate the policies. The cumbersome management mech- 
anism, which has many layers, must be replaced by a 
dynamic apparatus. A political program and long-term 
socioeconomic strategy must be announced soon, and 
laws must be promulgated in the near future. Democratic 
reforms must be carried out on a large scale through the 
legislative, executive, and judicial organizations and 
through the mass organizations. The leading party must 
be reorganized in accord with the formula of separating 
guided and intellectual leadership from administrative 
power. The quality of the party members must be viewed 
as more important than the number of party members. 
The party must not be turned into an ordinary mass 
organization. Rather, it must be composed of the 
“cream” of society. As the experiences of many socialist 
countries show, stability must penetrate deeply into the 
concept of responsibility of each citizen. The viewpoint 
must be: stabilize in order to renovate; renovate in order 
to stabilize. These are two sides of the same coin. 
Stability does not mean rejecting basic and necessary 
changes concerning key problems. The viewpoint is to 
build the country given the internal and international 
conditions, divide the responsibilities for leading and 
managing society under the light of the scientific 
advances, and rearrange the economic and social struc- 
ture and the system, including employing people based 
on the renovation standards. Conversely, renovation 
does not mean denying or overturning everything. That 
would rot benefit our country or people. It would lead to 
anarchy and irresponsibility and provide a good en- 
ronment for opportunists who want to disrupt the work 
of the people and nation. 

Another thing that is just as important is to eliminate the 
fear of wealthy people from renovation thinking. Social 
fairness must have a more scientific form in conditions 
in which the country's greatest task is to build a material 
and technical base, which will texe several decades. It's 
true that there is an income ge etween the different 
classes of people—based on their consumpticn capabil- 
‘ties. illegal activities must be prevented. We do not 
want to reduce the incomes of those who have earned 
their money legitimately. Instead, the goal is to raise the 
incomes of those whose incomes are low. Social fairness 
should not be viewed in a feudal manner, which is not 
fair: exccllent workers receive the same pay as inferior 
workers, sectors that lose money are treated the same as 
those that make a profit, and lazy people are treated just 
like hardworking people. If that is the case, there will not 
be real fairness, and with respect to principles, this will 
encourage ignorance and laziness. 

Fearing wealthy people is similar to fearing wealthy 
zones. A good example for us is that if the Mekong Delta 
was not the key rice area and if Ho Chi Minh City was 
not the country’s economic center—it would not be 
v rong to call Ho Chi Minh City our country’s economic 
capital just like New York versus Washington, Bombay 
versus New Dehli, Shanghai versus Beijing, and Karachi 
versus Islamabad—it would be difficult for the country 
to pull itself out of a crisis such as the one that we 
recently experienced. The area from Quang Nam Prov- 
ince south accounts for 80 percent of the country's 
export value. From this, we can understand the eco- 
nomic role and position of each region and area. Lang 
Son and Hanoi do not lack rice. There was a terrible 
natural disaster in 1989 that affected the area from 
Quang Nam to Thanh Hoa, but rice prices remained 
stable, and Quang Tri was abie to export rice. This shows 
that in running an economy, you must have a “fist 
zone,’ with the final results belonging to the entire 

Of course, there must be © regulatory tax policy so that 
the state has sufficient budget funds to satisfy the needs 
of all of society. Here, | would like to interject an idea: 
We oppose state subsidies in production and commerce 
at a time when every government must provide state 
subsidies to the road and bridge sector, the education 
and public health sectors, and the sectors that deal with 
elderly people, children, disabled people, seriously ill 
people, and retired people. State subsidies must be given 
to those who truly need them. Otherwise, they must be 

For the Vietnamese people, the year 1990, which marks 
the | Sth anniversary of the liberation of the entire 
country and the first year of the final decade of the 20th 
Century, provides an opportunity to look back in order 
to look ahead. This is the fourth year of renovation, 
whose results will be used to formulate major principles 
at the party's Seventh National Congress of Delegates. 

Immediate difficulties continue to pile up, But the 
preconditions for industrialization—based on agricul- 
ture in a broad senso—are relatively adequate The 
party's Seventh Congress will mark a major shift in our 
country through suitable industrialization. 

16 October 1990 

With some reservations, we are optimistic about the 
future of socialist construction in Vietnam and the 
future of the leadership of the Communist Party of 
Vietnam based on the theories of Marx, Engels, Lenin, 
and Ho Chi Minh. 

16 October 1990 Exchange of Opinions 

Measures To Renovate Education 

00000000 Hanoi TAP CHI CONG SAN in Vietnamese 
No 4, Apr 90 pp 38-42 

[Article by Ho Ngoc Dai; not translated] 

10 Opinions ane Experience 

A Number of Political and Socia! Problems With 
Respect to Today's Youths 

902E0244A Hanoi TAP CHI CONG SAN 
in Vietnamese No 4, Apr 90 pp 43-47, 59 

[Article by Vu Mao, head of the Office of the National 
Assembly and Council of State] 

[Text] Today's social policy toward youths plays a very 
important role in the mass agitation work of the party. 
Today, to ensure that youths have confidence in the 
party and adhere to the socialist system, it is not enough 
to teach them about “ideals and traditions.’’ We must 
also formulate and implement social policies regarding 
them. If the social policies are not implemented well and 
if these do not benefit them today, in the future the 
wonderful social models will be just sterile theories 
without the power to attract youths. 

In order to have a system of social policies aimed at 
exploiting the potent: suths fully and quickly in 
building the count). i ooo that attention should be 
given to the follow 

1. Recognize and p siuate the role of youths in 
society: Kesolution Zo of the Politburo (Fifth Term) 
evaluated our country’s youths in a basic and compre- 
hensive manner and clearly determined their great role 
in our country’s socialist revolution. But this resolution 
was not understood thoroughly by all the sectors and 
bases. Thus, in society, the role of youths based on the 
viewpoint of the pary has not been recognized or 
evaluated correctly. 

Today, more than 17 million youths are present in 
industrial and agricultural production, commercial and 
service activities, cultural activities, and national 
defense. In the labor force, 47 percent of the social 
laborers are youths. In particular, in a number of sectors 
such as agriculiural production, science and technology, 
and the military, youths account for 60-90 percent. 
Young laborers have been assigned leading tasks in many 
production and capital construction sectors, and they 
have been stationed at key points along the borders and 
on the islands. On all the front lines, today’s young 
generation is playing an assault role and completing the 
tasks in an outstanding manner. 

As for the future, today’s youths are the ones who will 
take over from their fathers and older brothers, the 
Vietnamese communists who founded this country, in 
running the country. Once they have done so, it will be 
they, and not us, who will determine the future of the 
country. They will build the life that they want in accord 
with their capabilities. 

Thus, with respect to our social policies, the correct 
viewpoints of the party toward youths must be concret- 
ized in the form of laws. Concrete policies must be 
applied in the spheres of culture, education, public 
health, physical education, marriage, work, the distribu- 
tion of social welfare, the training and use of young 

16 October 1990 

cadres, and so on, The social role of youths must be 
affirmed, incorrect views in society toward youths must 
be corrected, and all of society must be mobilized to 
participate actively in training the young generation 

2. Help youths to have correct goals in life so thai, based 
on those goals, they can actively organize their material 
and spiritual life and that of their family. The social 
policies must Open up new opportunitics to help the 
youths in seeking happiness. 

Dogmatism and the old system of state subsidies, which 
existed for a rather long period of time, resulted in our 
youths gradually losing independence in thinking and 
made them passive in life. As for thinking, youths were 
forced to accept the ideas of their elders. As for “earning 
a living,” they were bound by hundreds of irrational 

To give one example, most of today’s youths want 
correct and timely information concerning the situation 
in socialist countries, the plots of the imperialists, and 
predictions about the future of our country in the 1990s 
and the first years of the 21st Century so that they can set 
goals for their future. This is a legitimate wish, aad this 
is necessary. But youths at the bases and in the localities 
are starved for information. The serious lack of informa- 
tion in our country today is causing a great imbalance in 
the understanding and thinking of youths. Thus, sucial 
policies must be formulated in such a way as to help 
youths overcome this imbalance. 

Another example is that many of our youths have talents 
and will power in organizing production and commercial 
business activities. They want the state to formulate 
mechanisms and clear policies to develop thirgs. But 
even though our policies and mechanisms have been 
revised, there are still many bonds. For example, many 
youths want to move and live somewhere else in order to 
open a farm, small enterprise, or service enterprise. But 
the regulations concerning household control and move- 
ment to another region still contain many restrictions. 
Other youths want to go abroad to work or to observe 
commercial production methods in highly profitable 
sectors such as the electronics sector so that they can 
build production installations here. But our regulations 
on obtaining an exit permit are very complex. Some 
people encounter difficulties in publishing their works or 
selling their plans or inventions. Others can't build their 
young family as they want for various reasons, such as 

In order to help youths escape the bonds of the o!: 
regulations and mechanisms, our social policies mu: \ 
liberate them, and the state must quickly reexamin: 
things and eliminate the old regulations that are now 
outdated. It must formulate new policies and regulations 
in accord with development. 

3. The state and all of society must concentrate on 
solving the two burning problems of youths: education 
and jobs. When reexamining things and formulating a 
new system of economic and social policies of a strategic 

JPRS- ATC 90-010 
16 October 1990 

nature in order to train and exploit the potential of our 
youths, the state and society must concentrate on solving 
these two problems, These are the most pressing prob: 
lems with respect to youths As @ People, youths 
need to study And because they have just begun their 
lives, youths need to have work so that they can support 
themselves, contribute to building the country, and 
pursue even greater happiness This is quite natural and 
easy to understand, but solving these problems is not 
easy We are presently facing a dismal situation 

As for jobs, as compared with previous generations of 
youths, the level of education of today's youths is clearly 
higher But in our country, the general level of education 
of the people ts lower than that elsewhere in the region 
This is the result of war and low investment in educa. 

Today. more than WO percent of our youths are unable to 
attend school There are 2,830,000 illiterates in the 
country between the ages of 10 and 30. A sparsely 
populated province such as Cao Bang has 40,000 iit. 
erate youths In the four Mekong Delta provinces, in the 
first quarter of 1989 more than 4,000 children dropped 
out of school. The percentage of youths with Level-Ill 
cultural standards is declining as compared with the total 
number of youths The pe. ontage of youths who have 
atiended col and vocational middie school is very 
low. (South Korea has a smaller population than 
Vietnam, but it has | million students while we have 
only 400.000.) Moreover, the quality of the instruction 
al the general schools is very poor 

In order to overcome this situation, the social policies 
must advance general solutions based on the guideline of 
increasing the investment budget of the state in conjunc. 
tron with direct contributions by the people for educa- 
tion Immediately. specific policies must be formulated 
to make good use of the 20 billion invested by the state 
to climinate illiteracy In accord with the resolution 
passed during the sixth session of the eighth term of the 
National Assembly, tuition in Grade | and in the moun. 
tain areas must be abolished Funds must be collected at 
the production units and businesses to subsidize families 
whose children have had to drop out of school in grades 
| or 2 because of and encourage them to return 
to school regulations must be formulated 
immediately in order to make proper use of the tuition 
collected from students, contributions or direct aid given 
to the schools by people, and state budget funds allocated 
for education in order to improve the lives of the 
students and improve the material base and instruc- 
tional materials of the general schools and colleges 

life Conversely, we must not create a dead-end for those 
youths who are eager for a chance to advance their level 
of education to the college level or higher 

Opinions and Experience i 

Along with general education, vocational education for 
the is also a Pressing issue Today, people with skills 
ve difficulty finding work Nevertheless, each year, 
60-70 percent of the students who graduate from general 
middie schools and a large number of those who grad: 
uate from primary-level general school do not have any 
skills, Thus, there must be an investment policy to 
strengthen vocational education in the schools, 
vocational classes must be opened, holding voce 
tional tutorial classes at the production | ons 
Must be encouraged 

In Fecent years, Man) of the vocational training installa 
tions of the Ministries have used only 40-50 percent of 
their capacity In the coming period, if the ministries do 
not have sufficient invesiment funds, they must transfer 
these installations to the localities The localities can 
reserve one-third of one-half of the people trained for the 
central echelon. with the rest used by the localities 

In order to expand vocational training for youths, voca- 
tional training centers can be established based on the 
siate and people working together Excellent workers and 
skilled craftsmen can be encouraged to open training 
classes, and nonformal vocational training can be 
expanded based on voluntary contributions by the 

The colleges must actively siudy scientific and technical 
and management subjects and apply these in actual 
practice Recently @ number of schools signed training 
and production support research contracts with enter- 
prises, and so there should be additional sources of funds 
to improve living conditions for the students But many 
schools are still confused and have not done anything 
The main reason 16 that most of the scientific and 
technical activities of the students and instructors at the 
schools are not tied to production, and they do not 
directly support uction Asa result of the separation 
between scientific and technical research and produc- 
tion, the quality of our commodities is poor As we 
know, in recent years, the price structure of almost all 
products in the world has undergone very basic changes 
and manifested the guiding role of science and tech- 
nology Today. in many products of modern production. 
the cost of intelligence the quintessential content of 
scrence, accounts for 70-7§ percent of the total price. The 
cost of raw materials accounts for 20-25 percent, and the 
cost of labor accounts for only three to five percent. 
However, in many of our products today, the cost of 
intelligence ts negligible Thus, how can we satisfy 
domestic and export needs and compete with other 
countnes’ Specific policies must be formulated to moti- 
vate the colleges and research institutes to bring many 
valuable inventions. models, and research projects to the 
production installations, corporations and enterprise 
federations and to Motivate these organizations to use 
these intellectual products 

As for labor and jobs, in 1988 our country had appros- 
imately |.6 million people. most of whom 
were youths. In 1989. in the wake of the expansion of the 

2 Opin.ons and Experience 

Multi-faceted economy, a Humber of private production 
and service mapeneens hired tens of thousands of 
young laborers. Hut the rearrangement of production in 
the state sector and the demobilization of a large number 
of troops resulted in the number of unemployed youths 
remaining at a high level. 

STeEEREES Ss ne of tho Chingy Gast Ono qunereted 
crime many other social evils Unemployed youths 
who are not involved in bu the country are not able 
to build a full and happy life for themselves and their 
families, and they are a heavy burden on the sate 
economy, which is already very weak Unemployment 

decline in height weight and the lack of proper 
nuirition youths have reached an alarming level 
As a result of the fact that youths have not been hired 

me Nien mp pnt gh ray bene 
people s, providing youths with jobs is a key ele 
ment in today's social a toward youths The resolu. 
tion of the Siath Party Congress clearly tha 
“providing jobs for laborers, particularly in the cities, 
and to youths is the leading socioeconomic task in 

coming years.” 
To create jobs for youths, the immediate task is to 

echelon to the localities and production installations 
After that, everything possible must be done to 
encou youths to for work. Jobs must be 

and there must be suitable forms to deal with 

and a number of existing policies in accord with 
the guidelines 

First, things must be regulated th taxes, and reso- 
lute action must be taken to cut expenditures in 

be hired. In the case of those installations that are highly 


JPRSATC 90-010 
16 Oetober 1990 

There are How about 180,000 young laborer working 
abroad They have made positive contributions to the 
tion of those countries and contributed to 

recent complers in East Europe, these activities 
how pose Many A number of items in the 
contracts with other countries must be reviewed 

Fourth, cooperative labor corporations must be estab. 
lished on the spot and abroad These corporations must 
find customers, sign contracts, recruit and manage 
laborers, carry on operations based on independent 
accounting principles, and be responsible to the state for 
the economic results Each corporation can appropriate 
10.50 percent of the profits for the localities and instal. 
lations that have to in cooperative 
labor so that the localities and i tions will have 

gies must be implemented well in conjunction with 
building @ mew value system concerning labor This 
process start by the distinction now 




who don't 

mented. Quality and labor results must be used to 
measure the value of cach person We know that it wil! 
not be possible to solve the job problem for youths in a 
short period of time But with correct guidelines and 
positive policies. we can gradually solve this problem on 
a broad scale 

JPRS-ATC 90-010 
16 October 1990 

See Ree oo ta 
00000000 Hanoi TAP CHI CONG SAN in Vietnamese 
No 4, Apr 90 pp 44.53 

[Article by Hoang Manh Tuan, not translated) 

A Number of New Views on Foreign Economics 
00000000 Hanoi TAP CHI CONG SAN in Vietnamese 
No 4, Apr 90 pp 54.59 

[Article by Luu Van Dat, not translated) 

The Explosion of Credit That 
Is Both Welcome and Cause for Concern 

00000000 Hanoi TAP CHI CONG SAN in Vietnamese 
No 4, Apr 90 pp 60-64, 4) 

[Article by Huy Minh, not translated) 

Opinions and Experience F 

Expert Acthides le Cw Cowsy 

00000000 Hanoi TAP CHI CONG SAN in Vietnamese 
No 4, Apr 90 pp 65-68, a8 

[Article by Pham Phu Uynh, not translated) 


00000000 Hanoi TAP CH1 CONG SAN in Vietnamene 
No 4, Apr 90 pp 60-72 

[Article by Nguyen Thanh Van, not translated) 
ie Capent Gotentatien of 0 Saest Cntustetes 

00000000 Hanoi TAP CHI CONG SAN in Vietnamene 
No 4, Apr 90 pp 74-77 

[Article by Nguyen Ngoc Kihiem, not translated) 

16 Ceteber 1990 

JPRS ATC 90-010 

aA GHEY gl | 
He in ty ae Arie Ri ; itt 
sient ane Ha ae | 
i 2e2iciies iit i 5 j . ! 
ip pi ie res Lil ie - an ae ul ais iF Fr ili 
fl ie sc 4 ate : th fis Hf ht TT ise 
i ald il ih il i ae | aH P| aed 

i aul a i ft aT ea 
> 34588:3 3 ie 3. | agi 
t ne i iat | op 
is if : if He 3: th i} 
Hi hile iit Hy ry 

Premed (Cte 
Lal Kooem) 
the staffs 
to 22 
number of 


, the 


. anywhere 
just one step 
off. Today 



23 23 ¢ 




tet Quarter 

ted Quener 
reducing pro 
Thus, of 


Thus, on a nationwide scale, there will be a very large it is essential to look at the change in attitude of laborers 

number of unemployed laborers (who can also be called —- in general Reality shows that ievel of concern and degree 

a notable unemployed army) who will be part of social Of Unease am ong laborers depends both on the serious: 
life ¢ 

one asep of Che 700 eetuatien 10 cash caster, predustien sons, 
looality on results achieved in solvi is 
unemployed must look for jobs and learn new skills. The problem et the production installations end production 

must be given to this problem in order to avoid negative Tis contin of theo ctudy done by tho He Chi Minh City 

phenomena condition of laborers at the production lations are 
as follows 

; Table 2 (calculated on the Percentage of People Interviewed) — 

Peychotagical Condition He Chi Mink City Gia Lei-Kontum 

Feel aeeured at work a “42 0 

wort ond worry Te) 10.0 

De not feet essured 7 so 

— Ast, —— SRD SO each zone and production sector and among the various 
‘the most most important problems today.” the respon. _—“Hasses Of people was not the same This can be seen in 

Creagraphical Zone/Praduction Creneral Dong Nav Ota Las Kontum 

Industry (factories enterprises "3 800 0.0 - 

State farms and forests 294 m3 Te 
Table 4: Job Problems by Interviewed 

Worker Director Party Members Trade Uimon Members 

“) “) $71 14 

What conclusions can be drawn from these two tables’ Of the four interviewed about the employment 

and expansion of their factones and enterprises 
immigration of today's developing countries In the state They are responsible for the lives of hundreds and 
farm and state forest sector, the employment problem is —s thousands of people Few people can ignore this Uniess 
not as serious, because the laborers in that sector don't production can be expanded and unless the workers can 
have to be as well trained Furthermore, most of the — be provided with jobs, the factories and enterprises wil 
production installations are located in rural areas and —-g0_ bankrupt, and more than anyone else, it will be the 
mountainous jungle areas, where there has always been — directors who will have to bear the responsibility and 
much work Also, in these areas, secondary occupations Consequences Today. the trade union organizations 

and the family economy can be expanded whose function is to protect the legitimate interests of 

16 October 1990 

LT ‘ft eae ip: i He Hiei it 

il a i fi | . ht Hn if if BLT Hae 

Hie cette if itv TF i ‘ii i Re 

is HHA i Ht i batty bal : Hane 

tit th HE fi [ tilt i ial! [i He aii ; 
datetime ll ETD 

25 giee3pe iq2gegstaseciga: acerge: pcqagsesaypse 

i; i ibis tit EE fy 
iia ae Hua, tae a aia i 
222 2222223 : sec hizatgs SRe1 indy t-!bs Eyed 3 He i 
STE, Hub ane Hi ee H fut 
a APH iH : : ae E i ie : é ean 7: mitt 
HI AeA ali Hi ligt 53 HH Gate aH off HH 

16 October 1990 

In estigation 7 

shows the urgency in the views of today's laborers, with 
everything stemming from their needs and interests. 

Jobs lead to social differentiation. Above all, that is 
differentiation with respect to labor quality The reorga- 
nization of labor, the training needs, and the need to 
improve skills in the new tendency will differentiate the 
various labor groups. The rule that wages rise over time, 
which refer to as periodic raises, is now out of 

>| Pami ty Life |— 

require that directions be set ahead of time. On the other 
hand, socialism is very concerned that each citizen and 
laborer have a job and that they have the right to develop 
their personality. 

pressing problems in our country today, not only in 
economic life but also in social life. Providing jobs is not 
just a problem of production but also a problem of 
society. The party advocates exploiting the 

factor Solving the t problem will require 
giving attention to the deter- 
mine the motive forces for exploiting the human factor. 

Solving the employment problem is the responsibility of 
the entire party and all 
organizations, above all 

(and which may continue to be a task far into the future) 
of the trade union organizations. 

i8 The World: Issues and Events 16 October 1990 

Welcoming a New Era in the World Economy 
00000000 Hanoi TAP CHI CONG SAN in Vietnamese 
No 4, Apr 90 pp &5-88 

[Article by Le Tinh, not translated) 


 ece ber | LAG